The Rise of the Rhetorical Presidency Author(s): James W. Ceaser, Glen E. Thurow, Jeffrey Tulis and Joseph M. Bessette Source: Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 11, No. 2, Presidential Power and Democratic Constraints: A Prospective and Retrospective Analysis (Spring, 1981), pp. 158-171 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27547683 Accessed: 28-02-2019 15:46 UTC

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by JAMES W. CEASER Associate Professor of Government and Foreign Affairs University of Virginia GLEN E. THUROW Professor of Political Science University of Dallas JEFFREY TULIS Instructor in Government and International Studies University of Notre Dame and JOSEPH M. BESSETTE Assistant Professor of Politics The Catholic University of America

The Rise of the Rhetorical Presidency economic challenges at hand. Yet difficult as this problem of malaise was, the Presi One of the most revealing periods of dent believed it could be tackled ?and by President Carter's tenure in office ?and the very same means that would correct perhaps of the modern presidency itself? his own failures of leadership. By engag occurred during the summer of 1979. Fall ing in a rhetorical campaign to "wake up" ing to a new low in the public's approval the American people, the President hoped ratings and facing criticism from all quar both to save his presidency and begin the ters for his leadership, the President dra long process of national moral revival. As matically cancelled a scheduled televised a Washington Post front page headline speech on energy and gathered his advi proclaimed on the day preceding his new sors together for a so-called domestic ly scheduled national address: CARTER summit. Discussions moved beyond ener SEEKING ORATORY TO MOVE AN gy and economics to a reappraisal of the ENTIRE NATION.1 nature of presidential leadership and to an Looking back today at these unusual analysis of what, for want of a better events, one must surely be surprised that term, can only be called the state of the all of this self-analysis and deep introspec national consciousness. Having served tion was so quickly forgotten. True, the already more than half of his term, the July 15th speech was no classic of Ameri President came to the conclusion that he can oratory; but it did receive an extra had been mistaken in his understanding of ordinary amount of attention at the time the presidential office; he had, as he told and was commonly thought to mark a David Broder, fallen into the trap of be "turning point" in the Carter presidency, ing "head of the government" rather than at least as measured by the President's "leader of the people." As for the state of own intentions. Yet just three months the national consciousness, the President afterwards, no one in the administration concluded that the nation was experienc was mentioning the crisis of malaise, and ing a crisis of spirit or "malaise" that went the President, after the Iranian hostage deeper and was more ominous than the crisis, returned to the White House and began deliberately acting "presidential," * The authors wish to thank the National Endow which is to say more like "the head of the ment for the Humanities for its support in conduct government" than the "leader of the peo ing this research. ple." 158

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Were these events merely a peculiar addressed to the people became common "story" of the Carter presidency? Per place and presidents began to think that haps. On the other hand, it might be they were not effective leaders unless they argued that they are revealing in an exag constantly exhorted the public.3 gerated form of a major institutional de Today, a president has an assembly-line velopment in this century ?the rise of the of speechwriters efficiently producing rhetorical presidency? and of some of the words that enable him to say something problems inherent in that development. on every conceivable occasion. Unless a Popular or mass rhetoric, which Presi president is deliberately "hiding" in the dents once employed only rarely, now White House, a week scarcely goes by serves as one of their principal tools in at without at least one major news story de tempting to govern the nation. What ever voted to coverage of a radio or TV doubts Americans may now entertain speech, an address to Congress, a speech about the limitations of presidential to a convention, a press conference, a leadership, they do not consider it unfit news release, or some other presidential ting or inappropriate for presidents to at utterance. But more important even than tempt to "move" the public by program the quantity of popular rhetoric is the fact matic speeches that exhort and set forth that presidential speech and action in grand and ennobling views. creasingly reflect the opinion that speak It was not always so. Prior to this cen ing is governing. Speeches are written to tury, popular leadership through rhetoric become the events to which people react was suspect. Presidents rarely spoke di no less than "real" events themselves. rectly to the people, preferring communi The use of rhetoric by some of our re cations between the branches of the gov cent presidents is revealing of this devel ernment. Washington seldom delivered opment. During his campaign and through more than one major speech per year of out the first few months of his presidency, his administration, and that one?the An President Kennedy spoke continually of nual Address ?was almost mandated by the existence of a national crisis and of the the Constitution and was addressed to need for sacrifice and commitment, only Congress. Jefferson even ceased deliver to find it difficult at times to explain just ing the address in person, a precedent that what the crisis was and where the sacrifice continued until 's ap and commitment were actually needed. pearance before Congress in 1913. The Today, seen in perspective, much of Ken spirit of these early presidents' examples nedy's talk about our "hour of national was followed throughout the nineteenth peril" has a nice ring but a hollow sound, century. The relatively few popular as if it were fashioned to meet the impera speeches that were made differed in char tives of a certain rhetorical style and not acter from today's addresses. Most were those of the concrete situation he faced.4 patriotic orations, some raised Constitu It seems to reflect the view expressed by a tional issues, and several spoke to the con former Kennedy White House aide: "It duct of war. Very few were domestic will be less important in years to come for "policy speeches" of the sort so common presidents to work out programs and today, and attempts to move the nation serve as administrators than it will be for by means of an exalted picture of a per presidents through the means of television fect ideal were almost unknown. Indeed, to serve as educational and psychic in the conspicuous case where a president leaders."5 did "go to the people" in a "modern" President Johnson followed with a sense?Andrew Johnson's speaking tour steady stream of oratory that swelled pop in the summer before the 1866 Congres ular expectations of governmental capaci sional elections ?the campaign not only ty to a level that even his apologists now failed, but was considered highly ir concede far exceeded what government regular.2 It was not until well into the could possibly achieve. What Harry Mac present century that presidential speeches pherson, one of Johnson's chief aides and

