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Emmett Till-‐ the Murder That Sparked the Civil Rights Movement Emmitt Till
Emmett Till- The Murder that sparked the Civil Rights Movement Emmitt Till Travel Exhibit on display in classroom. Day 1- Students will watch The PBS documentary on the Murder of Emmett Till And students will keep a journal of key events, locations, and people related to this historical event. Day 2-Guest Speaker Lent Rice- Current Director Bureau of Professional Standards of the Desoto Sheriff’s Department. Lived in Sumner Mississippi when the Emmett Till murder trial occurred and was on the FBI investigation team to reopen the Emmett Till Murder case in 2006. Students will watch videos of Wheeler Parker and Simeon Wright ( from the Delta Center Archives ) share what happened in the store , the night Emmett Till was kidnapped, and the murder trial. Students will have copies of The Court Reporter activities from the Delta Center and complete the student activities on the Emmett Till traveling exhibit. Day 3- Primary Source – students will be provided with a copy of the lyrics to the Bob Dylan song, the murder of Emmett Till, and follow along as they listen to Bob Dylan perform the song. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RVKTx9YlKls DAY 3 – Students in small groups will be provided with articles from the Mississippi History Archives on Acts of Civil disobedience in Mississippi. and must write and perform their own Protest Song based on one of the historical events. (This lesson plan is available on the website the Mississippi Department of Archives and History) Day 4- Student groups will perform protest songs in class. Awards will be granted to best performance and best song. -
Hamer Biography
Fannie Lou Hamer (1917-1977) “All my life I’ve been sick and tired. Now I’m sick and tired of being sick and tired.” Fannie Lou Hamer was among the most significant participants in the struggle launched in the latter half of the twentieth century to achieve freedom and social justice for African Americans. Born October 6, 1917, in Montgomery County, Mississippi, she was the last of the twenty children of Lou Ella and James Townsend. They were sharecroppers, and since sharecropping generally bound workers to the land (a form of peonage), most sharecroppers were born poor, lived poor, and died poor. At age six Fannie Lou joined her parents in the cotton fields. By the time she was twelve, she was forced to drop out of school and work full time to help support her family. At age 27 she married another sharecropper named Perry “Pap” Hamer. In August 1962, Mrs. Hamer attended a meeting of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in her hometown, Ruleville, Mississippi. This is where she made the fateful decision to attempt to register to vote. For this decision she was forced by her landlord to leave the plantation where she worked. In June the following year, she and several SNCC colleagues were brutally beaten in a Winona, Mississippi jail by law enforcement officers. This beating left her blind in her left eye and her kidneys permanently damaged. Mrs. Hamer’s historic presence in Atlantic City at the 1964 national convention of the Democratic Party brought national prominence with her electrifying testimony before the convention’s credentials committee. -
Abstract Valeika, Kathryn Roberts
ABSTRACT VALEIKA, KATHRYN ROBERTS. Can These Rights Be Fulfilled?: The Planning, Participants, and Debates of the To Fulfill These Rights Conference, June 1-2, 1966. (Under the direction of Dr. Blair LM Kelley.) On June 1 and 2, 1966, the White House sponsored the “To Fulfill These Rights Conference” in Washington, D.C. Following a year of planning by a council of civil rights activists, government officials, and big business and labor leaders, roughly 2500 people from diverse backgrounds and civil rights experiences attended the conference. Previously neglected by other historians, the conference and its planning reveal two important and related dynamics of the movement: the shifting alliances among civil rights leaders and the re-examination of civil rights goals and strategies. In particular, debates over the conference’s list of invitees, format, and procedures capture disagreements between established civil rights leaders, the White House, and labor and business leaders over who would, or could, direct the next phase of the civil rights movement. Secondly, conference debates on the reach of federal power, affirmative action, Vietnam, the expansion of the movement, fears of imminent violence, and the emergence of Black Power reveal the conflicting ideas that would create deep divisions between activists, liberals, and the federal government in the late 1960s and years to come. Can These Rights Be Fulfilled?: The Planning, Participants, and Debates of the To Fulfill These Rights Conference, June 1-2, 1966 by Kathryn Roberts Valeika A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of North Carolina State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History Raleigh, North Carolina 2009 APPROVED BY: _______________________________ ______________________________ Dr. -
