Z7.3.3 -77 ■€1215-1:Iea

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Z7.3.3 -77 ■€1215-1:Iea Z7.3.3 -77 ■€1215-1:iea. 1 Coalitions in the Union of South Africa, By J . Stelnmever. Although the Union of South Africa is ruled by a coalition government at present, political coalitions are not a feature of South African governments, such as is the case, for instance, in Western European states. The fact that the Union, since its inception forty years ago, has had only three coalition governments, of which one was of exceptionally short duration, proves this contention. The Union parliamentary system, in its main features is the same as that of Great Britain - a two-party system, a governing party and an opposition. In such a system a ooalition does not fit in well and is entered into only when circumstances make it necessary. Frnn the majority in the national representation the government is designated, the opposition forming the minority. The governing party always sit on the right hand of the Speaker, or Chairman, in the House of Assembly, the minority sitting on his left. At a change of government the parties change places in Parliament. Under the British parliamentary system there can be no question of a right and left wing or of right and left parties, suth as are well known in the parliaments of Western Europe. The House of Assembly in its first session of 1910-la. had three parties, the South African Party, with General Louis Botha as leader; the Unionist Party, under Sir Starr Jameson; and the Labour Party, under Col. F.H.P. Creswell. Because the Labour Party consisted only of four members in the House of Assembly it may be left out of account. Indeed, the Labour Party has never played a major role in the Union's politics. One session thfere were 21 Labour members in the House of Assembly and a few years later 18. Since l92>f the Party has never again had that number of members of the Assembly. In 1910 the South African Party (S.A.P.) gained the majority. Sir s< rr Jameson, loador of the Unionists, suggested that, as this would bo the first government of the Union, a "best man government" should be formed, a government consisting of the ablest men in Parliament irrespective of their party associations, Jameson intended his proposal as a transition measure to help the Union over the first years which, as were rightly foreseen, would be difficult years. The financial systems, its own Native policy and its own provisions regarding the Coloured people, was indeed a highly difficult task. So difficult indeed was it that the National Convention which prepared the Union, notwithstanding the fact that it included as members the ablest men from the four colonies, did not see its way clear to settle similar questions and left their solution to the Union, General Botha, however, rejected the Jameson proposal and formed a government composed exclusively of members of the majority South African Party, Tin? second general election, held in October 1915, brought no change, although a change of importance had occurred in the Union’s politics with the establishment of the Nationalist Party after General J.B.M, Hertzog had been removed from the Botha Cabin't in 1912, In 191*+, the first World War broke out. General Botha, as Prime Minister, proposed in the House of Assembly that the Union should participate on the side of Great Britain, T: is was resisted by General Hertzog and his eleven followers in the Assembly. In outlining his objections, General Hertzog stated, inter alia, that General Botha did not represent the feelings of the Afrikaner people and that not five per cent, of the people of the Orange Free State would approve of the proposal, TJis prediction was verified at the general election of 1915. In the Free St te the South African Party retained only one of the 17 seats. The P. rt.y of General Botha decreased in the Assembly from 75 to 5^ members and the Unionists from b2 to 39, while the Nationalist Party's membership rose from 12 to 27, The South African Party lost its complete majority over all other parties combined. General Botha, however, came to an understanding with the Unionists by which the latter would continue to sup] ort the Government in its war policy. The Unionists did not accept representatim in the Government nor any responsibility for the Government's policy. It was not, therefore, a coalition. In August, 19199 General Botha died. General S±,uts became Prime Minister of the Union. The Unionists promised their sup ort to the Government just as they had done during the life of General Botha, although the first World War had then already ended by the signing of the Treaty of Versailles. In these circumstances the third general election for the house of Assembly was held