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FOCUS Facing the challenges ahead

On 20-23 June the held its seventeenth congress in with the theme of 'Peace and economic solidarity' at the centre of the stage. This issue of Focus carries edited versions of the contributions by , and , and thus provides a stimulating insight into the debate which took place in Lima. The struggle for disarmament and the struggle for development cannot be The bowl pictured above, part of the image separated, since peace and economic used on the official poster of the Lima security are inextricably linked: each Congress, was made by Peruvian requires and depends on the other. craftspeople. Thus, Kalevi Sorsa, the Finnish prime minister, sets disarmament and security initiatives within a much wider context than the highly negotiations surrounding arms-control agreements. 'In the long run, only a comprehensive strategy involving equitable socio­ economic development, democratic and participatory reform, and the promotion of political, economic, social and cultural rights' wouid guarantee the solution of conflicts. Such is the nature of the dual challenge facing democratic socialists. Discussions round the theme of 'one world', however, were not exclusively limited to the need for a new international based on peace and economic cooperation. The last section of the Manifesto of Lima emphasises and dwells at length on the need for the transformation of the Socialist International 'from a male-centred organisation into an integrated one, giving justice to women all over the world'. That too is a major challenge. And in facing up to the new challenges, many at the Lima Congress evoked the memory of Olaf Palme, the late leader of'the Swedish Social . Anita Gradin, head of the Swedish delegation, spoke for many when she said that 'Olaf Palme was a man who had the courage to be in the forefront of many international battles; his work for peace and security, for freedom and justice, inspired many of us.'

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The SI; A global force of peace and social

Opening the Lima congress, Sl President WILLY BRANDT reflected on the Socialist lnternational's task of promoting world disarmament and development.

111irst of all I would like to express my sincere gratitude to christendom without Jesus. l{ the President of the Republic and to our APRA friends I note with great satisfaction that there are more women at L who made it possible for this congress to be held here in this congress than we had become used to seeing at similar Lima. We are all glad to be here and we appreciate the warm occasions in the past. But today, who would want to argue that welcome extended to us. the realisation of human rights includes equality of women and My second word is a cordial welcome to all delegates, many men in practice and not just in a formal sense? Without doubt of whom had to come a long way for this meeting. I also it is part of the road from a predominantly male society to one welcome the numerous observers and guests from all parts of that is truly human; in our sphere of influence we must make the world who are with us at this coigress of the Socialist sure that there is full and equal participation of women at all International. levels of political responsibility. I am sure that I speak in everybody's name when I say: we In that sense we should not only pay attention to what our are also glad to be here because it gives us the opportunity to Socialist International Women discussed and resolved these demonstrate our solidarity with the forces of progress and last few days; we should analyse it and we should be ready to social in . carry it on. On this occasion our special sympathy goes to the people of This congress in Latin America sets a landmark and a signal and to its President, Alan Garcia. in the development of our international community. Meeting We are aware of your difficulties, many of which are not of in Peru also means that the Socialist International is coming domestic origin. But you should know that you have friends together in the country and on the soil of the unforgotten Haya all over the world. They will not let you down. We are on your de la Torre and at,the source of indo-americanism'. This is side in your struggle against civil strife and misery, for social not a matter of course, and much less is it without meaning. betterment and economic progress. I recall what Haya de la Torre told us ten years ago at the Evil forces are threatening in many parts. They took the life conference in Caracas. He quoted Goethe, the great German of , our beloved brother. But we must understand poet, who has Mephisto saying that theories are rather bland that there are situations in which defending oneself cannot be while only life itself shows all the colours. What else should restricted to words. And there is no doubt in my mind that have been the meaning of that reference if not a reminder of constructive ideas - and resolute deeds - are the only valid the fact that all truths of life are real. Thus we should also be instrument to defeat destructive illusions. aware of the roots from which democratic grew in During these days the forum of the Socialist International Europe, and not only there. And where the points of contact stands ready once more to sharpen our thinking and to can be found with regard to the indigenous forces in this part concentrate on our forces: of the world, in Latin America including the Caribbean. And - forces which intend to stop the insanity of the arms race in also what you in the Americas and we in Europe have in order to make world peace safer and to divert resources into common with similar movements, with intellectual-political more productive uses; thinking in Africa and in the Middle East, in the vast continent - forces which want to reopen the stalled dialogue between of , in the Pacific. North and South and to help solve that crippling with its particularly severe impact on Latin American fn ,,, different forms of organisation the Socialist Inter- countries; Inational looks back on a history of 120 years. Nevertheless - forces which recognise how much will depend on raising we are only just at the beginning of what our predecessors had public awareness of those global issues stemming from the seen as their task. As a movement of ideas and as a possibility accelerating destruction of our natural environment - in of coordination grounded on principles the period of develop- addition to the global economic problems that are out of ment is still before us - if the human race actually survives, control; that is. But then it is the effort to assure survival which is at - and not least, forces which intend to continue and to the centre of what we are striving for. strengthen the struggle for individual and collective human The Socialist International is neither a superpower nor a rights; the struggle with which our movement has been closely super-party. But it encompasses more than five dozen parties associated from its early beginnings, an association that will after all, two dozen of which are in government, others in the remain unbreakable. role of strong oppositions. To us belong twelve friendly and without human rights would be like associated international organisations; and good working

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which this Congress will be invited to adopt is an important step in the right direction. Perhaps you will permit a reference to recent experience in my own party. A commission which I chaired just completed its deliberations on a draft programme which is to amend, and lead on from, our programme adopted back in 1959, the so- called Godesberg Programme. We had no problem reconfirm- ing our basic orientations. It was more difficult, however, to deal with a number of new topics that have arisen since the 1960s: - the full implementation of equal rights between men and women, and the future of working under conditions of increasing automation ; - claims on hyper-modern technology that assure its human appropriateness - very much in the forefront after the Chernobyl event; - the requirements of co-determination (Mitbestimmung) and democratisation of work; - criteria for economic growth of a kind that is acceptable in terms of its ecological and social effects; and, not least - the meaning of combining the state of law and the state, merging both into what in German one might call 'Kulturstaat', ie. a culture-oriented society. For our international orientation, too, we could not just repeat our earlier statements. With common survival of the human race now being at stake the question of how to organise 'We democratic socialists stand for peace must be reconsidered. The need for fundamental reforms of the world economy has become more obvious. The the expansion of individual free- same holds with regard to a whole group of international doms of which some others only organisations. It is at least as important for various forms of regional cooperation and even integration. love to talk.' Unfortunately, multilateralism in general has suffered some severe blows recently. The Organistion itself is in financial trouble. The UN secretary general has asked me to assist in overcoming the existing misconception of the role relations exist between us and numerous political organis- of the UN. It seems ironic indeed, if not ridiculous, that ations, especially in third-world countries. financial issues of relatively minor importance are hampering Back in 1864, among the aims of that small European club the work of the UN at a time when in many conflict situations founded in under the name of 'International Workers it is playing a more important role than ever before. The world Association' was the struggle for a dignified life for the really should know that the UN budget is just about the size working people. The struggle for peace - against , of that of the iire department. warmongering and the arms race - filled the renewed Inter- national of 1889 with life. The colouring we give to both in our \[/nn,n the Socialist International we need to bring present International, a club that has grown much larger and V Y together the insights of democratic socialists in truly international, is different as the world has changed. Still, industrial countries and of those in countries whose develop- at the heart of the matter the task remains unchanged; the aim ment continues to be hampered - not just by outside forces. still'is the welfare of the working people (and those excluded Such a combination of insights will produce additional from work), their liberation from degradation and exploi- arguments justifying why what some of us have called the tation. At the centre still is the nations' right to self- 'internationalisation of the International' is not only possible determination, opposition against arrogant which but continues to be necessary. And what moving force, what uses people like pawns in a game of chess; where they are not promise it can hold. masters of their own destiny but objects of paternalism and of The Socialist International as a global force of peace and oustide forces. social progress, of conservation of and care for the natural and The tradition of the International as a human liberation social bases of life - this is the continuation of a tradition which movement can be an inspiration; in any case, it need not make keeps the flame burning instead of guarding the ashes. This us feel ashamed. The memories of a strong tradition and of could indeed inspire our future work. undisputed achievements can help us hold on to our guiding Our way from the Congress it 1976 has now principles in a world that is becoming ever more complicated. brought us to Lima: there were impressive stops along this I think we might succeed in agreeing on a renewed declar- road. Let me mention our congresses in , ation of principles, perhaps by the time of our next congress and Albufeira; our meetings in Dakar, Tokyo, Arusha and in three years. It has been some thirty-five years since the aims Gaborone. And some stops which have made Latin America and objectives of democratic socialism were formulated in the such an important pillar of our organis-ation: Caracas and declaration. Preparatory work for what is to replace in 1976, Lisbon in 1978, in 1980, Rio that declaration has made good progress in small working de Janeiro in 1984. groups. My feeling is that we might now need a wider dis- When I said that we are only just at the beginning of what cussion. If the programme of the Socialist International is to we have set ourselves as our task I also meant that our gain real importance it has to become a matter of serious international community as an organisation needs to adjust concern for all the member parties. The Lima Declaration itself to new requirements. As an idea and

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democratic socialism were always more advanced in the :iliil!':irL,i:: riri international sphere than as an organisation. This beingafact, iffi it should not prevent us from attempting some improvements. Clarifying issues, coordinating initiatives and strengthening organisational structures are all needed if we want to give a somewhat satisfactory response to the challenges we have to expect. Some proposals in front of this congress I consider useful in this respect. At this point I should like to express my gratitude and appreciation to the honorary presidents and the vice- presidents and to our general secretary and his colleagues, but also to those carrying respective responsibilities in our member and consultative parties, as well as in a number of friendly organisations. The need for programmatic actions and for political and organisational efforts also results from the challenge of the neo-conservative offensive with which we have been con- fronted for some years and in a considerable number of countries. According to its masterminds, that offensive goes against the concept of the and the very ideas of international social democracy. We will only be able to resist it if we do not give up the vision and the historic achievements lndustry adrift: Unemployed fishing for eels in of the welfare state, and if we do not limit ourselves to merely defending achievements of the past. London docklands The great deception of the neo-conservative offensive lies in the complete lack of moderation with which a majority is being deceiveii by promises of what only a minority will ever get. But this is a serious weakness of that offensive, and it is have had the impression that it might actually be possible. there that we must apply the lever. Right now not much of the 'spirit of Geneva' seems to have For this is the truth: we social democrats and democratic survived. We must address all states with a certain military socialists, we stand for the expansion of individual freedoms potential gf their own: everyone by now should understand of which some others only love to talk. We are the ones who how foolish it would be if they did not listen to what the recognise each individual's right to a dignified life and to respective other side has to say. And this also means: all personal happiness. What else is it that history shows? The serious proposals must be taken seriously, must be history of the , of liberation movements, of appreciated and anlaysed even if they happen to originate in democratic socialism? But history also reminds us that social . decline and degradation of a majority was too high a price fo1 Testing all relevant proposals for arms limitation to me is the good life of minority elites. much more important than tests of ever more advanced Histbry has demonstrated the creative talents of large weapon systems. groups of society and that these must be released if progress Everybody knows about the fundamental differences be- is to have its chance. History tells us that widening personal tween democratic socialism and authoritarian . freedoms remains just a slogan as long as only a minority Yet we also know of the overriding obligation towards enjoys the benefits; and when the so-called free play of preserving peace which takes priority over opposing produces a rather skewed distribution of ideologies. opportunities in favour of that minority. Above all we need a new way of thinking, in conformity with Contrary to what the neo-conservative philosophy of the the rules of the atomic age. It is necessary for both super- right is meant to claim, the democratic social or welfare state powers - and all of us together with them - to accept the fact is not a brake on the wheel of progress but rather provides the that for all of us and even for them there is no alternative to wheel on which progress rides. common security. Let me put it this way: we must create a situation in which Last October at a special conference in we summar- a majority understands us when we say that we want a future ised and tried to project our own thinking on security and based more on cooperation than excessive competition. We disarmament policy. At that meeting both superpowers as well expect nothing from competitive greed as the basicphilosophy as the People's Republic of China, - on behalf of the of government. Without solidarity there is no peace - neither Non-Aligned Movement - Yugoslavia and the United Nations within nor between states and nations. were represented. We will have to reinforce and broaden our It has always been our principle that peace - domestically appeal: and internationally - must be secured through freedom and - that a test ban - and in fact a Comprehensive Test Ban justice. Treaty - would make sense and therefore should be agreed; Now, nobody would argue that,in these last few years the the Five-Continent summit to take place this summer could world had become a safer place or that it had gained in hope be of considerable importance in this conneclion; - quite the contrary. For many years there have been talks - that new and serious talks are needed about the withdrawal about disarmament. In reality, we have seen ever more turns on both sides of missiles which were deployed without any real of the arms spiral. If this cannot be stopped there is but little need; that talks must be held about the limitation of troops hope for the future of the human race. and nuclear as well as conventional arms; and - that we really do not need any new round of developing 'Tn" fate of our globe may well depend on whether a new binary chemical means of mass destruction. I mode of coexistence can be achieved between the two And we need bread for the hungry rather than weapons in nuclear superpowers, something of which recently one could space.

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[,4:dEBB*ta..trT FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARIry

:1i s t;::ils H# ,,l-@ffi 'At the heart of the matter our task remains unchanged; the aim is still the welfare of working people (and those excluded from work), their liberation from degradation and exploitation.'

Not least this holds for Africa. I believe our African friends present here in Lima realise that in recent years our Inter- national has made great efforts - for us nevertheless as a ffi matter of course - to support their justified aims. With our meetings in Arusha and Gaborone we sent out signals: above Et all we support the struggle against . And in my view the new report by the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group on Southern Africa is of considerable importance in I already pointed to the fact that the state of the world this connection. economy continues to be a matter of considerable concern. I myself visited in April, and I was rather Some objective conditions improved to a certain extent but depressed when I left. The picture I saw was much bleaker mass unemployment and underemployment continue to exist than I had anticipated from earlier descriptions. What is at even in the so-called North. For the so-called South a solution stake in South Africa- and this has been demonstrated during to the debt crisis is not in sight, and the danger of new trade the last few days - is more than just a verbal reaction to a pre- wars is very real indeed. revolutionary situation. Really at stake is the fate of a large We are all very pleased with the important progress of number of people who are threatened with being crushed. We democratisation in Latin America. We were able to make a cannot remain silent on this situation. We will have to prove small contribution, and we will certainly not remain silent until our solidarity by action. and are free from dictatorship. And until We have been in the forefront against terrorism and for the Central America, free from military interventions, is allowed implementation of human rights everywhere. We remain to seek its own way. adamant - not just where certain conservatives prefer to raise It deserves to be recognised that the did help these issues. For us this is a matter of concern in Chile and in to promote democratisation in a number of Latin American Cambodia; in the Middle East and in South Africa; in the case countries - as well as to end the Marcos regime in the of illegal intervention and of misdeeds in the name of state . But one should also see the links between debt security. and democracy, between development and peace, and one The struggle for human dignity and human rights, against should draw appropriate conclusions. hunger and poverty, is a task that must continue to determine ' On several occasions during the past few years we had to our day-to-day activities. And nothing can be r.nore important concentrate on the crisis in Central America. That was not our than the fate of endangered people and how best they could choice, Our partners in Central America but also some in find relief. Washington informed us of their views of this problem; and I That was the principle followed by Olof Palme whom we am very much aware of the fact that from a third-world point miss so much: of view North-South takes on a dimension considerably differ- - time and again he told us and others that apartheid could ent from that of many European observers. Nevertheless, I not be reformed, that it could only be abolished; think we agree when I say that revanchism always turned out - he was concerned about the crisis in the Middle East, and to be detrimental. And international law of course must be on behalf of the United Nations he tried to find a solution to observed by all; it is not only binding for small states but even the Gulf war; for the biggest. It is not some kind of two-class law. - two years ago at our meeting in he told us that Our world has no need for interventions d la and whoever had a kind heart could not let down an anti-Somoza it cannot accept occupations d l'Afghanistan. Nicaragua; In this context it appears to me that in the strongest possible - the Commission that carries his name established new terms we must encourage the peace initiative which originated standards in the moral-oriented as well as pragmatic fight for in this region: the Contadora process including the South disarmament; and American support group. What has been tried in this regard - his very last signature he put to a document of the five- deserves the encouragement and the support of the Socialist continent-in itiative. International, and not least that of its European parties. All this - in addition to his great contribution to Incidentally, I believe the areas of our activity in the coming achievements in his home country - had been inspired and. years are pretty much predetermined; they are reflected in the informed by the strong tradition of Scandinavian social agenda of this congress. Partly they are determined by democracy. problems in old and new crisis regions. Thus, repeatedly even I really cannot see any reasonable alternative: I see no if without real success we tried to assist in overcoming the alternative to peace and development. I see no alternative to conflicts in the Middle East. Without overextending ourselves human rights and solidarity - there is no other hope. And we it should be evident and there should be no doubt that our will not get anything for free. We must make even bigger good offices will be available when they might be of use. efforts.

