DOCSLIB.ORG

The Confucius Institutes and China's Evolving Foreign Policy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

THE CONFUCIUS INSTITUTES AND CHINA’S EVOLVING FOREIGN POLICY A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Science by Stephen J. Hoare-Vance University of Canterbury 2009 ABSTRACT The Confucius Institutes (CIs) are part of a major new Chinese Government initiative promoting the learning of the Chinese language and culture internationally. They operate through a network of institutes located in learning institutions around the world, and while they have an education focus, they also reflect political changes in China’s relationship with the rest of the world. A transformation in China’s approach to foreign relations has been evident since the belligerence and self-sufficiency of the Mao era, and cautious engagement of the Deng era. In the early 21st century, China’s new foreign policy is more confident and engaged behaviour than it has ever been. The conceptual sources of China’s foreign policy have broadened from Marxism-Leninism to include some contemporary international values and traditional Chinese norms. However, managing the sphere of ideas both domestically and externally, and securing the nation’s economic development, are the main means the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) maintains its legitimacy in the early 21st century. While China’s leadership has given the CIs considerable political independence, they are part of the Party’s propaganda system. Despite some foreign concerns about the Confucius Institutes being a propaganda tool, many other countries have similar programmes; the difference is China’s political system. Through the CIs, China is building the architecture of a major power, and has succeeded in improving its international influence. But because of the lack of international attractiveness of China’s political system, this is likely to be slow. The CIs reflect a more confident and effective Chinese foreign policy; and one that offers greater opportunities for engagement. 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The corollary of having a supervisor that has high standards and who cares about what their students write, means that the student has to work hard to meet those standards! I had not heard of the Confucius Institutes when I was invited to be part of Associate Professor Anne-Marie Brady’s Marsden-funded project on propaganda in contemporary China, and her direction of my research has had a major influence on both this thesis and on my education about China. The timelines we agreed on helped me – even if I got behind on them! The common sense feedback from my secondary supervisor Dr. Jeremy Moses is also appreciated. I take the sentiments of former Vietcong leader Tran Van Tra who said “If you have achieved something, it is due to the help of others” when he wrote about Vietnam’s path (at great cost) to political independence,1 because there are many other people who helped me along my research journey. Dr. He Yong, a visiting scholar as part of Dr. Brady’s project also helped me understand things from a resident Chinese perspective that I would not have been aware of otherwise, and I also sought the opinions of PhD student James To throughout my thesis. Tadasi Iwami was an inspiration with his dedication to his Master’s thesis. When I returned to Canterbury University in 2006, an advisor mentioned to me that many students did not recognise the support services available to them, so I set about making the most of those services available. From the Library, Angela Davies helped me with the bibliographic software Endnote, and Sean Lowery from Information Communication and Technology Services and Dr. Mike Dickenson from the Learning Skills Centre both helped me with Microsoft Word. I also had valuable assistance from staff and students of the Chinese programme of the School of Languages and Cultures. Support from the School of Social and Political Sciences enabled me to attend several conferences, including “Institutionalisation and the Great Transformation of China” at Victoria University Wellington in April 2009 which enabled me to meet colleagues working in similar fields. Thanks to the influence of Department Secretary Jill Dolby, and to the other staff and students who contributed to a positive environment. Outside of the university, I could not have begun university study without financial support from my parents, and my wider family who were always there. My thanks to 1 Quoted in Nu Tang Truong, Journal of a Vietcong (London Cape, 1986). p. 174. 3 Studylink and the Marsden Fund for their valuable financial assistance. I also met a number of people in various groups, and their engagement helped me. This thesis has taken substantial input from others and I hope it gives back a contribution to the field. Stephen Hoare-Vance, Canterbury University October 2009. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ................................................................................................ 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.......................................................................... 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................. 5 Table of Figures ........................................................................................... 7 Table of Tables............................................................................................. 8 Chapter One................................................................................................. 9 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................... 9 Background............................................................................................ 9 Literature review .................................................................................. 13 What isn’t known ................................................................................. 16 Thesis statement ................................................................................... 17 Why are these issues important?............................................................ 17 Research sources .................................................................................. 19 Thesis outline ....................................................................................... 19 Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 23 FROM EXPORTING REVOLUTION TO EXPORTING CULTURE......... 23 Introduction.......................................................................................... 23 Foreign affairs behaviour ...................................................................... 24 The Mao era......................................................................................... 25 Post 1978: The Reform and Open era.................................................... 27 China’s “peaceful rise” ......................................................................... 31 Result of the evolution: China as an active international player .............. 32 Chinese language promotion to foreigners............................................. 34 Rejection and rise of Confucianism....................................................... 38 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 41 Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 44 THEORIES OF POWER, CULTURE AND DIPLOMACY........................ 44 Introduction.......................................................................................... 44 The (in)tangibility of power resources in the contemporary era .............. 45 Soft Power............................................................................................ 49 Public Diplomacy................................................................................. 56 Theory of Chinese foreign policy .......................................................... 63 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 64 Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 66 POLITICAL INFLUENCE AND THE CONFUCIUS INSTITUTES .......... 66 Introduction.......................................................................................... 66 International comparisons of cultural diplomacy.................................... 68 China’s Party-State system.................................................................... 75 Governance of the Confucius Institutes ................................................. 80 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 87 Chapter Five............................................................................................... 89 A TOOL FOR SUBVERSION OR A GOODWILL GESTURE? ................ 89 Introduction.......................................................................................... 89 Criticisms relating to universities .......................................................... 90 Cultural and linguistic concerns .......................................................... 100 Propaganda or public diplomacy?........................................................ 104 Positive contributions ......................................................................... 111 Conclusion ......................................................................................... 113 5 Chapter Six .............................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Culture and Cultural Diplomacy a Comparative Study of a Canadian and Chinese Case