in 1920 - unfavourable circumstances for the S.A. Party, which lost another thirteen seats and failed to secure more than 1*1 of the 131 in the Assembly. The Unionists, their allies, lost l1*, but the Nationalists gained 17 and were three members stronger in the Assembly than the S.A. Party, while the Labour Party rose from four to twenty-one seats. General Smuts had, together with the Unionists, a majority of four. General Smuts thereupon approached the other parties to form a coalition government, based more or less on an armistice in the party political struggle. The Nationalist Party did not want to hear of co-operation of all four parties in one and the same government. They were prepared to co-operate with the S.A. Party, provided, however, that the coalition government would be free to work for national independence and secession from the British Empire, General Smuts did not want to hear of this and so his attempt at forming a coalition of all parties failed. The Unionisis, on the other hand, were prepared not only to form a coalition with the S.A. Party but a firm alliance, which amounted to the Unionists merging with the S.A. Party. Immediately after the amalgamation General Smuts dissolved Parliament, and the new election gave the S.A„ Party, cum Unionists, a total of 79 seats as against the Nationalist's and the Labour Party’s nine. General S uts included three former Unionists in his Cabinet. In the following few years the Notionalist and Labour Parties agreed that it was urgently necessary to replaae the Smuts V ..... - If - j government. In order to achieve this three-cornered contests had to be eliminated5 and in 1923 it was agreed that the Nationalist and Labour parties would not oppose each other in an election. The Labour Party stated its willingness to co-operate with the Nationalists on condition that, should the latter get into power, no Nationalist Member of Parliament would use his vote for breaking the existing constitutional relations of South Africa with the British Empire. The "Pact" secured the majority at the fifth general election for the House of Assembly in June, 192^+s Nationalist Party £3 seats, Labour P ty 18, S.A. P . rty 53, Independent 1. General Hertzog formed a coalition government with two Labour P rty members in his Cabinet. This was the first coalition government since the establishment of Union. The Pact remained in power till 1933. In 1932 the Union of South Africa loft the gold standard and in 1933 a coalition was formed between the Nationalists and the S.A. Party, with General Hertzog as Prir.'o Minister and General Snuts as Minister of Justice. The condition of the coalition was that the two parties would continue to exist, each with its own party executive. Soon, however, a movement was started, for the fusion of the two parties. The movement acquired such scope as to lead eventually to the formation of the United South African National P- ty, under the leadership of Gon:r 1 Hertzog. So ended the second political coalition. The majority of members of the Nationalist Party, under the leadership of Dr, D.F. Malan, did not acquiesce in fusion, but remained outside and maintained the N ticn list P rty, Meanwhile new parties arose, the most important of which was the Volksparty (People's P: -ty) under the leadership of Mr, Oswald Pirow, The Nationalist and Volksparties decided to amalgamate and assumed the name of the Horenigde (re-united) Nationalist Party, which was later shortened to the Nationalist Party. Dr. Malan remained its leader. At the outbreak of the Second World War the House of Assembly passed a resolution supporting South Africa's entry on the side of the Allies. General Hertzog, as Prime Minister, then recommended to the Governor-General that the House of Assembly be dissolved in order to give the electorate an opportunity of expressing themselves on the question whether or rot the Union should participate in the war. The Governor-General declined the proposal, and General Herteog resigned-. General Sr.uts was thereupon instructed to form a new government and did so. General Hertzog and his followers left the United Party. A difference of opinion as to the policy to be followed by the Nationalist Party, which General Hertzog and his followers had rejoined, led to General Hertzog not only resigning from the Party but resigning also as a member of the House of Assembly. His old friend and collaborator, Mr. N.u. Havenga, did the same. The followers of General Hertzog then formed a now political party, the Afrikaner- Party, of which Mr. Havenga is leader at present. With this party Dr. Malan, as loader of the Nationalist Party, later made an agreement in which each party agreed rot to oppose candidates of the other party at an election.