SOCIALISTAFFAIHS 3/86 tr uo

c c oc d)

Ourfate cannot be left to the superpowers

At Lima, KALEVI soRSA, the Finnish prime minister and chair of the SI Disarmament Advisory_ councir, introduced the sl,s new r"po.t on disarmament and arms control.

fnh. determined effort of the Socialist International to work for disarmament spans a period of some eight I years. _L It was in April- tgZS ttrat the first Socialist International Conference on Disarmament was held in Helsinki. . Subsequently, a Study Group on Disarmament - later to become the Socialist Internatibnal Disarmament Advisory Council, SIDAC - started its work. A disarmament report wai adopted by the Socialist International Congress in Madrid in November 1980. SIDAC has now completed a new disarmament report. It is not just an updated editi,on of the previous report but an effort to take a fresh look at issues of current interest. For instance, there is not much in the 1980 report on the need to prevent a militarisation of outer space. Much to our regret, this question is now one of the primary-our tasks on orr. ae.;du. We have not lihited report to qiestions of strategic nuclear disarmament and preventing an arms race affectiig outer space, but have also dealt with regional disarmament] both nuclear and conventional, with the"peaceful resolution of conflicts, with disarmament and development, I hope that our report will be of help as a basis for the disarmament and peace activities of the Socialist International during the next sharpe.r expressions. Someone years. must act, we thought. During the ensuing period, the Socialist Interiational In preparing its report, has SIDAC has again been in contacr p.:.-Xd. for change, in in June 19g5, in Vienna, with the-parties concerned. were We wdll received last year in SIDAC's contacts with the superpowers. We toid them both in Moscow and Washington thai and we had extensive and they should act now, encourageh them to meet at informative talks a political tfre nigfresi on high and expert level. The political leve, and listed a number of issues which Second Socialist International in" our Conference on Disarmament opinion should be solved first, such as the preservation of the last October in Vienna was an occasion not only for discussions SALT agreements and the ABM Treaty arid tt e halting of all among democratic socialists but also for a diilogue between nuclear-weapon tests. us and the great powers, the Non-Aligned Movement and the We were-, of course, not alone in putting these United Nations. We have also been . in contact several times demands. In particular, the activitieJ of th-e palme Com_ with the two great powers during recent months. mission and of the six heads of state and government cooper- ating in the Five Continents, peace Iiitiative are teliing tSS+, we felt in fn SIDAC that an intensification of our examples of what responsible political leadership, listening t5 Iefforts was called for. Arms control was at a standstill. The the voices of humanity and wbrld public opini6n, can to verbal aggressiveness of dj the superpowers found sharper and work for change. I feel deep sorrow over the fact that Olof

10 SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARIry

c E c Palme was not allowed to see all his ideals and ideas come true. should be followed in other regions, as has been done in the @ c we the the recent establishment nuclear- c But we can assure you, Olof, that will continue struggle South Pacific by of a r and that one day the global fetters posed by the arms race will weapon- in that area. E@ be broken. We must regain our right to life and survival, to Regional arms control is important not only for the sake of pc @ develop our societies freely, and to live our lives in peace, disarmament as such, but also because it would release expen- freedom and solidarity. ditures badly needed for economic and social development. The prospects are far from assuring. Yes, the leaders of the The solution of conflicts, whether international or internal, and the United States met last November. yes, can only be successful in the long run if there is a comprehen- they have both declared their readiness to eliminate their sive strategy involving, as SIDAC notes in its new report, nuclear arsenals. Yes, there are talks going on in Geneva and equitable socioeconomic development, democratic, partici- elsewhere. But the two main actors still seem to speak beside patory reform and the promotion of human rights, both civil each other and be unable to start a real give-and-take process. and political and economic, social and cultural rights. In fact, even past achievements such as the SALT ceilings and In our report we also noted that the arms race has become the ABM Treaty may now be in jeopardy. There are as yet no more and more influenced by tactical political considerations I clear signs of a halt and then final prohibition of nuclear- rather than prudent needs of national security. This, of course, weapon tests. Such a halt would be a good sign to the world is a regrettable trend. It indicates, on the other hand, that that both parties are serious about arms control. SIDAC regional solutions, unilateral steps and other similar measures appeals to the United States to join in a halt on nuclear tests may be of considerable value because they - even when their and to resume negotiations on a comprehensive test ban strictly military value is limited - have a political impact. Bad trealy. policies must be replaced by good policies. The argument that The present debate going on in the United States on the fate regional measures may be detrimental because they might of the SALT ceilings prompts the following comment: if that foster alternative armaments in other areas is in my view question is to be made the main issue surrounding a possible utterly unconvincing. We have listened to this argument over new summit meeting, world public opinion will not be satis- the years but, comrades, where are the results of the global fied. Disregarding the SALT limits would, of course, be a negotiations? In what way has refraining from regional dangerous step but we cannot content ourselves with the solutions improved the global scene? preservation of these ceilings that are far too high. The will I firmly believe it has not, and I feel that we must draw the for real disarmament that has been declared must now be put necessary conclusions. Not only regional and local solutions into practice. are called for, but we must strengthen indigenous and inde- It is noteworthy that both parties have established common pendent approaches in general. For instance, the non-nuclear- ground in certain areas when it comes to declarations of weapon states of Europe should come together and put up a objectives and priciples. I am thinking not only of their com- common front against the nuclear arms buildup. mitment to reducing and finally eliminating nuclear weapons, The Socialist International has made a serious and sustained but also of the possibilities of conventional reductions in effort for disarmament and we will continue to do so. We have Europe. Recent developments have shown that there is, in made our own analyses and put forward our own demands. principle at least, a basis for making progress in this field, We challenge the other political forces to do the same. In the including the crucial question of the verification of force arms race there are only losers, in the survival race there are reductions. Here again it is now a matter of turning these only winners S words into deeds. We would all be completely disillusioned if it turned out that no real progress is made, despite the verbal commitments. The report prepared by SIDAC testifies to a belief in systematic and determined action for arms control and dis- armament. Comrades, there is no need for me to explain to this audience why it is crucial to have results now, with so many important decisions affecting our imminent future, and with all the global issues such as the debt problem demanding resources and peaceful cooperation. It appears to become more and more evident that the era of a working relationship between the superpowers as the dominant force in arms control and disarmament is over, or at least in deep long-lasting crisis. We have entered a new, more complicated, multilateral world. In this period of ' uncertainty, it is more important than ever that the fate of all of us is not left to the major military powers alone. We must strengthen the mass movement for disarmament 'from beneath'. The member parties of the Socialist International, among others, must do more to help correcting the present situation. And let us pledge ourselves to be as vigilant in government as in opposition. ff and local solutions and even unilateral Il,measures"$onul must be pursued as a complement to the global negotiations. Here in Latin America, one is reminded of the Treaty of Tlatelolco and the need for nuclear-weapon- free zones in general. The initiatives of our host country to the arms and armaments 6 restrict transfer of conventional in E the region also deserve our full support. These examples uo

E FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARIry

Gonclusions and recommendations of the SIDAC report

ln the view of the Socialist lnternational, the above- arrangements and by security stability, on as low a level as mentioned perspectives and goals require that the following possible, of nuclear and conventional forces. The main measures be taken in order to further strategic military alliances should conclude an agreement on the disarmament: renunciation of force, including the use of nuclear and - All arms control and disarmament agreements in force conventional weapons. This agreement should encompass must be scrupulously upheld by all par-ties concerned. the obligation to withdraw those nuclear weapons which are - The limits set by the SALT I and ll agreements should also designed to have the capability of implementing the concept continue to be respected by both parties. of first use. - The US government should reciprocate the Soviet ln the view of the Socialist lnternational the present moratorium on nuclear-weapon tests. situation calls for the following measures of relevahce for :flg negotiations on a comprehensive test ban treaty regional nuclear and chemical disarmament, pending the QTBT) must be immediately resumed, as required by th6 elimination of nuclear and chemical weapons: 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty. A verifiable CTBT should be - The non-proliferation of nuclear weapons should be concluded without further delay and it should apply to all strengthened by both the nuclear-weapon powers and the nuclear-weapon powers. non-nuclear-weapon states. All states should adhere to the - A process for the reduction of nuclear weapons and their Non-Proliferation Treaty while the nuclear-weapon powers delivery systems should be pursued vigorousiy with the aim must pave the way for non-proliferation by promptly initiating of eliminating nuclear arms. It should Oe initiateO by-warhead6 reducing real nuclear disarmament, including the conclusion of a by 50 percent the number of strategic nuclear comprehensive test ban treaty. combined with corresponding restrictions on launchers and - The sovereign rights of peoples and governments not to on missile-testing. allow the stationing or temporary presence of nuclear - To allow the reduction of offensive arms, the development weapons on their territories must be respected. A process of and deployment of anti-missile systems and an arms race withdrawal of nuclear weapons from the territoribs of non- affecting outer space must be prevented. nuclear-weapon members of military alliances should be - The Soviet Union and the United States must reaffirm and initiated. strengthen their commitment to the 1972 ABM Treaty. Nego- - The example set by the 1967 Treaty of Tlatetolco and the tiations should be pursued to establish unambiguoirs limits 1985 South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone Treaty should inspire to research and to ban the fixed ground-based ABM systems the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in oiher allowed under the Treaty. regions, such as Northern Europe, the Balkans and the - Negotiations should also be pursued to ban the testing, Middle East. The non-nuclear status of Africa should be deployment and use of anti-satellite systems and all other formalised and should include the territory of South Africa. space weapons. Outerspace must be preserved for peaceful The Treaty of Tlatelolco should be apptied in the whole l*atin purposes and international, regional and bilateral American region and it, as well as the South Pacific Nuclear- cooperation in this field strengthened. The technological Free zone Treaty, should be brought fully into force. challenges posed by anti-missile and anti-satellite - The nuclear-weapon powers should support the establish- programmes should be met by such cooperation. ment of nuclear-weapon-free zones eg. by recognising the - Within the framework of the United Nations or in a regional status of such zones and by contributing with collateral context, international arrangements for the verification of measures of constraint. arms control and disarmament agreements by satellite or - The Soviet Union and the United States should immediately halt further deployments of medium-range - A global ban on the manufacture, stockpiling and deploy- nuclear systems and agree on reducing and eliminatiig ment of chemical weapons should be concluded wiihoirt existing systems on both sides, including those systems fufther delay within the framework of the Conference on which were deployed in Eastern Europe in response to the Disarmament. deployment of new US intermediate-range nuciear forces in - ln order to furlher the early conclusion of a global ban on Western Europe. Action should be taken to explore whether chemical weapons, states which possess such weapons halting deployments in one or more countriesfacilitated an should strictly abide by the Geneva protocot ot igZS agreement, based on the zero option in Europe. prohibiting the use of chemical weapons in war and should - ln addition, it is necessary to reduce battlefield nuclear refrain from the production and deployment of new types of yeapons deployed in Central Europe. The proposal of the ohemical weapons, in particular binary weapons. Palme Commission to start the elimination of nuclear Governments should dismantle special units trained for battlefield weapons with agreements on a nuclear-weapons- chemical warfare. free corridor should be actively pursued. - ln order to reduce the risk of nuclear war, a series of - Regional disarmament measures should be undertaken to confidence- promote and security-building measures should be global arms reductions. The proposal for an agree- l initiated, including disengaging and reducing tactical nuclear ment to establish a zone free from chemical weapons in and conventional forces and devising meChanisms for the Euro_pe, jointly elaborated bythe SPD of the Federal Republic prevention of accidental or inadvertent nuclear war. of and the SED of the German Democratic - The principles of non-use of nuclear weapons and of non- Republic, can be considered as a model for a bilateral and use of force should be strengthened by appropriate treaty regional plan for arms reduction, crossing, as it does, the

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frontier of blocs and being baied on the notions of common - Equally important is the strengthening of regional insti- detente and security. tutions in the settlement of conflicts. The peace-keeping role - A conference of the European non-nuclear-weapon states of regional organisations could, for instance, be developed should be convened. This would provide a forum for a in cooperation with the United Nations. Neutral and non- common non-nuclear-weapon perspective to European aligned countries as well as transregional fora and bodies security and could promote a broad dialogue with the could also make a significant contribution. ln the European nuclear-weapon powers. CSCE context the possibilities of designing new mechanisms To further conventional disarmament, and the peaceful for the settlement of disputes among the CSCE eountries settlement of disputes as well as economic and social should be fudher explored. development, the Socialist lnternational recommends the - ln order to give concrete substance to the idea of following measures, in particular: promoting development through disarmament, an - ln the Conference, the first agreements, to be international insti-tution should be established. The Socialist concluded well in advance of the CSCE follow-up meeting in lnternational welcomes the French proposal to create an Vienna in October 1986, should include, in addition to the international disarmament for development fund. A prefer- first-generation CBMs on notification and observation of ence of allocations from such a fund should be established, military activities, significant measures on constraints and such as the favouring of the least developed countries, the the strengthening of the principle of non-use of force. After heavily indebted countries and countries hit by regional the Vienna meeting, the process should focus upon conflicts and refugee problems. measures of European arms control and disarmament. - ln the Vienna talks a reduction of manpower in Central Europe should be promptly concluded and further nego- tiations on the reduction of forces initiated, taking into account also the possibility of making headway through unilateral action and informal bargaining. A first agreement should not be limited to symbolic reductions and to the freezing of existing forces, but the original aim of reducing the level of forces down to the previously agreed number of 900,000 soldiers on both sides and including a reduction of conventional armaments should be maintained. - Confidence- and security-building measures should be created for other regions too, such as Central America, the Middle East and Southwest and Southeast Asia. The Euro- pean experience can be of help but the initiative must come from the countries concerned. - Restrictions on arms transfers should be brought back to the agenda of international arms control. The suppliers and the recipients should agree upon the limitation, reduction and control of such transfers. These measures are of particular importance in sensitive areas and with regard to weapons that are by their nature indiscriminate or destabilising. - Recipient countries should cooperate within a regional framework to promote the limitation of arms transfers to the region. The Socialist lnternationalwelcomes the initiative of Peru, put forward to other South American states, to restrict jointly the influx of weapons to the region. - All states that have not done so should, without reser- vations, ratify or accede to the 't977 Protocols Additionalto the Geneva Conventions of 1949 on the protection of victims of war and to the 1980 UN Convention on Prohibition or Restriction on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons. The possibilities of strengthening international scrutiny of the application of humanitarian agreements should be actively promoted by governments and international organisations. The right of international agencies such as the lnternational Committee of the Cross to carry out their humanitarian functions even in internal conflicts must be respected. - The peace-building and peace-keeping role of the United Nations must be strengthened, eg. by lending support to the efforts of the secretary-general, in cooperation with the Security Council, to foster the UN system of collective security as defined by the Charter. The Security Council should use its powers more actively in the case of threats to 6 peace, breaches of peace or acts of aggression. The possi- E bilities of the UN machinery to resort to fact-finding, uo conciliation and other measures of conflicts settlement i improved. o should be 6

c FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARIry

Developing common economrc approaches

At Lima, MICHAEL MANLEY, the former Jamaican prime minister and chair E of the Sl Committee on Economic Policy, introduced the Sl's action E a i programme on the world economy, based on the conclusions of the Global t Challenge report. _eo c 2