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speechwriters, said of the goals of the advisor, Gerald Rafshoon, the President Johnson administration characterizes per began to look for more opportunities to fectly the tone of its rhetoric: display rhetorical forcefulness. And by the time of his July oratorical campaign People were [seen to be] suffering from he emerged with an assertive tone and a sense of alienation from one another, vigorous body movement, his theme being of anomie, of powerlessness. This af the decline and revitalization of America: fected the well-to-do as much as it did the poor. Middle-class women, bored [We face] a crisis that strikes at the very and friendless in the suburban after heart and soul and spirit of our national noons; fathers, working at "meaning will. We can see this crisis in the grow less" jobs, or slumped before the televi ing doubt about the meaning of our sion set; sons and daughters desperate own lives and in the loss of unity of for "relevance" ?all were in need of purpose for our nation. .. . The erosion community beauty, and purpose, all of our confidence in the future is threat were guilty because so many others ening to destroy the social and political were deprived while they, rich beyond fabric of America. . . . [What] we must their ancestors' dreams, were depressed. do is to regenerate our sense of unity, What would change all this was a crea joining hands with each other in a sense tive public effort. . . .6 of commitment to a national purpose. President Nixon sensed people's reac . . . We must bring together the differ tion to the feverish pitch of the mid-sixties ent elements in America?producers, and countered with an anti-rhetoric rhe consumers, labor, business? bring us toric that soberly promised to "lower our all together from the battlefield of self voices": ishness to a table of common purpose.8 In these difficult years, America has In the face of no tangible crisis on the suffered from a fever of words; from order of a war or domestic upheaval, Car ter was seeking nevertheless to define a inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; . . . from bombastic subtler crisis and, linking it to the prag matic issues of energy politics, to lead a rhetoric that postures instead of per domestic cultural revival. As one of his suading.7 aides claimed, "I think we have seen both But this calm and mature pose, typical of the rebirth of the American spirit that he Nixon's political superego, could not con talks about and the rebirth of the Carter tain his own desire to strike back at his de presidency as well."9 tractors, and together with Vice-President Much of this rhetoric is undoubtedly, Agnew, Nixon launched his own rhetori as many say today, "mere rhetoric." The cal counteroffensive. If they enjoyed, up excess of speech has perhaps fed a cyni to a point at least, a great deal of success cism about it that is the very opposite of with their oratory, it was because much of the boundless faith in rhetoric that has it had the self-contained purpose of call been so far portrayed. Yet, despite this ing into question the rhetoric of their cynicism, it seems increasingly the case liberal opponents. With Agnew in partic that for many who comment on and form ular, the privilege of holding public office opinions about the presidency, word was less important for what it could allow rivals deed as the measure of presidential him to do than for what it could allow performance. The standard set for presi him to say. dents has in large degree become an arti President Carter, the outsider who fact of their own inflated rhetoric and one came to Washington promising to bring a to which they frequently fall victim.10 simple honesty and decency to govern While part of this difficulty can be blamed ment, began his term speaking in a voice on the ineptness of certain presidents' rhe lowered to a point where many felt that it torical strategies, it is also the case that had become inaudible. By mid-term, fall presidents operate in a context that gives ing in the polls and urged on by his media them much less discretion over their rhet

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oric than one might think. The problem is not based, as is generally supposed, on a thus not one simply of individual rhet simple doubt about the people's capacity orics, but is rather an institutional dilem to govern, but on a more complex case ma for the modern presidency. concerning the evils that would result Beginning with the campaign, the can from the interplay between the public and didates are obliged to demonstrate their popular orators. leadership capacity through an ever grow In democracies, they reasoned, political ing number of rhetorical performances, success and fame are won by those orators with the potential impact of their words who most skillfully give expression to on future problems of governing often be transient, often inchoate, public opinion.12 ing the least of their concerns. The pres Governing by this means, if indeed it can sure to "say something" continues after be called governing, leads to constant in the president has begun to govern. Presi stability as leaders compete with each dents not only face the demand to explain other to tap the latest mood passing what they have done and intend to do, but through the public. The paradox of they also have come under increasing government by mood is that it fosters pressure to speak out on perceived crises neither democratic accountability nor and to minister to the moods and emotions statesmanly efficiency. Freed from the of the populace. In the end, it may be the necessity to consult public opinion, office of the presidency that is weakened understood as "the cool and deliberate by this form of leadership, puffed up by sense of the community," popular orators false expectations that bear little relation would be so chained to public opinion, ship to the practical tasks of governing understood as "mood," that discretion and undermined by the resulting cyni and flexibility essential to statesmanship cism.11 would be undermined.13 How did the rhetorical presidency come The Founders were not so impractical into existence? What are its strengths and as to think that popular rhetoric could be weaknesses? Can presidents escape its entirely avoided in a republican system. burdens, and to what extent should they But the government they designed was in try to do so? These are some of the impor tended to minimize reliance on popular tant questions that need addressing. oratory and to establish institutions which could operate effectively without the im I mediate support of transient opinion. All The rise of the rhetorical presidency has of the powers of governing were to be been primarily the result of three factors: given, not directly to the people, but to 1) a modern doctrine of presidential their representatives. These representa leadership, 2) the modern mass media, tives would find themselves in a tri-partite and 3) the modern presidential campaign. government in which the various tasks of Of these three, doctrine is probably the governing would be clearly discernable most important. and assigned, and in which they would be As strange as it may seem to us today, forced to deal with knowledgeable and the Framers of our Constitution looked determined men not easily impressed by with great suspicion on popular rhetoric. facile oratory. As part of their solution, Their fear was that mass oratory, whether the Founders were counting on the large crudely demagogic or highly inspira size of the nation, which at the time tional, would undermine the rational and erected a communication barrier that enlightened self-interest of the citizenry would mute the impact of national popu which their system was designed to foster lar rhetoric, whether written or oral. and on which it was thought to depend for Beyond this, the Founders instituted a its stability. The Framers' well-known presidential selection system that was de mistrust of "pure" democracy by an as signed to preclude active campaigning by sembly?and by extension, of the kind of the candidates. As for the presidency representative government that looked itself, the Founders discouraged any idea only to public opinion as its guide ?was that the President should serve as a leader

