DOCSLIB.ORG

Wetenschappelijk Artikel MASPERO AFTER MUBARAK

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Wetenschappelijk Artikel MASPERO AFTER MUBARAK UNIVERSITEIT GENT FACULTEIT POLITIEKE EN SOCIALE WETENSCHAPPEN MASPERO AFTER MUBARAK WHAT HAS CHANGED AT THE EGYPTIAN STATE TELEVISION? Wetenschappelijk artikel Aantal woorden: 8657 Laurens Bielen MASTERPROEF MANAMA CONFLICT AND DEVELOPMENT PROMOTOR: Prof. Dr. CHRISTOPHER PARKER COMMISSARIS: Prof. Dr. SAMI ZEMNI ACADEMIEJAAR 2012 – 2013 Deze pagina is niet beschikbaar omdat ze persoonsgegevens bevat. Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent, 2021. This page is not available because it contains personal information. Ghent Universit , Librar , 2021. Laurens Bielen Maspero after Mubarak Abstract (EN) This article examines the changes at the Egyptian state television since the ouster of Mubarak on 11 February 2011. Even today, the state television is still one of the most important media outlets in Egypt, despite of the recent evolution to private satellite television and the new media. The changes are sought, by means of literature research and qualitative interviews, at the informal stage of culture and climate, since only there those subtle shifts can be discovered. First, the history of state television in Egypt is outlined, showing that Maspero has always played an important role. Notwithstanding several changes, all those in power considered the state television of the utmost importance. Next, we can see the image of the protesters change from thugs under Mubarak's rule, to patriotic revolutionaries a few days later. The star part, however, is played by the military, that has now become the saviour of the motherland. Soon, the protesters lose any standing, and they become once more the thugs that are trying to destroy Egypt. The parliamentary elections bring other changes to light: while they were the most free elections in recent history, the Freedom and Justice party received a disproportionate share of attention on air. In the previous elections, they had been all but ignored. In this period, with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces as leaders of the country, the state TV was there to praise them and prove their innocence. After Morsi was elected president, a short period of confusion and power-struggle followed. Soon, however, Maspero became Morsi's pall-bearer. The research presented in this article shows there are next to no changes at the state television in this period. Apart from the fact that Maspero simply adapts to the new centres of power, the most important change is the increase in internal contestation and dissidence. Laurens Bielen Abstract (NL) Dit artikel onderzoekt de veranderingen die de Egyptische staatstelevisie ondergaan heeft sinds de val van Moebarak op 11 februari 2011. Ondanks de recente evoluties naar private satelliettelevisie en de zogenaamde nieuwe media, blijft de staatstelevisie een van de belangrijkste mediakanalen in Egypte. De veranderingen worden op het informele niveau gezocht, via literatuurstudie en kwalitatieve interviews, aangezien enkel daar de subtiele verschuivingen qua attitudes opgemerkt kunnen worden. Eerst wordt een korte geschiedenis geschetst van de staatstelevisie in Egypte, die aantoont dat voor Maspero steeds een belangrijke rol weggelegd was. Ondanks verschillende veranderingen blijven de opeenvolgende machthebbers de staatstelevisie een groot belang toedichten. Vervolgens zien we na het aftreden van Moebarak de status van de betoger veranderen van bandeloos tuig naar vaderlandslievende revolutionairen. De glansrol is echter weggelegd voor het leger, dat de redder des vaderlands geworden is. Al snel verliezen de betogers elk krediet, en verworden ze opnieuw tot tuig dat de ondergang van Egypte probeert te bewerkstelligen. Hoewel de parlementsverkiezingen van 2011 de meest vrije verkiezingen in de geschiedenis waren, zijn er ook daar verschillende verschuivingen te merken: de Freedom and Justice-partij krijgt nu disproportioneel veel aandacht, terwijl de Moslimbroeders bij de vorige verkiezingen nauwelijks in beeld kwamen. In heel de periode dat de Supreme Council of the Armed Forces de opperste leiding van het land had, was de staatstelevisie er voor hen om hun te loven en hun onschuld aan te tonen. De verkiezing van Morsi tot nieuwe president geeft een korte periode van verwarring en machtsstrijd. Al snel wordt Maspero echter de slippendrager van Morsi. Het onderzoek dat in dit artikel voorgesteld wordt, toont dus aan dat er nauwelijks veranderingen te bemerken zijn over deze periode. Hoewel Maspero zich aanpast aan wie er de macht heeft, is de voornaamste verandering dat de interne contestatie en dissidentie toegenomen is. Maspero after Mubarak Introduction On 9 October 2011, thousands marched to the television building Maspero in reaction to recent events. The protesters – who were mainly Christians – decried the state media's 