The Ossewabrandwag As a Mass Movement, 1939–1941 Christoph Marx a a Freiburg Version of Record First Published: 24 Feb 2007

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Ossewabrandwag As a Mass Movement, 1939–1941 Christoph Marx a a Freiburg Version of Record First Published: 24 Feb 2007 This article was downloaded by: [University of Alberta] On: 07 March 2013, At: 19:07 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Southern African Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjss20 The Ossewabrandwag as a mass movement, 1939–1941 Christoph Marx a a Freiburg Version of record first published: 24 Feb 2007. To cite this article: Christoph Marx (1994): The Ossewabrandwag as a mass movement, 1939–1941 , Journal of Southern African Studies, 20:2, 195-219 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079408708396 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 195 The Ossewabrandwag as a Mass Movement, 1939-19411 CHRISTOPH MARX (Freiburg) In the first years of its existence the Ossewabrandwag (OB) was an Afrikaner nationalist mass movement comprising nearly all social strata of the Afrikaner population. Its hetero- geneous mass basis was made possible only by the lack of a clear-cut political programme or a definite ideology. Instead, the OB drew mainly on Afrikaans popular culture which drew its stimulus from the Symbolic Ox wagon Trek of 1938. The OB, emphasising its repub- lican and nationalist outlook without committing itself to any definite goals, contained in its ranks very divergent interest groups. By emphasising volkseenheid (national unity) and by rejecting South Africa's participation in World War II as Great Britain's ally, it was able to integrate a multitude of different nationalist organisations for the very reason that it lacked a clear ideological profile. Only when its new leadership started to define its ideol- ogy and developed its own policy from the middle of 1941 onwards did the OB's member- ship decline. Abandoning its earlier populism, to a large extent it then developed into a fascist organisation. The Ossewabrandwag (OB) (Ox wagon Sentinel), the biggest mass movement of Afrikaner nationalism, was originally a local group based at Bloemfontein. Following its foundation in February 1939 it rapidly developed - spreading like a 'brush-fire' (veldbrand)2 - into the 'most powerful Afrikaner organisation',3 a 300,000-member4 mass movement so strong that it attracted to its meetings 20,000 people in a village like Rustenburg, 15,000 in Bellville and 30,000 in Springs.5 People joined the movement literally by tens of thousands. This is all the more astonishing Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 19:07 07 March 2013 when one considers that the movement hardly sprang from organic growth. It was much more like a springtide [stormloop or 'run'].6 When viewed as a mass movement - a description, though, that seems appropriate only for the period of 1939 to 1941 - the vagueness of the OB's aims is striking. There is no clear ideological profile, a fact which I will take as a starting point for my analysis of the 1 I wish to express my gratitude to Mr Herbert Allgeier who was of great help in editing the English version of this article. 2 P. J. Meyer, Nog nie ver genoeg nie (Johannesburg/Cape Town, 1984), p. 32. 3 N. G. S. van der Walt, 'Die bloedsomloop van u beweging', in OB-Jaarboek 1949 (Pretoria s.d.), p. 29. 4 H. M. van der Westhuysen, 'Die Ossewabrandwag en die oordeel van die geskiedenis', in OB-Jaarboek 1949 (Pretoria n.d.), pp. 85-7. 5 'Uit die Geskiedenis van die OB in Noordelike Transvaal', in OB-Jaarboek 1948 (Pretoria n.d.), p. 9; Die Burger, 19 May 1941; Ossewabrandwag Archive, Potchefstroom University (hereafter OB), Interviews (here- after Int.), H. Anderson, tape no. 16-8. 6 OB, Int., H.M. Robinson, pp. 4-5. 196 Journal of Southern African Studies Ossewabrandwag phenomenon. In my view - as I will try to make clear in this essay - it was just this vagueness and blur of its aims which made the OB so very attractive to the masses. The OB represented, so to speak, the lowest common denominator. What it stood for could be accepted, in principle, by every Afrikaner nationalist. The OB's objectives can be con- densed into three main and very general-minded epithets - epithets that seem to explain the secret of its initial success: national unity {volkseenheid); rejection of South African partici- pation in World War II; and establishment of a republic. Starting from these general aims, I will attempt in this essay to support the follow- ing view: In the OB case it has to do