A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 12-1994 A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement Michelle Margaret Viera Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Viera, Michelle Margaret, "A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement" (1994). Master's Theses. 3834. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3834 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A SUMMARY OF THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF FOUR KEY AFRICAN AMERICAN FEMALE FIGURES OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT by Michelle Margaret Viera A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of History Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan December 1994 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My appreciation is extended to several special people; without their support this thesis could not have become a reality. First, I am most grateful to Dr. Henry Davis, chair of my thesis committee, for his encouragement and sus tained interest in my scholarship. Second, I would like to thank the other members of the committee, Dr. Benjamin Wilson and Dr. Bruce Haight, profes sors at Western Michigan University. I am deeply indebted to Alice Lamar, who spent tireless hours editing and re-typing to ensure this project was completed. -
Women in the Modern Civil Rights Movement
Women in the Modern Civil Rights Movement Introduction Research Questions Who comes to mind when considering the Modern Civil Rights Movement (MCRM) during 1954 - 1965? Is it one of the big three personalities: Martin Luther to Consider King Jr., Malcolm X, or Rosa Parks? Or perhaps it is John Lewis, Stokely Who were some of the women Carmichael, James Baldwin, Thurgood Marshall, Ralph Abernathy, or Medgar leaders of the Modern Civil Evers. What about the names of Septima Poinsette Clark, Ella Baker, Diane Rights Movement in your local town, city or state? Nash, Daisy Bates, Fannie Lou Hamer, Ruby Bridges, or Claudette Colvin? What makes the two groups different? Why might the first group be more familiar than What were the expected gender the latter? A brief look at one of the most visible events during the MCRM, the roles in 1950s - 1960s America? March on Washington, can help shed light on this question. Did these roles vary in different racial and ethnic communities? How would these gender roles On August 28, 1963, over 250,000 men, women, and children of various classes, effect the MCRM? ethnicities, backgrounds, and religions beliefs journeyed to Washington D.C. to march for civil rights. The goals of the March included a push for a Who were the "Big Six" of the comprehensive civil rights bill, ending segregation in public schools, protecting MCRM? What were their voting rights, and protecting employment discrimination. The March produced one individual views toward women of the most iconic speeches of the MCRM, Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a in the movement? Dream" speech, and helped paved the way for the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and How were the ideas of gender the Voting Rights Act of 1965. -
Civil Rights TRANSCRIPT
Communication Matters: The NCA Podcast | TRANSCRIPT Episode 20: Civil Rights Episode **Please note: This is a rough transcription of this audio podcast. This transcript is not edited for spelling, grammar, or punctuation.** Participants: Trevor Parry-Giles Robin Boylorn Maegan Parker Brooks Armond Towns [Audio Length: 0:54:37] RECORDING BEGINS Trevor Parry-Giles: Welcome to Communication Matters, the NCA podcast. I'm Trevor Parry-Giles, the Executive Director of the National Communication Association. The National Communication Association is the preeminent scholarly association devoted to the study and teaching of communication. Founded in 1914, NCA is a thriving group of thousands from across the nation and around the world who are committed to a collective mission to advance communication as an academic discipline. In keeping with NCA's mission to advance the discipline of communication, NCA has developed this podcast series to expand the reach of our member scholars’ work and perspectives. Introduction: This is Communication Matters, the NCA podcast. Robin Boylorn: At the basic level for me, diversity is a very basic general thing that everybody should be doing anyway. It really should be aspirational at this point. But how can we unpack it and deconstruct it a bit more without putting additional invisible labor on faculty and scholars of color? Trevor Parry-Giles: On today's episode of Communication Matters, the NCA podcast, we're addressing civil rights and the passing of the civil rights generation, the new civil rights generation and issues related to diversity, equity and inclusion. Professors Robin M. Boylorn, Maegan Parker Brooks and Armond Towns join me today for this really timely and interesting conversation. -
Biographical Sketch of Fannie Lou Hamer