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of the people who would stir mass opinion during the period. Given on a formal oc by rhetoric; their conception was rather casion, it tended to follow a pattern which that of a constitutional officer who would was set by Jefferson's First Inaugural Ad rely for his authority on the formal dress in which he delivered an exposition powers granted by the Constitution and of the principles of the union and its on the informal authority that would flow republican character. Although Jeffer from the office's strategic position. son's speech might in one sense be con These limitations on popular rhetoric sidered a partisan document, in fact he did not mean, however, that presidents sought to be conciliatory towards his op were expected to govern in silence. Cere ponents. More important still, he pre monial occasions presented a proper sented his case not as an attempt to win forum for reminding the public of the na support for the particular policies of a tion's basic principles; and communica party but rather as an effort to instruct tions to Congress, explicitly provided for the people in, and fortify their attachment by the Constitution, offered a mechanism to, true republican political principles. by which the people also could be informed The form of inaugural address perfected on matters of policy. Yet this intra-branch by Jefferson proved a lasting model rhetoric, though public, was not meant to throughout the century. Although subse be popular. Addressed in the first instance quent addresses did not often match the to a body of informed representatives, it eloquence or understanding of Jefferson's would possess a reasoned and deliberative ? Lincoln's Second Inaugural, of course, character; and insofar as some in the being the most conspicuous exception? public would read these speeches and state they consistently attempted to show how papers, they would implicitly be called on the actions of the new administrations to raise their understanding to the level of would conform to Constitutional and characteristic of deliberative speech. republican principles. Nineteenth century politics in America Against this tradition Woodrow Wilson did not, of course, follow exactly the gave the Inaugural Address (and presiden Founders' model of an essentially non tial speech generally) a new theme. In rhetorical regime. Campaigns quickly stead of showing how the policies of the changed from their intended place as incoming administration reflected the quiet affairs into spirited events replete principles of our form of government, with fanfare and highly charged popular Wilson sought to articulate the unspoken rhetoric, though it is important to observe desires of the people by holding out a vi that the rhetoric was produced not by the sion of their fulfillment. Presidential candidates but by surrogates arranged for speech, in Wilson's view, should articulate by the parties. Moreover, certain presi what is "in our hearts" and not necessarily dent?most notably Jackson and Lincoln what is in our Constitution.15 ? used their communications with Con had presaged this gress and some of their speeches and pro change by his remarkable ability to cap clamations to address the people more or ture the nation's attention through his less directly. Yet the amount of nineteenth understanding of the character of the new century presidential rhetoric that even mass press and through his artful manipu loosely could be called popular is very lit lation of the national press corps.16 It was tle indeed, and the presidency remained, Wilson, however, who brought popular with some slight alterations, a Constitu speech to the forefront of American poli tional office rather than the seat of popu tics by his dramatic appearances before lar leadership.14 Congress ?breaking more than a century's The Inaugural and the Annual Address precedent of presidential nonatten (now called the State of the Union) were dance ?and by his famous speaking tour the principal speeches of a President given on behalf of the League of Nations. Most wide dissemination. The character of the importantly, Wilson articulated the doc Inaugural Address illustrates the general trinal foundation of the rhetorical presi character of presidential popular speech dency and thereby provided an alternative

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theoretical model to that of the Founders. President "who is not isolated from the In Wilson's view, the greatest power in people, but who feels your pain and modern democratic regimes lay potential shares your dreams and takes his strength ly with the popular leader who could sway and his wisdom and his courage from or ?to use his word ?"interpret" the you."20 Presidents have not always found wishes of the people. After some indeci it easy to bring these two elements?policy sion Wilson finally concluded that the and mood?together. Carter's "malaise" presidency was the institution best suited address of July 1979 again illustrates the to assume this role: "There is but one na point. The first half of the speech por tional voice in the country and that is the trayed a national malaise of sweeping and voice of the President." And it is the "voice" profound proportions; the second half in that is most important for governing: "It congruously implied that we could secure is natural that orators should be the our redemption by conserving energy and leaders of a self-governing people. . . ."17 taxing the oil companies. The Wilsonian concept of the rhetorical The Wilsonian concept of presidential presidency consists of two interfused ele leadership was echoed in FDR's claim that ments. First, the President should employ the presidency is "pre-eminently a place of oratory to create an active public opinion moral leadership" and subsequently can that, if necessary, will pressure the Con onized in the scholarly literature by Clin gress into accepting his program: "He [the ton Rossiter's characterization of the President] has no means of compelling presidency as the nation's "trumpet."21 To Congress except through public opinion."18 be sure, not all presidents since Wilson In advancing policy, deliberative, intra have embraced this grandiloquent concep branch rhetoric thus becomes secondary tion of their role, but as a doctrine the to popular rhetoric, and the President rhetorical presidency has become the pre "speaks" to Congress not directly but dominant model. What these metaphori through his popular addresses. Second, in cal terms like "voice of the nation," order to reach and move the public, the "moral leader" and "trumpet" all suggest character of the rhetoric must tap the is a form of presidential speech that soars public's feelings and articulate its wishes. above the realm of calm and deliberate Rhetoric does not instill old and estab discussion of reasons of state or appeals to lished principles as much as it seeks to in enlightened self-interest. Rather, the pic fuse a sense of vision into the President's ture of leadership that emerges under the particular legislative program. influence of this doctrine is one that con stantly exhorts in the name of a common A nation is led by a man who . . . speaks, not the rumors of the street, but a new purpose and a spirit of idealism. If the doctrine of the rhetorical presi principle for a new age; a man in whose ears the voices of the nation do not dency leaves us today with the occasional sound like the accidental and discor feeling that it is hollow or outworn, it is not because of a decline in its influence dant notes that come from the voice of but because of the inevitable consequences a mob, but concurrent and concordant like the united voices of a chorus, of its ascendancy. Presidents such as Wil son, Franklin Roosevelt and John Ken whose many meanings, spoken by me nedy found in the doctrine a novelty lodious tongues, unite in his under which they could exploit to win atten standing in a single meaning and reveal tion?if not always success ?for their to him a single vision, so that he can program. Exercised against the prevailing speak what no man else knows, the common meaning of the common expectation of moral leadership, however, voice.19 presidents may find that the doctrine is sometimes more of a burden than an op Much the same idea, though stripped of portunity. Presidents can speak and ex some of its eloquence, was expressed by hort, but will anyone genuinely heed what President Carter in his Convention accep they say? tance speech when he promised to be a The events leading up to President Car

