The Ossewabrandwag As a Mass Movement, 1939–1941 Christoph Marx a a Freiburg Version of Record First Published: 24 Feb 2007
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This article was downloaded by: [University of Alberta] On: 07 March 2013, At: 19:07 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Southern African Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjss20 The Ossewabrandwag as a mass movement, 1939–1941 Christoph Marx a a Freiburg Version of record first published: 24 Feb 2007. To cite this article: Christoph Marx (1994): The Ossewabrandwag as a mass movement, 1939–1941 , Journal of Southern African Studies, 20:2, 195-219 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079408708396 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 195 The Ossewabrandwag as a Mass Movement, 1939-19411 CHRISTOPH MARX (Freiburg) In the first years of its existence the Ossewabrandwag (OB) was an Afrikaner nationalist mass movement comprising nearly all social strata of the Afrikaner population. Its hetero- geneous mass basis was made possible only by the lack of a clear-cut political programme or a definite ideology. Instead, the OB drew mainly on Afrikaans popular culture which drew its stimulus from the Symbolic Ox wagon Trek of 1938. The OB, emphasising its repub- lican and nationalist outlook without committing itself to any definite goals, contained in its ranks very divergent interest groups. By emphasising volkseenheid (national unity) and by rejecting South Africa's participation in World War II as Great Britain's ally, it was able to integrate a multitude of different nationalist organisations for the very reason that it lacked a clear ideological profile. Only when its new leadership started to define its ideol- ogy and developed its own policy from the middle of 1941 onwards did the OB's member- ship decline. Abandoning its earlier populism, to a large extent it then developed into a fascist organisation. The Ossewabrandwag (OB) (Ox wagon Sentinel), the biggest mass movement of Afrikaner nationalism, was originally a local group based at Bloemfontein. Following its foundation in February 1939 it rapidly developed - spreading like a 'brush-fire' (veldbrand)2 - into the 'most powerful Afrikaner organisation',3 a 300,000-member4 mass movement so strong that it attracted to its meetings 20,000 people in a village like Rustenburg, 15,000 in Bellville and 30,000 in Springs.5 People joined the movement literally by tens of thousands. This is all the more astonishing Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 19:07 07 March 2013 when one considers that the movement hardly sprang from organic growth. It was much more like a springtide [stormloop or 'run'].6 When viewed as a mass movement - a description, though, that seems appropriate only for the period of 1939 to 1941 - the vagueness of the OB's aims is striking. There is no clear ideological profile, a fact which I will take as a starting point for my analysis of the 1 I wish to express my gratitude to Mr Herbert Allgeier who was of great help in editing the English version of this article. 2 P. J. Meyer, Nog nie ver genoeg nie (Johannesburg/Cape Town, 1984), p. 32. 3 N. G. S. van der Walt, 'Die bloedsomloop van u beweging', in OB-Jaarboek 1949 (Pretoria s.d.), p. 29. 4 H. M. van der Westhuysen, 'Die Ossewabrandwag en die oordeel van die geskiedenis', in OB-Jaarboek 1949 (Pretoria n.d.), pp. 85-7. 5 'Uit die Geskiedenis van die OB in Noordelike Transvaal', in OB-Jaarboek 1948 (Pretoria n.d.), p. 9; Die Burger, 19 May 1941; Ossewabrandwag Archive, Potchefstroom University (hereafter OB), Interviews (here- after Int.), H. Anderson, tape no. 16-8. 6 OB, Int., H.M. Robinson, pp. 4-5. 196 Journal of Southern African Studies Ossewabrandwag phenomenon. In my view - as I will try to make clear in this essay - it was just this vagueness and blur of its aims which made the OB so very attractive to the masses. The OB represented, so to speak, the lowest common denominator. What it stood for could be accepted, in principle, by every Afrikaner nationalist. The OB's objectives can be con- densed into three main and very general-minded epithets - epithets that seem to explain the secret of its initial success: national unity {volkseenheid); rejection of South African partici- pation in World War II; and establishment of a republic. Starting from these general aims, I will attempt in this essay to support the follow- ing view: In the OB case it has to do with a heterogeneous mass movement that suc- ceeded, due to a