It was a tragedy of history that the work of the Brandt Commission fell foul of the historical forces dominating electoral politics at the end of the . However, this was a temporary reversal: as the unfold it is becoming clear that the essential vision of Willy Brandt will survive and that that of Reagan and Thatcher will perish. After the Cancun conference which effectively halted the vision of the Brandt Commission, there were efforts in 1981 to find new ways to restart the North-South dialogue. Indeed, there was a conference in Kingston, the very pertinent initiative of in Europe in 1982, looking at problems of European recovery, and so we came to Albufeira in 1983, which established the Socialist International Com- mittee on Economic Policy. Beginning its work in 1983, the Committee produced Global Challenge two years later. Global Challenge is the title given to the formal summary of two years of work examining these economic problems. Global Challengewas not only based on the primary analysis of the Brandt Commission but also tried to extend it further by aiming to set ideas for cooperation in political motion. In 1985 the Bureau of the SI formally adopted Global Challenge in Bommersvik. The report has been tianslated into Spaniih and Portuguese, and efforts are being made to translate it into 1-n an analysis of the results of the work of the Committee other major languages. With a view to pressing political parties ! on Economic Policy, it is important to remember the to commit themselves to put its recommendationi into Ihistorical context in which the initiative came about, action,the Bureau also instructed the committee to extract a arising as it did from a series of developments in the 1970s. tight, precise action programme from Global Challenge. Firstly, there was the emergence of the radical right as a major Given that the problem of debt is a stumbling block and the political force, exploiting a misinterpretation of the causes of most difficult single item in the international economic world inflation to put monetarism at the centre of the political lgenda, it was also decided at Bommersvik that a special task agenda. Secondly, the 1970s began to see the countries ofthe force be set up to take the broad ideas that were emerging in identifying their continuing crisis as having the movement about the handling of debt, and to give them a structural causes related to the nature of the world economy. more precise elaboration. Then, of course, there was the Brandt Commission which There can be no doubt that Global Challenge is of genuine emerged as a beacon of hope for mankind. For the first time historic significance. For the first time the Sociatist an international body of such prestige identified the nature of International has agreed on questions of economic policy and interdependence in the world, and called for cooperation now proposes that we jointly commit ourselves to an action between the North and South to develop a joint response to programme based on these policies. It is historic because it the common crisis. could open new avenues for international action and cooper-

14 SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARIry

ation in the future. control inflation because greater production for larger trade Global Challenge contains ten central aspects that are will reduce unit costs. of production. This is of central crucial to an intellectual and analytical understanding of it: importance to the type of debate in which we will have to - Firstly, Global Challenge threw down a direct challenge to engage if these programmes are to move forward politically. monetarism as an idea and deflation as a strategy. - Sixthly, it rejects the 'trickle-down' theory and the false - Secondly, it proposes a plan for joint recovery in the North dichotomy between social and economic development and and development in the South. repudiates the sacrifice of human values, the sacrifice of - Thirdly, it identifies three elements in such a plan: the medical care, of education, of care for the aged on the altar recovery of spending in the North; the restructuring of the of monetarism. world economy, particularly in relation to the management of - Seventhly, it recognises that debt is the result of an trade and finance; and also the redistribution of wealth that is unjust and is now becoming unwork- towards poorer countries and peoples in the world. able, and that debt has become the biggest single obstacle to - Fourthly, it rejects the idea that all change must await inter- recovery and development and as such requires a global national consensus. Experience has shown that, while we solution. remain absolutely committed to multilateralism, consensus - Eighthly, it calculates that an annual increase in spending can become the graveyard for hopes for change. Central to of $100 billions in the North, for example, could create the strategic thinking of Global Challenge, then, is the idea millions of jobs and, within a period of ten years, could lead that while we await firmer multilateral support, like-minded to a 5 percent annual growth in third-world exports as well as governments in North and South can already begin to cooper- lay the foundation for an estimated 50 to 66 percent growth in ate in a common plan of action within their means. the third-world GDP. - Fifthly, it asserts that general recovery will curtail and - Ninthly, it reminds us that this additional spending of $100

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SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 15 fir-

FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARITY

billions a_year must be seen alongside the fact that at present in trouble. Nobody is callirrg for unilateral default or the world is spending $1,000 billions a year on arms of death, irresponsible actions; what we are saying is that a common regardless of all other considerations. We believe that the position would give the debt-ridden countries the power to transferal of one tenth of the expenditure on death to force the world to deal with us all together and to demand a expenditure on life could move the whole world forward in a summit that would free us from the chains of this problem. new and positive direction. Disarmament is linked to There can be no question that there is a vital need for an economic recovery and disarmament and development must international conference on debt. Four principles are central play their part in the building of justice and demoiracy in the to dealing with the problem. world. - Firstly, the debts of the least developed countries; particu- Jorge Sol once beguiled us with a comment on what is taking larly the countries of subsaharan Africa, should be cancelled place in the world of international finance by saying that the or converted into grants. .charades,. world is currently playing an elaborate game oi - Secondly, there should be a massive rescheduling of the When there is a financial crisis, the country 'pretends' that it re-mainder of the debt, involving thirty year terms and periods can meet a programme it has worked out with the IMF; the of moratorium, as well as a ceiling on interest rates. IMF'pretends'that the country can meet the programme; the - Thirdly, if the economies of the Third World are to get their commercial banks, on whose behalf the IMF acts as a breath back, there must be some form of relationship between gendarme, 'pretends' that all this is going to work; and more debt sevicing on the one hand, and export earnings on the importantly still, President Reagan 'pretends, it will work, so other. The economies of the Third World need the oxygen of that he will not have to face a global solution to the problem. foreign exchange in their systems to be able to buy- iranu- So we are all taking part in this elaborate game. factured goods from the First World. Our proposal is-for debt - More oJten than not, we find that we can predict almost to repayments of not more than 20 percent of export earnings in the month when the next defaults are going to take place. any one year. In this regard, Peru is the first country to be Simultaneously, we watch how the democratic process and putting into practice the theories that we have been talking social progress are slowly undermined. We are griirding on the about for nearly two years and deserves our absolute suppoit road downwards when we should be struggling to move and cooperation. upwards. - Fourthly, there is the proposal to raise special drawing rights .^I say to my third-world friends, particularly my Latin to a total of $150 billions by annual increases of $30 Sillibns American colleagues, that we are failing in our duty before over the next five years. history, when those of us who are debtois each try to pursue - Fifthly, an international debt organisation should be our own individual salyation in our private deais with the created. International Monetary Fund. It was Lord Keynes who By realising these ideas, we can start a whole new forward reminded us, more thari fifty years ago, that if you owe a man march to social democracy in the First World, the Third f 100 you are in trouble; but if you owe him f 1.,000,000, he is World, and, indeed, all of the world. S

.{ { Commitment to action based; this will be pursued within institutions, national and l multilateral, with the press, and among the members of the public; t Part 3 of the Action Programme on '77 world economic recovery (d) organise conferences, seminars, workshops and other * forms of discussion to promote the Action Programme and the I We are and remain committed to the multilateral solutions to 'Global Challenge' report. global problems recommended in the two reports of the Brandt Commission. This is the most genuinely global response to the Sl parties holding office crisis in world development. Recent economic developments have madethe implementation of these recommendations even more necessary. (a) initiate joint action to implement this programme; pending .However, such a multilateral resolution of the global (b) strengthen the multilateral system and its various insti- crisis, we commit ourselves to working jointly and witn llte- tutions and particularly those of the UN; minded countries to prototype and pioneer the new model of (c) initiate proposals within multilateral and regional insti- development outlined in this Action Progamme. particular: ln tutions, such as the lMF, World Bank, regional dLvelopment banks, OECD, the European Community and UN agencies, Sl parties in general aimed at the implementation of the reforms proposed in this programme; (d) take action in cooperation with other like-minded govern- (a) promote among member parties awareness of and commit- ments, even where there is not yet international consensus ment to the on a analysis and recommendations which form the basis particular point of the Action Programme, of the 'Global or in the face of Challenge' report and; specifically, the proposals opposition to multilateral action. of the action programme; (b) ensure that reference to the Action Programme is contained in election manifestos and forms a basis foi election campaign- Sl parties hotding office in the developing world tng; 'undertake to work to establish, along with other like-minded (c) create public support'for the action programme and the governments, a Third World secretariat to facilitate the planning positive view of the world and its possibilities upon which it is of South-South cooperation projects.

16 SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARIW

TheManifesto of Lima

We reprint in full the text of the main resolution adopted on 23 June by the Seventeenth Sl Congress.

(1) This Lima Congress of the Socialist International commits elements in a common crisis, the result of a wrenching itself to the struggle for peace, world economic development economic unification of the world which has far outstripped and the protecti6-n of thb environment. These goals demand our political, social, and national institutions. A common increased cooperation between the nations, not short-sighted solution is our only hope. selfishness and cynicism. The paradox of our time is that the (6) This is particularly true since the assumption_that_the than ever peoples of the earth are more interd-ependent world has entered upon of steady growth based on bef6re, yet there has not been an effective multinational national and international anti- is in for a rude response to this unprecedented reality' The.post-war system shock. And one of the key reasons is precisely that the to cope with new realities' is iiradequate. It must be adjusted austerity imposed upon the Third World in the eighties is a (2) There will be far-reaching political,-economic and social threat to the rich of this planet as well as a scourge for its developments in the remaining years of the 1980s, and they poor. This raises the danger that unemployed producers will will b-e truly global in their impact because of the iace hungry consumers, and threatened creditors will unprecedented interdependence of the world economy in confront impoverished debtors. recent years. (7) Many of the most threatening environmental and (3) It is, then, particularly important that this historic first developmental problems today are caused, to a considerable Congress of the Socialist International in Latin America extent, by the widespread poverty and the inequitable shou-ld address these'issues in Lima. President Alan Garcia distribution of resourcei within individual nations and among has pointed the way not simply to a future which will benefit nations and regions. crisis of Peru but toward a common solution to the common (8) Meanwhile, unless there is a drastic reversal of present Garcfa, and his the world economy of the eighties. President trends, the arms race will become even more ominous as new are heirs of a vision of party, the Peruvian Aprista Party, the weapons systems tend to subvert the very possibility of arms i c6ntinental struggie against imperialism and for the control. liberation of all Latin America first articulated by Victor Raril Haya de la Torre. These are particularly fitting auspices (9) And regional conflicts - in Central America, the Mjddle for a new socialist manifesto whose essential focus is the East, Southern Africa, the Far East zlnd elsewhere - will not global perspective of late twentieth and twenty-first century only bring death and destruction to those areas but could socialism. become the occasion of superpower interventions and conflict. (4) For the great new reality of these times is the inprecedented lnternationalisation of the human condition. (10) The advanced western economies, still trying to_ cope fnit is the decisive military, economic, social and political with the chronic instabilities which ended the post-war boom fact which requires a creative restatement of the basic in the 1970s, will almost certainly be forced to structural orincioles of democratic socialism. The socialist movement transformations as the very uneven and contradictory has always been internationalist in theory, but these recovery of the past three years comes to an end. practical commitment to conditioni demand of us more of a (11) economies are still in a deep crisis rooted in that internationalism than ever before. undemocratic and excessively centralised planning, (5) We take the relationship between North and South as a bureaucracy, and lack of individual motivation. The future dramatic example of the new interdependence of the globe in will no doubt force them to deep conceptual and structural every sphere of life. Practical politicians have learned in the transformations in order to meet their own needs and to 1980s that even the debts of the poor nations are a threat to participate in a fruitful economic interaction between North the wealth of the rich nations. Hunger and underdevelop- and South. In a world which is more and more ment have always been a moral outrage, but they are now interdependent, these economies cannot isolate themselves

SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 17 FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARITY

from the rest of the globe, nor should they be isolated by crisis- but they also laid the foundations for the debt crisis of others. They must be part of the international effort to create the eighties at the same time. a new economic order. (18) We take it as evidence of the practicality and soundness (]2) We commit ourselves to work toward a strengthening of of our own strategy of global refldtion in thL interest of the global cooperation in the multilateral framewSrk of "the South and North that the banks strategy did in fact work in United Nations, representing all peoples on the basis of a that short run. Between 1973 q1d DSI, the average annual charter armed at guaranteeing of grgwth_oj human rights, the provision of J11e the non-oit Third World was 5Il p"r""rri baslc human needs and peace and security for all. The role of (compared to 5.S.percent between 1967 and 1972). A;d this the UN should be strengthened botir in the field of happ-ened even with a huge jump in energy costs ind despite international economic coofleration and in that of p"u"" urd the fact rhat the growtf, iate'of the iridustrial countiies se.cyrjty. Presenr efforts to undermine the UN Uy 9lgpp.a from 4.4 percent in 1967-72 to 2.g percent between withdrawing 1973 f"-"d! 9. bypassin-g this multilater'uf"hitateraiiy ,yri"- Uj, and 1981. concentrating decisions in small groups of countries shouli (19)^ Note well: the North gained be countered by new initiatives to make from this debt-financed the UN the main performance of the South sinie that growth torum tbr international cooperation. Such initiatives in the devilopine should nations provided export outlets foi the ,i"t po*err.-'Ciu? gobeyond supporting the UN system in its present form and concept of a common solution is not, then, an a'bstraction. rnclude renewed promises of consultation rivithin the as It UN place in the seventies but in a perveise, well as efforts to improve its efficiency and logk - uncoordinated effectiveness. fashion that did not lead balanced to development. -, (13) It is within this basic framework of an analysis of the fn: key to that pewersity was that E common crisis of the world economy and poliiy that we {-? the financing came E speak from trom privqte banks rather than from official develdpment Lima, with a sense of the'renewed reievance of ts That meant that when rhe crisis came, our.socialist pril-cjples in a time when far-reaching change is P*jrg. profit-.i"kirg * lnstrtutions co_uld not, -e on the agenda. We can obviously only outline in economically or, in- many cases, lega[] iire briSfest roll over the debt a way some of the most urgent adpectd of trends which as official donors could. Th6 debt solu"tioi could of the seventies turned into the debt I well make the end of the eighties as turbulent as its crisis of ttre eigtrties ..touid,horizon,, primarily because international cash beginning. But even such a suffices to show flows between North and South had become hostage to private y.!y we believe, not that we have the solution to all of these banking prioiities. difficulties, but that we have a sisnificant socialist (21) That crisis was then exacerbated by the contribution monetarist to make, in action as well-as in thought, in assault on inflation in the United States which, in additio;i; resolv,ing the present [, crisis. helping create, the worst recession in half a century in that country, raised the interest rates on the currency in i,vtrich i (1a) We adopt this Lima Manifesto as an International oit with a prices were denominated and thus set off a reverse ii, majo,rity of the Third flow of itf Rarties_from World, speaking to the funds from the South to the North. North as well as the South, to the East And that trend was a, wefl as thE West. further accentuated by the increase We have an analysis which demonstrates in arms, sales to thi how. more and Sou,th as well as by the-flight capital more, humankind is implicated of on the part of the rich in a single common fate; and tn the developing countries. as socialists, we propoie an internatioial vision, a political direction, which can animate men and women in everj, corner (22) Commodity prices for third-world.exporters had already of the globe. begun to go down during the recession of 1974-75 in th6 advanced economies. And then there were the new OPEC The common crisis increases of 1979, the soaring American interest rates which made thoseenergy costs even greater and, above all, in 19gl_ (15) The basic theme of the International,s analvsis of the 1982, the deepest recession in the Weit since the Great world economy, clearly articulated in our Manifesto of Depr,ession. These events were an economic disaster for the Albufeira and Global C.hallenge, as well as in the two reports Third World. And, as oil prices began to fall, even the of the Brandt Commission, is the need for a common solirtion oeveloptng countries with that resource saw their incomes to the common crisis of the North and South. The destructive and, worse, their entire debt and investment structure realit-y,- and the even much greater destructive potential, of become problematic. Indeed, northern concern with the global debt crisis is a confirmation of our wbrst fears. southern. problems declined almost exactly parallel with commodity prices. (16) That crisis had its origins in the breakdown of the Bretton Woods financial syslern inl971,-73. This development (_23) These developments struck the regions coincided of the Third" with the end of the decisive hegemony i,t ttre W"orld in different ways. Latin America-was most American economy seriously in the post-war world. A;d it ioincided affected: four of the seven major borrowers in the with an ominous trend:- world were between 1965 and 1970, the found in that region, with d6bts of almost US$300 Uiftior. percentage of GNP from the OECD economies devoted to The Philippines contracted more than $13 billion in debt. development assistance declined from 0.49 to 0.34, and the borrowed more than $31 billion but the cruel role of private cash flows started to increase. success of its authoritarian, low-wage model of dependent (17) That t^rendrvas then accelerated by the quadrupling gcgnoqig development made it capable of dealing with that of oil debt. prices in 1974. The major western Uarit

18 SOCIAUSTAFFAIRSs/86 : tql

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exports and limit imports, and government spending cuts at a (29) It is in the context of the related goals of international time of grievous human suffering. In effect, the masses of the justice and social democracy that we endorse the Global Third World, and of Latin America especially, had to pay Challenge resolution and Action Programme adopted by this with their living standards for debts which had often been Congress. undertaken by anti-democratic regimes and had, in any case, (30) We most emphatically reject the notion that democracy been artificially and unfairly increased by the anti-inflation is a privilege reserved to the advanced economies. Just as the policies of western conservatives. struggle of the people from below has challenged the rule of (25) But if this crisis had its most brutal impact upon the poor the rich and powerful in the North, socialists in the South rely of the world, it also had a very negative impact upon the rich. on the same popular forces, even if in a different historical Since the debt was primarily owed to private banks rather and cultural context. We are, therefore, enormously than to governments, their repudiation, in fact and/or on heartened by the democratic victories of the past three years principle, would precipitate a major financial crisis in the in the Third World. We hail our member parties and friends advanced economies, the United States first and foremost. who participated in these events in a number of countries around the world. We are dedicated to the redistribution of (26) At the same time, the reduction of living standards income and wealth, to , welfare and within the developing countries, and the related expofi- in both the North and South. Therefore, we oriented devaluation strategies, meant that the major give priority to supporting those forces that are democratic or western powers lost foreign markets and faced a new wave of moving toward democracy, and that respect human competition. The Federal Reserve Bank of New York rights. calculates that, between 1981 and 1983, the United States lost (31) In the light of some of the special problems of the Third nearly 250,000 jobs as a result of a 40 percent fall in exports World we urge: the reduction in extreme differentials of to Latin America. income and wealth; a principled battle to implement the Forward Looking Programme of the UN Conference on (27) Indeed, these consequences were so obvious to the Women adopted in Nairobi in 1985; and an end to all forms of governments of the advanced economies that they committed racial and ethnic oppression. Each one of these points, we themselves, a grudging, inadequate and ad hoc way, to in will show, has its analogue in the advanced . seeing to it that the world financial system did not collapse. The United States came to the aid of Mexico in 1982 and (32) We do not believe that human rights and democracy in other arrangements were made with other debtor nations. the Third World are luxuries to be acquired by the people But nothing was done to deal with the underlying causes of after they have been tutored in economic development by an the debt crisis. elite, even by a national elite. We believe that the redistribution of income and wealth, women's rights and the (28) And yet, even before the dramatic fall in oil prices in combatting of racial and ethnic prejudice all free mighty 1986 opened up a new chapter in the crisis, it was clear that a forces which can speed economic development and guarantee financial structure had been created which international that technological progress is a means of human liberation could not be saved by business as usual. For instance, even if and not of new forms of oppression. the debtor countries were to follow successfully the anti- social priorities of the IMF, the abolition of their debt would (33) Therefore, all of us, of the South and the North, meeting require that the advanced nations run an enormous trade in Lima, pledge that the moral issue of justice and the deficit with the Third World. common political interest of North and South in the Third

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World are critical and imperative values which unite us, and - greater attention be paid to the environmental aspect in that they must become animating principles of all our actions development assistance programmes; in the years ahead. - a ban be placed on the exportation to other countries of activities involving environmental hazards which are not The environment and natural resources acceptable in a domestic context; - greater resources to made available and political (3a) We are now aware of the growing devastation of the instruments elaborated to save the world's forests, i.e. to environment and pressure on our limited natural resources. prevent clear-felling of the rain forests, deforestation in We have seen deforestation and desertification in the third-world countries and the accelerating death of the countries of the Third World; the increasing role of air forests in the industrial countries; pollution and acid rain in the death of our forests and their - greater efforts be made to reduce air pollution across detrimental effects on human health; overcropping in national borders; agriculture; the spoliation of our seas; lakes and-drinking - activities involving a risk of polluting seas, lakes or drinking water; and threats to the atmosphere and our genetic water be prohibited by international conventions; resources. Our attention has also been increasingly drawn to - greater attention be paid to endangered species of plants the effect on people's health of various external environmen- and animals; tal factors and the risks inherent in our working environment. - and greater attention be paid to the problems connected with the working environment and health and welfare both in (35) The Chernobyl disaster underlines the international nature of our environmental concerns. Radiation does not respect national frontiers. The disaster also points to the underlying dangers of nuclear energy. Although all member Doublespeak?: The MX' Peacekeeper' missile, parties of the SI do not agree on nuclear energy, it is time to which will be able to deliver up to twelve warheads begin planning for energy production without nuclear against military targets (the photograph shows the energy, and all states have the obligation, and the right, to fitting of reentry vehicles onto the MX 'bus') inform, and to be infoimed about developments and accidents concerning nuclear plants. (36) Although we now face a host of environmental problems, at the same time we have the knowledge and the technological resources that provide a unique opportunity to remedy them. (37) Our joint management of the biosphere is of importance for both national and international security. Human activities can seriously disturb the equilibrium of the ecological system. This entails a threat to the basic conditions for life on our planet and also a risk of international conflicts. The connection between interference with the environment on the one hand and political and social destabilisation on the other is sO manifest that it cannot be disregarded. We are therefore faced by the important task of developing long- term strategies for protection of the environment and management of our natural resources. We must find a development strategy which is compatible both with the demands for economic and social development and those for a safe and enduring world. (38) Important steps have been taken, within the framework of the Brundtland Commission, to reactivate global acceptance of responsibility for management of the environment and natural resources. The industrial countries can play an important part in easing the pressure on global resources and also in developing and spreading technology which satisfies the requirements of sound management of our resources and the environment. The important conclusion to be drawn from the response to increased oil prices in the seventies is that this can be done. It is clearly possible to make far more stringent demands than those stipulated by national standards or international conventions today. (39) ln the name of international cooperation it is therefore essential that: - technological development and exploitation of natural resources comply with the demands made by the global system; - the industrial countries take greater responsibility for the transfer to the Third World of technology which is effective, in harmony with environmental needs and economical in terms of resources;

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the industrial countries and in the developing countries. (a9) The Socialist International also stresses the importance of verifiable unilateral and bilateral measures in the service new insecurity of peace and detente. Any offer of arms limitation or arms Controlling the reduction, any offer of any other measure aimed at slowing (40) Peace and disarmament are essential for survival, down the arms race and reducing tension, must be seriously development and freedom. The arms race threatens the very considered and positively answered. Any off-hand rejection existence of humanity. It hinders effective action for of a disarmament offer is detrimental to international economic and social development. It poisons human understandin g, peace, and stability. relationships. (50) It is also important to prevent the development of anti- (a1) As individuals and nations we are being deprived of our missiles and anti-satellite systems, whether ground-, air or right to life and survival; our right to fully- develop our space-based. 'fhe 1972 ABM Treaty between the Soviet societies; and our right to live in peace, freedom, and Union and the United States must be preserved and solidarity. strengthened. Outer space must be used for peaceful purposes only. (42) Nuclear war would devastate our whole _planet _and innihilate humanity. Let there be no misunderstanding: (51) Strategic nuclear disarmament will also strengthen the nuclear war would be the ultimate crime against humanity. nonproliferation regimes. In order to enhance non- proliferation, the non-stationing and removal of nuclear is to nuclear weapons. More (a3) The arms race not restricted weapons, as well as the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free new and more destructive and more effort is spent in creating zones and corridors, should be actively pursued. conventional weapons. The arms race is beginning to escape human control. It is not enough to prevent the outbreak of (52)* The Socialist International notes with satisfaction the wars. The arms race spiral itself must be broken. There are Treaty of Tlatelolco establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone no winners, only losers, in both nuclear war and the arms in Latin America and the South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone race. Treaty of 1985. The SI invites all states that have not done so to join these treaties, and calls upon all nuclear powers to security needs (44) Governments must realise that their respect the treaties by signing the respective protocols. cannot properly be satisfied by innovations in weapons technology and a further arms build-up. It is not the quality (53) The Socialist International welcomes the Five of weapons but the quality of politics which must be Continents' Peace Initiative of six heads of state or improved. government from , , India, Mexico, and . The aim of this initiative is to ensure that the can only be built in (45) True security is common security. It fate of disarmament is not left to the nuclear superpowers the security requirements of partnership, taking into account alone. all countries and aspirations of all peoples. We need a new policy of cooperation, trust and openness, and thus a new (54) Pending the final elimination of chemical weapons, detente. everything should be done to halt their further development proposal for an agreement to establish particularly the major military and deployment. The (a6) In our view all states, zor.e in Europe free from chemical weapons, jointly political, moral as well as legal a powers, are under a firm elaborated by the SPD of the Federal Republic of Germany present madness. There is an alarming obligation to stop the and the SED of the German Democratic Republic, can be and the state of contradiction between this obligation considered as a model of a bilateral and regional plan for The Socialist International disarmament negotiations. arms reduction, crossing as it does the frontiers of blocs and the failure of the governments concerned to come condemns being based on the notion of detente and common security. to terms with the most pressing imperative of our times. All states have to prove that they are not just trying to cover (55) In view of the Geneva negotiations on a global ban on militarisation by speaking about arms control and deferring chemical weapons, the Socialist International appeals to the tangible results, which must include effective verification United States of America and other powers not to produce arrangements. new types of chemical weapons such as binary nerve gas. We condemn the use of any such weapons and all breaches of the States have both (47) The Soviet Union and the United 1925 Geneva Protocol. declared their readiness to eliminate their nuclear arsenals, beginning with a 50 percent cut. The Socialist International (56) The Soviet Union and the .United States should welcomes this readiness but calls for these words to be turned immediately halt further deployments of medium-range into deeds. World public opinion would be completely nuclear systems and agree on reducing and eliminating disillusioned if it turned out that they did not mean what they existing systems on both sides, including those systems which said. Therefore, it is imperative that the limits set by SALT I were deployed in Easter4 Europe in response to the placing and II should be scrupulously upheld by both parties, and of the new US inetrmediate-range nuclear forces in Western deep cuts, with appropriate verification arrangements, made Europe. into the existing arsenals. (57) Nuclear arms control should not be allowed to legitimise t1+a; fUe halting and then final prohibition of all nuclear a build-up in conventional arms. The interrelation between weapons tests would show that the governments concerned nuclear and conventional weapons and forces and the are serious about arms control. In fact, all nuclear tests increased destructiveness of modern conventional arms calls should be halted. The Socialist International strongly appeals for renewed and more : resolute efforts at conventional to the US government to abandon its negative stand on the disarmament. All the governments concerned should take question of a comprehensive test ban. The negotiations on a immediate steps to ensure that, in Europe, the Stockholm comprehensive test ban treaty (CTBT) must be immediately resumed, and a verifiable CTBT should be concluded : without further delay and applied to all nuclear-weapons " The , PS, , expressed a reservation on powers. paragraph 52.