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ter's address of July 1979 are instructive. spoken word delivered in a dramatic visi Late in June of that year the President re ble performance. The written word for ceived a memo from his chief domestic merly provided a partial screen or check policy advisor, Stuart Eizenstat, recom against the most simplistic argumenta mending what has become by now the tions, as it allowed more control of the standard use of the rhetorical presidency: text by the reader and limited the audience to those with the most interest in politics. Every day you need to be dealing with ? One might reply, of course, that presi and publicly be seen as dealing with dents today produce more written docu ? the major energy problems now fac ments than ever before and that all of ing us. . . . You have a variety of their speeches are recorded and tran speeches scheduled after your return. scribed. But this matters little as few in . . . Each of those occasions should be used to talk about energy. . . . The the public ever bother to peruse, let alone read, the President's words. Significant windfall tax campaign was successful messages are delivered today in speeches, because of your repeated discussion of and presidents understand that it is the it during a short time. With strong steps we can mobilize the nation around a visible performance, not the tangible text, that creates the public impression. Under real crisis and with a clear enemy.22 the constant demand for new information But on the day before his originally that characterizes audiences of the media scheduled TV address, the President age, what is not seen or heard today does decided to cancel it because, in columnist not exist. Presidents accordingly feel the David Broder 's words, "He believed that pressure to speak more and to engage in neither the country nor the Congress what Eizenstat called "campaigns" to keep would heed or respond to another energy their message before the public. Words speech?the fifth of his term?from him."23 come to have an ephemeral quality to If a nationally televised presidential ad them, and the more the President speaks dress, itself once a dramatic event, must the less value can be put on any one be cancelled as a way of recapturing a speech he delivers. One of the great sense of drama, one wonders what expe ironies of the modern presidency is that as dient presidents will turn to next. the President relies more on rhetoric to govern, he finds it more difficult to II deliver a truly important speech, one that The second factor that accounts for the will stand by itself and continue to shape rise of the rhetorical presidency is the events. modern mass media. The media did not The influence of the mass media on create the rhetorical presidency ?doctrine presidential rhetoric is not limited to its did ?but it facilitated its development and technical capacities. The mass media has has given to it some of its special char also created a new power center in Ameri acteristics. The mass media, meaning here can politics in the form of television news. primarily radio and television, must be If the technical aspect of the media has understood first from the perspective of given the President an advantage or an its technical capacities. It has given the opportunity, the existence of television President the means by which to commu news often serves as a rival or an impedi nicate directly and instantaneously with a ment. Journalists are filters in the com large national audience, thus tearing munication process, deciding what por down the communications barrier on tions of the President's non-televised which the Founders had relied to insulate speeches they will show and how their representative institutions from direct arguments will be interpreted. When contact with the populace. Besides in presidents speak in public today, their creasing the size of the President's au most important audience is not the one dience, the mass media has changed the they are personally addressing, but rather mode by which he communicates with the the public as it is reached through the public, replacing the written with the brief cuts aired on the news. Speeches

