Combatting and Preventing Corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia How Anti-Corruption Measures Can Promote Democracy and the Rule of Law
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Armenian Presidential ELECTION Sept. 1996
104th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 2nd Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Armenian Presidential election September 22, 1996 A Report Prepared by the Staff of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION (OSCE) The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki process, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada. Since then, its membership has expanded to 55, reflecting the breakup of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. (The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro, has been suspended since 1992, leaving the number of countries fully participating at 54.) As of January 1, 1995, the formal name of the Helsinki process was changed to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE is engaged in standard setting in fields including military security, economic and envi- ronmental cooperation, and human rights and humanitarian concerns. In addition, it undertakes a variety of preventive diplomacy initiatives designed to prevent, manage and resolve conflict within and among the participating States. The OSCE has its main office in Vienna, Austria, where weekly meetings of permanent represen- tatives are held. In addition, specialized seminars and meetings are convened in various locations and periodic consultations among Senior Officials, Ministers and Heads of State or Government are held. ABOUT THE COMMISSION (CSCE) The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), also known as the Helsinki Commission, is a U.S. -
Outgoing Prime Minister Joseph Muscat's Labour Party Wins The
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN MALTA 3rd June 2017 European Outgoing Prime Minister Joseph Muscat’s Labour Elections monitor Party wins the snap election in Malta. Corinne Deloy The Labour Party (MLP) of outgoing Prime Minister Joseph Muscat came out ahead in the Analysis snap election that took place on 3rd June in Malta. Taking 55.04% of the vote he beat his main rival, the Nationalist Party led by Simon Busuttil, who won 43.68% of the vote. Together the four other political parties which were standing a snap election at the beginning of May after attacks made – the Democratic Party (PD), founded in 2016 by Marlene by the blogger Daphne Caruana Galizia, who revealed that Farrugia, forged an alliance with the nationalists in this election; Muscat’s chief of cabinet Keith Schembri and Energy Minister, Democratic Alternative (AD), an ecologist party led by Arnold Konrad Mizzi (MLP) were the respective owners of the Cassola; the Maltese Patriotic Movement (NPM), a nationalist businesses Hearnville Inc and Tillgate Inc, two Panamanian party led by Henry Battistino and the Bidla Alliance (BA) a offshore companies that they are said to have acquired thanks Christian, Eurosceptic party led by Ivan Grech Mintoff – won to the help of the Panamanian legal firm Mossack Fonseca, 1.29% of the vote and no seats in Parliament. which was involved in the international Panama Papers scandal. Turnout, which is always high in the archipelago, was almost At the end of April Joseph Muscat’s wife was accused of being the same as that recorded in the previous general election on the owner of part of the Panamanian offshore company Egrant 9th March 2013: it lay at 92.1% (- 0.9 point). -
THE IMPACT of the ARMENIAN GENOCIDE on the FORMATION of NATIONAL STATEHOOD and POLITICAL IDENTITY “Today Most Armenians Do
ASHOT ALEKSANYAN THE IMPACT OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ON THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL STATEHOOD AND POLITICAL IDENTITY Key words – Armenian Genocide, pre-genocide, post-genocide, national statehood, Armenian statehood heritage, political identity, civiliarchic elite, civilization, civic culture, Armenian diaspora, Armenian civiliarchy “Today most Armenians do not live in the Republic of Armenia. Indeed, most Armenians have deep ties to the countries where they live. Like a lot of us, many Armenians find themselves balancing their role in their new country with their historical and cultural roots. How far should they assimilate into their new countries? Does Armenian history and culture have something to offer Armenians as they live their lives now? When do historical and cultural memories create self-imposed limits on individuals?”1 Introduction The relevance of this article is determined, on the one hand, the multidimen- sionality of issues related to understanding the role of statehood and the political and legal system in the development of Armenian civilization, civic culture and identity, on the other hand - the negative impact of the long absence of national system of public administration and the devastating impact of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 on the further development of the Armenian statehood and civiliarchy. Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey was the first ever large-scale crime against humanity and human values. Taking advantage of the beginning of World War I, the Turkish authorities have organized mass murder and deportations of Armenians from their historic homeland. Genocide divided the civiliarchy of the Armenian people in three parts: before the genocide (pre-genocide), during the genocide and after the genocide (post-genocide). -