ERICA AM F E IN C D OI YOUR V Fannie Lou Hamer: A Biographical Sketch By Maegan Parker Brooks, PhD “I question America. Is this America, the land of the free and the home of the brave, where we have to sleep with our telephones off the hook because our lives be threatened daily, because we want to live as decent human beings, in America?” With this critical question, delivered at the 1964 Democratic National Convention, Fannie Lou Hamer became revered across the nation. Malcolm X referred to her as the “country’s number one freedom fighting woman” and rumor has it Martin Luther King, Jr—though he loved her dearly— feared being upstaged by Hamer’s soul-stirring speeches. Over her lifetime (1917-1977), Fannie Lou Hamer traveled from the Delta of Mississippi to the Atlantic City Boardwalk, from Washington, D.C. to Washington State, from Madison, Wisconsin to Conakry, Guinea—always proclaiming the social gospel that all human beings are created equal and that all people are entitled to basic rights of food, FIGURE 1: Fannie Lou Hamer addresses the shelter, dignity, and a voice in the government to 1964 Democratic National Convention. which they belong. Fannie Lou Hamer held strong convictions, but she was no idealist. Born the twentieth child of James Lee and Lou Ella Townsend, Fannie Lou and her large family struggled to survive as sharecroppers on plantations controlled by Whites. As an outgrowth of slavery, the sharecropping system was largely designed to keep Black people indebted to White landowners. This economic control held social and political implications as well. -
Fighting Back (1957-1962) NARRATOR: in 1954, the Supreme Court Said Black Children Would Go to School with White
Fighting Back (1957-1962) NARRATOR: In 1954, the Supreme Court said black children would go to school with white. The South said, never. GOV. ORVAL FAUBUS: In the name of God, whom we all revere, in the name of liberty we hold so dear, in the name of decency, which we all cherish, what is happening in America? NARRATOR: Was this the start of a new Civil War? [singing] WILLIAM CARTER: Desegregation is against the Bible. I find my scripture for this in Genesis 9:27, where God did segregate and separate the three sons of Noah, sending one out to be a servant while the other two remained in the Tabernacle. I say that God has given the word, his Bible. It ain't right for men to end the curse that He's placed upon any human flesh. SEN. JAMES EASTLAND: All the people of the South are in favor of segregation. And Supreme Court or no Supreme Court, we are going to maintain segregated schools down in Dixie. SHERIFF MEL BAILEY: It wasn't funny then, it's still not funny. But suddenly we have the Fourteenth Amendment that took 100 years, brought on by the Civil War, suddenly must be complied with. Equal treatment under the law. And that was a resistance. They are not going to get equal treatment. What do you mean? Go to school with my little darling? That is why resistance. NARRATOR: In the late 1950s, the battle for Civil Rights was fought in the classrooms of the South. The Supreme Court had rules in a case called Brown vs. -
Constance Baker Motley, James Meredith, and the University of Mississippi
CONSTANCE BAKER MOTLEY, JAMES MEREDITH, AND THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSISSIPPI Denny Chin* & Kathy Hirata Chin** INTRODUCTION In 1961, James Meredith applied for admission to the University of Mississippi. Although he was eminently qualified, he was rejected. The University had never admitted a black student, and Meredith was black.1 Represented by Constance Baker Motley and the NAACP Legal De- fense and Educational Fund (LDF), Meredith brought suit in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi, alleging that the university had rejected him because of his race.2 Although seven years had passed since the Supreme Court’s ruling in Brown v. Board of Education,3 many in the South—politicians, the media, educators, attor- neys, and even judges—refused to accept the principle that segregation in public education was unconstitutional. The litigation was difficult and hard fought. Meredith later described the case as “the last battle of the * United States Circuit Judge, United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. ** Senior Counsel, Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft LLP. 1. See Meredith v. Fair, 305 F.2d 343, 345–46 (5th Cir. 1962) (setting forth facts); Meredith v. Fair, 298 F.2d 696, 697–99 (5th Cir. 1962) (same). The terms “black” and “Afri- can American” were not widely used at the time the Meredith case was litigated. Although the phrase “African American” was used as early as 1782, see Jennifer Schuessler, The Term “African-American” Appears Earlier than Thought: Reporter’s Notebook, N.Y. Times: Times Insider (Apr. 21, 2015), http://www.nytimes.com/times-insider/2015/04/21/ the-term-african-american-appears-earlier-than-thought-reporters-notebook/ (on file with the Columbia Law Review); Jennifer Schuessler, Use of ‘African-American’ Dates To Nation’s Earliest Days, N.Y. -
Defeat in Decision, Victory in Action: a Critical Legal Rhetoric Reading of U.S