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accordingly tend to be written so that any stability and to allow time for policies to segment can be taken to stand by itself? mature and for events to respond to their as a self-contained lead. Argument gives measures. Instead, the President is under way to aphorism. more pressure to act ?or to appear to The direct impact of the news' inter act?to respond to the moods generated pretation of the President's words is by the news. perhaps less important for presidential Partly as a result of these pressures rhetoric than the indirect influence that from the media for more and more presi derives from the character of news itself. dential speech, a major new staff capacity Television news not only carries the mes has been added to the White House to en sages of governing officials to the people; able the President to produce the large it also selects the issues that are presented number of speeches and messages that he to the government for "action" of some speaks or writes. While not a major cause sort. "Real" expressions of mass opinion, of the rhetorical presidency, like any staff which in the past were sporadic, are re capacity its existence becomes a reason placed by the news' continuous "sophisti for its continual use. Once known as cated" analyses that serve as a surrogate "ghosts" and hidden in the presidential audience, speaking to the government and closet, rhetoric-makers today have come supposedly representing to it what the out into the full light of day and are open people are saying and thinking. Driven by ly employed under the title of speech its own inner dynamic to find and sustain writers.25 We have perhaps passed beyond exciting issues and to present them in the point of na?vet? where we shudder at dramatic terms, news creates ?or gives expos?s which reveal that the personal the impression of creating ?national convictions of the President are written by moods and currents of opinion which ap someone else, but it is worth noting the pear to call for some form of action by the paradox that at a time when presidents are government and especially by the Presi judged more by their rhetoric, they play dent. less of a role in its actual formulation. If, The media and the modern presidency as Francis Bacon once wrote, only writing feed on each other. The media has found makes a man exact, the incoherence of in the presidency a focal point on which to much presidential policymaking may owe concentrate its peculiarly simplistic and something to the fact that presidents do so dramatic interpretation of events; and the little of their own writing and sometimes presidency has found a vehicle in the schedule more speeches than they can pos media that allows it to win public atten sibly supervise closely.26 Certain rapid tion and with that attention the reality, shifts that occurred during 1978 in Presi but more often the pretense, of enhanced dent Carter's pronounced foreign policy, power.24 What this two-sided relationship which Senator Kennedy attempted to signifies is a change in the rhetorical con make into an important campaign issue, text in which the President now operates, are attributable to different viewpoints of the implications of which extend beyond the authors of his speeches, which the the question of how much power the President either did not want or did not President has to the issue of how he at have the time to integrate.27 An institu tempts to govern. Constitutional govern tionalized speechwriting staff may bring ment, which was established in contradis to presidential speeches interests of its tinction to government by assembly, now own that conflict with presidential policy has become a kind of government by as or, to the extent that the staff becomes sembly, with TV "speaking" to the Presi divorced from the President's chief politi dent and the President responding to the cal advisors, it may be incapable of resist demands and moods that it creates. The ing pressure from others for the inclusion new government by assembly ?operating of remarks in speeches at the expense of without a genuine assembling of the peo presidential coherence. Finally the speech ple?makes it increasingly difficult for writing task has come more and more to be presidents to present an appearance of influenced by pollsters and admen whose

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understanding of rhetoric derives from the pressure to say something new. As their premises of modern advertising and its off goal was to win power, and as that goal, shoot, political consulting. Such influence especially in the pre-convention period, is even more visible in the modern presi was remote, candidates could easily af dential campaign. ford to disregard the impact of their speech on the demands of governing and Ill instead craft their rhetoric with a view The modern presidential campaign is merely to persuading. the third factor that accounts for the rise Scholars of the electoral process, inter of the rhetorical presidency. The roots of ested in such issues as accountability and the modern campaign go back to Wilson democratic voting theory, have sought to and the Progressives and to many of the determine just how much of the candi same ideas that helped to create the rhe dates' rhetoric goes into spelling out torical presidency. Prior to 1912, the par stands on issues as compared to other ties were largely responsible for conduct kinds of appeals, e.g. character or vaguely ing the campaigns, and the candidates, formed interpretation of events. If there is with few exceptions, restricted their com an operative normative theory to some of munications to letters of acceptance of the these inquiries, it is based on the premise nomination. Wilson was the first victori that it would be desirable for the voters to ous presidential candidate to have en know the candidate's stand on the full gaged in a full-scale speaking tour during range of issues and to make up their the campaign. In his view, it was essential minds on the basis of a rational calcula that the candidates replace the parties as tion of their position as it compares to the main rhetorical instruments of the those of the candidates.28 However, if one campaign. This change would serve not does not focus exclusively in campaigns only to downgrade the influence of tradi but tries to see campaigns as part of the tional parties but also to prepare the peo total process of governing, there is cause ple for the new kind of presidency that he for wondering whether what is ideal from hoped to establish. Indeed, with Wilson the standpoint of democratic voting theory the distinction between campaigning and is very helpful for promoting effective governing is blurred, as both involve the governing: too many specific commit same essential function of persuading ments might, if taken seriously, under through popular oratory. mine a necessary degree of discretion, or, Although Wilson himself did not cam if blatantly ignored, add to public cyni paign extensively in the pre-convention cism. It is the empirical findings of such period, he supported the idea of a pre research that are, perhaps, of most in convention campaign and pushed for terest, and here one discovers two con nomination by national primaries. His trasting tendencies. ideal of a truly open presidential nomina Benjamin Page has shown that candi tion campaign in which all candidates dates devote very little time in their must take the "outside" route was not ful speeches to spelling out anything like con ly realized, however, until after the crete policy stands; instead most of their reforms that followed the 1968 election. effort goes into general interpretations of Over the past two campaigns and in this past records and highly ambiguous state one, we have seen the development of one ments about future goals.29 On the other of the most peculiarly irresponsible rhe hand, Jeff Fischel has found that the torical processes ever devised. For a number of specific promises that candi period of two years before the 1980 con dates make over the course of a campaign ventions, the various contenders had little has been increasing dramatically since else to offer except their rhetoric. Undisci 1952.bo xhis paradox is easily explicable if plined by the responsibility of matching one bears in mind that while candidates word to deed, they sought to create events may discuss very little of substance in out of their speeches, all the while operat their speeches, they speak (and write) ing under the constant media-created much more than they ever did in the past