'incitement of sectarian violence.' Soon, they were answered with brute force by the military (“Cairo clashes leave 24 dead after Coptic church protest,” 2011). The state TV reported that protesters were attacking the army, and called on its viewers to go out and defend the army (MENA, 2011; M. Nader,1 personal communication, October 1, 2012). This resulted in mobs of armed civilians attacking Christians (Bushra, 2011). In these events, 27 Coptic-Christian protesters were killed (Trew, 2012). This was arguably the most iconic, but far from the only protest directed at the state television: around the 25th of January 2012, Maspero saw almost daily protests for weeks (Trew, 2012). Moreover, right after Mubarak stepped down, protesters went to Maspero to demand the resignation of the Minister of Information because of his role in the television reporting during the previous days (M. Nader, personal communication, October 1, 2012). Events like these show the importance of the state television in Egypt. The emphasis on the so-called 'new media' and their role in the events of the last couple of years in the region and around the world, both in academics and in popular media, threatens to deflect our attention from the more traditional medium that is terrestrial television. While social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter, blogs, and online news websites certainly played an important role, their reach is still limited in Egypt.2 Television is much more widely accessible, with an estimated 12.8 million households with a television set (Allam, 2010), which amounts to circa 75 percent of all households, using the figures of the 2006 Central Agency for Mobilization and Statistics census (Egypt State Information Service, 2006). Adel Iskandar (2011) gives a higher figure with 95% of households having access to terrestrial television. 1 Mona Nader is head of the media department at the Cairo Insitute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS). 2 The percentage of Internet users in Egypt is still below 10% of the population, according to the ITU (International Telecommunication Union, 2010. p. 202), while the CIA World Factbook puts their number just above 20 million, which is around 25% (Central Intelligence Agency, 2012). Most of these people live in urban areas: the number of people in urban areas with broadband access is 6 times that of those in rural areas, and a similar trend is visible if we consider all types of internet access (International Telecommunication Union, 2010. pp. 18-19). 1 Laurens Bielen Thus, television is – and has been since its establishment – extremely important as a means of mass communications, because of its wide spread coupled with the high levels of illiteracy.3 This means that even today newspapers and other written publications remain somewhat elitist, while radio and television are the news-source for the masses. As a consequence of the importance of TV, the state television network is still one of the most precious media outlets to the government. One protester at Maspero described its power as follows: “Maspero is one of the most powerful places in Egypt. It broadcasts straight into everyone’s homes; it can control what the nation thinks.” (Trew, 2012). While the number of people watching private (satellite) channels is rising, the number of people watching the state television is still much bigger (VOMENA, 2012). Compared to 95% of households with access to terrestrial television, only 60% of the Egyptian households have access to satellite television (Iskandar, 2011). At the end of Mubarak's term, observers didn't notice any fundamental change in television news since the Sadat era. This article examines if there have been any changes since then, and to what extent things are different. It is mainly concerned with changes of climate and culture, since the legal framework with respect to the state television has not seen important change. After the so-called Arab Spring, a lot of the scholarly research on the Middle East and North Africa concerns itself with the case of democratisation. In much of the existing, classical literature on media and democracy, media is described as the 'Fourth Power' or 'Fourth Estate' (Sparks, 1995). Now however, some doubt the democratising powers of the media. Lee Becker (2007) wrote an excellent essay exploring the relation between media and democracy, challenging the common conceptions of the relation between independent media and a democratic society. Earlier, he wrote an article on this topic with Patrick McConnell (McConnell & Becker, 2002), echoing the same sentiments and outlining the available research on the subject. Similarly, Chin-Chuan Lee (2001) sketched some of the problems with the view on the media vis-a-vis democracy in Asia, but his more general remarks are of 3 Egypt has
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Social Media: Instigating Factor Or Appropriated Tool?
