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Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University In
371 /V8 A/O 'oo THE "VIVA KENNEDY" CLUBS IN SOUTH TEXAS THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Joan Traffas, B.A. Denton, Texas December, 1972 Traffas, Joan, The "Viva Kennedy" Clubs in South Texas. Master of Arts (History), December, 1972, 132 pp., 2 tables, bibliography, 115 titles. This thesis analyzes the impact of the Mexican-American voters in south Texas on the 1960 presidential election. During that election year, this ethnic minority was strong enough to merit direct appeals from the Democratic presiden- tial candidate, and subsequently, allowed to conduct a unique campaign divorced from the direct control of the conservative state Democratic machinery. Formerly, the Democratic politicos in south Texas manipulated the Mexican-American vote. In 1960, however, the Chicanos voted for a man with whom they could empathize, rather than for a party label. This strong identification with the Democratic candidate was rooted in psychological rather than ideological, social rather than political, factors. John F. Kennedy seemed to personify machismo and simpatla. Perhaps even more impres- sive than the enthusiasm, the Kennedy candidacy generated among the Mexican-Americans was the ability of the Texas Democratic regulars to prevent a liberal-conservative rup- ture within the state party. This was accomplished by per- mitting the Mexican-American "Viva Kennedy" clubs quasi- independence. Because of these two conditions, the Mexican- American ethnic minority became politically salient in the 1960 campaign. 1 2 The study of the Mexican-American political behavior in 1960 proceeds in three stages. -
Whose Revolution in Eastern Europe
[Apology] and bragging about it in a way that distorted the whole story. MIKE DUKAKIS, Let's forget this one matter. I know it would WATCH YOUR MAIL do my heart and soul a lot of good. I assure you that I have no ax to grind with you or, frankly, with anyone else. My illness has taught me From a letter sent last June by Lee Atwater, then something about the nature of humanity, love, chairman of the Republican National Committee, to brotherhood, and relationships that I never un- Tom Turnipseed, a Columbia, South Carolina, at- derstood and probably never would have. So torney. In 1980 Atwater organized polling for the from that standpoint, there is some truth and campaign to reelect Floyd Spence, a Republican good in everything. Aside from that, I feel like running against Turnipseed for Congress. When the little boy in the manure pile that Ronald Turnipseed, who had undergone electroshock ther- apy in his youth, accused Atwater of using telephone Reagan talked about. He was shoveling away pollsters to falsely inform voters that Turnipseed be- and looked up and smiled and said, "There's got longed to the NAACP, Atwater replied, ''I'm not to be a pony in there somewhere." The closest going to respond to that guy. In college, I under- thing to a pony that I can think of would be for stand they hooked him up to jumper cables." Spence you to help put this thing behind us. won the election. Atwater, who is currently being Sincerely, treated for a' brain tumor, resigned as chairman Lee recently. -
The Rise of the Rhetorical Presidency Author(S): James W
The Rise of the Rhetorical Presidency Author(s): James W. Ceaser, Glen E. Thurow, Jeffrey Tulis and Joseph M. Bessette Source: Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 11, No. 2, Presidential Power and Democratic Constraints: A Prospective and Retrospective Analysis (Spring, 1981), pp. 158-171 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27547683 Accessed: 28-02-2019 15:46 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress, Wiley are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Presidential Studies Quarterly This content downloaded from 129.174.182.62 on Thu, 28 Feb 2019 15:46:52 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms THE RISE OF THE RHETORICAL PRESIDENCY* by JAMES W. CEASER Associate Professor of Government and Foreign Affairs University of Virginia GLEN E. THUROW Professor of Political Science University of Dallas JEFFREY TULIS Instructor in Government and International Studies University of Notre Dame and JOSEPH M. BESSETTE Assistant Professor of Politics The Catholic University of America The Rise of the Rhetorical Presidency economic challenges at hand. -
South Carolina Political Collections Oral History Project