very efficient organisational structure, in uniting highly diverse inter- est groups under the roof or 'umbrella' of a small number of attractive slogans. But this also explains why the OB turned out to be an unstable mass movement: for as soon as its leaders started to specify its aims, they necessarily destroyed the existing general consensus. And the alliance - informal as it was in nature - disintegrated. At this time, Afrikaners were on their 'Second Great Trek'. The term refers to ur- banisation, with all its accompanying consequences of wide-spread pauperisation, al- ienation from the rural world where people came from, and increasing social differen- tiation. In the wake of these social problems and the growing awareness of them among Afrikaner intellectuals, the 1930s brought a distinct radicalisation of Afrikaner nation- alism which opened the door for fascist ideas to work their way in. On the organisa- tional level, the Afrikaner Broederbond (AB) and its network of sub-organisations suc- ceeded, from the late 1920s onwards, in monopolising Afrikaner cultural life for na- tionalist purposes.7 According to M. Hroch's concept of a three-stage development in nationalist organisation,8 Afrikaner cultural nationalism was entering phase 'C, i.e., the mass movement stage. In this context, the symbolic ox wagon trek (which took place in 1938 in celebration of the centenary of the Battle of Blood River) kindled a nationalistic enthusiasm that surpassed the boldest expectations.9 This was a crucial milestone. The members of the volk, who had generally been alienated from one an- other and had for the most part been absorbed by urban conglomerates, now rediscov- ered each other. Cultural nationalism gained, through this meticulously planned event, its mass basis.10 The Ossewabrandwag would give this new enthusiasm direction and would make it lasting. It would indeed be its very embodiment." Volkseenheid had long been the primary and popular aim of Afrikaner nationalists. The split-up that took place within the National Party (NP) in 1933-34 undermined people's trust in parliamentarianism and its procedures - a trust of course that had Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 19:07 07 March 2013 never been very deep-seated and widespread. The populist structure of South African political parties, their general aim being volkseenheid within the parliamentary-consti- tutional framework, in fact already contained the seeds of a mass movement like the OB.12 Many Afrikaners were prepared to give up multipartyism (the concept of a party 7 C. Marx, 'Organised Afrikaner Nationalism: The Afrikaner Broederbond and the National Party, 1910-1948', unpublished paper, seminar on 'Rethinking Nationalism', Tel Aviv University, 1992-93. 8 H. Hroch, Die Vorkämpfer der nationalen Bewegung bei den kleinen Völkern Europas (Prague, 1968). 9 A. P. J. van Rensburg, 'Die Simboliese Ossewatrek van 1938',in Historia, 17(1972), pp. 12-46; E. A. Messina, 'Die Voortrekkereeufees 1938' (M.A. thesis), University of the Western Cape, Bellville, 1981, p. 97, passim. 10 T. D. Moodie, The Rise of Afrikanerdom -- Power, Apartheid and the Afrikaner Civil Religion (Berkeley/Los Angeles/London, 1975), p. 180; see also Messina, 'Die Voortrekkereeufees', p. 16 passim. 11 OB, H. M. van der Westhuysen Collection (hereafter HMvdW Coll.) 8/57, Manuscript of a speech held on the 9th founding day of the OB, p. 1. 12 C. Marx, 'Afrikaaner Nationalismus und die Errichtung des Rassenstaates in Südafrika 1910', in Geschichte and Gesellschaft, 17, 1 (1991), pp. 30-60. The Ossewabrandwag as a Mass Movement, 1939-1941 197 state) in favour of the idea of volkseenheid. When South Africa entered the war as Great Britain's ally, this also signalled the failure of samesmelting (uniting/merging), that is, of Smuts's model of a white South African nation based on citizenship.13 Smuts and Hertzog advocated different forms of a constitutional nationalism, albeit racist in char- acter. Only cultural nationalism with its different social background and orientation could provide Afrikaner nationalism with a distinct ideology. Culture-based national- ism usually tends towards political radicalisation rather than constitutional national- ism.14 The main reason for the absorption of radical nationalist and fascist ideological tendencies and elements coming from overseas must be seen in the affirmative attitude which Afrikaner nationalism took, from the 1930s onwards, towards urbanisation and modernisation, and also in its foundation on culture.