    Social media: Instigating factor or appropriated tool? Assessing the level of agency ascribed to the use of social media for the organization and coordination of the 25th January Revolution in Egypt Master thesis Author: Ardan Kockelkoren Student number: S4159519 University: Radboud University Nijmegen Date: 27-06-2013 Supervisors dr. H.W. Bomert and dr. G.M. Millar 1 Abstract This research addresses the perceived importance of the use of social media for the organization of the 25th of January, 2011, revolution in Egypt. Individual face-to-face semi-structured interviews and face-to-face collected written surveys were the main research methods used to acquire the research data. This research shows that there is a relationship between the use of social media and the way in which the revolution has unfolded in Egypt. Social media is perceived to have made the revolutionary process unfold in a faster pace and the initial organization and coordination trough the social media platforms have made the revolution a leaderless revolution. Social media played a significant role but it should not be seen as an instigating factor, however. The role that the social media platforms played, must be seen in a wider framework of interdependent processes and factors that are also perceived as important to the unfolding of the revolutionary process by the Egyptian people. Significant differences have been found between different population groups in how important they perceive the use of social media for the organization of the revolution. Egyptians with an university degree, who have an internet connection at home and who have a Facebook account, find the use of social media significantly more important for the organization of the revolution in Egypt than others.
    [Show full text]
  • Forecast 2017: Our Writers’ Predictions for the New Year Contents
    Forecast 2017: Our Writers’ Predictions for the New Year Contents Egypt | 2 Lebanon | 5 Ayah Aman Haytham Mouzahem Shahira Amin North Africa | 5 Walaa Hussein Sarah Souli Gulf | 2 Giorgio Cafiero Palestine | 6 Ibrahim al-Hatlani Asmaa al-Ghoul Amal Nasser Daoud Kuttab Bruce Riedel Russia | 6 Yury Barmin Iran | 3 Vitaly Naumkin Maysam Bizaer Paul Saunders Rohollah Faghihi Maxim A. Suchkov Ali Hashem Saeid Jafari Syria | 7 Alireza Ramezani Asaad Hanna Mohammad Ali Shabani Kamal Sheikho Iraq | 4 Turkey | 7-8 Ali Mamouri Mustafa Akyol Mustafa Saadoun Ali Bayramoglu Saad Salloum Mahmut Bozarslan Cengiz Candar Israel | 4-5 Metin Gurcan Ben Caspit Semih Idiz Akiva Eldar Fehim Tastekin Shlomi Eldar Pinar Tremblay Mazal Mualem Amberin Zaman Uri Savir US | 8 Jordan | 5 Julian Pecquet Osama al-Sharif Laura Rozen Credits Cover: Mohammed Abed/AFP/Getty Images Page 3: Atta Kenare/AFP/Getty Images Page 4: Odd Andersen/AFP/Getty Images Page 6: Mahmud Hams/AFP/Getty Images Page 7: Reuters/Bassam Khabieh Designed by Aaron Schaffer. © 2016 Al-Monitor 1 on the issue of reconciliation with the Walaa Hussein Brotherhood. Sisi will nonetheless Egypt release small groups of detained Cairo hopes for many things in 2017, young men. Security problems are including an end to the economic Ayah Aman expected to continue in Sinai. crisis, control of the budget deficit, Shahira Amin stability of the local currency after In 2017, President Abdel Fattah the flotation of the pound, quelling al-Sisi will be heading Egypt’s I predict that in the year 2017, terrorism in Sinai and reaching a political administration for the third Egypt will see a surge in Islamist solution to the Renaissance Dam consecutive year, after years of political militancy with the insurgency in crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • Satellite Television and Public Sphere in Egypt: Is There a Link? Dr
    Satellite Television and Public Sphere in Egypt: Is there a Link? Dr. Basyouni Ibrahim Hamada Professor of Communication, Cairo University Acting Dean, Faculty of Mass Communication, MSA University www.crcegypt.com Introduction Among the most salient developments in present societies are fundamental and rapid changes of mass media. Public discussions and academic literature are speculating on the societal consequences of these changes. There is a concern that media changes contribute to a deterioration of the political process in general and to a fragmentation of the public sphere and an increase of political cynicism in particular (Schulz, in Splichal, 2001). Research on this area has mixed conclusions on how communication technologies affect the public sphere. More importantly is that political and communication sciences literature on democratization offer little guidance on the hypothesized relationship between electronic communications and public sphere and the level of democracy within a nation. This is of course not surprising; given the novelty of the Internet, e-mail, direct satellite broadcasting and even the widespread availability of fax machines. (Hill & Hughes). On the other hand, we should not read the ongoing broadcast transformation as a linear process leading to a truly independent and critical political role for television in contemporary Arab societies. The emergencies of commercial television and the restructuring of government-operated systems are in no way conducive to political pluralism and diversity in Arab societies dominated by authoritarian political systems (Aysh, 2002). I argue that most of questions about the impact of satellite television on the public sphere in the Arab world have not been answered yet and what has been written on the subject reflects individual understanding of the hypothesized links between developments of satellite television and that of public sphere.