SOUTH CAROLINA POLITICAL COLLECTIONS ORAL HISTORY PROJECT Interview with Charles E. Boineau Interviewer: Wilma M. Woods Dates: April 6, 12, 14, & 18, 1995 Location: South Carolina Political Collections University of South Carolina, Columbia, S.C. Topics: Republican Party in South Carolina and Mr. Boineau’s role in the early Republican movement Transcribers: Andrew Daniels and Phil Warf, August 1995 South Carolina Political Collections Oral History Project Boineau Interview, Page 3 [Tape 1, April 6, 1995, Begins] Woods: Why don't we begin simply by a brief biographical background, your family history? Now I understand that you were born in Columbia, South Carolina, to Charles and Bessie Trippett Boineau. Could you describe your early life and childhood? Boineau: My father was in the brokerage and storage business here in Columbia and in 1931, went out on his own and started Boineau's Moving and Storage. We were living in Columbia at that time, until my mother, Bessie Trippett Boineau, was asked by her mother, my maternal grandmother, to move to Boykin, which was outside of Camden, to help save the plantation which my grandmother had inherited. It was [located] part in Kershaw County and part in Sumter County. Woods: Was that the Midfield...? Boineau: Midfield's Plantation, right. It was quite an undertaking and my mother had no knowledge of farming, but when Mamma, as we called...she was Bessie Cash Irby. Incidentally, my grandmother was the daughter of Colonel Ellerbee Bogan Crawford Cash, who fought the last legal duel in South Carolina. I often joke that since Colonel Cash was successful and was the winner of the duel, I was around to be the first Republican. -
DECISION MAKING in the U.S. ADMINISTRATION and the ROLE of BUREAUCRACY DURING the BERLIN CRISIS 1961 a Thesis Presented in Parti
DECISION MAKING IN THE U.S. ADMINISTRATION AND THE ROLE OF BUREAUCRACY DURING THE BERLIN CRISIS 1961 A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of a Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Schanett Riller ***** The Ohio State University 1998 Master's Examination Committee: Approved by Dr. Peter L. Hahn, Adviser Dr. Carole Fink Dr. Ahmad Sikainga ABSTRACT This thesis investigates the role bureaucracy played during the Berlin crisis in 1961/62. It focuses on two aspects: first, the process of decision making in the Kennedy administration before August 13, 1961, and second, the question of policy implementation in Berlin from September 1961 to April 1962. With regard to the question of decision making, this thesis finds that Kennedy's informal governmental style and accessability for his staff provided him with a broad range of opinions on all matters concerning the Berlin problem. He established several working groups on Berlin, who discussed policy options in an open atmosphere and made valuable recommendations. In Washington, therefore, the policy making body worked smoothly and enabled the President to make carefully considered decisions. The record of the policy-implementation process, however, looks different, for implementation was not ensured. Both technical problems and personal differences between commanders in the European theater disrupted the execution of instructions from Washington. General Clay's presence in ii Berlin as Kennedy's Personal Representative complicated the situation further. Though Clay had no authority technically, he still initiated actions of his own. The climax of this policy was the dangerous confrontation of U.S. -
Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic Skip Eisiminger
Clemson University TigerPrints Monographs Clemson University Digital Press 2007 Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic Skip Eisiminger Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/cudp_mono Recommended Citation Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic, by Skip Eisimnger (Clemson, SC: Clemson University Digital Press, 2007), viii+154 pp. ISBN 0-9771263-9-0 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Clemson University Digital Press at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in Monographs by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic i Also by Skip Eisiminger Poetry Nonprescription Medicine (Mardi Gras Press, 1995) Essays Th e Consequences of Error and Other Language Essays (Peter Lang, 1991) Word Games Wordspinner (Rowman and Littlefi eld, 1991) Non-fi ction Omi and the Christmas Candles (Clemson University Digital Press, 2005) Edited Work Integration with Dignity (Clemson University Digital Press, 2003) Co-edited work Business in Literature (with Charles Burden, Elke Burden, and Lynn Ganim, David McKay, 1977) Why Can’t Th ey Write? A Symposium on the State of Written Communication (with John Idol, University Press of America, 1979) ii Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic Skip Eisiminger iii A full-text digital version of this book is available on the Internet, in addition to other works of the press and the Center for Electronic and Digital Publishing, including The South Carolina Review and The Upstart Crow:A Shakespeare Journal. See our Web site at www.clemson.edu/caah/cedp, or call the director at 864-656-5399 for infor- mation. -
The Geography of Public-Private School Choice and Race: a Case Study of Sumter, Clarendon, and Lee Counties, South Carolina
