Post-Soviet Azerbaijan: Transition to Sultanistic Semiauthoritarianism? an Attempt at Conceptualization
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Elections, Democratization, and Human Rights in Azerbaijan
ELECTIONS, DEMOCRATIZATION, AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN AZERBAIJAN HEARING BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION MAY 25, 2000 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE 106-2-10] Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.csce.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2001 67-554PDF For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: (202) 5121800 Fax: (202) 5122250 Mail Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 204020001 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HOUSE SENATE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, Colorado Chairman Co-Chairman FRANK R. WOLF, Virginia KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON, Texas MATT SALMON, Arizona SPENCER ABRAHAM, Michigan JAMES C. GREENWOOD, Pennsylvania SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania TIM HUTCHINSON, Arkansas STENY H. HOYER, Maryland FRANK R. LAUTENBERG, New Jersey BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland BOB GRAHAM, Florida LOUISE McINTOSH SLAUGHTER, New York RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin MICHAEL P. FORBES, New York CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HAROLD HONGJU KOH, Department of State EDWARD L. WARNER III, Department of Defense PATRICK A. MULLOY, Department of Commerce COMMISSION S TAFF DOROTHY DOUGLAS TAFT, Chief of Staff RONALD J. MCNAMARA, Deputy Chief of Staff BEN ANDERSON, Communications Director ELIZABETH M. CAMPBELL, Office Administrator OREST DEYCHAKIWSKY, Staff Advisor JOHN F. FINERTY, Staff Advisor CHADWICK R. GORE, Staff Advisor ROBERT HAND, Staff Advisor JANICE HELWIG, Staff Advisor MARLENE KAUFMANN, Counsel KAREN S. LORD, Counsel for Freedom of Religion MICHELE MADASZ, Staff Assistant/Systems Administrator MICHAEL J. -
Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology in the Caucasus
-.! r. d, J,,f ssaud Artsus^rNn Mlib scoIuswVC ffiLffi pac,^^€C erplJ pue lr{o) '-I dlllqd ,iq pa11pa ,(8oyoe er4lre Jo ecr] JeJd eq] pue 'sct1t1od 'tustleuolleN 6rl Se]tlJlljd 18q1 uueul lOu soop sltll'slstSo[ocPqJJu ul?lsl?JneJ leool '{uetuJO ezrsuqdtue ol qsl'\\ c'tl'laslno aql 1V cqtJo lr?JttrrJ Suteq e:u e,\\ 3llLl,\\'ieqt 'teqlout? ,{g eldoed .uorsso.rciclns euoJo .:etqSnr:1s louJr crleuols,{s eql ul llnseJ {eru leql tsr:d snolJes uoJl uPlseJnPJ lerll JO suoluolstp :o ..sSutpucJsltu,' "(rolsrqerd '..r8u,pn"r.. roJ EtlotlJr qsllqulso ol ]duralltl 3o elqetclecctl Surqsrn8urlstp o.1". 'speecorcl ll sV 'JB ,(rnluec qlxls-pltu eql ut SutuutSeq'et3:oe9 11^ly 'porred uralse,t\ ut uotJl?ztuolol {eer{) o1 saleleJ I se '{1:clncrlled lBJlsselc uP qil'\\ Alluclrol eq] roJ eJueptlc 1r:crSoloaeqcJe uuts11311l?J Jo uollRnlele -ouoJt-loueqlpue-snseon€JuJequoueqlpuE'l?luoulJv'er8rocg'uelteq -JaZVulpJosejotrolsrqerdsqtJoSuouE}erdlelutSutreptsuoc.,{11euor8ar lsrgSurpeeco:cl'lceistqlsulleJlsnlpselduexalere^esButlele;"{qsnsecne3 reded stql cql ur .{SoloeeqJlu Jo olnlpu lecrllod eql elBltsuotuop [lt,\\ .paluroclduslp lou st euo 'scrlr1od ,(:erodueluoJ o1 polelsJUtr '1tns:nd JturcpeJe olpl ue aq or ,{Soloeuqole 3o ecrlcu'rd eq} lcedxa lou plno'{\ 'SIJIUUOC aAISOldxe ouo 3Jor{,t\ PoJe uP sl 1t 'suolllpuoJ aseql IIe UsAtD sluqle pur: ,{poolq ,{11euor1dacxo lulo^es pue salndstp lelrollrrel snor0tunu qlr,n elalder uot,3e; elllBlo^ ,(re,r. e st 1l 'uolun lel^os JeuIJoJ aql io esdelloc eqt ue,tr.3 'snsBsnBJ aql jo seldoed peu'{u oql lle ro3 ln3Sutueau 'l?Iuusllllu -
Full Bibliography (From Sheikhs to Sultanism)
FULL BIBLIOGRAPHY (FROM SHEIKHS TO SULTANISM) Academic sources (books, chapters, and journal articles) P. Aarts and C. Roelants, Saudi Arabia: A Kingdom in Peril (London: Hurst & Co., 2015) A. Abdulla, The Gulf Moment in Contemporary Arab History (Beirut: Dar Al-Farabi, 2018) [in Arabic] I. Abed and P. Hellyer (eds.), United Arab Emirates: A New Perspective (Dubai: Trident, 2001) P. Abel and S. Horák, ‘A tale of two presidents: personality cult and symbolic nation-building in Turkmenistan’ in Nationalities Papers, Vol. 43, No. 3, 2015 A. Abrahams and A. Leber, ‘Framing a murder: Twitter influencers and the Jamal Khashoggi incident' in Mediterranean Politics [April 2020 online first view] D. Acemoglu, T. Verdier, and J. Robinson, ‘Kleptocracy and Divide-and-Rule: A Model of Personal Rule’ in Journal of the European Economic Association, Vol. 2, Nos. 2-3, 2004 G. Achcar, The People Want: A Radical Exploration of the Arab Uprising (London: Saqi, 2013) A. Adib-Moghaddam (ed.), A Critical Introduction to Khomeini (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014) I. Ahyat, ‘Politics and Economy of Banjarmasin Sultanate in the Period of Expansion of the Netherlands East Indies Government in Indonesia, 1826-1860’ in Tawarikh: International Journal for Historical Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2, 2012 A. Al-Affendi, ‘A Trans-Islamic Revolution?’, Critical Muslim, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2012 M. Al-Atawneh, ‘Is Saudi Arabia a Theocracy? Religion and Governance in Contemporary Saudi Arabia’ in Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 45, No. 5, 2009 H. Albrecht and O. Schlumberger, ‘Waiting for Godot: Regime Change Without Democratization in the Middle East’ in International Political Science Review, Vol. -