    [Show full text]
  • In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
    Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year.
    [Show full text]
  • Togo Mizrahi and the Making of Egyptian Cinema
    8 Frames of Influence Anouar Sedki, the frustrated star of the filmI Sacrifice My Honor, vents his pent- up rage at the film’s director, Kayro Jacobi. “It’s always like that with you others,” Sedki barks. “We, the Egyptians . you duped us, you cheated us out of our salary, you made us wait long hours in dressing rooms and stifling studios, you insulted us with your arrogance. But everything comes to an end, and one day—” Jacobi interrupts, “What do you mean by ‘you others’? Explain.” “You others, khawagat.“ Jacobi responds, “Khawalat? No one has ever done that to me.”1 Sedki and Jacobi are characters in a novel by Paula Jacques, Kayro Jacobi, juste avant l’oublie (Kayro Jacobi, Just before Oblivion, 2010). The eponymous character, a Jewish Egyptian cinema director and producer, was inspired by the life and work of Togo Mizrahi.2 For her francophone readers, Jacques glosses the colloquial Arabic word play between actor and director as follows: “khawagat = foreigners; khawalat = inverts [sic], homosexuals.”3 In this scene, set in 1952, the fictional actor, Anouar Sedki, spouts Egyptian nationalist-inflected stereotypes at the Jewish director, calling him a duplicitous khawaga. Kayro Jacobi parries the actor’s use of the epithet “kha- wagat” with the queer “khawalat.” Jacobi’s retort mimics the way Togo Mizrahi disarmed exclusionary nationalist discourses with the pluralist, queer Levantine. The scene succinctly indexes both the historical context—the inimical environ- ment for Jews in Egypt in the mid–twentieth century—and Jacobi’s/Mizrahi’s queer Levantine cinematic idiom. The novel is framed by the voice of Norma Jacobi, who laments her husband’s drift into obscurity.
    [Show full text]
  • In 1984 William Beeman Published a Brief but Fascinating Essay on The
    Egypt's Media Ecology in a Time of Revolution Mark Allen Peterson Miami University Abstract: In 1984 William Beeman published a brief but useful essay on the media ecology of Iran before, during and after the revolution. After briefly discussing the relationship between interpersonal gossip ("the grapevine"), and state television and radio, he discusses the dramatic changes in the news media as the revolution progressed, only to settle back into its original role as a voice for the regime—albeit a new regime. The Egyptian uprising had new elements absent in the Iranian revolution, most notably social media and satellite television. Social media does not replace either "the grapevine" of networks of face-to- face interaction nor the monodirectional power of television (which was, in fact, somewhat less unitary than 1970s Iran because of satellite programming). Rather, it offers a way to extend the "grapevine" networks to link otherwise geographically separated individuals into an entirely new public sphere, on the one hand, and to appropriate, supplement, comment on and reframe other media on the other. The revolutionary media ecology of Egypt—in particular the ways various media index, image and influence one another—suggests that (unlike Iran) whatever the ultimate political outcome of the uprisings, the mediascape of Egypt after the revolution will be significantly different than it was before January 25. At times newly introduced mass media have produced revolutionary effects in the societal management of time and energy as they forged new spaces for themselves. Thus media are cultural forces as well as cultural objects. In operation, they produce specific cultural effects that cannot be easily predicted (Beeman 1984: 147).