    Culture and Cultural Diplomacy a Comparative Study of a Canadian and Chinese Case

    CULTURE AND CULTURAL DIPLOMACY A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF A CANADIAN AND CHINESE CASE A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts In Political Science University of Regina By HU, Yue Regina, Saskatchewan April, 2011 Copyright 2011:HU Yue Library and Archives Bibliotheque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-88539-0 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-88539-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distrbute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non­ support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation.
  • Nationalism in Chinese Foreign Policy: the Case of China's Response to the United States in 1989-2000

    Nationalism in Chinese Foreign Policy: the Case of China's Response to the United States in 1989-2000

    Nationalism in Chinese Foreign Policy: the Case of China's Response to the United States in 1989-2000 Junfei Wu London School of Economics and Political Science University of London PhD Thesis UMI Number: U615311 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615311 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F « i 2 2 3 qmui Library 0r1B*Ltyaryo<Po*«ca' Economc Soence ,^nel Declaration by Candidate I hereby declare that this thesis is my own work and that it has not been submitted anywhere for any award. Where other sources of information have been used, they have been acknowledged. Signature: Date: 2 - ^ \ CCfjSL' Abstract This thesis is concerned with nationalism in Chinese foreign policy. Adopting methods of comparative studies and formalised language analysis, through the case study of China’s response to US engagement, this thesis explores the nationalist momentum in Chinese foreign policy during 1989-2000 and how the CCP loosely controls Chinese IR scholars’ nationalist writings. The thesis argues that China is not a revisionist state despite the rise of the new nationalism.
  • The CCP Central Committee's Leading Small Groups Alice Miller

    The CCP Central Committee's Leading Small Groups Alice Miller

    Miller, China Leadership Monitor, No. 26 The CCP Central Committee’s Leading Small Groups Alice Miller For several decades, the Chinese leadership has used informal bodies called “leading small groups” to advise the Party Politburo on policy and to coordinate implementation of policy decisions made by the Politburo and supervised by the Secretariat. Because these groups deal with sensitive leadership processes, PRC media refer to them very rarely, and almost never publicize lists of their members on a current basis. Even the limited accessible view of these groups and their evolution, however, offers insight into the structure of power and working relationships of the top Party leadership under Hu Jintao. A listing of the Central Committee “leading groups” (lingdao xiaozu 领导小组), or just “small groups” (xiaozu 小组), that are directly subordinate to the Party Secretariat and report to the Politburo and its Standing Committee and their members is appended to this article. First created in 1958, these groups are never incorporated into publicly available charts or explanations of Party institutions on a current basis. PRC media occasionally refer to them in the course of reporting on leadership policy processes, and they sometimes mention a leader’s membership in one of them. The only instance in the entire post-Mao era in which PRC media listed the current members of any of these groups was on 2003, when the PRC-controlled Hong Kong newspaper Wen Wei Po publicized a membership list of the Central Committee Taiwan Work Leading Small Group. (Wen Wei Po, 26 December 2003) This has meant that even basic insight into these groups’ current roles and their membership requires painstaking compilation of the occasional references to them in PRC media.
  • The Role of the Chinese Military in National Security Policymaking Revised Edition

    The Role of the Chinese Military in National Security Policymaking Revised Edition