Recommended publications
  • Ambiguities of South Africa's Quest for Democracy
    AMBIGUITIES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 25 August 1993 by Roger J. Southall BA (Leeds) MA (Econ) (Manchester) PhD (Birmingham) GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 AMBIGUITIES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 25 August 1993 by Roger J. Southall BA (Leeds) MA (Econ) (Manchester) PhD (Birmingham) GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 First published in 1993 by Rhodes University Grahamstown South Africa ©PROF RJ SOUTHALL - 1993 Roger Southall Ambiguities of South Africa's Quest for Democracy ISBN: 0-86810-262-8 No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. INTRODUCTION I am not sure that my students will agree, but my opinion is that this is the first time I have lectured in funny clothes. Inaugural lectures, in all the garb, are one of the institutions at Rhodes, to which all previous professorial victims heartily subscribe. However, one of my particular disappointments about the postponement of the Rhodes summit last Saturday is that I was going to propose, as a matter of urgency, that this anachronistic practice be abandoned forthwith. Deprived of that opportunity, I shall of course become a resolute defender of this glorious tradition on September 25th. An associated aspect of this tradition is that the victim reflects upon the state of his or her discipline. I have chosen not to do that, in large measure because I am only a relatively recent arrival in South Africa, I cannot claim to be privy to any intimate understanding of how the academic study of Politics developed in this country.
    [Show full text]
  • TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
    Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement.
    [Show full text]
  • Prague Papers on International Relations
    Divided union: South African nationalist opposition from 1939 to 1943 Mikuláš Touška1 ABSTRACT South Africa’s participation in World War II was accompanied by a specific and, to some extent, par- adoxical development. The declaration of war on Germany alongside Great Britain and other domin- ions was preceded by a government crisis that resulted in the collapse of Hertzog’s cabinet. The new coalition government led by Hertzog’s long-time political rival Jan Smuts had to face strong nation- alist opposition. This opposition supported by Nazi Germany was extensive but fragmented, causing it to be defeated in the 1943 elections. However, this defeat led to a paradoxical result. The ultra-con- servative and fiercely anti-British politician D.F. Malan became the undisputed leader of the oppo- sition and capitalized on his position to clinch an electoral victory in 1948. The goal of this paper is to identify the reasons for this paradoxical development based on the analysis of both the activities of various opposition groups and personal animosities among their leaders. The analysis is based on the existing literature as well as on archival materials, in particular the reports of South African counterintelligence. KEYWORDS Union of South Africa, Second World War, United Party, National Party, Afrikaner Party, James Barry Munnik Hertzog, Jan Christiaan Smuts, Daniel François Malan. “WHITE UNITY” The period after 1910 until the mid-30s in the Union’s political development is char- acterized by Afrikaners’ rising influence. Although English-speaking white South Africans represented about 40 percent of the Union’s white population, their impact on politics gradually declined as they focused mainly on the economy.2 It should be noted that there was no “British” political party on the South African political scene that might have constituted an adequate rival to the Afrikaner nationalists.
    [Show full text]
  • Colin Eglin, the Progressive Federal Party and the Leadership of the Official Parliamentary Opposition, 1977‑1979 and 1986‑1987
    Journal for Contemporary History 40(1) / Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis 40(1): 1‑22 © UV/UFS • ISSN 0285‑2422 “ONE OF THE ARCHITECTS OF OUR DEMOCRACY”: COLIN EGLIN, THE PROGRESSIVE FEDERAL PARTY AND THE LEADERSHIP OF THE OFFICIAL PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION, 1977‑1979 AND 1986‑1987 FA Mouton1 Abstract The political career of Colin Eglin, leader of the Progressive Federal Party (PFP) and the official parliamentary opposition between 1977‑1979 and 1986‑1987, is proof that personality matters in politics and can make a difference. Without his driving will and dogged commitment to the principles of liberalism, especially his willingness to fight on when all seemed lost for liberalism in the apartheid state, the Progressive Party would have floundered. He led the Progressives out of the political wilderness in 1974, turned the PFP into the official opposition in 1977, and picked up the pieces after Frederik van Zyl Slabbert’s dramatic resignation as party leader in February 1986. As leader of the parliamentary opposition, despite the hounding of the National Party, he kept liberal democratic values alive, especially the ideal of incremental political change. Nelson Mandela described him as, “one of the architects of our democracy”. Keywords: Colin Eglin; Progressive Party; Progressive Federal Party; liberalism; apartheid; National Party; Frederik van Zyl Slabbert; leader of the official parliamentary opposition. Sleutelwoorde: Colin Eglin; Progressiewe Party; Progressiewe Federale Party; liberalisme; apartheid; Nasionale Party; Frederik van Zyl Slabbert; leier van die amptelike parlementêre opposisie. 1. INTRODUCTION The National Party (NP) dominated parliamentary politics in the apartheid state as it convinced the majority of the white electorate that apartheid, despite the destruction of the rule of law, was a just and moral policy – a final solution for the racial situation in the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
    POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A.