Osmanli Araştirmalari the Journal of Ottoman Studies
SAYI 36 • 2010 OSMANLI ARAŞTIRMALARI THE JOURNAL OF OTTOMAN STUDIES Beyond Dominant Paradigms in Ottoman and Middle Eastern / North African Studies A Tribute to Rifa‘at Abou-El-Haj Misafir Editörler / Guest Editors Donald Quataert and Baki Tezcan Some Thoughts on the Politics of Early Modern Ottoman Science Baki Tezcan* Verily, Plato was a Prophet. Attributed to Muhammad by Nev'i (d. 1599) I am not trained in the history of science. However, inspired by the intel- lectual courage of Rifa‘at Abou-El-Haj for whom this volume is a small tribute, I would like to tackle a well known debate on the “decline” of “Islamic science” with a view to argue that science, just as almost anything else in life, has always been political, and that an awareness of this politi- cal context would enrich our understanding of both political and scientific developments in the early modern Ottoman Empire. The present piece is centered on the short-lived Ottoman Imperial Observatory that was found- ed and then destroyed by Murad III (1574-95). I will point out the political aspects of the decision to establish such an observatory and also underline the political nature of the opposition that led Murad III to order its destruc- tion. But before doing any of this, let me start by providing the contours of the late sixteenth century Ottoman political stage. * University of California, Davis. 135 Politics of Early Modern Ottoman Scıence As persuasively argued by Abou-El-Haj, the sixteenth century was a period of profound transformation in the Ottoman Empire.1 The expan- -
Five Limitations: Political Science Applied to the Non-West
ISSN 2464-9929, Global Politics Review 4, no. 1, April 2018: 78-86. Five Limitations: Political Science Applied to The Non-West Kaori Crystal Sueyoshi* ABSTRACT: That political science tends to fall short when applied to the non-West is writ large to academics in the field. Patterns emerge when documenting past failures of political science and international relations theory (IRT) in the global periphery. These patterns can be categorized into the five limitations suggested in this paper: western bias, historical amnesia, scope, willful othering, and political ontology. Ranging from questions of methodology to the nature of the field overall, the five limitations of political science when applied to the non-West illuminate origins to shortcomings in major theories. Understanding these limitations motivates a sharpened lens for adapting theories towards superior robustness. Keywords: International Relations Theory, Political Science, Critical Theory, Non- Western Theory, Political Methodology, Political Philosophy. Received: April 26, 2018. Accepted: April 28, 2018. Published: April 30, 2018. Introduction eaders of this paper are likely no stranger to the general concept of political science. In fact, most are likely to be scholars of some degree on the subject. It Ris thus no secret that political science is inchoate in achieving unconditional and universal applicability, particularly outside of the Western canon. This paper examines five limitations that engender the well-known weaknesses of political science as it is applied in the non-West. The term “theory” connotes the practice of developing principles based on identifiably common aspects between distinct circumstances or observations. In doing so, theory corrupts when the underlying observations contain errors. -
The U.S. South Caucasus Strategy and Azerbaijan
THE U.S. SOUTH CAUCASUS STRATEGY AND AZERBAIJAN This article analyzes the evolution of U.S. foreign policy in the South Cauca- sus through three concepts, “soft power”, “hard power” and “smart power” which have been developed under the administrations of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama respectively. The authors also aim to identify how the US strategy towards this region has been perceived in Azerbaijan, which, due to its geographical position, energy resources and geopolitical environment, is one of the “geopolitical pivots of Eurasia”. Inessa Baban & Zaur Shiriyev* * Inessa Baban is a Ph.D candidate in geopolitics at Paris-Sorbonne University of France. She is a former visiting scholar at Center for Strategic Studies under the President of Azerbaijan. Zaur Shiriyev is a foreign policy analyst at the same think tank. The views expressed in this article are entirely personal. 93 VOLUME 9 NUMBER 2 INESSA BABAN & ZAUR SHIRIYEV he U.S. strategy towards the South Caucasus has become one of the most controversial issues of American foreign policy under the Obama administration. Most American experts argue that because of the current priorities of the U.S. government, the South Caucasus region does not get the attention that it merits. Even if they admit that none of U.S.’ interests in the Caucasus “fall under the vital category”1 there is a realization that Washington must reconsider its policy towards this region which matters geopolitically, economically and strategically. The South Caucasus, also referred as Transcaucasia, is located between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, neighboring Central Asia to the east, the Middle East to the south, and Eastern Europe to the west, hence connecting Europe to Asia. -