with a heterogeneous mass movement that suc- ceeded, due to a very efficient organisational structure, in uniting highly diverse inter- est groups under the roof or 'umbrella' of a small number of attractive slogans. But this also explains why the OB turned out to be an unstable mass movement: for as soon as its leaders started to specify its aims, they necessarily destroyed the existing general consensus. And the alliance - informal as it was in nature - disintegrated. At this time, Afrikaners were on their 'Second Great Trek'. The term refers to ur- banisation, with all its accompanying consequences of wide-spread pauperisation, al- ienation from the rural world where people came from, and increasing social differen- tiation. In the wake of these social problems and the growing awareness of them among Afrikaner intellectuals, the 1930s brought a distinct radicalisation of Afrikaner nation- alism which opened the door for fascist ideas to work their way in. On the organisa- tional level, the Afrikaner Broederbond (AB) and its network of sub-organisations suc- ceeded, from the late 1920s onwards, in monopolising Afrikaner cultural life for na- tionalist purposes.7 According to M. Hroch's concept of a three-stage development in nationalist organisation,8 Afrikaner cultural nationalism was entering phase 'C, i.e., the mass movement stage. In this context, the symbolic ox wagon trek (which took place in 1938 in celebration of the centenary of the Battle of Blood River) kindled a nationalistic enthusiasm that surpassed the boldest expectations.9 This was a crucial milestone. The members of the volk, who had generally been alienated from one an- other and had for the most part been absorbed by urban conglomerates, now rediscov- ered each other. Cultural nationalism gained, through this meticulously planned event, its mass basis.10 The Ossewabrandwag would give this new enthusiasm direction and would make it lasting. It would indeed be its very embodiment." Volkseenheid had long been the primary and popular aim of Afrikaner nationalists. The split-up that took place within the National Party (NP) in 1933-34 undermined people's trust in parliamentarianism and its procedures - a trust of course that had Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 19:07 07 March 2013 never been very deep-seated and widespread. The populist structure of South African political parties, their general aim being volkseenheid within the parliamentary-consti- tutional framework, in fact already contained the seeds of a mass movement like the OB.12 Many Afrikaners were prepared to give up multipartyism (the concept of a party 7 C. Marx, 'Organised Afrikaner Nationalism: The Afrikaner Broederbond and the National Party, 1910-1948', unpublished paper, seminar on 'Rethinking Nationalism', Tel Aviv University, 1992-93. 8 H. Hroch, Die Vorkämpfer der nationalen Bewegung bei den kleinen Völkern Europas (Prague, 1968). 9 A. P. J. van Rensburg, 'Die Simboliese Ossewatrek van 1938',in Historia, 17(1972), pp. 12-46; E. A. Messina, 'Die Voortrekkereeufees 1938' (M.A. thesis), University of the Western Cape, Bellville, 1981, p. 97, passim. 10 T. D. Moodie, The Rise of Afrikanerdom -- Power, Apartheid and the Afrikaner Civil Religion (Berkeley/Los Angeles/London, 1975), p. 180; see also Messina, 'Die Voortrekkereeufees', p. 16 passim. 11 OB, H. M. van der Westhuysen Collection (hereafter HMvdW Coll.) 8/57, Manuscript of a speech held on the 9th founding day of the OB, p. 1. 12 C. Marx, 'Afrikaaner Nationalismus und die Errichtung des Rassenstaates in Südafrika 1910', in Geschichte and Gesellschaft, 17, 1 (1991), pp. 30-60. The Ossewabrandwag as a Mass Movement, 1939-1941 197 state) in favour of the idea of volkseenheid. When South Africa entered the war as Great Britain's ally, this also signalled the failure of samesmelting (uniting/merging), that is, of Smuts's model of a white South African nation based on citizenship.13 Smuts and Hertzog advocated different forms of a constitutional nationalism, albeit racist in char- acter. Only cultural nationalism with its different social background and orientation could provide Afrikaner nationalism with a distinct ideology. Culture-based national- ism usually tends towards political radicalisation rather than constitutional national- ism.14 The main reason for the absorption of radical nationalist and fascist ideological tendencies and elements coming from overseas must be seen in the affirmative attitude which Afrikaner nationalism took, from the 1930s onwards, towards urbanisation and modernisation, and also in its foundation on culture.