    The Role of the Chinese Military in National Security Policymaking Revised Edition Michael D. Swaine Prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense R National Defense Research Institute Approved for public release, distribution unlimited The research described in this report was supported by the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD), under RAND’s National Defense Research Institute, a federally funded research and development center supported by the OSD, the Joint Staff, and the defense agencies, Contract DASW01-95-C-0059. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Swaine, Michael D. The role of the Chinese military in national security policymaking / Michael D. Swaine. p. cm. “Prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense by RAND’s National Defense Research Institute.” “MR-782-1-OSD.” Includes bibliographical references (p. ). ISBN 0-8330-2527-9 1. China—Military policy. 2. National security—China. I. National Defense Research Institute (U.S.). II. Title. UA835.S83 1998 355' .033051—dc21 97-22694 CIP RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. © Copyright 1998 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 1998 by RAND 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1333 H St., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005-4707 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Internet: [email protected] PREFACE This report documents one component of a year-long effort to ana- lyze key factors influencing China’s national security strategies, policies, and military capabilities, and their potential consequences for longer-term U.S.
  • The Communist Party of China: I • Party Powers and Group Poutics I from the Third Plenum to the Twelfth Party Congress

    The Communist Party of China: I • Party Powers and Group Poutics I from the Third Plenum to the Twelfth Party Congress

    \ 1 ' NUMBER 2- 1984 (81) NUMBER 2 - 1984 (81) THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA: I • PARTY POWERS AND GROUP POUTICS I FROM THE THIRD PLENUM TO THE TWELFTH PARTY CONGRESS Hung-mao Tien School of LAw ~ of MAaylANCI • ' Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah Chiu Executive Editor: Mitchell A. Silk Managing Editor: Shirley Lay Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Martin Wilbur, Columbia University Professor Gaston J. Sigur, George Washington University Professor Shao-chuan Leng, University of Virginia Professor Lawrence W. Beer, Lafayette College Professor James Hsiung, New York University Dr. Lih-wu Han, Political Science Association of the Republic of China Professor J. S. Prybyla, The Pennsylvania State University Professor Toshio Sawada, Sophia University, Japan Professor Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, Center for International Politics, University of Munich, Federal Republic of Germany Professor Choon-ho Park, College of Law and East Asian Law of the Sea Institute, Korea University, Republic of Korea Published with the cooperation of the Maryland International Law Society All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu, University of Maryland School of Law, 500 West Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201 USA. All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion contained therein. Subscription is US $10.00 for 6 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues) in the United States and Canada and $12.00 for overseas.
  • The Transformation and Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage of China a Case Study of Huanxian Daoqing Shadow Theatre

    The Transformation and Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage of China a Case Study of Huanxian Daoqing Shadow Theatre

    From “Feudal Rubbish” to “National Treasure”: The Transformation and Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage of China A Case Study of Huanxian Daoqing Shadow Theatre A thesis approved by the Faculty of Mechanical, Electrical and Industrial Engineering at the Brandenburg University of Technology in Cottbus in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the award of the academic degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in Heritage Studies by Chang Liu, M.A. from Beijing, China First Examiner: Prof. Dr. Marie-Theres Albert Second Examiner: Prof. Dr. Klaus Mühlhahn Day of the oral examination: 09 May 2014 ABSTRACT This study examines the history of the transformation of the intangible cultural heritage of China and the efforts to safeguard it, using the case study of Huanxian Daoqing shadow theatre. A regional style of Chinese shadow theatre, Daoqing has undergone dramatic transformation from 1949 to 2013, from being labeled in socialist China as a form of “feudal rubbish” to be eradicated, to being safeguarded as “national treasure”. The changes in Daoqing’s social identity, function, value, interpretation, transmission and safeguarding efforts can be observed in the discourses of both the authorities and the practicing community. These changes may be understood as part of three different stages in the political and economic transformation of socialist China. The researcher has collected governmental archives and conducted semi-structured interviews with Daoqing inheritors in an interpretative phenomenological analysis approach. This thesis analyses how, following Hobsbawm’s argument, Daoqing as an intangible cultural heritage involves an “invention of tradition” through joint actions of the Chinese government and the Huanxian community.
  • The Role of China News Service in Overseas Chinese Affairs by Yuen Li BA