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and thus accumulate more pledges. This toric.32 This form of news coverage may research suggests, then, that we have the well help us learn something about the worst of both worlds?vague and unin candidates' "character" or ability to think structive speeches on the one hand and in public, but it hardly does very much to more and more specific promises on the encourage among the people a respect for other. In this result one finds the perfect the formal rhetorical mode. That speeches marriage of media and special interest might, if heard, be a helpful way of judg politics. ing candidates, however, is suggested by It may also be that the distinctions the importance of the one main campaign scholars make in regard to "issue stands" speech that the public can view in its en and "image making" are increasingly irre tirety?the campaign acceptance speech. levant. For the candidates and their The presidential campaign is important political consultants the campaign is often for the kinds of inflated expectations it seen as a whole, with the most sophisti raises, but it is even more important for cated campaigns today being run on the the effects it has on the process of govern premise that the candidates must tap and ing. So formative has the campaign be express a popular mood. Issues and im come of our tastes for oratory and of our ages are both fit into this general theme. conception of leadership that presidential As Jimmy Carter remarked in 1976, "In speech and governing have come more sofar as my political campaign has been and more to imitate the model of the cam successful, it is because I have learned paign. In a dramatic reversal, campaigns from our people and have accurately re set the tone for governing rather than flected their concerns, their frustrations governing for campaigns. This trend, and their desires."31 Reflecting but not which is becoming more embedded in necessarily educating the people's moods public expectations, is furthered by an has in some instances been the order of other dynamic that works on the Presi the day. The old case against the political dent and his staff. Both may think of the consultants and admen?that they build campaign as their finest hour, to the ex up an image of the candidate's person ? tent that its techniques become inter largely underestimates their impact. To nalized in their conception of governing. day, they are definitely in the "business" As pollster Pat Caddell advised Carter at of dealing with "issues" no less than im the beginning of his term, "governing with ages, and both frequently are subordi public approval requires a continuing nated to mood. political campaign."33 And in a memo Actually, the efforts that candidates do that led up to the Camp David speech, make in some of their speeches to address Caddell suggested that "Carter should re the issues are often passed over and ig turn to the style that had marked his cam nored in the media. Although it may take paign for the presidency, at least in its ear the public a long time to learn the candi ly stages: to address the nation's mood dates' basic themes ?and many never learn and to touch on the 'intangible' problems them?the reporters covering the cam in our society."34 Some of the President's paign often tire of repetitive stories and political advisors, Vice President M?n resist putting comments from formal dale among them, opposed the whole idea speeches on the air. As Thomas Patterson of a campaign while holding office. But has shown, the press, and especially tele the political consultants stood together vision news coverage, looks for the "new" and won the day. As Gerald Rafshoon in the campaigns, and thus tends to cover told Elizabeth Drew, "It was important those comments of candidates that are for the President to be 'relevant,' which made in impromptu sessions. Indeed, meant showing people he understood journalists attempt to stimulate "cam what was bothering them."35 paign issues"?e.g., off the cuff responses The growing intrusion of the mentality to charges or to contemporary news events of the campaign consultants into the gov ?rather than to cover what the candidates erning process recalls the ancient philo seek to communicate in their own rhe sophical battle between the original

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founders of the art of rhetoric ?the 1979, that a President should be "the sophists?and the political scientists. When leader of the people" rather than "the rhetoric was first discovered as a teach head of the government," was a perfect able art in Ancient Greece, its masters em expression of his support for the doctrine phasized its purely persuasive powers; and of the rhetorical presidency. Acting expli because rhetoric claimed to be able to in citly on this doctrine, the President pledged struct politicians on how to win power, it to spend more time with the people and quickly began to pass itself off as the most launched a campaign of speeches, largely important kind of political education. As inspirational in tone, that were designed Carnes Lord has stated, ". . .by encour to mobilize a popular constituency which . aging the supposition that the exercise of supposedly would translate into higher political responsibility requires little sub opinion ratings and more power in Wash stantive knowledge beyond rhetorical ex ington. The evident failure of this cam pertise itself, rhetoric as taught by the paign, however, should perhaps have sophists tended to make men oblivious of given the President pause about the effec the very need for a science of politics." tiveness of his newly discovered concep The threat that the art of rhetoric so tion of his office. For all the momentary defined posed to political science, yet the attention lavished on the President's evident necessity of politicians to use rhe words, they did not succeed ?nor come toric, led Aristotle to write a rhetoric of close to succeeding?in creating "a rebirth his own. It was designed to recast the na of the American spirit." Nor is this sur ture of the discipline so as to emphasize, prising. within the realm of the potentially per As the very name implies, the rhetorical suasive, the role of rational argumenta presidency is based on words, not power. tion and to encourage politicians "to view When connected in a practical way with rhetoric not as an instrument of personal the exercise of power, speech can be effec aggrandizement in the sophistic manner, tive, but when used merely to generate but rather as an instrument of responsible public support it is apt to fail. However or prudent statesmanship."36 This view, much attention and enthusiasm a Presi which came to constitute the rhetorical dent can momentarily garner, there is lit tradition of the West through its central tle assurance that the Congress will ac place in a liberal arts education, exerted a cede. As Henry Fairlie once observed, powerful influence on our founding. Many "There is in fact very little that the people of the Framers, as Gordon Wood has can do to assist a President while he is in pointed out, were schooled in this tradi office; brought together at a general elec tion of rhetoric, and one of our presi tion, they are dispersed between elections; dents, John Quincy Adams, wrote a trea brought together in the evening by a tele tise on rhetoric that reflected many of its vision address, they are dispersed the next premises.37 Clearly, however, under the day."38 Although a President may some impact of the modern campaign, this tra times find that he can make the greatest dition has lost ground to a modern-day public impression by attacking Congress version of the sophistic tradition. Under for failing to pass his preferred programs, the tutelage of political consultants and or by attributing such failures to archaic pollsters, the understanding of rhetoric as procedures or undue influence and power mere persuasion has come to be almost of special interests, such appeals are not second nature to many of our politicians. likely to win friends in that body which The devolution of governing into cam still retains ultimate authority over legisla paigning is thus even more ominous than tion. Moreover, to the extent that Presi it first appeared, for it represents not just dents can pressure Congress through a change in the purpose of speeches but a popular appeals, such a strategy, like cry decay in the standard of speech itself. ing "wolf," is likely to work less well the more often it is used. IV The inflated expectations engendered President Carter's formulation of July, by the rhetorical presidency have by now