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Conference and the Vienna talks produce positive results (65) The SI welcomes the efforts of its member parties in initiating a process of European disarmament. Similar to try to reach a just und lasting peace in the region. It processes should be initiated in other regions. considers that this can only attained by political negotiations between (58) The limitation of arms transfers should be brought back all the parties concerned, including the legitimate to the arms control agenda. The Socialist International representatives of the Palestinian people. This peace must be welcomes the initiative of Peru in restricting the inflow of founded on the fundamental right of all states in the region to live peace recognised arms to the region. in and security within borders, and according to fundamental rights, the right of the Palestinian (59) The United Nations, during its forty years of existence, people to self-determination and to their own national has become a major and permanent factor in international homeland. This should mean at some point a mutual and relations. But the UN has not received enough support in its simultaneous recognition of each other by Israelis and primary task - the safeguarding of international peace and Palestinians, and a cessation of all violence. security and the peaceful settlement of disputes. There must (66) The sees role the Nations, any be a real will for countries to join forces under the auspices of SI the of United and other the UN in order to stop ongoing regional wars and to prevent appropriate international agency, as positive in helping new conflicts from emerging. this process. The SI expresses its deep concern over the continuing stalemate in efforts to make progress towards just (60) The Socialist International condemns any use of force and lasting peace in the Middle East. It reaffirms its belief contrary to the UN Charter. The Socialist International is that peace in the region and peace amongst and within its alarmed by the growing acceptance of military interventions nations can only be attained through a patient search for new as a means of solving international, regional and national foundations of coexistence between Israel, the Palestinian conflicts. The world must not be led along a path of people and their Arab neighbours. In a spirit of solidarity vengeance, hatred and reliance on military might. To a with the peoples of the region, the SI appeals to all parties to degree never before apparent, acts ofterrorism have come to the conflict as well as to the UN to pursue any alternatives disturb and destabilise national and international life. towards the resumption of a political dialogue, renouncing Terrorism cannot be considered as just another form of war violence and terrorism and building a framework for peace. or armed struggle. Its indiscriminate threat is directed at the (67) very fabric of civilised national and international life and hits The SI expresses its concern about the existence of settlements most directly at those who are defenceless. Terrorism breeds in the occupied territories, which is contrary to international more terrorism and thus is directly responsible the law and to United Nations resolutions, and for which spiralling of violence. It obstructs rather than facilitates contribute to reducing the basis for negotiations. political solutions. Democratic socialists therefore voice their (68) The road towards peace is long and difficult. The SI categorical rejection of this murderous means of action. They recognises the proposals of the government headed by affirm that under no circumstances can acts of terrorism, as positive and useful steps. It also keeps in whether performed or supported by individuals, groups or mind the Arab Fez plan. governments, justified. be They therefore launch an (69) energetic appeal for a return to peaceful and non-violent Since the previous Congress in 1983, the situation in has been marked means of political action and for the isolation and by further suffering for the Lebanese people, Palestinian refugees condemnation as the who have sought of those who continue to resort to terrorism refuge a means to further their political aims. there, and for the foreign victims of terrorism. Reaffirming its resolute support for the , (61) The major problems of today, such as starvation, territorial integrity and unity of this country, the SI appeals unemployment and threats to the environment, can only be to all Lebanese to unite around a programme for national solved by patient and determined negotiations aimed at reconstruction and development and for a strengthening of significant measures of arms control and disarmament, and its democratic institutions which alone are capable of finally the diversion of resources which are now wasted on bringing civil peace; and to oppose terrorism and violence. armaments. These resources must be redirected to economic The SI considers that the complete withdrawal of all foreign and social development and the promotion and protection of troops from Lebanese territory would help to reduce the human rights and fundamental freedoms. grave tension prevailing in Lebanon. (62) The Socialist International believes that there can be no (70) The SI, having adopted a resolution on at its finer memorial to our comrade Olof Palme than to regain our Slangerup Bureau meeting in April 1984, and having sent two right to live in peace, freedom and solidarity. missions to the island, the most recent being in August 1984, reiterates its previous resolution on Cyprus, and calls for the Regional conflicts immediate withdrawal of the Turkish occupation troops and the implementation of UN resolutions on Cyprus, and (63) Some of the most important struggles for freedom are supports the effort of the UN secretary-general to reach a taking place in Latin America and the Caribbean. We favour settlement of the Cyprus issue. peace in the region, the right to national self-determination (71) The SI expresses its very grave concern and sovereignty and respect for the principle of non- about the war which has lasted nearly six years between . intervention. We endorse the specific applications of these and There is no justification its continuation. principles set forth in the resolution adopted by this Congress for This conflict endangers stability on Latin America and the Caribbean. the of the region and is the cause of immense human and material losses for two countries which (6a) The Middle East is clearly an area of bitter conflicts have been diverted from the course of development. It is not which involve not simply the immediate parties but other for the SI to apportion blame for the start and continuation of nations in the region and the big powers as well. The this war. But, faithful to the determined action of its vice- resolution of these hostilities is, therefore, critical for the president, the late Olof Palme, it condemns all violations of work of regional and international peace as well as putting an the Geneva Convention (prohibition of chemical weapons, end to the bloodshed. respect for the rights of prisoners of war) and appeals to both

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sides to proclaim a lasting ceasefire, and to search for peace (77) We look to the African National Congress, the United based on the respect of treaties and international borders, , the emergent trade unions and all the and on non-interference in the internal affairs of nations free progressive forces of whatever racial origin as the hope of to choose their own government. It supports the efforts of the South Africa and indeed of humanity itself. We strenuously United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Islamic condemn the recent attacks by South Africa on , Conference and all other parties striving for peace. and . (72) The future peace and security of the Asia-Pacific region (78) South Africa continues to destabilise and put illicit is dependant on the establishment of stable and democratic pressure on the front line states. South Africa wants to political systems in the Philippines and Korea. weaken and bleed them by all means, including actual attacks on neighbouring countries. South Africa is willing to cause an (73) The SI therefore welcomes the movement towards more enormous human and economic sacrifice of the population democratic government in the Philippines. The application of and of refugees in order to remain master of the region. 'people power' in the Philippines has provided the opportunity for meaningful political reform. The SI hopes (79) The SI believes that should immediately be that the new president, Corazon Aquino, can now establish a liberated according to UN Resolution 435. There is no other stable democratic system in the Philippines 5ased on a way to a truly independent Namibia. There can be no doubt successful economic reconstruction. that SWAPO is the most representative force in Namibia. Linkage between the question of Namibian independence (7a) The SI sees as encouraging the increased pressure for and the possible withdrawal of Cuban troops is unjustified. democratic reform in South Korea and the growth of Support for UNITA in further complicates any alternative democratic forces in the face of very difficult settlement and means in fact nothing else than supporting circumstances. South African domination of Namibia. (75) The SI supports moves to find a political solution which (80) On the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the Soweto will facilitate the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from uprising in t976 the South African regime stepped up Kampuchea. repression and violence by declaring a state of emergency. Each day non-white children are being killed by state support for the struggle against (76) We strongly reaffirm our terrorism. South Africa continues to destabilise and attack apartheid in South Africa as it was highlighted by the special neighbouring states. The world at large has a responsibility to September 1984, and conference in Arusha, Tanzania, in stop this outrageous system. reaffirmed by the special meeting of the International in (g1) International sanctions Gaborone, Botswana, in April 1986. There can be no might be the last chance for peaceful change. The opposition compromise with apartheid. It must be abolished. It cannot in South Africa supports them. Therefore, the SI calls for: be reformed. - halting investments in South Africa and ending government

Making a point for freedom: SWAPO activist addressing a rally in Angola i

Lf.:if,S-,i:tfi!*+r;:,I9+; FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARITY

insurance of credits to South Africa; seen as a positive and potentially hopet'ul achievement, - strengthening the oil embargo by the oilproducing countries designed to bring about stability and ultimate reconciliation by banning the export and transport of oil to South Africa, on the basis of mutual respect for political and cultural and embargoing the export of coal from South Africa; traditions in lreland. Both governments, and our member - cutting air and shipping links with South Africa; parties in Britain, and the Republic, - and banning the import of South African agricultural deserve full support in their efforts to achieve peace and products. communal harmony. In particular, European socialists can provide practical help grave (82) If international bodies such as the UN and the European support and in tackling the economic Comtnunity are unable to define a policy towards Sbuth crisis within Northern Ireland. Africa with real mandatory sanctions, countries alone and in concert should pursue these actions, From Geneva to Lima fhe SI also reaffirms its support the right the $]) of of (89) Saharan people to self-determination and independence. We In Geneva in 1976, when Willy Brandt took over the leadership reiterate our support for the initiation of diredt negotiations of the International, we committed ourselves to between the and to achieve a just, build a truly worldwide organisation. We have not completely achieved definitive solution .to this conflict. that goal but we can say, with pride and accuracy, that more than most political movements, we have (8a) The SI believes that the struggle of the Eritrean people succeeded in what we set out to do. for self-determination, which has persisted for thirty-yeais, (90) must be setttled by the principles upheld by the United Yet we cannot be complacent. We must redouble our Nations and the OAU. ongoing efforts to reach out to emerging socialist and progressive forces around the world. To that end we hope to (85) The SI expresses its very grave concern about the develop fraternal relations with the fledgling labouf and protracted Soviet military occupation of Afghanistan. The SI socialist parties in the small island states of the South Pacific. is deeply concerned about the grave violations of human (91) And in the work of elaborating the Declaration of rightsperpetrated by the Soviet/Kabul forces against both the Lima, our new statement principles, we resistance fighters and the civilian population, and about the of must frankly confront our failures and disappointments as well as our successes. situation of the four million Afghan refugees in and Iran. The S[ supports the UN- sponsored efforts to achieve a (92) In terms of our own internal organisation, we believe political solution to the war, and considers that such a that the emergence, both within the International and settlement should essentially be based upon the withdrawal without, of a dynamic women's movement requires that we of Soviet troops and the restoration of the inalienable right of transform our organisation from a male-centred organisation the Afghan people to their national self-determination. The to an_integrated one, giving justice to a very large part-would ofour SI calls upon all member parties to work for increased membership and electorate. Such an initiative be humanitarian aid to the Afghan population, both in the welcomed by women all over the world. As a sign of our refugee camps and inside the countfy. determination in this area, we must follow the Iead of a growing number of our member parties which have (86) adopted We are also very concerned about continuing violations quota regulations for encouraging and assuring the full of human rights, particularly by actions that run counter to participation of women in decision-making bodies. These the Final free Act of the Helsinki conference on 'the quota regulations range from a very modest 15 percent to 50 circulation people of all and ideas'. We are therefore in percent. The ideal figure would, of course, be that of the solidarity with all democratic movements in Eastern Europe, percentage of the female population. like Solidarnosc, with the struggle for basic freedoms, including rights, religious and the defence (93) The World Action Programme for the second half of the of the rights of national minorities. Indeed, we believe that United Nations Decade for Women stresses the desirability our commitment to disarmament and detente will create a of promoting women's participation in political organs. The more favourable situation for these movements. Socialist International invites its member organisations to work for the establishment of machinery, preferably a (87) At the same time, the SI is keenly aware of the ministry or secretariat of state, for implementing progr"am- deteriorating situation of the Jews of the Soviet Union, and, mes to ensure equality between women and men. The in particular, of the halting of the emigration of the Soviet Socialist International calls upon its member parties to Jews despite their desire to leave for Israel. We are also facilitate women's participation in political life oi an equal aware of the continuing harassment of those Jews seeking footing with men,'ensuring women's representation on all their internationally guaranteed right of emigration. We call party levels; as candidates for local, regional and national upon the Soviet government to release those Jews currently elections; and on all delegations to meetings of the Socialist imprisoned simply because of their effort to secure exit International. permits, and to allow all Jews seeking leave the Soviet to (94) Union to do so without hindrance. We are also gravely The Socialist International to this end declares its full support concerned about the denial of such basic cultural rights to the for the goals of the 'Socialist Decade for Women', announced Jews as their right to study and teach their own la--nguage. by the Socialist International Women at their Lima Conference. (88) Given the death and destruction, the violation of human (95) In particular, we feel appropriate rights and the subversion of economic development, which it to include such new departures in a Manifesto of Limh, as are the common characteristic of the regional conflicts we a declaration of the first congress of the SI in the Third World. have noted, it is well to end this brief, and selective, review on a more positive note. The situation in Northern Ireland (96) From Lima, then, the Socialist International reaffirms its has continued to result in terrorism, death, destruction and determination to work for the principles in this resolution: division. The signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement between for a world in which people willlive in peace, freedom, and, the governments of the and lreland must be solidarity. I

24 SOCIALISTAFFAIRS3/86 SI NEffi First congress in the Third World Peace and economic solidarity - the Sl's alternative to war and misery it was convened in Lima, Peru, the main resolution adopted by lated that between 1981 and on20-23 June, at the invitation the congress, called 'the great 1983, nearly 250,000 jobs were of the ruling Peruvian Aprista new reality of these times ... the lost in the United States as a outrage,'H**:r1#*ih::", but they are now Party (PAP). unprecedented internationalis- result of a 40 percent fall in elements in a common crisis, the The Congress was held almost ation of the human condition'. to Latin America. Deal- 'ing,exports result of a wrenching economic exactly ten years since the To illustrate this interdepen- with the common crisis, the unification of the world which memorable conference of Latin dence, the Manifesto cites the environment and natural re- has far outstripped our political, American and European social- example of how the reduction of sources, controlling the new social and national institutions. ists in Caracas, , in living standards in the devel- insecurity, regional conflicts and A common solution is our only May t976. That meeting, as oping countries precipitates the the development of the SI in the hope.' (Manifesto of Lima) former Venezuelan president loss of export markets for the last ten years, the five sections of This in a nutshell was the Carlos Andr6s P €rez pointed major industrial countries. For message of the seventeenth con- out, marked the beginning of a instance, the Federal Reserve gress of the Socialist Inter- 'new and remarkable' stage in Bank of New York has calcu- national, the first to be held in the history of the International. the Third World. Aptly, in view By branching out in this way, the Ch al lenge: Presi dent Al an of the SI's expansion of member- SI became aware - perhaps far Garcia addresses the ship and activities in Latin earlier than other organisations opening session of the last years, of what the Manifesto of Lima. America over the ten - congress

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the Manifesto illustrate the the efforts of its Peruvian breadth of the International's member party and its leader, interests and the great number President Alan Garcia, to of initiatives which it either emancipate the Peruvian people supports or in some cases has from poverty and despair made decisive contributions to. through a'democratic (For the full text of the Manifesto revolution'. of Lima see the , Focus section, But that project was put under pages 17-24.) serious threat when two days Tragic events before the opening of the The nearly seven hundred congress, convicted and alleged delegates and guests from all members of the Shining Parth continents must have known (Sendero Luminoso) guerrilla before their arrival in Peru that movement - an extreme-left they were travelling to a country group which in recent years has beset by the all too typical been responsible for bombing problems of underdevelopment, campaigns and other terrorist chronic economic crisis and acts claiming the lives of crippling debt. The slum hundreds of Peruvians, and one quarters which ring Lima of whose members attempted to Margherita Boniver, Anita Gradin provide an unforgettable launch a mortar attack on the reminder of the extent of the congress venue during the task of eradicating poverty. opening session - staged a many different countries, the full text of the statement on But what delegates could not violent uprising in three prisons criminal terrorists organised the events in Peru, see page 27.) have known was the extent to near Lima. seizure ofseveral prisoners, took hostages and captured Increasing effectiveness which the events surrounding President Garcia, in his wel- arms. 'Numerous Willy Brandt in his opening the Congress would emphasise coming address to the Congress, citizens and members address and SI general secretary how arduous the task of estab- described these dramatic events of the security forces were Pentti Viirin2inen evaluated the lishing democratic government as follows: also assassinated in the past few work of the International in the in a developing country really is. 'when preparations were under- days. 'Al1 three-year period since the The Lima Congress was partly way for this meeting of socialists this was done so as to blackmail Albufeira congress. The latter intended to express the support from all over the world, our democracy in in the described it as a 'steady continu- of the Socialist International for presence of journalists front of the peoples of the from world... ation of the political lines and 'The government ... urged the activities we adopted at the rebels to surrender. A peace Geneva congress ten years ago'. commisssion made up of men of Both stressed the fact that Decisions at Lima good faith went to the prisons to because the SI is today a global beg, to implore the prisoners to organisation, and is involved to some extent in most of the major The following is a sum- The Congress adopted the avoid bloodshed. This attempt political developments through- mary Mandate of Lima, the failed, and the state was forced of the main deci- basis for out the world, it must further sions the new declaration of princi- to impose its authority.' taken by the seven- develop its effectiveness so as to ples of Socialist ln- President Garcia thus teenth congress of the the be able to react to any crisis. (For lnternational, ternational instructed the armed forces to Socialist put down the uprising and free the full text of Brandt's opening held in Lima, Peru, on 20: The Congress took note of the the hostages. In the course of address, see the Focus section, 23 June 1986 preliminary paper submitted by the operation, members of the pages 6-9.) the Working Group on Debt armed forces committed horrific Peace and economic solidarity excesses, the most glaring The Congress adopted two The Congress approved the of But the SI does not just react to which resolutions: admission of six parties as - it emerged later - was international developments and the Manifesto of Lima consultative members of the killing in cold blood of crises. It initiates policies, - hundreds of Resolution on Latin America Socialist lnternational, and of Sendero members measures and actions with the - who and the Caribbean one organisation as an associ- had already surrendered. aim of steering the world ated organisation. Subsequently the president towards the realisation of The Congress adopted two announced that several inquiries democratic socialist ideals. The The Congress repofts: elected a new would be set up to investigate 1986 Disarmament Report and presidium ln- - Action Programme drawn of the Socialist possible excesses. the Action Programme on world ternational from the 'Global Challenge' SI President Willy Brandt economic recovery, adopted by report world on economic re- The , Congress adopted new responded in his opening the Congress at the end of the covery, submitted by the Com- statutes of the Socialist ln- address with an expression of debate on the main theme, mittee on Economic Policy ternational solidarity with the new Peruvian provide two telling examples of (srcEP) democracy during this difficult this. The - 1986 Report on Disarma- Congress issued a state- time. He also announced that a Kalevi Sorsa, the Finnish ment ment, submitted by the Di- on recent events in Peru group of SI vice-presidents prime minister and the chair of sarmament Advisory Council would hold discussions with the Disarmament Advisory (srDAC) Peruvian comrades. The fruit of Council (SIDAC), introduced these was a statement adopted the new Disarmament Report. by the Congre ss on 22 J wre. ( For This report is not merely an