Appeasement and Autonomy | Armenian
APPEASEMENT AND AUTONOMY BRIEF / 2 Jan 2021 Armenian-Russian relations from revolution to war by GEOPOLITICALSERIES Narek Sukiasyan PhD candidate and teaching associate at Yerevan State University, Armenia Summary › Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution did not INTRODUCTION change the country’s foreign and secu- rity policy priorities: a close security al- Armenia’s foreign policy and its role in the post-Soviet liance with Russia has been used to bal- space are often characterised as ‘pro-Russian’. While ance its regional adversaries Turkey and such a description is partially true, it is overly sim- Azerbaijan; however, the revolutionary plistic. This Brief analyses the main trends and evolu- prime minister Nikol Pashinyan has also at- tions in Armenia’s Russia policy after the 2018 Velvet tempted to increase Armenia’s autonomy Revolution: how the changes have influenced Russia’s vis-à-vis Russia. approach towards Armenia, how these dynamics af- › Pashinyan’s attempts to address the for- fect Armenia’s autonomy and what the consequences mer presidents’ abuses of power and cur- of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war are for Armenia’s tail Russian influence in Armenia, coupled regional security and alliances. with moves that could have been interpret- ed as anti-Russian, have created tensions After the revolution and up until the 2020 with Moscow. Nagorno-Karabakh war, no substantial strategic changes were made to Armenian foreign policy. The › The need to sustain the strategic alliance leadership has avoided framing its external affairs in circumstances in which the Kremlin has in geopolitical ‘pro or against’ terms, promoting a been deeply mistrustful of Armenia’s new ‘pro-Armenian’ policy that aims to maintain good re- leadership has forced Pashinyan’s govern- lations in all directions and prioritises sovereignty as ment to appease Russia. -
Submission to the Human Rights Committee by the Daphne Caruana Galizia Foundation
Submission to the Human Rights Committee by The Daphne Caruana Galizia Foundation 130th Session, 12th October 2020 - 6th November 2020 Malta’s third periodic review Under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights I. Introduction 1. Submitting Parties The Daphne Caruana Galizia Foundation welcomes the Human Rights Committee’s (HRC) request for information regarding human rights issues concerning the ‘State Party’ of Malta. The Daphne Caruana Galizia Foundation is a non-profit, independent and non-governmental organisation registered in Malta and was established by the family of the investigative journalist, Daphne Caruana Galizia, who was assassinated in a car bomb attack in Malta on 16th October 2017. 2. The Foundation’s mission is accordingly; ensuring the public interest of full justice for Daphne’s assasination; supporting efforts to protect investigative journalists; ending impunity for the murder of journalists; ensuring the guardianship of Daphne’s work; promoting a culture of public interest litigation; supporting independent, non-partisan media.1 In doing so, we advocate for the complete fulfilment of the core values of international human rights laws, including but not limited to, the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Malta is a state party. 3. Our submission will focus specially on the failures to implement Article 2, Article 14, Article 17 and Article 19 of the ICCPR in Malta. The Foundation hopes that our assessment of these issues will contribute towards the Human Right Committee’s evaluation of Malta’s adherence to their obligations under international law. We support the full adherence to the 2018 Venice Commission recommendations to Malta, many of which are outstanding. -
The Outcome of the Second Karabakh War: Confrontation Between the Diaspora and the Armenian Government
APRIL-2021 ANALYSIS THE OUTCOME OF THE SECOND KARABAKH WAR: CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE DIASPORA AND THE ARMENIAN GOVERNMENT The trilateral agreement signed by the heads of state of Azerbaijan, Russia and Armenia on November 10, 2020 caused a growing discontent both among the citizens of Armenia and among representatives of the diaspora. The Armenian people were divided into several camps: those accusing the West of inaction; those accusing Russia of betrayal; and, finally, those accusing the current government of both betrayal and unpreparedness for military action. It should be noted that diaspora organizations did not openly criticize Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in their statements at first, blaming Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey for everything. One of the first to speak out against the current administration was the Union of Armenians of Russia (UAR), led by its chairman Ara Abramyan. The situation was further aggravated by the spread of unfounded information about the government misappropriating the funds raised by the Hayastan Foundation during the war. As a result, representatives of the diaspora began to demand the resignation of the present administration. As noted above, one of the first large diaspora organizations to blame the current Armenian government was the Union of Armenians of Russia. Immediately after the signing of said agreement, the UAR held an online meeting of 50 heads of its regional offices, led by its chairman A. Abramyan[1], and on November 11, the organization issued a statement on behalf of the chairman, accusing Prime Minister Pashinyan of “incapacity and inability to run the country effectively.”[2] Russian businessman of Armenian origin Samvel Karapetyan, as well as entrepreneurs Artak Tovmasyan and Ruben Vardanyan, also joined these appeals. -