CANUP, WILLIAM SHANE, M.A. The Geography of Public-Private School Choice and Race: A Case Study of Sumter, Clarendon, and Lee Counties, South Carolina. (2015) Directed by Dr. Corey Johnson. 145 pp. This thesis analyzes the geography and history of public-private school choice, with particular concern to race, in a historically significant area where the first legal steps were taken to end segregation in public schools. The purpose is to identify how legacies of segregation have affected and continue to affect public-private school choice in area high schools today, examine which socioeconomic factors appear to most affect this choice, and determine the extent to which public schools in the study area reflect the racial demographic characteristics of their surrounding communities. To accomplish this, inquiry into the history of school segregation in the South, the emergence of private “segregation academies” during the era of integration, as well as contemporary trends in school choice are explored. Racial enrollment statistics from public and private schools are also compared to that of their attendance zones and surrounding areas. This research found that legacies of segregation likely continue to influence public- private school choice today, and that race and income also appear to be the socioeconomic factors that most affect whether families in the study area choose public or private school for their high school-aged children. It was also found that a significant disparity exists in the study area when comparing the racial demographic -
THIS IS the END of Ifur F I I 76S !76,3
FIDIRAL ELECIION COMMISSION I SI I N.W w.-%s tNG1ON.D.C. 20463 THIS IS THE END OF IfUR f I I 76S !76,3 Da.te Filmed. Camera No., 2 T Y Cameraman :zm -L 9 FEDERAL ELCTION COMKWSSION MR 1763 A .4; i+w~rawjVI PjrS+ AIexalt CAiseIs kepao4 .0 49/ Sb The above-described material" was removed from this file pursuant to the following exe.ption provided in the Freedo, of Info.mrmation Act. 5 D.S.C. Section 552(b): * 9' 4.,' (1) Classified Information (6) Personal priv Lcy [p (2) Internal rules and (7) Investivatory practices files F (3) Exem.pted by other (8) Banking statute Informatioz (4) Trade secrets and (9) Well Informat. k~. • co-ercial or (geographic o: fnancial information geophysical) K (5) Internal Documents .9 Signed 'N&Akf,,r" date 121w/ ? b : C 9-21-77 4. .1 ~** BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION In the Matter of )) Melvin Purvis ) Melvin Purvis for U.S. Senate ) and Kerryl Lynne Henderson, ) MUR 1763 as treasurer ) Re-elect Thurmond Committee ) and its treasurer ) CERTIF ICATION recording secretary for the CI, Marjorie W. Emmons, of Federal Election Commission executive session the Commission December 11, 1984, do hereby certify that took the following actions in MUR 1763: reason 1. Decided by a vote of 6-0 to find C:) to believe that Melvin purvis.violated 2 U.S.C. 5 432(e)(1) and take no further action. Commissioners Aikens, Elliott, Harris, McDonald, McGarry, and Reiche voted affirmatively for the decision. 2. Decided by a vote of 6-O to find reason to believe that the Melvin Purvis for U.S. -
Immigration and SPLC
Center for Immigration Studies Backgrounder March 2010 Immigration and the SPLC How the Southern Poverty Law Center Invented a Smear, Served La Raza, Manipulated the Press, and Duped its Donors By Jerry Kammer Introduction This report examines the efforts by the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) to smear the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) and, by extension, the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) and NumbersUSA. With no serious analysis, the SPLC in late 2007 unilaterally labeled FAIR a “hate group.” That poisonous designation became the centerpiece of a “Stop the Hate” campaign launched by the National Council of La Raza (NCLR), also known as La Raza, to call on Congress and the media to exclude FAIR from the national debate on immigration. The campaign gathered strength as newspapers across the country reported that FAIR had been “designated a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.” While the news stories generally included FAIR’s denial of the charge, thereby providing a semblance of balance, the designation’s taint lingered. The SPLC, presenting itself as a non-partisan, public-interest watchdog, never acknowledged — and no reporter ever disclosed — that the center was an active ally of the NCLR in the campaign. The evidence presented here demonstrates that the SPLC became a propaganda arm of the NCLR. The SPLC’s decision to smear FAIR was the work of a kangaroo court, one convened to reach a pre-determined verdict by inventing or distorting evidence. The “Stop the Hate” campaign would more accurately be labeled as a campaign to “Stop the Debate.” As this report notes, FAIR, CIS, and NumbersUSA have raised questions about the social, economic, and fiscal costs of the “comprehensive immigration reform” sought by La Raza and such allies as the National Immigration Forum and America’s Voice. -
The New Christian Right and American Conservative Views of Israel