Recommended publications
  • The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy
    Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 30, Nr 2, 2000. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy Ian Liebenberg Introduction: Purpose of this contribution To write an inclusive history of liberation and transition to democracy in South Africa is almost impossible. To do so in the course of one paper is even more demanding, if not daunting. Not only does "the liberation struggle" in South Africa in its broadest sense span more than a century. It also saw the coming and going of movements, the merging and evolving of others and a series of principled and/or pragmatic pacts in the process. The author is attempting here to provide a rather descriptive (and as far as possible, chronological) look at and rudimentary outline to the main organisational levels of liberation in South Africa since roughly the 1870' s. I will draw on my own 2 work in the field lover the past fifteen years as well as other sources • A wide variety of sources and personal experiences inform this contribution, even if they are not mentioned here. Also needless to say, one's own subjectivities may arise - even if an attempt is made towards intersubjecti vity. This article is an attempt to outline and describe the organisations (and where applicable personalities) in an inclusive and descriptive research approach in See Liebenberg (1990), ldeologie in Konjlik, Emmerentia: Taurus Uitgewers; Liebenberg & Van der Merwe (1991), Die Wordingsgeskiedenis van Apartheid, Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis, vol 16(2): 1-24; Liebenberg (1994), Resistance by the SANNC and the ANC, 1912 - 1960, in Liebenberg et al (Eds.) The Long March: The Story of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • 200 1. Voortrekkers Were Groups of Nineteenth- Century Afrikaners Who
    Notes 1. Voortrekkers were groups of nineteenth- century Afrikaners who migrated north from the Cape colony into the South African interior to escape British rule. 2. ‘Township’ is the name given by colonial and later apartheid authorities to underdeveloped, badly resourced urban living areas, usually on the outskirts of white towns and cities, which were set aside for the black workforce. 3. See, for example, Liz Gunner on Zulu radio drama since 1941 (2000), David Coplan on township music and theatre (1985) and Isabel Hofmeyr on the long- established Afrikaans magazine Huisgenoot (1987). 4. In 1984 the NP launched what it called a ‘tricameral’ parliament, a flawed and divisive attempt at reforming the political system. After a referendum among white voters it gave limited political representation to people classi- fied as coloured and Indian, although black South Africans remained com- pletely excluded. Opposition to the system came from both the left and right and voting rates among non- whites remained extremely low, in a show of disapproval of what many viewed as puppet MPs. 5. The State of Emergency was declared in 1985 in 36 magisterial districts. It was extended across the whole country in 1986 and given an extra year to run in 1989. New measures brought in included the notorious 90- day law, in which suspects could be held without trial for 90 days, after which many were released and then re- arrested as they left the prison. 6. According to André Brink, ‘The widespread notion of “traditional Afrikaner unity” is based on a false reading of history: strife and division within Afrikanerdom has been much more in evidence than unity during the first three centuries of white South African history’ (1983, 17).