I Am Delighted to Welcome You to the Pages of Azerbaijan in the World, the New Biweekly of the Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy
AZERBAIJAN IN THE WORLD ADA Biweekly Newsletter Vol. 1, No. 1 February 1, 2008 [email protected] In this issue: -- Greetings from the Foreign Minister -- Greetings from the Rector -- Paul Goble, “Azerbaijan on the Cusp” -- Sevinge Yusifzade, “A Not So Distant Model” -- Murad Ismayilov, “Azerbaijani National Identity and Baku’s Foreign Policy” -- A Chronology of Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy -- Note to Readers Greetings from H.E. Elmar Mammadyarov Minister of Foreign Affairs Republic of Azerbaijan I am delighted to welcome you to the pages of Azerbaijan in the World, the new biweekly of the Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy. Given its booming economy, increasing presence in international affairs and growing prestige, Azerbaijan today deserves your attention, and I am confident that this new electronic publication will serve as a useful guide to its foreign policy. Situated in one of the most geopolitically sensitive regions in the world, my country affects and is affected by various regional trends, energy issues, and security threats, and in order to understand where Baku is heading, you will want to keep track of developments in all these areas. And Azerbaijan in the World will thus feature articles on those issues as well. Because Ambassador Pashayev, the rector of the Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy, and Paul Goble, ADA’s director of research and publications, stand behind this project, I have every confidence in its success. I plan to be an attentive reader as well as a frequent contributor and very much hope you will be both as well. Greetings from Ambassador Hafiz Pashayev Rector Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy As the rector of the Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy, I want to echo the words of Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov about our new biweekly, “Azerbaijan in the World” and take this opportunity to tell you something about our institution, its activities, and its goals. -
Azerbaijan | Freedom House
Azerbaijan | Freedom House http://freedomhouse.org/report/nations-transit/2014/azerbaijan About Us DONATE Blog Mobile App Contact Us Mexico Website (in Spanish) REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Subscribe Donate NATIONS IN TRANSIT - View another year - ShareShareShareShareShareMore 7 Azerbaijan Azerbaijan Nations in Transit 2014 DRAFT REPORT 2014 SCORES PDF version Capital: Baku 6.68 Population: 9.3 million REGIME CLASSIFICATION GNI/capita, PPP: US$9,410 Consolidated Source: The data above are drawn from The World Bank, Authoritarian World Development Indicators 2014. Regime 6.75 7.00 6.50 6.75 6.50 6.50 6.75 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: 1 of 23 6/25/2014 11:26 AM Azerbaijan | Freedom House http://freedomhouse.org/report/nations-transit/2014/azerbaijan Azerbaijan is ruled by an authoritarian regime characterized by intolerance for dissent and disregard for civil liberties and political rights. When President Heydar Aliyev came to power in 1993, he secured a ceasefire in Azerbaijan’s war with Armenia and established relative domestic stability, but he also instituted a Soviet-style, vertical power system, based on patronage and the suppression of political dissent. Ilham Aliyev succeeded his father in 2003, continuing and intensifying the most repressive aspects of his father’s rule. -
Combatting and Preventing Corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia How Anti-Corruption Measures Can Promote Democracy and the Rule of Law
Combatting and preventing corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia How anti-corruption measures can promote democracy and the rule of law Combatting and preventing corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia How anti-corruption measures can promote democracy and the rule of law Silvia Stöber Combatting and preventing corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia 4 Contents Contents 1. Instead of a preface: Why (read) this study? 9 2. Introduction 11 2.1 Methodology 11 2.2 Corruption 11 2.2.1 Consequences of corruption 12 2.2.2 Forms of corruption 13 2.3 Combatting corruption 13 2.4 References 14 3. Executive Summaries 15 3.1 Armenia – A promising change of power 15 3.2 Azerbaijan – Retaining power and preventing petty corruption 16 3.3 Georgia – An anti-corruption role model with dents 18 4. Armenia 22 4.1 Introduction to the current situation 22 4.2 Historical background 24 4.2.1 Consolidation of the oligarchic system 25 4.2.2 Lack of trust in the government 25 4.3 The Pashinyan government’s anti-corruption measures 27 4.3.1 Background conditions 27 4.3.2 Measures to combat grand corruption 28 4.3.3 Judiciary 30 4.3.4 Monopoly structures in the economy 31 4.4 Petty corruption 33 4.4.1 Higher education 33 4.4.2 Health-care sector 34 4.4.3 Law enforcement 35 4.5 International implications 36 4.5.1 Organized crime and money laundering 36 4.5.2 Migration and asylum 36 4.6 References 37 5 Combatting and preventing corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia 5. -