    [Show full text]
  • Competition for the ANC WP Dominant Party Losing Youth and Poorer Sections of South African Population
    Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Competition for the ANC WP Dominant Party Losing Youth and Poorer Sections of South African Population Melanie Müller S South Africa’s governing party, the African National Congress (ANC), will elect a new president in December 2017. This person will also stand for the office of President of South Africa at the beginning of 2019 when President Jacob Zuma reaches the maximum number of two consecutive terms allowed by the country’s constitution. It is currently unclear whether he can finish his final term. Since the dismissal of finance minister, Pravin Gordhan, resistance against Zuma has reached a new climax. A broad alliance of civil society groups, trade unions and party representatives, even some from within his own party, have called for his resignation. Although these protests are aimed directly at Zuma, the causes of the dissatisfaction lie deeper. The ANC has not been able to success- fully address the country’s social challenges. In addition, corruption and mismanage- ment have shaken confidence. For a long time, the former liberation movement was considered the only party to vote for by the black population. In the past four years, how- ever, the ANC has faced serious competition from the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). Given the loss of meaning of the ANC, the South African party system is changing. In the 2014 parliamentary elections, the network. However, the ANC did not succeed ANC failed to achieve a two-thirds majority in overcoming social injustice in South – for the first time in the history of demo- Africa, as promised.
    [Show full text]
  • Party System and Public Opinion in Contemporary South Africa
    Máster en Democracia y Gobierno Departamento de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Working Papers Online Series http://www.uam.es/ss/Satellite/Derecho/es/1242658791834/listadoCom bo/Working_Papers.htm Estudio/Working Paper 162/2014 Electoral Behaviour in Deeply Divided Societies: The case of Contemporary South Africa Carlos García Rivero Universidad de Valencia [email protected] * Paper for presentation at the Research Seminar – Master in Democracy and Government, Autonoma University, Madrid; March 12th, 2014 Work in progress, not for citation or quotation without the author’s permission © Carlos García-Rivero, Valencia University. Abstract South Africa became a multiracial democracy in 1994, and a dominant party system was configured in the political scenario with the ANC as the main political party. Since then race has been the main cleavage at the polls. This paper analyzes South Africa's party system and public opinion in an attempt to discern whether or not it is possible to reconfigure the party system into a more competitive one. Results show the following conclusions: ideological differences among different populations groups are being reduced; race is losing weight as a factor explaining vote; class indicators are gaining terrain as explanatory factors and; although not in the short term, the split-up within the ANC and the appearance of COPE should not be underestimated. The study is a quantitative analysis that makes extensive use of survey data gathered in South Africa in the last two decades. 2 Introduction South Africa held its first democratic multiracial elections in 1994 giving rise to a dominant party system where the African National Congress (ANC) has been and still is the main political party.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Solidarity Movement Et La Restructuration De L'activisme Afrika