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the International. (For the full page 32.) text of Manley's introduction and As an indication of the excerpts from the Action political turnaround in the Programme, see the Focw region, Jos6 Francisco Pefra section, pages 14-16; and for a G6mez, the leader of the report on the paper submitted by Dominican Revolutionary Party Working Group on Debt, see (PRD), pointed out that when page 31.) the SI's Committee for Latin A detailed account ofthe host America and the Caribbean country's efforts to overcome (SICLAC), of which he is chair, the injustices inherent in the was set up in Santo Domingo in present world economic system 1978 the political situation in the was provided by Luis Alva region was such that it could only Castro, the Peruvian prime meet in a handful of countries. minister. That had changed dramatically in a matter of eight years. Gains for democracy He and other speakers also In view of the venue of the stressed that although great present Congress, the debate on strides had been made in Carlos AndrAs P6rez, Armando Villanueva, Willy peace. democracy and human establishing political democracy, Brandt rights in Latin America and the the region was still at the early Caribbean took on added signifi- stage of building an economic updated version of the first theme,'economic solidarity', cance. It highlighted the advance and social democracy. It was report adopted at the 1980 was introduced by Michael of democratic rule (in particular imperative to add social and political Madrid congress. It is also an Manley, the leader of the in the Southern Cone, where economic rights to and attempt to take a fresh look at, People's National Party (PNP) dictatorships remain only in civil rights. for instance, the need to prevent of and chair of the Chile and Paraguay), the debt Apart from that of Olof the militarisation of outer space. Committee on Economic Policy crisis and the conflict in Central Palme, the legacy most often Sorsa stressed the importance (srcEP). America. (For the full text of the invoked at the congress was that of not leaving the fate of the He regardeil the results of Res o lution on Latin Americ a an d of Victor Raril Haya de la Torre, world to the major military SICEP's three years of work - the Caribbean, see Documents, the founder it t924 of what is powers alone. 'We now live in a the'Global Challenge' report more complicated, multilateral and the Action Programme from it, as well as the world, and we must strengthen drawn Statement of the Socialist lnternational on the events mass movement for disarma- preliminary paper on debt - as a the in Lima, Peru ment', he said, and SI member forceful rejoinder to the radical parties 'must do more to helP right, which had exploited the. The Socialist lnternational reasserts that the universal correct the present situation, misinterpretation of world application of human rights is one of its fundamental prin- at and must pledge to be as vigilant . inflation to Put monetarism ciples. Human rights have to be respected in any situation by in government as in opposition'. the centre of the potitical any government. We also reassert that terrorism cannot be (For the full text of Sorsa's agenda; he also considered it as allowed to destroy the democratic state. The democratic introduction and the main a powerful reinforcement of the state has the right and the obligation to defend itself against conclusions of the 1986 realisation by the countries of terrorist activities with adequate means. Disarmament Report, see the the South that their continuing The Congress of the Socialist lnternational declares, before Focus section, pages 10-13.) crisis has its roots in the the government and the people of Peru, our consternation The debate that followed did structural crisis of the world and sorrow resulting from the events which have taken place provide an indication of the economy. in Lima. range of initiatives on security But, as Manley pointed out, During the Congress, a mutiny in three prisons in Lima has and disarmament in which SI having found agreement on been suppressed. Serious concerns have been raised about member parties have played a issues of global economic policy the methods used and the number of inmates killed, des- prominent role. Among those within the SI, the crucial cribed as being excessive bythe communique issued bythe discussed were regional nuclear- question of followup action government of President Alan Garcia. weapons-free zones (in the arose. There were two choices. President Garcia has recognised the gravity of these South Pacific and the Nordic , Either the report and action events by giving his assurances that there will be several areas in particular); chemical- programme would be allowed to investigations, including one by parliament. He has given his weapons-free zones and nuclear become museum pieces, gather- assurances of the complete independence of such investi- corridors (in Central Europe); ing dust in the archives of gations into the possible violation of human rights. There is a restrictions on regional arms research departments, or clear determination to learn all the facts and to guarantee trade and cuts in defence whether SI member parties, in punishment of all those found responsible for any wrong- budgets; taxation of arms sales government or opposition, could doing. (the proceeds of which would be seize the initiative and develop President Garcia has also stated that the doors of Peru are paid into a development fund; , common approaches. This open for international human rights organisations to probe verification mechanisms for lwould mean taking an inter- this matter. nuclear-test bans; and lnational perspective and looking Wewelcomethese decisions as anothersign of the desire confidence-building measures lrealistically at \vhat is proposed of the government to strengthen democracy in Peru. regarding troop movement and in the policy papers on economic Lima,22 June 1986 manoeuvres. recovery and the debt crisis. The second part of the main iThat was now the challenge for

SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 27 SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL NEWS LIMA CONGRESS

now the Aprista Party. He was Declaration had been extended. the first to articlate a uniquely The committee's chair, Felipe Latin American socialist percep- Gonz{lez, was unable to attend tion of the struggle against the Congress, as he was leading imperialism and for the libera- his party to a second successive tion of the continent, and was a victory in the Spanish elections seminal influence in the develop- on the very day that it was ment of aLatin American demo- drawing to a close. cratic socialism based on the But since there was general general principles of European agreement that the new declar- socialism but applying them to ation should be a text adopted in the historical and social the Third World, so as to stress circumstances prevailing in the the importance of the Third reglon. World in the future work and Solidarity action for Southern perspectives of the Inter- Africa national, the Congress voted to adopt the An area in which the SI has been Mandate of Lima, in the forefront of develop- which contained the basic com- ments in recent years has been mon principles of democratic the anti-apartheid struggle in socialism and woold act as a Southern Africa. Abdel Kader guideline for the future work on Fall, the international secretary the new declaration. (For the of the Socialist Party of full text of the Mandate of Lima, see went so far as to say that he knew Documents, page 35.) of no organisation which had Solidarity times taken as advanced a position on in of crisis It was sanctions as the International undeniable that the tragic had at its special meeting in events in Lima had a great Gaborone, Botswana, in April impact. this year. At the concluding press conference, The question was no longer Willy Brandt spoke for many delegates when he said whether or not to apply sanc- justify tions agianst the apartheid that 'We could not to ourselves abandoning the regime, but to select ones that demo- would achieve the quickest cratically elected government of Alan Garcia . .. as he results, as , the embarks leader of the Dutch Labour on the ambitious project of Party observed. The argument securing democratic rule in his country'. That 'is about effectiveness has been proict put in danger drowned in blood of the thous- by an indirect conjunc- tion ands of deaths for which the of extreme left and extreme regime is responsible. The right forces', he said in an interview after his return from suffering caused by sanctions can never be worse than the current Lima. ever-increasing repression. Brandt said that he could not exclude possibility Speakers did stress, though, the that groups that a position in favour of such as the Sendero Luminoso effective sanctions also required or elements within real and direct support for the the Peruvian armed forces front-line states, which would opposed to democracy had tried to use the presence indeed be in the front line of the of the regional economic confrontation Socialist International in Lima if not worse that would in- to attract attention to themselves - - or to variably follow the imposition of embarrass the Aprista government. sanctions. As den Uyl put it, 'But the question is whether 'Sarrctions must be applied. We one allows oneself to be used. must do our utmost to change We did not run away.' was not the present course of events. We It an easy decision. But in the defence must show that solidarity is not of demo- cracy, sometimes great just a word.' very risks and very difficult decisions have Mandate for new declaration to be taken. And assurances that As , the an enquiry into the events would secretary of the New Declar- take place provided the guaran- ations of Principles Committee tee sought byldelegates .9enerei|,5&i*!aly, ; (SINDEC) reported to that those reSponsrble fbr ,, P6ntti vii€in6nbn,..,,,, Congress, that the work on an the killings would be brought rr';newly'6lei*ad:'r t,rl:llr'rr- update of the 1951 Frankfurt to justice. I

I t 2A SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 -93i:lii.;--iia:

# ,'* ,tt1 iit) q ,..!,:.1 ffiffi ii.d.!irEr:"):i dri

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developments in the peace mission to , which took Bureau hears mission reports process in the weeks leading up place on 13-1,4May (see SI to the Bureau meeting, in NEwS 2186, page 19). Having Reports from the three SI the government's determination particular during and following met representatives from all missions to Central America, to continue its democratic the meeting of the Contadora shades of the country's political the Philippines and Haiti, which revolution and to face the Group in on 6 June. He spectrum, the mission had took place in the first six terrorist threat. also expressed his deep concern found a number of political months of this year, were the over the Reagan parties and groups keen to administration's apparent main items on the agenda of the Mission reports establish themselves after meeting of the SI Bureau held determination to bring about a twenty-nine years of repression in Lima on 19 June, the eve of In accordance with the SI's war-like solution to the under the Duvalier dictatorship the Congress. policy of supporting the efforts problems of the region. But, P6rez warned, there was The meeting - historic if only for peace in the region, the Conny Frederiksson a serious danger of violence and because it would be the last Vienna Bureau had decided to (Swedish Social Democratic instability if the transition to gathering of the send a mission to Central Party, SAP) introduced the democracy was thwarted and if Bureau- made a number of America and to other countries report on the situation in the massive economic help for the recommendations to the with the aim of making contact Philippines. An SI delegation Americas' poorest country was forthcoming Congress on such with governments, political visited the country from 2-11 not forthcoming. For this matters as applications for parties and other interested February to observe the reason the report stressed that membership, nominations for organisations in favour of presidential elections held on 7 (a) the democratic process must the presidium and the adoption negotiation and dialogue. February and to explore the be supported and (b) economic of the new statutes. Led by Carlos Andrds P6rez possibilities for the aid is indispensable to ensure The Bureau also discussed (Democratic Action, AD, development of democratic the success of democracy in arrangements surrounding the Venezuela), the mission visited socialist forces in the post- Haiti. proposed mission to Chile Caracas, San Jose, Managua, Marcos era (see SI NEwS 1186, The Bureau adopted the (agreed at the previous Bureau City, Mexico City page 25). three reports unanimously and meeting in Vienna in October and Washington between 3-10 The election of Cory Aquino without amendment. 1985) and heard a report from February (see SI NEWS 1186, had raised hoped for the the (PSI) page 26). implementation of major From Bureau to Council on a conference of In his report, P6rez reviewed changes, he noted. Many Mediterranean socialist parties recent developments in the opposition groups were now Concluding the meeting, Willy on the crisis in the region and Contadora peace process and able to work fregly, and a new Brandt confirmed that the next terrorism. internal developments in the constitution was being drafted. Bureau meeting would be held The delegates were region. He referred specifically But. he noted, the basic in Bonn, Federal Germany, on welcomed by Carlos Roca to the presidential elections in political structure erected L6-17 October at the invitation Cdceres, the chair of the (won by 6scar Arias during the Marcos dictatorship of his party, the Social international commission of the Siinchez, the candidate of the still.remained in place - until of Germany host Peruvian Aprista Party National Liberation Party, now, for instance, provincial (SPD): The main theme of the (PAP), who thanked them for PLN), Guatemala and governors and village meeting - which, since the the solidarity shown by the Honduras in the two months authorities appointed by Congress subsequently adopted International in the difficult preceding the mission as Marcos had not yet been a revision of the statutes, will be circumstances faced by the PAP positive developments. Against replaced. the first SI Council meeting - and the Peruvian government at that, however, there had been Carlos Andr6s Pdrez also would be'Economy and the the present time. He reaffirmed 'very discouraging' presented the report on the Environment'.