    [Show full text]
  • Afrikanerbond
    AFRIKANERBOND AFRIKANERJEUGVERSLAG Junie 2008 AFRIKANERJEUGVERSLAG INHOUDSOPGAWE AFRIKANERJEUGVERSLAG ...................................................................................................1 INHOUDSOPGAWE............................................................................................................... i AFRIKANERJEUGVERSLAG ...........................................................................................1 1 AGTERGROND ..............................................................................................................1 2 NAVORSINGSMETODOLOGIESE ASPEKTE VAN DIE VERSLAE...........................3 3 BEPERKINGE.................................................................................................................4 4 KONTEKSTUALISERING .............................................................................................5 4.1 Omskrywing van jeug...............................................................................................5 4.2 Populêre jeugkultuur.................................................................................................7 4.3 Afrikaans en jeugkultuur...........................................................................................9 4.4 Die samelewingskonteks van die Afrikanerjeug......................................................10 4.5 Samevatting............................................................................................................11 5 BEVINDINGE...............................................................................................................12
    [Show full text]
  • The New Order of Hitler: Virtual History, Fiction and Myth
    DEBATER A EUROPA Periódico do CIEDA e do CEIS20 , em parceria com GPE e a RCE. N.13 julho/dezembro 2015 – Semestral ISSN 1647-6336 Disponível em: http://www.europe-direct-aveiro.aeva.eu/debatereuropa/ The New Order of Hitler: Virtual History, Fiction and Myth Sérgio Neto Researcher of CEIS20, University of Coimbra E-mail: [email protected] Abstract At the intersection of counterfactual Historiography and literary fantasy, the triumph of the Axis powers in World War II has been one of the main issues. The resurgence of a hypothetical IV Reich also results extensive. Similarly, cinema has not failed to go over the old question of “if”. This article intent to analyse some virtual literature and historical works of reference about the New European Order in order to discuss possible inspiration that science awoke this genre and concepts revolving around the revisionism and determinism. Keywords: New European Order; Counterfactuals; Dystopia; Historiography; Fantasy When the German army completed the conquest of Poland in September 1939 the New European Order began to take shape. The euphemistic name of that brutal military occupation was in fact more incisive than the name given to the Japanese occupied areas: Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere 1. But, the main issue was if Hitler’s projects achieved in a few years the degree of dehumanization promised by the propaganda with the so called Reich of a Thousand Years. Based on the assumptions outlined by Mein Kampf , as well as the improvisations made during the course of the war, the dreams and fantasies of world domination were analysed not only by the historiography, but widely widespread by the alternate story genre.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • Ambiguities of South Africa's Quest for Democracy
    AMBIGUITIES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 25 August 1993 by Roger J. Southall BA (Leeds) MA (Econ) (Manchester) PhD (Birmingham) GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 AMBIGUITIES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 25 August 1993 by Roger J. Southall BA (Leeds) MA (Econ) (Manchester) PhD (Birmingham) GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 First published in 1993 by Rhodes University Grahamstown South Africa ©PROF RJ SOUTHALL - 1993 Roger Southall Ambiguities of South Africa's Quest for Democracy ISBN: 0-86810-262-8 No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. INTRODUCTION I am not sure that my students will agree, but my opinion is that this is the first time I have lectured in funny clothes. Inaugural lectures, in all the garb, are one of the institutions at Rhodes, to which all previous professorial victims heartily subscribe. However, one of my particular disappointments about the postponement of the Rhodes summit last Saturday is that I was going to propose, as a matter of urgency, that this anachronistic practice be abandoned forthwith. Deprived of that opportunity, I shall of course become a resolute defender of this glorious tradition on September 25th. An associated aspect of this tradition is that the victim reflects upon the state of his or her discipline. I have chosen not to do that, in large measure because I am only a relatively recent arrival in South Africa, I cannot claim to be privy to any intimate understanding of how the academic study of Politics developed in this country.
    [Show full text]
  • Indictment Presented to the International Military Tribunal (Nuremberg, 18 October 1945)