The U.S. South Caucasus Strategy and Azerbaijan
THE U.S. SOUTH CAUCASUS STRATEGY AND AZERBAIJAN This article analyzes the evolution of U.S. foreign policy in the South Cauca- sus through three concepts, “soft power”, “hard power” and “smart power” which have been developed under the administrations of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama respectively. The authors also aim to identify how the US strategy towards this region has been perceived in Azerbaijan, which, due to its geographical position, energy resources and geopolitical environment, is one of the “geopolitical pivots of Eurasia”. Inessa Baban & Zaur Shiriyev* * Inessa Baban is a Ph.D candidate in geopolitics at Paris-Sorbonne University of France. She is a former visiting scholar at Center for Strategic Studies under the President of Azerbaijan. Zaur Shiriyev is a foreign policy analyst at the same think tank. The views expressed in this article are entirely personal. 93 VOLUME 9 NUMBER 2 INESSA BABAN & ZAUR SHIRIYEV he U.S. strategy towards the South Caucasus has become one of the most controversial issues of American foreign policy under the Obama administration. Most American experts argue that because of the current priorities of the U.S. government, the South Caucasus region does not get the attention that it merits. Even if they admit that none of U.S.’ interests in the Caucasus “fall under the vital category”1 there is a realization that Washington must reconsider its policy towards this region which matters geopolitically, economically and strategically. The South Caucasus, also referred as Transcaucasia, is located between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, neighboring Central Asia to the east, the Middle East to the south, and Eastern Europe to the west, hence connecting Europe to Asia. -
Republic of Azerbaijan Country Report
NCSEJ Country Report Email: [email protected] Website: NCSEJ.org Azerbaijan Zaqatala Quba Shaki Shabran Siazan Shamkir Mingachevir Ganja Yevlakh Sumqayit Hovsan Barda Baku Agjabedi Imishli Sabirabad Shirvan Khankendi Salyan Jalilabad Nakhchivan Lankaran m o c 60 km . s p a m - d 40 mi © 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................ 3 Azerbaijan is secular republic. Approximately 93% of the country’s inhabitants have an Islamic background. About 5% are Christian. The remainder of the population belongs to various religions. Around 30,000 Jews live in Azerbaijan. History ........................................................................................................................................... 4 The Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, also known as Azerbaijan People's Republic or Caucasus Azerbaijan in diplomatic documents, was the third democratic republic in the Turkic world and Muslim world, after the Crimean People's Republic and Idel-Ural Republic. Found in May 28, 1918 by Mahammad Amin Rasulzadeh. Ganja city was the Capital of Azerbaijan People’s Republic. Domestic Affairs ............................................................................................................................. 5 Azerbaijan is a constitutional republic with executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The executive branch dominates and there is no independent judiciary. The President and the National Assembly are elected -
Information for Persons Who Wish to Seek Asylum in the Russian Federation
INFORMATION FOR PERSONS WHO WISH TO SEEK ASYLUM IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION “Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in the other countries asylum from persecution”. Article 14 Universal Declaration of Human Rights I. Who is a refugee? According to Article 1 of the Federal Law “On Refugees”, a refugee is: “a person who, owing to well‑founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of particular social group or politi‑ cal opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country”. If you consider yourself a refugee, you should apply for Refugee Status in the Russian Federation and obtain protection from the state. If you consider that you may not meet the refugee definition or you have already been rejected for refugee status, but, nevertheless you can not re‑ turn to your country of origin for humanitarian reasons, you have the right to submit an application for Temporary Asylum status, in accordance to the Article 12 of the Federal Law “On refugees”. Humanitarian reasons may con‑ stitute the following: being subjected to tortures, arbitrary deprivation of life and freedom, and access to emergency medical assistance in case of danger‑ ous disease / illness. II. Who is responsible for determining Refugee status? The responsibility for determining refugee status and providing le‑ gal protection as well as protection against forced return to the country of origin lies with the host state. Refugee status determination in the Russian Federation is conducted by the Federal Migration Service (FMS of Russia) through its territorial branches. -
Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Sudan
OVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTION IN AZERBAIJAN QUERY SUMMARY Can you provide an overview of corruption and anti- With a context characterised by limited independent corruption in Azerbaijan? media, a marginalised political opposition and a poor human rights records, Azerbaijan faces major CONTENT challenges of endemic corruption. Deeply 1. Overview of corruption in Azerbaijan entrenched patronage networks permeate all 2. Anti-corruption efforts in Azerbaijan spheres of public life and hamper the long term economic and social development prospects of the 3. References country. Economic and political powers are largely concentrated in the ruling elite, creating a blurred line between political and business interests. While the country’s natural resource wealth has largely contributed to economic growth and political stability in the last decade, it is also considered a major source of corruption and driver for political patronage networks. Public financial management, political processes, the judiciary and the police count among the sectors considered to be most \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ vulnerable to corruption. Author(s) In recent years, the government has been credited Marie Chêne, Transparency International, internationally for taking important steps against [email protected], with contribution from corruption. In 2009, Azerbaijan became the first Transparency International Azerbaijan compliant country in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. Other important legal and institutional developments have taken place in the Reviewer(s) areas of public sector reform and money laundering, Dieter Zinnbauer, Ph.D., Transparency International among others. These efforts have started to pay off, Date translating in a significant decrease in citizens’ Responded: July 2013 perceptions of corruption in many sectors, as reflected by the recently launched Global Corruption © 2013 Transparency International. -
Press R Elease
PRESS RELEASE LEE YI SHYAN MAKES AN OFFICIAL VISIT TO AZERBAIJAN, 19 TO 20 SEPTEMBER 2013 Senior Minister of State for Trade and Industry, Mr Lee Yi Shyan visited Baku, Azerbaijan from 19 to 20 September 2013, to promote greater economic engagement and ties between Singapore and Azerbaijan. As part of his visit, Mr Lee also attended the opening ceremony of the new Keppel-State Oil Company of Azerbaijan (SOCAR) shipyard on 20 September, alongside Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev and Keppel Corporation Chairman Dr Lee Boon Yang. The economic and bilateral relationship between Singapore and Azerbaijan has been growing in the recent years with Ministers from the two countries making official visits on both sides. Several Singapore companies like Keppel Offshore & Marine Ltd and Franklin Offshore Group have established a presence in Azerbaijan, supporting the operations of large oil and gas companies. With Azerbaijan’s growing economy, there are opportunities for closer collaboration between Singapore and Azerbaijan and for Singapore companies to explore business and investment possibilities in the Azerbaijan market. The new Keppel-SOCAR shipyard is one such example. The shipyard is a joint venture by Keppel Offshore & Marine (a subsidiary of Keppel Corporation), SOCAR and the Azerbaijan Investment Company (AIC). “Azerbaijan has developed rapidly and its GDP has grown 3.45 times in the last 10 years. The country is making deliberate and sustained investments in infrastructure and capacity building as ways to diversify its economy, adding to oil and gas. Baku itself has been greatly modernised and transformed. Keppel’s investments in first Caspian Sea Shipyard and now the inauguration of the Baku Shipyard represent significant milestones not just for the growth of the companies in Azerbaijan but also a symbol of closer economic partnership between Azerbaijan and Singapore.” “As Azerbaijan continues to develop, it will offer many opportunities for our companies in consultancy services, infrastructure design and urban planning. -
Melita Historico
melita historico Vol. VIII No. 2 Published by The Historical Society Malta 1981 MELITA HISTORICA A JOURNAL OF MALTESE HISTORY Editorial Board: Michael Ellul (Editor), Vincent Borg, Alben Ganado, Godfrey Wettinger, Jos. f. Grima, Joseph M21i The annual subscription to The Historical Society :s £M2.00 payable in advance. for members residing abroad: $4.50, 6.500 lire, 12DM, etc. Melita Historica is sent free of charge to members of The Hlstorical Society. Price per copy in Malta for non-members: fM2.25. Abroad, $5.50 or equiva· ent amount plus packing and postag2. Prospective members of the Society are requested to contact any member of the Committee, or apply in writing to the Hon. Secretary. All correspondence should be addressed to: The Historical Society, c/o The Catholic Institute, flor:ana, MALTA. CONTENTS OF VOL. VIII No, 2 (1981) Paul Cassar Overseas Medical Graduates and Students at the University of Malta in the N:neteenth Century p. 93 Joseph Muscat Visitatio Turrium p. 10 I J. Cassar Pullicino Some Nineteemh Century Hotels in Malta p. 109 Raffae'e Grillo Un Pernicioso Contrasto tIa la Malta dei Cavalieri e il Re di Sicilia (1745-55) p. 125 George Zammit·Maempel The Earliest "Treatse" on Maltese Foss Is p. 133 Carmel Cassar "0 Melita Infelix' - A Poem on the Great Siege written in 1565 p. 149 Anthony Luttrell The 'Cappera' of Birkirkara: 1402 p. L56 Book Reviews p. 161 MeJitensia p. 170 Society News p. 174 "0 MELITA INFELIX" A poem on the Great Siege written in 1565 CARMEL CASSAR Ad Patriam (0 M elita Infelix) was discovered by coincidence in a volume of the Magna Curia Castellani a - the Grand Master's courts.