    [Show full text]
  • Al Jazeera's Expansion: News Media Moments and Growth in Australia
    Al Jazeera’s Expansion: News Media Moments and Growth in Australia PhD thesis by publication, 2017 Scott Bridges Institute of Governance and Policy Analysis University of Canberra ABSTRACT Al Jazeera was launched in 1996 by the government of Qatar as a small terrestrial news channel. In 2016 it is a global media company broadcasting news, sport and entertainment around the world in multiple languages. Devised as an outward- looking news organisation by the small nation’s then new emir, Al Jazeera was, and is, a key part of a larger soft diplomatic and brand-building project — through Al Jazeera, Qatar projects a liberal face to the world and exerts influence in regional and global affairs. Expansion is central to Al Jazeera’s mission as its soft diplomatic goals are only achieved through its audience being put to work on behalf of the state benefactor, much as a commercial broadcaster’s profit is achieved through its audience being put to work on behalf of advertisers. This thesis focuses on Al Jazeera English’s non-conventional expansion into the Australian market, helped along as it was by the channel’s turning point coverage of the 2011 Egyptian protests. This so-called “moment” attracted critical and popular acclaim for the network, especially in markets where there was still widespread suspicion about the Arab network, and it coincided with Al Jazeera’s signing of reciprocal broadcast agreements with the Australian public broadcasters. Through these deals, Al Jazeera has experienced the most success with building a broadcast audience in Australia. After unpacking Al Jazeera English’s Egyptian Revolution “moment”, and problematising the concept, this thesis seeks to formulate a theoretical framework for a news media turning point.
    [Show full text]
  • Gendering the Nation in Mariam Naoum's Literary Adaptations)
    American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 2-1-2018 From text to screenplay (gendering the nation in Mariam Naoum's literary adaptations) May Serhan Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Serhan, M. (2018).From text to screenplay (gendering the nation in Mariam Naoum's literary adaptations) [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/417 MLA Citation Serhan, May. From text to screenplay (gendering the nation in Mariam Naoum's literary adaptations). 2018. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/417 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo From Text to Screenplay Gendering the Nation in Mariam Naoum’s Literary Adaptations A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts By May Nizar Serhan Under the supervision of Dr. Samia Mehrez September 2017 i Acknowledgments To my dear friend and teacher, Dr. Samia Mehrez. Thank you for always pushing me beyond the limits I set for myself, for all the opportunities you have given me, and for your unwavering support; All the love, gratitude and respect. To my sister Nermin Serhan for setting me on this path, way back when I had a love for literature and did not really know what to do with it.
    [Show full text]
  • Geopolitics of a Turbulent Relation 1 8 Arab Spring Among the Cedars 2 2 Isla and Mocracy Tunisia Still in Turmoil 2 5 De the Obama Cairo Address Revisited 29
    /// March 2013 Issue 24 A GRE EK REVI EW OF Centre for Mediterranean, Middle East & Islamic Studies MIDDLE EA STERN AF FAIRS Middle East contents Bulle tin page EgyptandtheIMF: Doeshistoryrepeatitself?02 Jordanonboard07 Gulf:IslamorDemocracy?11 TheEndofthePolitical IslamprojectinTurkey15 TheFJPandDemocracy: Geopolitics of ATurbulentRelation18 Arabspringamongthecedars22 Isla and mocracy Tunisiastillinturmoil25 De TheObamaCairoaddress revisited 29 TheTheoreticalFramework ofPost-Islamism 33 University of Peloponnese /// March 2013 Issue 24 Egypt and the IMF: Does history repeat itself? Spyridoula-Ioanna Zochiou Egypt's wrecked economy makes the new leadership face an interesting question. Is the IMF the one-way road to weather the current financial crisis? The critical econom- ic situation combined with the politically charged environment stand in the way of an agreement with the Fund, as its usually tough conditionality could spark off social unrest and political disaffection. President Morsi, descended from the Muslim Brotherhood, has to strike a balance between the society and the external actors, while wrestling with delicate issues at a time when the country is plagued by econom- ic stagnation. P a g e 2 University of Peloponnese /// March 2013 Issue 24 Egypt stands at a crossroads; the route towards macroeconomic stability seems rough and uncertain, while the dilemma of how she is going to reach it has been hovering over the country for months. Is Egypt willing to deal with it alone or is the International Monetary Fund going to map out the course of action? The latest developments show that there is a hesitation of the Egyptian leadership to authorize the IMF to undertake the daunting, yet familiar, task of financial reform and restructure.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamist Reactions to the Biden Presidency in the Middle East