    Université de Montréal « Un peuple se sauve lui-même » Le Solidarity Movement et la restructuration de l’activisme afrikaner en Afrique du Sud depuis 1994 par Joanie Thibault-Couture Département de science politique, Faculté des Arts et des Sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de doctorat en science politique Janvier 2017 © Joanie Thibault-Couture 2017 Résumé Malgré la déliquescence du nationalisme afrikaner causée par la chute du régime de l’apartheid et la prise du pouvoir politique par un parti non raciste et non ethnique en 1994, nous observons depuis les années 2000, un renouvèlement du mouvement identitaire afrikaner. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc de comprendre l’émergence de ce nouvel activisme ethnique depuis la transition démocratique. Pour approfondir notre compréhension du phénomène, nous nous posons les questions suivantes : comment pouvons-nous expliquer le renouvèlement de l’activisme afrikaner dans la « nouvelle » Afrique du Sud ? Comment sont définis les nouveaux attributs de la catégorie de l’afrikanerité ? Comment les élites ethnopolitiques restructurent-elles leurs stratégies pour assurer la pérennité de la catégorie dans l’Afrique du Sud post-apartheid ? Qu’est-ce que la résurgence d’une afrikanerité renouvelée nous apprend sur l’état de la cohésion sociale en Afrique du Sud et sur la mobilisation ethnolinguistique en général ? La littérature sur le mouvement post-apartheid fait consensus sur la disparition du nationalisme afrikaner raciste, mais offre peu d’analyses empiriques et de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner pour comprendre les dynamiques de ce nouveau phénomène et effectue peu de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner.
    [Show full text]
  • Report Re S Umes
    REPORT RE S UMES ED 011 661 AL 000 368 LANGUASE AND "NATIONALISM" IN SOUTHAFRICA. BERGHE, P. VAN DEN PUB DATE NOV 66 EDRS PRICE MF$0.09 HC -$O,64 16P. DESCRIPTORS- *LANGUAGES,*SOCIOLINGUISTICS, *NATIONALISM, *AFRICAN LANGUAGES, OFFICIALLANGUAGES, SECOND LANGUAGES, . 'LANGUAGE INSTRUCTION, AFRIKAANS,XHOSA, SOTHO, ZULU, ENGLISH, SOUTH AFRICA THE ONLY GROUP IN SOUTH AFRICA TO HAVEDEVELOPED A NATIONALISM BASED, AT LEAST PARTLY,ON ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE ARE THE AFRIKANERS. CUE TO AFRIKANERFEELINGS OF NATIONALISM, ATTEMPTS HAVE BEEN MADE TO SEGREGATEAFRICANS AND NON - AFRICANS OF DIFFERENT LANGUAGEGROUPS FROM THE AFRIKANERS AND FROM EACH OTHER. MOTHER- TONGUE INSTRUCTION IS STRESSED AT ALL LEVELS OF SCHOOLING DESPITE THEPREFERENCE OF AFRICANS TO BE TAUGHT IN ENGLISH. ASSUMING AMAJORITY GOVERNMENT IN THE FUTURE, THE PRESENT SITUATION, WHEREINOFFICIAL STATUS IS GRANTED ONLY TO THE TWO MAIN LANGUAGES,ENGLISH AND AFRIKAANS, IS UNLIKELY TO BE ACCEPTABLETO MOST SOUTH AFRICANS, AND MOST EDUCATED AFRICANSWOULD PROBABLY BE RELUCTANT TO SUBSTITUTE A BANTULANGUAGE AS THE OFFICIAL TONGUE. GRANTING EQUAL STATUS TO ALLFIVEMAJOR LANGUAGES WOULD BE COSTLY AND ADMINISTRATIVELYINEFFICIENT. ONE WORKABLE SOLUTION SEEMS TO BE TO RECOGNIZEENGLISH AS THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE, WHILE USING THEOTHER FOUR MAIN LANGUAGES (AFRIKAANS, XHOSA, SOTHO,AND ZULU) AS OFFICIAL REGIONAL SECOND LANGUAGES. (NC) U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCEDEXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATINGIT.POINTS OF VIEW OR OIHIONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENTOFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION POSITION OR POLICY. LANGUAGE AND "NATIONALISM" IN souls AFRICA Pierre L. van den Berghe University of Washington To state that language and nationalism are closely related is a tautology, but one that needs restating in view of the loose usage of the term "nationalism" in the Third World and particularly in the African literature.