Rapture and Realignment: The New Christian Right and American Conservative Views of Israel A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Ian E. Van Dyke August 2016 © 2016 Ian E. Van Dyke. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Rapture and Realignment: The New Christian Right and American Conservative Views of Israel by IAN E. VAN DYKE has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Kevin Mattson Connor Study Professor of Contemporary History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT VAN DYKE, IAN E., M.A., August 2016, History Rapture and Realignment: The New Christian Right and American Conservative Views of Israel Director of Thesis: Kevin Mattson This thesis examines the ways evangelical Protestant views of Israel shaped perceptions of the Middle East among the wider American conservative movement during the second half of the twentieth century, as well as the centuries-old ideas underlying their idiosyncratic worldview. Motivated by God’s promise to Abraham to “bless those” who showed favor to his progeny and fascinated by Israel’s role in End Times prophecy, politically conservative evangelical Christians worked tirelessly to promote the cause of the Jewish State to their American audience. As they gained influence within the American conservative movement, the rhetoric of New Christian Right activists like Jerry Falwell, Tim LaHaye, and Pat Robertson helped redefine Israel in the conservative imagination. In crafting an apocalyptic worldview that translated Israel’s spiritual significance into secular politics, the New Christian Right transformed American conservatism in ways still visible today. -
The South and Her Children: School Desegregation 1970-1971. a Report
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 049 327 00 011 415 AUTHOR Anderson, Robert E., Jr., Ed. TITLE The South and Her Children: School Desegregation 1970-1971.A Report. INSTITUTION Southern Regional Council, Atlanta, Ga. PUB DATE Mar 71 NOTE 86p. AVAILABLE FROM Southern Regional Council, 5 Forsyth Street, Atlanta, Ga. 30303 (Single copy: $.75; Bulk: $.60) EDRS PRICE EMS Price MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29 DESCRIPTORS *Bus Transportation, Federal State Relationship, High School students, *Integration Effects, Integration Litigation, Integration Methods, Negro Students, Private Schools, *School Integration, *Southern Schools, *Student Reaction IDENTIFIERS Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina ABSTRACT This report begins with a general appraisal of school desegregation in the Southern region and concludes with a discussion by four black high school students who explain in specific terms what their first year of desegregated schooling has meant to them. Interposed are four community studies and an assessment of the continuing segregated academy movement, including court action and other crucial issues arising from the experiences of the selected communities. While many problems remain, the six individual contributors to the study agree that the important and hopeful factor was that the students were there and were involved in deterTining their on destiny.(Author/DM) r4 reN U. B. DEPARTMENT-OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & ILF/FARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON DR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATI NU IT POW TS or VIEW OR OPINIONS STATED DO NCIT NICES SA MET REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDU wC.M CATION POSITION OR POLICY THE SOUTH AND HER CH1LDRENE School Desegregation 1970-1971 Southern Regional Council Inc. -
PRESIDENT TRUMAN VERSUS the EIGHTIETH Congressi
PRESIDENT TRUMAN VERSUS THE EIGHTIETH CONGRESSi A STUDY OF THE SPECIAL SESSION OF 19^8 APPROVED: Maj&r Professor Minor Professor nmnmre^ Chaijrman of the Department of Political Science * DeanVjf the Graduate School Muller, Arnold J., President Truman Versus the Eightieth Congresst A Study of the Special Session of 19^8. Master of Arts (Political Science), December, 1970, 171 pp., 2 tables, bibliography, 157 titles. The problem with which this investigation is concerned is the description and. analysis of President Harry S Truman's use of his Presidential prerogative in recalling the Repub- lican Eightieth Congress into special session on July 26, 19^8. Numerous and varied materials were used in making the investigation of the political significance of the special session. Basic sources include the Congressional Record. Public Papers of Harry S Truman. Truman's Memoirs. the New York Times t and autobiographies of persons connected with the event. A multitude of secondary works and supplementary articles have also been employed. The study follows events chronologically and is organized around those actions which led to the session, the session itself, and the political results. Chapter I is concerned with the reconversion problems of President Truman in postwar America and those events which led to the election of the Eightieth Congress in 19^6. Chapter II is an investigation of the Eightieth Congress's reaction and treatment of President Truman's domestic legislative proposals and the major points of disagreement. Chapter III is devoted to the politics of 19^8. The major events traced are the liberal and Southern Z>r revolt movements within the Democratic Party, the Republican Party's nomination of Thomas E.