This content downloaded from 129.174.182.62 on Thu, 28 Feb 2019 15:46:52 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms RISE OF THE RHETORICAL PRESIDENCY | 169 become a matter of serious concern possible, the key will be found in revers among those who study the presidency. In ing the order of President Carter's formu response to this problem, a growing num lation of July 1979 ?that is, in restoring ber of scholars have begun to argue that the President to his natural place as the Presidents should remove themselves head of government, and subordinating from much of the day-to-day manage his awkward role of an itinerant leader of ment of government and reserve them the people. But how could such change selves for crisis management.39 If this take place, and what would the contours argument means only that Presidents of the office look like? should not immerse themselves in details First, since the modern campaign is the or spread themselves too thinly, no one source of so many of the problems of the could quarrel with it. But if it means that presidency, it is evident that no reform of the President should abandon the articu the office can hope to succeed without a lation of a broad legislative program or change in the selection process. The avoid general management of the bureau operative theoretical principle that must cracy at a time when the bureaucracy is govern this change is that the selection becoming more and more unmanageable, process should be thought of not as an then the argument is misguided. If the end in itself, but as a means of promoting, President does not give coherence to or at least not undermining, the character policy or enforce discipline on the ex of the presidential office. Construed in ecutive branch, who will? Certainly not practical terms this principle translates Congress. The President remains our only into a call for electoral reform that would national officer who, as Jefferson once reduce the duration of the campaign, said, "commands a view of the whole especially in the pre-convention period. ground."40 A retrenched presidency that The elimination or dramatic reduction in cedes much of its authority to others and the number of presidential primaries and merely reacts to crisis is hardly the answer the return of the power of selection to the to our difficulties. Nor is it the only pos parties would be helpful. This change sible response to the doctrine of the rhe would not eliminate the campaign, but it torical presidency. Advocates of the would reduce its public phase to a shorter retrenched presidency contend that to re period and thus focus public attention on duce the expectations on the office, its the speechmaking that takes place after authority must be diminished. But the the nomination. Indeed, as Thomas Pat high expectations for the office are not terson has recently shown, the longer the result of its authority, but rather of campaigns of recent years have not in the inflated conception of presidential creased the level of public knowledge of leadership that governs our thinking. It is the candidates' stands; and the psycholo the publicly proclaimed pretensions of gy of mass attention may well be such presidential power, not the power itself, that, after a certain point, there is an in that is the source of the problem. verse relationship between information The roots of the rhetorical presidency and learning.41 Rhetorical performances stretch so deeply into our political struc may lose their drama as they become ture and national consciousness that talk simply another in a long and expected of change may seem futile; and yet, the series. evident failures of the current doctrine, Second, Presidents should reduce the together with the growing scholarly de number of their speeches. As they speak bate about the crisis of the presidency, less, there is at least the chance that their suggest that the moment has arrived for a words will carry more weight; and if their discussion of alternatives. It should not be words carry more weight, then perhaps forgotten that the foundations of the rhe more thought will be given to speech that torical presidency were deliberately laid can sensibly direct action. What applies to by Woodrow Wilson and that other presi speeches applies equally to press confer dents might establish new doctrines. If a ences. Press conferences without cameras sensible reform of the institution is ever would probably allow for a more detailed

This content downloaded from 129.174.182.62 on Thu, 28 Feb 2019 15:46:52 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 170 I PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY exchange of information between the pendent and private activities. The President and the press corps and avoid Founders of our country created a com the pressures on the President (and the plex representative government designed journalists) to make each news conference to foster a knowledgeable concern for the dramatic and newsworthy.42 Written mes common good in the concrete circum sages might replace many presently oral stances of political life that would be dif performances, and personal television ap ficult, if not impossible, to elicit directly pearances would be reserved for truly im from a people led by orators. What the portant issues of public concern. continued use of inspirational rhetoric Third, it is obvious that a reduction in fosters is not a simple credibility problem, the quantity of rhetoric itself is not but a deep tension between the publicly enough; its character must also change. articulated understanding of the nature of To avoid inspirational rhetoric does not our politics and the actual springs that mean that the President must abandon move the system. No wonder, then, that firm principles, practical ideals or even a some politicians, deceived by their own political poetry that connects this genera rhetoric, find it difficult to come to terms tion with the moorings of our political with the job of governing a nation of system. Indeed, such a rhetoric is perfect complex multiple interests. Far from rein ly consistent with the dignity of a head of forcing our country's principles and pro state and the character of our political tecting its institutions, the rhetorical pres order. In respect to policy, however, idency leads us to neglect our principles Presidents must recapture the capacity to for our hopes and to ignore the benefits address the nation's enlightened self and needs of our institutions for a fleeting interest no less than its sense of idealism sense of oneness with our leaders. and the related capacity to approach Con gress directly rather than through the peo Notes ple. 1. The Washington Post, July 14, 15, and 16, The gravest problem of the rhetorical 1979. presidency, however, goes deeper than 2. For a discussion of Johnson's "swing around the any issue confined to presidential prac circle," see Albert Castel, The Presidency of An tice. It extends to the basic questions of drew Johnson (Lawrence: Regents Press, 1979). how our nation can be governed. No one 3. Joseph Kallenbach, The American Chief Execu would deny that Presidents need to hold tive (N.Y.: Harper & Row, 1966), pp. 333-340. 4. Public Papers of the Presidents, John F. Kennedy up America's basic principles and on oc 1961 (Washington: Government Printing Of casion mobilize the public to meet genuine fice, 1961), p. 19; see also Henry Fairlie, The challenges. Indeed, in a liberal system of Kennedy Promise: The Politics of Expectation government that frees men's acquisitive (Garden City: Doubleday, 1973). instincts and allows them to devote their 5. Cited in Thomas E. Cronin, The State of the Presidency (Boston: Little Brown, 1975), p. 72. energies to individual material improve The identification of the aide is not revealed. ment, there is room on occasion for Presi 6. Harry MacPherson, A Political Education (Bos dents to lift up the public's vision to some ton: Little Brown, 1972), p. 301-2. thing beyond the clash of interests. But 7. The Public Papers of the Presidents, 1969, (Washington: Government Print under the influence of the rhetorical presi ing Office, 1969), p. 2. dency, we have seen an ever-increasing re 8. President Carter, Speeches of July 15, 1979, liance on inspirational rhetoric to deal (National Television Address) and July 16, 1979, with the normal problems of politics. If (Detroit, Michigan). Presidential Documents, Annual Index, 1979, p. 1237 and 1248. there is a place for such rhetoric, it is 9. The Washington Post, July 17, 1979, p. A14. necessary also to be aware of its danger 10. See for example, Theodore Lowi, The End of and of the corresponding need to keep it Liberalism (New York: Norton, 1969), pp. 182 within limits. By itself, rhetoric does not 83. possess the power to make citizens devote 11. In discussing matters which "force" Presidents to make decisions by specified dates, Richard themselves selflessly to the common weal, Neustadt concludes: "It is hardly to be won particularly where the basic principles of dered at that during Truman's years such mat society protect and encourage men's inde ters became focal points for policy develop