    [Show full text]
  • A Nation at Prayer, a Nation in Hate: Apartheid in South Africa Tamara Rice Lave University of Miami School of Law, [email protected]
    University of Miami Law School University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository Articles Faculty and Deans 1994 A Nation at Prayer, a Nation in Hate: Apartheid in South Africa Tamara Rice Lave University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/fac_articles Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation Tamara Rice Lave, A Nation at Prayer, a Nation in Hate: Apartheid in South Africa 30 483 (1994). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty and Deans at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Notes A Nation at Prayer, a Nation in Hate: Apartheid in South Africa TAMARA RICE LAVE* Daniel Malan, a minister of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC)Q 1 and former Prime Minister of South Africa, declared in 1948:2 Our history is the greatest masterpiece of the centuries. We hold this nationhood as our due for it was given us by the Architect of the universe. [His] aim was the formation of a new nation among the nations of the world .... The last hundred years have witnessed a miracle behind which must lie a divine plan. Indeed, the history of the Afrikaner reveals a will and a determination which makes one feel that * J.D. candidate, 1995, Stanford Law School.
    [Show full text]
  • Coalition Building, Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African Women's Path to Parliament
    Coalition Building, Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African Women's Path to Parliament Britton, Hannah E. Africa Today, Volume 49, Number 4, Winter 2002, pp. 33-67 (Article) Published by Indiana University Press DOI: 10.1353/at.2003.0036 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/at/summary/v049/49.4britton.html Access Provided by University of Kansas Libraries at 06/27/12 9:18PM GMT This case, resting fi rmly in a postcolonial African context, demonstrates that the power and infl uence that women developed during a liberation struggle may be used to transcend public and private political distinctions within the new regime. Coalition Building, Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African Women’s Path to Parliament Hannah E. Britton This paper argues that pre-transition mobilization by South African women fostered post transition success in constitutional mandates, party politics, and offi ce hold- ing. Informed by examples of failed postliberation gender movements in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Angola, South African women’s groups worked collectively and individu- ally to advance gender equality. Women mobilized around their gender identity to form a powerful multiparty women’s coalition, which became a vehicle through which women pushed for inclusion in the Constitutional Assembly. Using this external power-base, women’s branches of major politi- cal parties compelled their parties’ leaders to implement affi rmative-action measures for candidate recruitment and selection. These measures, particularly the gender quota of the African National Congress, have pressured all political parties to increase the number of women on their party-lists in subsequent elections.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa's 2004 Election: the Quest for Democratic Consolidation
    SOUTH AFRICA’s 2004 ELECTION THE QUEST FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION ––––––––––––– ❑ ––––––––––––– Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA ISBN 1-919814-91-4 Edited By 9781919 814919 Laurence Piper Order from: [email protected] EISA RESEARCH REPORT No 12 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 12 i SOUTH AFRICA’s 2004 ELECTION THE QUEST FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION ii EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 12 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 12 iii SOUTH AFRICA’s 2004 ELECTION THE QUEST FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION EDITED BY LAURENCE PIPER WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY LAURENCE PIPER CHERYL HENDRICKS GRANT MASTERSON SYDNEY LETSHOLO 2005 iv EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 12 Published by EISA 2nd Floor, The Atrium 41 Stanley Avenue, Auckland Park Johannesburg, South Africa 2006 P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: 27 11 482 5495 Fax: 27 11 482 6163 Email: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 1-919814-91-4 EISA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2005 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society. –––––––––––– ❑ –––––––––––– Cover photograph: Yoruba Beaded Sashes Reproduced with the kind permission of Hamill Gallery of African Art, Boston, MA USA EISA Research Report, No. 12 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 12 v CONTENTS List of acronyms vii Preface ix Introduction Laurence Piper 1 Recommendations 3 1.
    [Show full text]