Communication Law Review Volume 12, Issue 1 Defeat in Decision, Victory in Action: A Critical Legal Rhetoric Reading of U.S. v. Patridge et al. (1963) William Harrel Lawson, University of Maryland, College Park Scott Alan Smith, Westat U.S. v. Patridge et al. (1963) was one of the first modern Civil Rights cases tried in Federal Court. While all five defendants were found not guilty after a short deliberation by the jury, the prosecution claimed a moral victory just for trying the case as it signaled to the rest of the nation the Federal Government’s newfound willingness to hear civil rights cases—including those in the Deep South. Keywords: Hamer, Winona, Patridge, Mississippi, civil rights, federal trial Neil R. McMillen notes, “Mississippi, the pioneer state in the southern disfranchisement movement, had no peer in the denial of Black rights.”1 No other state in the union was as unified and consistent in its effort to crush integration. All forms of government, the Governor, judges, and local law enforcement defiantly ignored federal decrees and judicial rulings aimed to protect Blacks’ rights to vote, travel, and assemble. Instead, they maliciously tried to make examples of those who would dare to infiltrate their community and threaten the status quo. The federal government’s criminal reluctance to commit to the protection of equal rights needed changing in Mississippi. However, the state’s government firmly believed that they were stronger and more committed than the “Yankees” in Washington, D.C., and that they were in the moral and legal right to deny equal protection. -
Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic Skip Eisiminger
Clemson University TigerPrints Monographs Clemson University Digital Press 2007 Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic Skip Eisiminger Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/cudp_mono Recommended Citation Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic, by Skip Eisimnger (Clemson, SC: Clemson University Digital Press, 2007), viii+154 pp. ISBN 0-9771263-9-0 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Clemson University Digital Press at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in Monographs by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic i Also by Skip Eisiminger Poetry Nonprescription Medicine (Mardi Gras Press, 1995) Essays Th e Consequences of Error and Other Language Essays (Peter Lang, 1991) Word Games Wordspinner (Rowman and Littlefi eld, 1991) Non-fi ction Omi and the Christmas Candles (Clemson University Digital Press, 2005) Edited Work Integration with Dignity (Clemson University Digital Press, 2003) Co-edited work Business in Literature (with Charles Burden, Elke Burden, and Lynn Ganim, David McKay, 1977) Why Can’t Th ey Write? A Symposium on the State of Written Communication (with John Idol, University Press of America, 1979) ii Felix Academicus: Tales of a Happy Academic Skip Eisiminger iii A full-text digital version of this book is available on the Internet, in addition to other works of the press and the Center for Electronic and Digital Publishing, including The South Carolina Review and The Upstart Crow:A Shakespeare Journal. See our Web site at www.clemson.edu/caah/cedp, or call the director at 864-656-5399 for infor- mation. -
The Lemon Project: a Journey of Reconciliation Report of the First Eight Years
THE LEMON PROJECT | A Journey of Reconciliation I. SUMMARY REPORT The Lemon Project: A Journey of Reconciliation Report of the First Eight Years SUBMITTED TO Katherine A. Rowe, President Michael R. Halleran, Provost February 2019 THE LEMON PROJECT STEERING COMMITTEE Jody Allen, Stephanie Blackmon, David Brown, Kelley Deetz, Leah Glenn, Chon Glover, ex officio, Artisia Green, Susan A. Kern, Arthur Knight, Terry Meyers, Neil Norman, Sarah Thomas, Alexandra Yeumeni 1 THE LEMON PROJECT | A Journey of Reconciliation I. SUMMARY REPORT Executive Summary In 2009, the William & Mary (W&M) Board of Visitors (BOV) passed a resolution acknowledging the institution’s role as a slaveholder and proponent of Jim Crow and established the Lemon Project: A Journey of Reconciliation. What follows is a report covering the work of the Project’s first eight years. It includes a recap of the programs and events sponsored by the Lemon Project, course development, and community engagement efforts. It also begins to come to grips with the complexities of the history of the African American experience at the College. Research and Scholarship structure and staffing. Section III, the final section, consists largely of the findings of archival research and includes an Over the past eight years, faculty, staff, students, and overview of African Americans at William & Mary. community volunteers have conducted research that has provided insight into the experiences of African Americans at William & Mary. This information has been shared at Conclusion conferences, symposia, during community presentations, in As the Lemon Project wraps up its first eight years, much scholarly articles, and in the classroom.