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It condemned the violations of ary Democratic Front I t:*ara- human Rights in , bundo Martf National New member hosts SICLAC meeting and demanded a resumption of Liberation Front 'in conditions the dialogue between the of continuity, seriousness and The conflict in Central America, reversion of the Canal to government and the Revolution- mutual security'. the democratisation process in Panama'. the continent, the fulfilment of (The US commitment to these the treaties and treaties, which regulate the the region's foreign debt canal's phased return to full areas, in particular peace and problem were the main items on Panamanian control by the year Ghina visit security. This would provide a , the agenda of a meeting of the 2000, has increasingly come into SI general secretary Pentti basis for further bilateral Committee for Latin America question under the Reagan Viiiindnen visited China on 11-23 relations, he added. and the Caribbean (SICLAC), administration. ) September at the invitation of Hu expressed the CCP's held in on25-26 The committee also supported the international liaison depart- strong interest in exchanging September. Panamanian authorities in their ment of the Chinese Communist more information and promot- Hosted by the Democratic refusal to allow 'the training of Party (CCP) central committee. ing mutual understanding with Revolutionary Party (PRD), Nicaraguan contra units or any He was accompanied by his wife the International. one of the International's six other irregular or foreign forces and Harry Drost, the editor of The delegation also had new consultative member par- in the foreign military bases SOCIALIST AFFAIRS. extensive discussions with the ties, the meeting was attended temporarily located in Panama'. The visit marked a further head of the international liaison by over fifty representatives of The headquarters of the US development in relations department, Zhu Liang, and SI member parties and guests. military and intelligence between the International and members of his staff. The committee adopted resol- operations for Central America the Chinese . Reflecting the area of greatest utions on Panama, Chile, are located in the Canal Zone. First informal contacts between mutual interest, the delegation Paraguay and Central America, the two sides began in 1982, and exchanged views on disarma- which will form the basis of its Solidarity with Chile, delegations from the CCP had ment and security issues with Li report to the forthcoming SI Paraguay attended the SI Disarmament Daoyu, the head of the foreign Council meeting in Bonn on SICLAC demanded an end to Conference in Vienna in ministry's department of inter- 1.6-17 October. the repressive measures of the October 1985 and the Lima national organisations and Solidarity with Panama military regime in Chile, an end Congress in June. conferences. And the nature of the China's economic reforms and In the resolution on the situation to the state of siege, and At a meeting with Hu Qili, a policies in Panama, SICLAC affirmed immediate agreement on a time- member of the political bureau development were ex- plained its solidarity with the table for the return to demo- and the secretariat of the CCP by Xu Lu, a former Panamanian people and the cracy. It also expressed its central committee, on 20 bureau chief of the state commission. PRD in their efforts to ensure solidarity with the democratic September, Viiiiniinen said that economic During its twelve-day stay, that the United States govern- forces in Paraguay in their he was encouraged by the results the delegation visited a number ment fulfils its obligations under efforts to bring to an end the of the discussions with his hosts peace, local industrial enterprises, a the Torrijos-Carter treaties on oldest dictatorship on the on development and of factory, the country's the Panama Canal. It con- continent. many other issues. 'Although television complex, sites demned the 'slanderous cam- Central America we have our obvious historical largest chemical of historical interest and cultural paign' against Panama'orches- Regarding the present situation and ideological differences', it events in Beijing, Xi'an, trated by ultra-conservative in Central America, SICLAC was clear that 'our views are quite Shanghai, Wuxi and Nanjing. sectors in the United States expressed its concern over the similar' in a number of which aim to destabilise the difficulties affecting the peace country and prevent the total efforts of the . First Bonn Solidarity with Panama: Carlos Andr6s P6rez Gouncil meeting in (Democratic Action, AD, Venezuela); Luis Ayala (Sl 'Economy and the In addition to the main assi stant general secretary) ; J os6 Franci sco Pefi a Environment'will be the main theme, which will be introduced G6mez (SlClAC chair); and Hector Oqueli (SICLAC theme of the first meeting of the by , leader of the secretary) SI Council (formerly called the British , other Bureau) to be held in in Bonn, items on the agenda include Federal Republic of Germany, Southern Africa, the Middle onl6-17 October, at the East. the Asia-Pacific region, invitation of the Social Latin America and the Democratic Party of Germany Caribbean, as well as (sPD). disarmament and European The meeting will be opened security. by SI President Willy Brandt, There will also be a number who is also the chairman of the of organisational matters to be SPD; and the welcoming decided. since the first major address will be given by meeting following a Congress Johannes Rau, prime minister traditionally establishes the SI's *t r..liis.i of Nordrhein-Westfalen and the committees and study groups. party's candidate for the A full report of the meeting chancellorship in next January's will appear in the next issue of federal elections. SOCIALIST AFFAIRS.

30 SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL NEWS IN BRIEF

Debt Group urges concerted action debt organisation (IDO) would llew statutes take serve to negotiate, along the The Working Group on Debt, a the conversion into grants (ie. terms suggested, 'an agreement account of changes subcommittee on the cancellation) of the debts of the with each individual debtor Committee on Economic Policy least developed countries, in country concerning repayment The Lima Congress approved a (SICEP), has called for the particular those in Subsaharan of existing debts, fixing number of changes to the statutes the setting up of an an international Africa, and part-conversion of instalments, interest rates and of Socialist International. debt agency to promote a the debts of other developing maturities, as well as administer coordinated approach to solving countries; (ii) the rescheduling and supervise such agreements'. Proposing the new provisions, the SI general the debt crisis. In a paper of debts through extending the The organisation should be secretary, Pentti Viiiindnen, submitted to the Lima time periods for repayment, in set up at a joint conference of Congress. it made specific particular for the major debtor debtor and creditor countries, said that the old statutes - last at 1978 Vancouver proposals on just terms for countries of Latin America; (iii) including representatives of the revised the restucturing debts and on a ceiling on interest rates; (iv) a banks. Its decision-making Congress - had been drawn up for a much smaller organisation policies to be adopted by debtor fixing of the ratio of debt procedures should be radically present and creditor countries. repayments to export earnings; different from those of the than the International, The subcommittee, which and (v) an increase in the present multilateral financial and there was therefore a need brought together a small group availability of special drawing institutions; its decisions should for updating them to correspond to present realities of financial experts, was set up rights (SDRs) over a five-year reflect a balance between the and practices. by the Bureau at its meeting in period to an equivalent of interests of debtors and new statutes approved Vienna in October 1985, with a US$150 billion, to support the creditors. In the brief to analyse the foreign debt process of debt readjustment, at Lima, the name'Bureau', crisis - desciribed by SICEP recovery and development. Development policies which suggests a relatively small chair Michael Manley as'the On this basis, the paper In further recommendations, body, is changed to'Council'. great economic imperative of makes a number of specific the Working Group argues that The Council remains the main our time'- and to elaborate on recommendations, including: debtor countries'should decision-making body of the the principles of action and - maturities should be extended undertake policies which permit International between meetings procedure outlined in SICEP's to at least thirty years; them to adhere to the agreed of the Congress. 'Global Challenge' report on - debt service should not exceed terms of the arrangements'. The new statutes also further world economic recovery. 20 percent of export earnings; Such terms must allow for clarify the position of the The Lima Congress took note - interest rates below the fulfilment of the basic needs president as the political leader of the Working Group's market level should be development needs of the ofthe International. In future, preliminary paper, and directed accepted; peoples and countries the president will be able to convene meetings of either the it to present a further report at - debts should be repayable in concerned. Conditions should the next Council meeting. currencies other than the not be imposed that impair the presidium - president. honorary presidents, originally agreed currency, so as debtor country's sovereignty in vicepresidents and to enable developing countries shaping its economic system, the general secretary - or of Detailed recommendations to achieve a better matching of particularly as regards the party leaders at his or her The Working Group's paper their debt service with their distribution of functions discretion. The presidium highlights the following five export relations; between the private and public becomes a legal body of the SI, measures recommended in the - and debts should be sectors. while party leaders' conferences 'Global Challenge'report as of considered to constitute full Debtor countries should also will not need to be held each 'key'importance in tackling the worth, so that no provisions for take measures to introduce year. debt crisis within the context of bad debts need be made. minimum social standards, limit In another change, the global recovery. These are: (i) The proposed international arms expenditure and combat Congress of the SI will now flight of capital. The latter is meet every three years, rather described as a major problem, then every second year. Joint session of SIDAC and SIGEP on which inhibits new lending. The and Working Group urges debtor disarmament development and creditor countries to give llew SIMEG chait The Disarmament Advisory International in this field priority attention to instituting Council (SIDAC) and The discussion will be based joint information and double Hans-Jiirgen Wischnewski, a Economic Policy Committee on SIDAC's 1986 Report on taxation agreements to deter former deputy chair and (SICEP) will hold a joint Disarmament and on SICEP's such capital outflows. treasurer of the Social meeting in Helsinki, , 'Global Challenge' report and The developed creditor Democratic Party of ,Germany on 19-20 October. The first of the Action Programme drawn countries, in turn, should open (SPD), was elected the new its kind, the Helsinki meeting from it, all three of which were their markets to the products of chair of the Middle East will focus on the relationship adopted by the Lima Congress. developing countries and Committee (SIMEC) at the between disarmament and The meeting will be co- support measures to stabilise Lima Bureau meeting on 19 development, and will try to chaired by Kalevi Sorsa, the world raw material prices. They June. find ways of increasing security Finnish prime minister and should also increase their The post had been vacant through disarmament while at chair of SIDAC, and Michael offi cial development assistance since the resignation Miirio the same time freeing resources Manley. the former Jamaican to 0.7 percent of gross national Soares, the then general for economic and social prime minister and chair of product and take measures to secretary of the Portuguese progress. It will also prepare SICEP, and will be hosted by encourage increased investment Socialist Party (PS). following recommendations for future the of and transfer of technology to his election as president ofthe activities and meetings of the Finland (SDP). developing countries. republic on 16 February.

SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 3l F

lnternational appreciates the action parties and governments of the taken by the government of Peru to Socialist lnternational to the heroic surmount the problems stemming struggle of the Latin American DOCUMENTS from unjust international economic people have been decisive. structu res. The struggles conducted by The Congress of the Socialist Latin Americans against dictator- Resolution on Latin America lnternational also reaffirms its ships, to ensure a respect for condemnation of terrorist acts and human rights and in support of the and the Garibbean expressed its solidarity with the economic and social demands of The Socialist lnternational express- Alan Garcia Pdrez, as host. democratic government of Peru in the malority of the people, have es its deep satisfaction at holding The Aprista government, the its efforts to maintain and defend opened the way to new possibilities its congress, for the first time in its tirst in Peru's history, reflects the the rights and freedoms of its for political pr0gress in the region. history, in Latin America - in Lima, will for change and transformation people. The strides made by democracy Peru, with the Peruvian Aprista that is being expressed throughout Democracy is today a reality in have resulted in the recent over- Party (PAP) and its leader, the the Latin American continent. most of the countries of the region. throw of the dictatorial regime of president of the republic, comrade The Congress of the Socialist The contributions made by the Jean Claude Duvalier in Haiti, the

Guatemala List of participants De m oc ratic Soc i al i st Pafi of Socialist Party of Japan, SPJ Guatemala, PSD Eiji Yasui Mario Sol6zano Martinez Congress of the Socialist lnternational Enrique de Le6n Lebanon Amilcar Alvarez P rog res si ve Soci al i st Party, Lima, Peru, 20-23 June 1986 Floridalma Tellez PSP Doureid Yaghi lceland Social Democratic ParA Luxembourg Socialist Socialist lnternational J6n Baldvin Hanntbalsson Workers' Party, LSAP/POSL Willy Brandt Lydie Schmit Socialist Party, PS Pafty, lD lreland Pentti Vaananen Etienne Godin Rodrigo BorJa The Labour Pafty Luis Ayala Raymonde Dury Edmundo Vera Tony Brown Anne-Marie Lizin Pedro Saad Tony Kinsella Malta Labour Paftv Rafael C6rdova Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici Mariano Bustamante lsrael Alfred Sant Eduardo Fratemal Madrin6n lsrael Labour Patty Qrganisations Belgium Gonzalo Araus Uzi Baram Socialist PatA, Gustavo SP Espinosa Nava Arad Labour Party, PvdA IFM/SEI Joop den Uyl Oscar Debunne Col6n Ortega lsrael Gat lntemational Falcon Maria Rosa Rodriguez Avraham Hatzamri Maarten van Traa Movement/ Socialist Geke Faber Martha Ochoa de P6rez Bons Kransny Ed u cation al I nternational Teresa de Mosquera Efraim Zinger Jan Pronk Nic Nilsson New Democratic Partv. NDP/ NPD Solon Villa Vicencio Jacqui Cottyn Fredy Elehrs lsrael Enrique Tello Molina United Wo*ers' Pafty, New Zealand Labour Manon Dewar Paiv El Salvador MAPAM l\,4argaret Wilson Tessa Hebb IUSY N at ion a I Rev ol ut ion ary Avraham Rozenkier lntemational Union of Jean-Paul Hamey Movement, MNR Arie Jaffe Rick Jackson Socialist Youth Guillermo Ungo Dov Avital Moshe Rosen Joan Calabuig Liisa North H6ctor Oqueli Norweg i an Labou r P arty, Dirk Drijbooms Jorge Sol DNA Jaime Bed6n cil Chile Thorvald Stoltenbero Percy Palomino Radical Finland Ital i an Democrati c Soci ali st Party, PR partv Grete Knudsen Donald Mendez Enrique Silva Cimma Social Democratic of Pafty, PSDI Hugo Passalacqua Finland, SDP Antonio Cadglia Anselmo Sule Paraguay Rub6n Giustiniani Luis Femando Luenoo Kalevi Sorsa Mario Melani lgnacio Feneyra Lauri Kangas lvanka Corti Feb reri sta Revol uti onarv Carlos GonzAlez Patty, PRF Camilo Allan Bosas Amorina Patrizi Salvo Fernando Vera stw Heriberto Benkis Marianne Lax6n Socialist lntemational. Tuulikki Hamalainen Italy Nils Candia Gini Women Hermes Valenzuela Riitta Korhonen Italian Socialist Party, PSI Cesar Baez Samaniego Arnaldo Maria Rodriguez-Jonas . . Margherita Boniver Valdovinos Mercedes Cabanillas Costa Rica France Valdo Spini Ana Margarita Gasteazoro N ati on al Li berati on Party, Socialist PatA, PS Giorgio Benvenuto Senegal PLN Miriam Jara Ottaviano Del Turco Socialist Patty of Senegal Daniel Nora Maluenda Oduber Michel Rocard Elena Marinucci Abdel Kader Fall Rolando Araya Yvette Roudy Paolo Vittorelli Mamadou Faye Elias Shadid Louis Le Pensec Giorgio Gangi lbra Mamadou Wane Ennque Careras Jean-Bemard Curial Francesco Simone Caroline Diop Ennio Rodriguez . Stephane Piletich Francesco Gozzano Armelle Glavany Member Parties Walter Marossi Denmark Maria-Dolores Rodas Silvio Ruffini Sp Social Democratic Patty an i s h Sociali st Workers, Germany, Federal Republic Angela Sale Party, PSOE Anker Jorgensen Social Democratic Giuseppe Scanni Elena Flores Australian partv. Steen Christenseh Partv of Labor ALp Germany, Francesco Villari Ludolfo Paramio lan Mclean Lasse Budtz SPD Hans Koschnick Enrique Bar6n Joan Taggart Gitte Hansen Egon Bahr Jamaica Jens Christiansen Heidemarie Wiecz orck-Zeul People's National Party, PNP Hans-Jiirgen Wischnewski Michael Manley Sweden Norbert Wieczorek Carl Battray Swedish Social Democratic Eocialist Pertv of Austria- Hans-Eberhard Dingels Bichard Bernal Party, SAP sPo Dom i n ican Revoluti on ary Christa Ran.lzio-Plath Anita Gradin Fritz Marsch Party, PRD Japan Maj Lis Loow lrmtraut Karlsson Jos6 Francisco Pefra G6mez Great Britain Democrat i c Soci al i st Pafiy, Gunnar Stenarv Waher Hacker Hatuey de Camps The Labour Party DSP Conny Fredriksson Carhilo Lluberes Gwyneth Dunwoody Yoshihiko Seki Margareta Grape-Lantz Udo Ehrlich-Adam Luz del Alba Th6venin Jenny Little Sachiko Taguchi lngrid Bergander