    The Role of China News Service in Overseas Chinese Affairs by Yuen Li BA

    Media Influence and News Production Centralization: The Role of China News Service in Overseas Chinese Affairs by Yuen Li B.A. in Business Administration, May 2009, Babson College A Thesis submitted to The Faculty of The Elliot School of International Affairs of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Asian Studies May 21, 2017 Thesis directed by Bruce Dickson Professor of Political Science and International Affairs © Copyright 2017 by Yuen Li All rights reserved ii Acknowledgments I am immensely grateful to my thesis advisor Bruce Dickson who offered me invaluable advice that cleared the most challenging obstacles in the process of writing this thesis. I am also thankful to the editors and journalists who agreed to my interviews and enlightened my understanding of the overseas Chinese-language media. iii Abstract of Thesis Media Influence and News Production Centralization: The Role of China News Service in Overseas Chinese Affairs After the bloody Tiananmen crackdown in 1989, the legitimacy of the Communist Party of China (CCP) suffered a devastating blow among the overseas Chinese (OC). The CCP responded to the challenge by implementing transnational outreach policy in the OC community, which includes substantial efforts to increase the Party’s influence in the overseas Chinese-language media (OCLM). By conducting a qualitative analysis of the evolution of the CCP's OC policy, this thesis finds that the Party has made tremendous progress in achieving the policy’s strategic goals: modernization and transnational legitimacy. The CCP’s increased influence in the OCLM has made crucial contributions to the Party's success in restoring transnational legitimacy in the OC community.
  • Propaganda Institutions, News and Media

    Propaganda Institutions, News and Media

    Kölner China-Studien Online Arbeitspapiere zu Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas Cologne China Studies Online Working Papers on Chinese Politics, Economy and Society No. 1 / 2013 Thomas Scharping All the News That’s (Un-)Fit to Print: Propaganda Institutions, News and Media Supervision in China Zusammenfassung: Während Chinas Reform- und Öffnungspolitik weitreichende ökonomische Umstrukturie- rungen im Mediensektor ausgelöst und den Spielraum für unzensierte Berichterstattung erweitert hat, bleiben die Grundprinzipien der politischen Medienaufsicht unverändert. Dieser erweiterte Artikel analysiert das Zusammenspiel der zahlreichen für die Medienaufsicht und Zensur zuständigen Führer, Partei- und Staatsbehörden in Bezug auf historisches Erbe und Leitprinzipien, Aufgaben, Struktur und Finanzierung, Arbeitsweisen und Rechtsnormen. Er umreisst die Entwicklung seit 1949, mit dem Hauptgewicht auf Veränderungen der Medienpolitik in der Ära der Parteiführer Jiang Zemin und Hu Jintao 1990-2012. Trotz einiger organisatorischer Umstellungen und wiederholter Zuständigkeitsänderungen verbleiben die bürokratischen Verfahren zur Durchsetzung der Parteipolitik in den Medien weitgehend im Rahmen leninistischer Arrangements aus den 1950er Jahren. Den Herausforderungen der technologischen Revolution in der Massenkommunikation ist durch neue Methoden bei der Filterung und Blockierung sensibler Berichte begegnet worden. Obwohl rechtsstaatliche Prinzipien auch auf die Medien ausgedehnt worden sind, bleiben sie schwächer als in anderen Bereichen des
  • Cultural Relations Between China and the Member States of the European Union

    Cultural Relations Between China and the Member States of the European Union

    Cultural Relations between China and the Member States of the European Union Werner Meissner Introduction Cultural relations, foreign cultural policy and cultural diplomacy are often thought of as synonymous, but while cultural relations include foreign policy and diplomacy, they in fact go far beyond the scope of purely governmental activities. They comprise much more than foreign cultural policy, in which culture is used mainly as a tool to promote the interests of one country and frequently reflects the domestic policies of whichever political party happens to be in power. Cultural relations encompass the mutual influence and exchange of cultures on and between two (or more) states or nations as well as both private and public initiatives to promote the culture of the individual state or nation and to organize cultural exchanges. Foreign cultural policy is conducted by governments, while cultural diplomacy, as the concrete business of the government institutions in- volved,1 deals with intergovernmental negotiations of cultural treaties, conventions, agreements and exchange programmes. Cultural diplomacy may facilitate the transfer of ideas that can influence the partner country, but this is not necessarily the only way that this transfer takes place. Important ideas that have exerted an influence on a foreign culture have frequently taken other paths. Buddhism, Christianity and Marxism, West- ern literature and philosophy did not come to China, and Daoism, Confucianism and Chinese literature did not come to the West by means of cultural diplomacy, but they do form an essential part of cultural relations. This article focuses primarily on the foreign cultural policy and cultural diplomacy of China and the EU member states since the 1980s as part of the concept of cultural relations.
  • Inside China Global Television Network