    ISSUE BRIEF 04.13.21 Islamist Reactions to the Biden Presidency in the Middle East A.Kadir Yildirim, Ph.D., Fellow for the Middle East For Islamists, the Trump administration ISLAMIST GROUPS’ MESSAGING embodied the worst of American policy toward Islam, Muslims, and Muslim- ON BIDEN majority countries. The Muslim ban, The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood has been express support for Israeli policies in among the most enthusiastic about the the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the Biden administration. Ibrahim Munir, the embrace of Islamophobic discourse leave deputy supreme guide of the Brotherhood, little doubt that Muslims in general and welcomed the change in U.S. leadership Islamists in particular were discontented and called on the United States to “return with the Trump presidency. to the values of democracy and respect the How have Islamists—as the relentless will of nations.”1 self-proclaimed defenders of Islam and The Brotherhood’s interest in Biden is Muslims—reacted to the Biden presidency? firmly rooted in the group’s desire to see a Do Islamists’ ideological leanings dictate change in the Egyptian political landscape. their response to Biden in the form of a In particular, the Brotherhood hopes for warm welcome, or do their tangible and This is familiar terrain the Biden administration to gain greater for the Brotherhood. political interests shape their reactions? awareness of the ongoing repressive Statements by Islamist organizations or environment in Egypt and to pressure The group has always their leadership reveal that Islamists around Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to claimed to speak on the Middle East filter Biden’s electoral victory change his policy toward the Brotherhood behalf of the people through their organizational self-interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Framing of Political Forces in Liberal, Islamist and Government Newspapers in Egypt: a Content Analysis
    American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2012 Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis Noha El-Nahass Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation El-Nahass, N. (2012).Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/296 MLA Citation El-Nahass, Noha. Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis. 2012. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/296 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy Framing of Political Forces in Liberal, Islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis A Thesis Submitted to Journalism & Mass Communication department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for The degree of Master of Arts By Noha El-Nahass Under the supervision of Dr. Naila Hamdy Spring 2016 1 Dedication I dedicate this thesis to the journalists who lost their lives while covering the political turbulences in Egypt, may their sacrifices enlighten the road and give the strength to their colleagues to continue reflecting the truth and nothing but the truth.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright by Tarik Ahmed Elseewi 2010 the Dissertation Committee for Tarik Ahmed Elseewi Certifies That This Is the Approved Version of the Following Dissertation
    Copyright by Tarik Ahmed Elseewi 2010 The Dissertation Committee for Tarik Ahmed Elseewi Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Egypt is Mother of the World: Transnational Television and National Identity Committee: Shanti Kumar, Supervisor Michael Kackman Marwan Kraidy Joseph Straubhaar Karin Wilkins Egypt is Mother of the World: Transnational Television and National Identity by Tarik Ahmed Elseewi, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August, 2010 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, Sue and Ahmed (or simply mom/ma and dad/baba) whose emotional (and financial) support went above and beyond the call of duty and who believed in me so much for so long I actually started believing in myself. Acknowledgements Thanks go to my professors at the University of Texas at Austin who have generously given of their time to help guide an unguidable me. Particular thanks to Shanti Kumar, Karin Wilkins, Michael Kackman and Joe Straubhaar for taking a special interest in my projects and encouraging my academic growth. Thanks to my colleagues at the Radio, Television and Film department including and especially Ali Sengul, Lisa Schmidt and Kristen Warner for our shared suffering. Thanks are due to helpers in Cairo, both friends and family including Muhammed Yahia and Paul Schemm for all the help with logistics of who to talk to, where to stay, eat and drink and have fun in that fair city.
    [Show full text]