    Indictment presented to the International Military Tribunal (Nuremberg, 18 October 1945) Caption: On 18 October 1945, the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg accuses 24 German political, military and economic leaders of conspiracy, crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Source: Indictment presented to the International Military Tribunal sitting at Berlin on 18th October 1945. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, November 1945. 50 p. (Cmd. 6696). p. 2-50. Copyright: Crown copyright is reproduced with the permission of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office and the Queen's Printer for Scotland URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/indictment_presented_to_the_international_military_tribunal_nuremberg_18_october_1945-en- 6b56300d-27a5-4550-8b07-f71e303ba2b1.html Last updated: 03/07/2015 1 / 46 03/07/2015 Indictment presented to the International Military Tribunal (Nuremberg, 18 October 1945) INTERNATIONAL MILITARY TRIBUNAL THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS — AGAINST — HERMANN WILHELM GÖRING, RUDOLF HESS, JOACHIM VON RIBBENTROP, ROBERT LEY, WILHELM KEITEL, ERNST KALTEN BRUNNER, ALFRED ROSENBERG, HANS FRANK, WILHELM FRICK, JULIUS STREICHER, WALTER FUNK, HJALMAR SCHACHT, GUSTAV KRUPP VON BOHLEN UND HALBACH, KARL DÖNITZ, ERICH RAEDER, BALDUR VON SCHIRACH, FRITZ SAUCKEL, ALFRED JODL, MARTIN BORMANN, FRANZ VON PAPEN, ARTUR SEYSS INQUART, ALBERT SPEER, CONSTANTIN VON NEURATH, AND HANS FRITZSCHE,
    [Show full text]
  • AFRIKANER NATIONALISM and the JEWS SENATOR LESLIE RUBIN Senator Representing the Africans of the Cape Province
    AFRIKANER NATIONALISM AND THE JEWS SENATOR LESLIE RUBIN Senator Representing the Africans of the Cape Province. DR. N. DIEDERICHS is an important member of the Nationalist party. Acknowledged as something of an economic expert, both within and beyond the ranks of his party, he delivers well- prepared and thoughtful speeches. As a rule he sticks to his specialised field. He often talks about industrial matters, and was chosen by the Government, early in the parliamentary session of this year, to move the motion urging an increase in the price of gold. He is thought to be in the running for Minis­ terial honours if the cabinet should be enlarged. Dr. Diederichs recently had something to say which referred to the Jews in South Africa. He said it in the course of an address to an Afrikaner commercial organisation which received wide publicity. The Afrikaner, he said, could be congratulated upon the progress he had made in recent years in the industrial and commercial fields, but other sections of the population still had a disproportionate share of the country's economic wealth, and the Afrikaner must continue the struggle to alter this undesirable state of affairs. (Although the Jews are not mentioned, there is no doubt that the statement refers to them as one of the sections, the other being the English.) This is, of course, an oblique restatement of the familiar thesis of economic anti-Semitism: the Jews are not ordinary citizens of the country, but a distinct competitive group threat­ ening the rightful economic destiny of Afrikanerdom. For many a discerning South African Jew, the statement recalled memories of those frightening days, in the thirties, when a number of versions of overseas Jew-baiting movements flourished in a greater or lesser degree, in this country; or—what is more important—reminded him that there was a time when the garb worn by the Nationalist Party was quite different from its present post-1948, rather consciously pro-Semitic, new look.
    [Show full text]
  • TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
    Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role and Application of the Union Defence Force in the Suppression of Internal Unrest, 1912 - 1945
    THE ROLE AND APPLICATION OF THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE IN THE SUPPRESSION OF INTERNAL UNREST, 1912 - 1945 Andries Marius Fokkens Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Military Science (Military History) at the Military Academy, Saldanha, Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Lieutenant Colonel (Prof.) G.E. Visser Co-supervisor: Dr. W.P. Visser Date of Submission: September 2006 ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it, in its entirety or in part, to any university for a degree. Signature:…………………….. Date:………………………….. iii ABSTRACT The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order.
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
    TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University.
    [Show full text]
  • Afri-Forum and Another V Malema and Another
    Afri­Forum and Another v Malema and Another (Vereniging van Regslui vir Afrikaans as Amicus Curiae) 2011 (12) BCLR 1289 (EqC) Division: Equality Court, Johannesburg Date: 12/09/2011 Case No: 20968/2010 Before: CG Lamont Judge Expression and speech – section 16 of the Constitution – categories of constitutionally unprotected expression enumerated in section 16(2) of the Constitution – hate speech – liberation song “Dubula ibhunu” (Shoot the boer) – lyrics of song held to constitute hate speech – respondents interdicted from singing the song at any public or private meeting held by or conducted by them. Editor’s Summary The transition to a new constitutional dispensation necessitated that mechanisms be put in place to overcome reluctance to change and to deal with conduct regarded as inappropriate in the new society. The Constitution recognised this need. Legislation was enacted to provide the framework necessary to alleviate and overcome the friction resulting from change. It seeks to provide the standards society is to adhere to and to assist society to determine what standards of conduct are acceptable. The Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (“the Equality Act”) forms part of this legislation. An ubuntu­based jurisprudence has been developed. Ubuntu is a concept which is contrasted with vengeance. It dictates that a high value be placed on the life of a human being. It places a high premium on dignity, compassion, humaneness and respect for the humanity of others. It enjoins good attitudes and shared concern, and a shift from confrontation to mediation and conciliation. It favours the re­establishment of harmony in the relationship between parties, and for such harmony to restore the dignity of a plaintiff without ruining the defendant.
    [Show full text]