    Inside China Global Television Network

    Behind the News: Inside China Merriden Varrall Global Television Network January 2020 BEHIND THE NEWS: INSIDE CHINA GLOBAL TELEVISION NETWORK The Lowy Institute is an independent policy think tank. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia — economic, political and strategic — and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high-quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. The views expressed in this paper are entirely the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute. Report BEHIND THE NEWS: INSIDE CHINA GLOBAL TELEVISION NETWORK EXECUTIVE SUMMARY China’s efforts to use state media as a means to increase its soft power around the world have raised concerns in many quarters. With much fanfare in late 2016, China relaunched its global television network, formerly known as China Central Television, as a new global media brand, the China Global Television Network (CGTN). Despite eXtensive investment and active support from the highest levels of government, including President Xi Jinping, CGTN has had limited success in improving China’s international soft power standing. For many Western observers, it is CGTN’s association with the Chinese party-state which limits its ability to shape and influence the global discourse.1 However, it is CGTN’s internal organisational structure and culture which really inhibits its effectiveness as a soft power tool.
  • Qiaowu and the Overseas Chinese

    Qiaowu and the Overseas Chinese

    Hand-in-Hand, Heart-to-Heart: Qiaowu and the Overseas Chinese _____________________________________________________________________ A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the University of Canterbury by James Jiann Hua TO ___________________________________________________________ University of Canterbury 2009 Table of Contents Acknowledgements iv Abstract v Notes on Romanization of Chinese vi List of Acronyms and Abbreviations vii Figure 1: Relationships Between the Qiaowu Apparatus and the viii Extended State Bureaucracy 1.00 Introduction 1 1.01 A Comparison: Incorporating the Turkish Diaspora in Europe 3 1.02 Introduction to the Extant Literature 7 1.03 Aims of this Research 10 1.04 Importance of Qiaowu Research to International Relations 11 1.05 Political/Social Control 13 1.06 Qiaowu for the 21st Century 15 1.07 Problems with Assessing Qiaowu 16 1.08 Methodology 17 1.09 Thesis Outline 21 st 2.00 Mobilizing the OC in the 21 Century 23 2.01 Capitalizing on the Olympic Spirit 23 2.02 The 1989 Tiananmen Incident 26 2.03 The CCP’s Ideological Work and Influence on PRC Students 28 2.04 The 2008 Olympic Torch Rallies 30 2.05 Another Evolution in Qiaowu 34 2.05 Conclusion 35 3.00 Unveiling Qiaowu 36 3.01 The Role of the OC for the CCP-led Party-State 36 3.02 Political Mobilization 38 3.03 Espionage 41 3.04 Unveiling Qiaowu 44 3.05 Service for the OC: Qiaowu Cadres and Their Duties 46 3.06 The CCP’s Guiding Hand 50 3.07 A Brief History of Qiaowu Organizational Structure

  • © in This Web Service Cambridge University

    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-07632-7 - Mao’s Cultural Army: Drama Troupes in China’s Rural Revolution Brian James DeMare Index More information Index In this index, the titles of dramas appear in performance of traditional opera, 165, italics. 201, 204, 236 performances, 179–180, 189–192, Advanced Position Drama Troupe, 89, 103 195–201 agitation stations, 41, 51 rectification of, 201–206 agrarian reform. See land reform reluctance of villagers to perform, 195 Ai Qing, 152 script creation, 157–159, 163–165, Ai Zhongxin, 176–177 176–177, 191, 199–201 All-China Federation of Literary and Art staging amateur performances, 161–163, Circles (Wenlian), 147 166 All-China Literary and Art Circles subversive activities, 204–206 Resistance Association, 148, 150 tendencies towards professionalization, All-China Literature and Arts Worker 164, 174, 221 Representative Congress. See Beiping women and children in, 196 Cultural Congress Anagnost, Ann, 13 All-China National Cultural Worker Andrews, Julia, 146–147, 226 Congress, 112, 122 Apter, David, 13 All-China Opera Trial Performance audiences Convention, 210 attitudes to Peking opera, 184–185 amateur rural drama troupes: pre-1949 audience reach, 60, 86–87, 199 attraction of professional status, 55, 78 autonomous power of, 137–140, balancing entertainment and 142–143, 219 propaganda, 181, 188 effect of performances on, 2, 60, 85, 113, as challenge to village norms, 79–80 117, 142–143, 179–180, 193 competition from xibanzi troupes, 81 effect on repertoires, 226–227 in Jin-Cha-Ji Border Region,