Country Profile – Azerbaijan
Country profile – Azerbaijan Version 2008 Recommended citation: FAO. 2008. AQUASTAT Country Profile – Azerbaijan. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). Rome, Italy The designations employed and the presentation of material in this information product do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) concerning the legal or development status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The mention of specific companies or products of manufacturers, whether or not these have been patented, does not imply that these have been endorsed or recommended by FAO in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. The views expressed in this information product are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of FAO. FAO encourages the use, reproduction and dissemination of material in this information product. Except where otherwise indicated, material may be copied, downloaded and printed for private study, research and teaching purposes, or for use in non-commercial products or services, provided that appropriate acknowledgement of FAO as the source and copyright holder is given and that FAO’s endorsement of users’ views, products or services is not implied in any way. All requests for translation and adaptation rights, and for resale and other commercial use rights should be made via www.fao.org/contact-us/licencerequest or addressed to [email protected]. FAO information products are available on the FAO website (www.fao.org/ publications) and can be purchased through [email protected]. -
Parliamentary Program of Azerbaijan Evaluation, DI
AZERBAIJANN PARLIAMENTARY PROGRAM OF AZERBAIJAN EVALUATION FINAL REPORT JULY 2011 This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Democracy International, Inc. DISCLAIMER This is an external evaluation. The views expressed in this document are the authors' and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development by Democracy International, Inc., through Task Order No. AID-112-TO-11-00002 under the Analytical Services II Indefinite Quantity Contract (USAID Contract No. AID-OAA-I-10- 00004). Team: • Lincoln Mitchell, Ph.D. • Rashad Shirinov, M.A. Democracy International: Democracy International, Inc. 4802 Montgomery Lane Bethesda, MD 20814 Tel: 301-961-1660 www.democracyinternational.com PARLIAMENTARY PROGRAM OF AZERBAIJAN EVALUATION FINAL REPORT JULY 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................. III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................... V 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY .................................................. 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW ........................................................... 1 1.2 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................. 1 2.0 PROGRAM BACKGROUND ................................................................... -
Armenia-Azerbaijan Wars: Looking for Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict
Armenia‐Azerbaijan Wars: Looking for Nagorno‐Karabakh Conflict Resolution Air University Advanced Research Program Next Generation Intelligence, Surveillance, Reconnaissance Aigerim T. Akhmetova Squadron Officer School Class – 21C March 31, 2021 "Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency." Abstract The Nagorno‐Karabakh territorial dispute is one of the longest inter‐ethnic conflicts from the former Soviet Union, devastating Azerbaijan and Armenia since 1988. The geographic location complicates the situation from a geopolitical perspective by bringing several outside stakeholders to the discussion table. The efforts of one key organization to mitigate the conflict, the Minsk Group, have been questioned by both Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Minsk Group was established in 1992 to provide a peaceful resolution to this territorial dispute by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Competing regional and international interests further complicate this stalemate and finding a single resolution that fits all involved parties’ interests has been an arduous path. This paper explores the complexities of this conflict, discusses if Minsk Group should continue leading negotiation efforts, and proposes possible courses of actions for the international community to take with these countries. Background and Involved Parties The inter‐ethnic tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Karabakh region can be traced back to the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union era (Migdalovitz 2001, 6). For a brief period in 1921, Nagorno‐Karabakh (NK) was part of Armenia before Stalin acknowledged their ties to Azerbaijan (ibid).