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ment, especially in the domestic sphere." See Sidney Warhaft, (Indianapolis: Odyssey Press, Richard Neustadt, "Presidency and Legislation: 1965), p. 42. Planning the President's Program" American 27. James Fallows, Personal Interview, March 10, Political Science Review. Dec. 1955, p. 1021. It 1979. Also see James Fallows, "The Passionless is also interesting to note here that in reference Presidency" and "The Passionless Presidency, to John Kennedy's decision to implement the Part II," Atlantic, May & June, 1979. moon shot program, Theodore Sorensen has 28. Benjamin I. Page, Choices and Echoes in Pres implied that the decision was largely made "be idential Elections (Chicago: University of Chi cause we felt we were in need of some display of cago Press, 1979), pp. 10-61. action." See Theodore Sorensen, Kennedy Li 29. Ibid., pp. 152-192. brary oral history. 30. Jeffrey Fischel, "From Campaign Promise to 12. Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Presidential Performance," A paper prepared Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Clinton Rossiter for a Colloquium at the Woodrow Wilson Cen (New York: New American Library, 1962), p. ter, June 20, 1979. 360 (#58). 31. The Campaign of 1976 Jimmy Carter, (Wash 13. Ibid., p. 384 (#63). ington: Government Printing Of 14. See Marvin R. Weisbord, Campaigning for Pres fice, 1976), vol. 2: p. 274. ident (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1964, 32. See Thomas Patterson, The Mass Media Elec pp. 1-55; Arthur Schlesinger, "Introduction" to tion. (New York: Praeger, 1980). Schlesinger and Israel, eds., The State of the 33. Patrick H. Caddell, "Initial Working Paper on Union Messages of the President, (New York: Political Strategy," Mimeo. Dec. 10, 1976. Chelsea House, 1966). 34. Elizabeth Drew, "Phase: In Search of a Defini 15. Woodrow Wilson, Papers, ed. Arthur S. Link, tion" The New Yorker Magazine, Aug. 27, (Princeton University Press, 1978) vol. 27, p. 1979, p. 49-73. 150. 35. Ibid., p. 59. 16. Elmer Cronwell Jr., Presidential Leadership 36. Carnes Lord, "On Aristotle's Rhetoric" A con and Public Opinion, (Bloomington: Indiana ference paper delivered at the White Burkett University Press, 1965), pp. 1-30. Miller Center, July 1979. 17. Woodrow Wilson, Constitutional Government 37. John Quincy Adams, Lectures on Rhetoric and in the United States, (New York: Columbia Uni Oratory (Cambridge, Mass., 1810). versity Press, 1908), p. 67; Woodrow Wilson, 38. Cited in Cronin, p. 73. Congressional Government (Cambridge: River 39. See David Broder's column, "Making the Presi side Press, 1885), p. 209. dency Man-sized," Washington Post, Dec. 5, 18. Wilson, Constitutional Government, p. 65. 1979, p. A27. Broder summarizes the consensus 19. Wilson, Link ed. Papers, Vol. 19, p. 42. of a conference on the Presidency held at the 20. Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1976, pp. White Burkett Miller Center of Public Affairs at 852-53. the University of Virginia. 21. Kallenbach, p. 253; and Clinton Rossiter, The 40. Richardson, p. 3. American Presidency, (New York: Harcourt 41. Patterson, pp. 67-75 and 173-181. Brace, 1960), p. 34. 42. See Cornwell, op. cit., for the history of the 22. The Washington Post, July 10, 1979. press conference. In a series of forums on the 23. The Washington Post, July 14, 1979, p. Al. press conference sponsored by the White Burkett 24. See Michael J. Robinson, "Television and Amer Miller Center, most of the reporters present who ican Politics, 1956-1976," The Public Interest, have covered the president were of the opinion (Summer, 1972), pp. 3-39. that, while television conferences were helpful 25. For a review of the transformation of speech on occasion, they often were superficial and did writers from secret aides to openly identified ad not allow for a genuine and in-depth exchange visors, see Marie Hochmuth Nichols; Rhetoric with the President. Most felt that greater use of and Criticism, (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State the "reporters around the desk" format would University Press, 1903), pp. 35-48. improve the reading public's knowledge of the 26. Francis Bacon, A Selection of His Works, ed. president.

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