32 SOCIALIST AFFAIBS 3/86 -l- I

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SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL NEWS DOCUMENTS

the consequences of an people of Latin America and the earlier establishment of democratic To firmly establish democracY in suffering and finiincial Carlbbean today requires that their governments in Argentina, Uru- Latin America, it is necessary that unbalanced trade which seriously affect right to development, self-de- guay and , and the struggles it be implemented at all levels of conditions termination and sovereignty be to achieve democracY bY the society. 0nly a true economic and the region. consolidating democracY, the delended. people of ParaguaY and Chile who, social democracy can guarantee a ln holding back the with their courageous demonstra- lasting political democracY. forces which are progress freedom, both na- The Socialist lnternational is com- tions, herald the imminent demise The existence in Latin American of internationally, must mitted to supporting the struggle of the last two dictatorships in the societies of deeply rooted inequali- tionally and is imPerative to lor democracy and social justice in continent. ties, together with oligarchically be defeated. lt eco- Latin America and the Caribbean. Latin America, however, must oriented economic grouPs and establish a new international would eliminate Today democratic socialism, face up to and surmount a dual interests, have prevented the fulfil- nomic order which justice the unbalanced through the action and dedication challenge in order to advance in the ment of the aspirations for the iniustices of between the developed and of its member parties in the region, building of a more just and society: and freedom of people in those trade nations. is furthering the task of building to consolidate political democracy countries. Uniust international eco- the developing of the political free, just and solidary societies on and ensure the economic and nomic relations have also resulted The reaffirmation and economic indePendence o{ the the continent. social progress of its PeoPle. in Latin America and the Caribbean

Nicaragua Hilda Urizar Chile USA i Democreti ca, AD Frente Sandinista de Carlos EnriQue Melgar Guests - trade union Al an za Democ rati c Soci al i sts of organisations Ricardo Nufrez Liberaci6n Nacional, FSLN America, DSA Carlos Boca C6ceres Bayardo Arce Michael Harrington Femando Le6n de Vivero El Salvador Maria Teller Motl Zelmanowicz Luis Alberto Sanchez ICFTU/ORlT Frente Oemocrafico Jose Pasos Tim Sears Luis Alva Castro lnternati on al C onfed eration Revolucionaio, FDR Bolivar Diaz Judith van Allan Gustavo Saberbein of Free Trade Unions/lnter Eduardo Calles Alfonso Bamos Alva Ameican Regional Philippines USA Orestes Rodriguez Organisation of Workers Eritrea De m ocratic Soc i al ist Party, Social Democrats USA, Bamiro Priale Luis Anderson Eritrean Liberation Front, ELF DSP SDUSA lacklelzaz Ramon Pedrosa Bayard Rustin IFFTU Omer el Souri Alim Bita Freedman P u erto R ico I n dePend e nce I ntern ati on al Federati on of Tanzania Joel Freedman Pafty, PIP Free Teachers' Unions Eritrea Cham a C ha Mapi nd uzi, CCM Eric Chenoweth Fernando Martin Alberto Diaz Heredia Erit rean Peopl e's Liberat i o n Lucy bmack Sam Shube Front, EPLF Jibril Yusuf Venezuela Soc i al De m ocrat i c PoPu list Guests - intemational Parti Socialiste Destourien, Democratic Action, AD Party, SHP organisations Greece PSD Carlos Andr6s P6rez Trirl

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ln working towards the con- search {or peace in Central the regional conflict and endangers With regard to Panama, the solidation of democracy it is America. the development of democracy in fulfillment of the Canal Treaties and essential to face up to the present The Socialist lnternational ex- that country, worsening its econo- the respect for the neutrality of that debt crisis stemming from an presses its firm support for the mic and social problems, The zone must be guaranteed so that unjust international economic Contadora Group initiative and its existence of those bases also the waterway fully reverts to the order which generates a continuing efforts for peace, security, political constitutes a threat to the acheive- Panamanian . Latin Amer- cycle of exploitation and poverty pluralism and development in ment of political solutions to the ican and international solidarity for the countries of the region. Central America, and in particular conflicts in the region. with the Democratic Revolutionary the fundamental aims announced ln El Salvador, we hope that the Party (PRD) and the people of ln Chile the Pinochet dictatorship by the Latin American foreign recent proposals for a dialogue Panama must be broadened until responds with increasing violence ministers: between the government and the these aims are fully accomplished, peaceful to the mobilisation of the an end to foreign support for the Revolutionary Democratic Front / particularly in view of the attempt people - who demand with ever irregular forces and subversive Farabundo Martl National Libera- to demerit Panamanian involve- more strength the immediate rees- groups operating in the region; tion Front (FDR/FMLN) will lead to ment and to prolong the military tablishment of democracy. The a freeze on the acquisition of serious talks that would put an end and administrative presence of the Socialist - lnternational reaffirms its arms and their programmed reduc- to the armed conflict, with its United States in the Canal Zone. solidarity with the Chitean peopte in tion; dramatic consequences of human ln the case of Puerto Rico, the their struggle political to regain - elimination of international milit- rights violations and an increase in Socialist lnternational supports the freedom put and an end to the ary man0euvers; the number of refugees and resolution of the Special Commit- violations of human rights, and elimination of the presence of displaced persons. tee of the United Nations of 14 expresses its full - support for the foreign military advisers and fore- Our member party in El Salva- August 1985, and extends a Radical Party (PR) of Chite and for ign military installations; dor, the National Revolutionary fraternal and solidary greeting to other democratic forces in their - a commitment to non-aggression Movement (MNR), the people of the Puerto Rican lndependence etforts to overthrow the dictator- by the five Central American that country and the international Party (PlP). ship. countries; community insist on respect for The Socialist lnternational has ln Paraguay, the struggle for - effective steps leading to national human rights and the existence of viewed with serious concern seve- democracy and against the reconciliation and the full achieve- full political freedoms. The govern- ral recent developments in the dictatorship of Stroessner signals ment of human rights and indi- ment of the United States should English-speaking Caribbean which an end to the oldest dictatorship in vidual freedoms; not insist on placing this conflict in endanger the maintenance of that the continent. The efforts of the - a furthering of regional and the context of the East-West region as a zone oJ peace. The Paraguayan people, along with the international cooperation to allevi- confrontation, so that a solution invasion of Grenada in 1983 mobilisation of the democratic ate the pressing economic and can be sought and found through constituted a dangerous precedent parties, strengthens the possibili- social problems afflicting the Cen- Latin American channels and which must not be repeated. The ties of achieving freedom. The tral American region. perspectives. militarisation of that region must Socialist lnternational expresses its With regard to Nicaragua, we ln Guatemala, the transition to be strongly denounced, as must solidarity with the Febrer.ista Re- reject the Reagan administration's civilian government has initiated a any attempt to involve this zone in volutionary Party (pRF) and with policy of destabilisation, economic process for the democratisation of the East-West conflict. the other democratic forces ol blockade and support for military Guatemalan society after years of The Socialist lnternational sup- Paraguay and decided to send a assistance to the irregular forces military rule. The Socialist ln- ports the holding of elections in mission in order to establish direct that are operating against that ternational supports the efforts of Haiti as soon as possible in answer contacts with those forces and to independent and sovereign nation. those democratic organisations in to the democratic aspirations of the gather information on the current That policy, which has been Guatemala working to further this Haitian people. situation in that country. increasingly criticised both within process, in particular its member the United States and by other party, the Democratic Socialist We call upon the government of Central America continues to be countries of the world, enhances Parry (PSD). Great Britain to initiate immediately threatened by a deepening of the the possibilities of a generalised The policy announced by the negotiations with the government present crisis which compromises military conflict in the region and new president of Costa Rica, 0scar of Argentina on all aspects relating peace the and stabitity of the runs counter to a negotiated Arias Siinchez, reaffirming his to the future of the Falklands/Malvi- region. The worsening of that crisis political solution to the Central country's vocation for peace and nas, Georgias and South Atlantic also represents a threat to in- American crisis. neutrality, constitutes a decistve lslands, with special emphasis on peace ternational and security. ln the case of Nicaragua, it is contribution towards strengthening sovereignty, in the open spirit The achievement of a lasting also noted that the institutionalisa- democracy and encouraging the reflected in the ioint declaration peace in that region must continue tion, development and im- creation of a favourable climate for signed by President Rarjl Alfonsln priority to be a for the international plementation of the Sandinista the solution to the crisis in Central and the British Labour leader, Neil community in order to consolidate revolution's declared objectives of America. Kinnock, at the meeting in progress the towards democracy non-, pluralism and a Confronted by the evident inten- September 1985. and to solve its serious economic have not yet been sification of the Central American Finally, the Socialist lnternatio- and social problems. accomplished. conflict and the dangers posed to nal warmly welcomes the affiliation The proposals of the Latin These objectives have been and peace in the hemisphere by an as consultative members of our American foreign ministers calling will be supported by the Socialist armed conflagration, involving the organisation, of the Democratic for: a Latin American solution, self- lnternational, and we shall con- presence of military {orces of the Labour Pafi (PDT) of Brazil, the determination, non-interference in tinue to work towards the achieve- malor powers, the Socialist ln- Democratic Revolutionary Party the affairs of other states, territorial ment of a peaceful solution in ternational demands of the Reagan (PRD) of Panama and the Left integrity, pluralist democracy, a Nicaragua. administration and the United Revolutionary Movement (MlR) of ban on loreign troops or advisers, The use of Honduran territory as States Congress that they put Bolivia. non-support for subversive groups a base for military actions in forward constructive solutions and respect for human rights, Central America not only threatens which would make it possible to Adopted by theS lCongress, constitute essential elements in the its sovereignty, but also extends reestablish peace. Lima,,Peru;20-23 June 1 986.

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based on gender as we dictatorshiP. exploitation commit ourselves to draw uP the against exploita- The Lima (11)That power can assert itself in are to the struggle Declaration of Lima on the basis of tion on the basis of race, nation principles follow. many different wa}/S, some of them the that and class. lndeed, each of those Mandate movement for vet to be created. For democratic (5) Socialism is a commitments is an integral and liberation by means of the iocialism is not simply socialised human related part of our goal ol human the property or government Planning, ln this historic first meeting o{ the democratisation of Political, liberation. cultural though both maY well be means to Socialist lnternational in Latin economic, social and (16) The roots of oPPression and national and world its ends. And it is certa nly not a America, we mandate our structures of inequality are not simPlY econo- f ixed blueprint of an economic organisation to adopt a new society. system. lt is, rather, the lm- mic. To be sure, the domination of statement of PrinciPles, to be (6) One can say: socialism is men, the most ancient olementation of the basic values of women by called the Lima Declaration, on the democracy in its most Profound, oPPression, has ireedom, justice and solidaritY bY form of social basis of the following. comprehensive and international process demo- economic manifestations, like Socialist ln- expression. means of a of (1) ln 1951, the precisely, wage discrimination and the (7) socialism cannot be cratisation which seeks, ternational was reconstituted after As such, segregation of women in inferior the to free the spontaneous creativity the enormous disruPtions of the thought of as a luxury for positions in the labour market. But economies of the people at the base. lt will, second world war. At that Point, citizens of the advanced specif and historic therefore, be enriched bY the ihis is a ic decolonialisation had onlY begun but as a universal human right to generalisation of of different cultures phenomenon, the our movement was individual and communal selt contributions and PrimarilY and traditions in a worldwide the principle of the Patriarchal European in membershiP and determination in a world in which of the organisation o{ movement. {amily and outlook. However, it was, and is, power and domination are in- a gender (12) But, however diverse the society on the basis of one of the enduring achievements creasingly international. of men and forms of socialism maY be, all heirarchy. The equalitY of the lnternational's Frankfurt (8) ln the nineteenth century, we thus not be the result socialists are committed to a women will Declaration of 1951 that it clearly were told that the workers and 'of formal and society in which every citizen can a merely iuridical insisted upon the critical import- peasants of the emergent capitalist participate in the making of change but demands a veritable and societies were not yet capable of freely ance of freedom, as means revolution in dailY life itself . that lie in political, economic and social end, in our princiPles. democracy. We exPloded (17) Socialists struggle for human and in struggle. Now there decisions; in which ever new (2) lt is once again time that we theory emancipation in the economY and modes of that Participation can be re{ormulate those principles. The are those - and not onlY the white independence and develoPed; in which lor effective national and racists of South Africa - who saY explored world has changed since 1951, f rom political and economic people of the Third World social problems and political differ- so have we. We have lived through that the domination, for the same reason them- ences are settled bY oPen and the unprecedented internationalisa- cannot successfullY rule we battle for the emancipation criticaldiscussion. that tion of the global economy; we selves. We will help to explode that real equality with (13) Clearly, such a concePtion of of women, their have participated in democratic lie in theory and in struggle. area social life, democracy requires, at a mini- men in every of governments and revolutionary (9) We obviously take this stand with dailY life. The mum, the election of the PeoPle's beginning transformations, seeking to out of solidarity with People the universal, direct richness, varietY, and also national autonomy or fighting for their freedom every- representatives by achieve protection complexity of our movement, are the world. But there is and secret ballot; the of progress toward socialism, and we where in the result of the fact that we seek to reason for since the individual rights, such as freedom must make every effort to draw the another it: combine all ol these struggles and power of speech, of the Press, of lessons from both our victories and structures of are increasing- to give exPression to all the no national move- education, of voluntary associa- our defeats. ly international, emancipatory movements in the socialism can trulY tion, of religion and of minoritY (3) We have had to confront the ment for framework ol dialogue and political on its own. Capital is more rights; and a system of lustice political implications of weapons succeed democracy. global than ever before and the dependent on the law alone, from that can destroY the world; we have (18) For all these reasons, there is poverty World is even which no one is exemPt. understood the physical precondi- of the Third no one model for socialism, but as weapon to (14) These rights are both indi- tions of life could be destroyed bY now being used a there are basic values and fun- gains the vidual and collective, guarantees of the uncontrolled industrialisation of nullify the social of damental conceptions of political, people in the advanced economies. personal freedom which are also the North or by an exPloitation of economic and social rights which practical the precondition of PoPular and the environment in the South Our internationalism is a the parties in the democratic power over the eco- 'are common to all arising out of attempts to live necessity as well as a moral ideal We are a profoundly rl nomy and societY. And theY are the lnternational. withinthe intolerable constraints of for the North as well as the South. pluralist movement which does not rl foundation of new dePartures, like the world market. We have seen (10) So is our commitment to philosophical t in economic identity with any one the attempts of African soctalists to democracy, for there can be no of socialism. And we I enterprises or local communities, , interpretation build upon their communal tradi- socialism without freedom. We must t give them even greater believe that socialist theories an authen- fight political oppression as well as which will I tions in a transition to be adapted to a changing world exploitation for manY social content. tically Af rican socialism. And, economic 'society so that each PeoPle and I most (15) Political democracY, then, is a particularly since 1976, our own reasons but one of the each generation can set their own is the critically important, but not a lnternational has expanded drama- important is this: democracy on the realitY of their time sulficient, condition for the social- stamp tically in the Third World, both in essential mechanism for the con- place. I ist transformation we seek. We and terms of membershiP and activity. trol by the people over the Lima must a dismantle the economic (19) The Declaration of define the truly economic and social conditions of must also ! (4) lt is our task to redetine democratic socialism on their own lives, nationally and and social structures of domination I global relevance of democratic the basis of these PrinciPles set the world. lt is not an which can frustrate, and even socialism in a world which is dailY throughout forth at this historic first congress I political 'superstruc- annul, democratic political rights. becoming more unified bY brute element of the lnternational in l That basic truth oJ our movement of the Socialist economic facts and desPeratelY ture' to be added after the , has been deepened bY the struggle Latin America. needs an international vision which achievement of socialism. lt is the .: women in recent decades. The1l will enable it to become one in indispensible basis of popular of have made it clearthalwe must be by the Sl Congress, freedom, justice, and solidarity as power itself . So we reiect all class Adopted to the light against Junel 986. ; well. And that is whY we now dictatorships, and every class ol as dedicated Lima, Peru,20-23 L

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