The Effects of the Hypothetical Implementation of Preferential
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Assumptions of Law and Justice Party Foreign Policy
Warsaw, May 2016 Change in Poland, but what change? Assumptions of Law and Justice party foreign policy Adam Balcer – WiseEuropa Institute Piotr Buras – European Council on Foreign Relations Grzegorz Gromadzki – Stefan Batory Foundation Eugeniusz Smolar – Centre for International Relations The deep reform of the state announced by Law and Justice party (PiS) and its unquestioned leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, and presented as the “Good Change”, to a great extent also influences foreign, especially European, policy. Though PiS’s political project has been usually analysed in terms of its relation to the post 1989, so called 3rd Republic institutional-political model and the results of the socio-economic transformation of the last 25 years, there is no doubt that in its alternative concept for Poland, the perception of the world, Europe and Poland’s place in it, plays a vital role. The “Good Change” concept implies the most far-reaching reorientation in foreign policy in the last quarter of a century, which, at the level of policy declarations made by representatives of the government circles and their intellectual supporters implies the abandonment of a number of key assumptions that shaped not only policy but also the imagination of the Polish political elite and broad society as a whole after 1989. The generally accepted strategic aim after 1989 was to avoid the “twilight zone” of uncertainty and to anchor Poland permanently in the western security system – i.e. NATO, and European political, legal and economic structures, in other words the European Union. “Europeanisation” was the doctrine of Stefan Batory Foundation Polish transformation after 1989. -
Opposition Behaviour Against the Third Wave of Autocratisation: Hungary and Poland Compared
European Political Science https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00325-x SYMPOSIUM Opposition behaviour against the third wave of autocratisation: Hungary and Poland compared Gabriella Ilonszki1 · Agnieszka Dudzińska2 Accepted: 4 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract Hungary and Poland are often placed in the same analytical framework from the period of their ‘negotiated revolutions’ to their autocratic turn. This article aims to look behind this apparent similarity focusing on opposition behaviour. The analysis demonstrates that the executive–parliament power structure, the vigour of the extra- parliamentary actors, and the opposition party frame have the strongest infuence on opposition behaviour, and they provide the sources of diference between the two country cases: in Hungary an enforced power game and in Poland a political game constrain opposition opportunities and opposition strategic behaviour. Keywords Autocratisation · Extra-parliamentary arena · Hungary · Opposition · Parliament · Party system · Poland Introduction What can this study add? Hungary and Poland are often packed together in political analyses on the grounds that they constitute cases of democratic decline. The parties in governments appear infamous on the international, particularly on the EU, scene. Fidesz1 in Hungary has been on the verge of leaving or being forced to leave the People’s Party group due to repeated abuses of democratic norms, and PiS in Poland2 is a member of 1 The party’s full name now reads Fidesz—Hungarian Civic Alliance. 2 Abbreviation of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). * Gabriella Ilonszki [email protected] Agnieszka Dudzińska [email protected] 1 Department of Political Science, Corvinus University of Budapest, 8 Fővám tér, Budapest 1093, Hungary 2 Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28, 00-927 Warsaw, Poland Vol.:(0123456789) G. -
POLAND: Duda's Victory Paves the Way for Pis Rule Until 2023
Europe | July 13, 2020 POLAND: Duda’s victory paves the way for PiS rule until 2023 According to preliminary data from the National Electoral Commission (PKW), incumbent President Andrzej Duda – supported by the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party – narrowly won the second round of the presidential election held on 12 July. With nearly all ballots counted, Duda secured 51.2% of votes, leaving his opponent Rafal Trzaskowski (Civic Platform, PO) behind with 48.8%. The fiercely contested presidential race attracted a nearly record turnout of 68.1%. The PKW is expected to announce the official results within few days. Trzaskowski has not accepted defeat yet and could still challenge the result in courts, although this appears unlikely. An extremely divisive electoral campaign and a tight result reveal the deep polarization of Poland’s society. Exit polls show that Duda was predominantly supported by farmers, senior citizens, blue-collar workers, and the unemployed based in smaller towns and villages in the eastern parts of the country. Meanwhile, Trzaskowski performed well among students and entrepreneurs, as well as highly-qualified professionals. He is also much more popular in large cities and the western parts of the country. Duda’s re-election is a major win for the ruling PiS, which is now relatively well-positioned to continue carrying out its policy agenda until the parliamentary election in the autumn of 2023. In terms of the government’s policy priorities going forward, justice minister Zbigniew Ziobro (United Poland) has highlighted that it would further reform state institutions – including the judiciary – and continue implementing its generous social policies. -
Poland-Report.Pdf
© Faith Matters, 2017 London, United Kingdom All rights reserved Material from this publication may be reproduced for teaching or other non-commercial purposes. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for commercial purposes without the prior express permission of the copyright holder. For further information please contact Faith Matters +44 (0) 207 935 5573 [email protected] Twitter: @FaithMattersUK Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/FaithMattersUK Published 04 December 2017 Lead researcher: Steve Rose Get involved and support our work at www.faith-matters.org Contents Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 2 Review of Existing Literature ............................................................................................. 3 The Tatar Muslims of Poland............................................................................................. 7 The Politicisation of Catholicism ...................................................................................... 11 Catholicism & Ethnonationalism under Communism ....................................................... 14 Notable anti-Muslim activists in Poland and Britain ......................................................... 18 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 26 Introduction The size of the nationalist march in Warsaw on 11 November 20171 brought renewed interest in far-right -
Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
— SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions. -
LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: What Are the Prospects for the Polish Left? Page 1 of 4
LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: What are the prospects for the Polish left? Page 1 of 4 What are the prospects for the Polish left? Poland’s communist successor party has seen its opinion poll ratings increase in recent months. This upturn in support came after the revival of debates about the country’s communist past prompted by government legislation affecting the interests of its core electorate. But as Aleks Szczerbiak writes, the party’s leadership has failed to develop any new ideas or initiatives that can attract broader support beyond this declining group of former communist regime beneficiaries and functionaries. Without a political game-changer, the left will remain a marginal actor in Polish politics. Image from a Democratic Left Alliance campaign event ahead of the 2014 European Parliament elections, Credit: Democratic Left Alliance For most of the post-1989 period, the most powerful political and electoral force on the Polish left was the communist successor Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), which governed the country from 1993-97 and 2001-5. However, the Alliance has been in the doldrums since its support collapsed in the 2005 parliamentary election following a series of spectacular high-level corruption scandals. It contested the most recent October 2015 election – won decisively by the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, the first political grouping in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority – as part of the ‘United Left’ (ZL) electoral coalition in alliance with the ‘Your Movement’ (TR) grouping. The latter was an anti-clerical social liberal party led by controversial businessman Janusz Palikot, which came from nowhere to finish third with just over 10% of the votes in the 2011 election but failed to capitalise on this success and saw its support decline steadily. -
Poland Political Briefing: Presidential Elections - Results and Consequences Joanna Ciesielska-Klikowska
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 31, No. 1 (PL) July 2020 Poland political briefing: Presidential elections - results and consequences Joanna Ciesielska-Klikowska 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: CHen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Presidential elections - results and consequences On July 12, 2020, the second round of presidential elections ended in Poland. After months of unusually difficult campaign, the winner was the incumbent President Andrzej Duda from the ruling party Law and Justice. However, his victory over the opposition candidate, Rafał Trzaskowski from Civic Platform is small. What was the campaign like and what consequences would Duda's second term of office bring for Poland? Preparations for elections The presidential election in Poland was set for June 28, 2020. This final date was ordered however very late - as a result of the situation related to the COVID-19 epidemic, there was no voting in the elections planned for May 10, 2020 (the date of which was set by the Marshal of SeJm in February). Two days before the voting scheduled for that date the National Electoral Commission issued a resolution in which it argued that: “the inability to vote for candidates due to the pandemic is tantamount to a situation of no candidates”. This questionable interpretation of the situation made it possible to re-announce the election date by the SeJm Marshal. And at the same time, gave the right to take part in these new elections by the candidates who were registered in the elections ordered on May 10, but without a second duty of collecting the 100,000 signatures of support required by the Electoral Code. -
CEE Covid-19 & Political Overview 30 June 2021
Regional Update CEE Covid-19 & Political Overview 31 MAY – 30 JUNE 2021 Table of Contents CROATIA ................................................................................................................................ 3 CZECHIA ................................................................................................................................ 5 HUNGARY .............................................................................................................................. 8 POLAND ............................................................................................................................... 10 ROMANIA ............................................................................................................................. 12 SLOVAKIA ............................................................................................................................. 15 2 CROATIA (prepared by CEC's Croatian partner - Vlahovic Group) COVID-19: • The number of active COVID cases dropped by 85% within the past 30 days (from 2,726 to 418), while dozens of delta variant cases have been recorded. Since the last week, entire Croatia is marked in green on the European Center for Disease Control (ECDC) map. Ahead of the European Council, the PM stated that Croatia advocates freedom of movement as a fundamental value of the EU to be re-established because it allows a normal life, normal circulation of both people and capital and trade and, ultimately, tourism. The health minister sent an open letter inviting all -
Poland at a Crossroads? Analysing the 2019 Parliamentary Election
UCL SSEES Press Briefing Poland at a crossroads? Analysing the 2019 parliamentary election Press briefing 15 October 2019 BACKGROUND TRIUMPH OF THE RULING PARTY On 13 October 2019, Polish voters went to Professor Aleks Szczerbiak (University of the polls to re-elect the 460-member Sejm Sussex) (the lower house of pArliAment) And the 100- member SenAte (the upper house). KEY POINT PiS Achieved this remarkable electoral success As they were the sole pArty The ruling nAtionAlist-conservative LAw And not only campAigning about, but Also with a Justice (PiS)-led coAlition retAined its majority record of delivering on, the sociAl needs thAt in the lower house, winning 235 seAts, but, many Poles care most About. with 48 seAts, lost its majority in the SenAte. It wAs the PiS-led coAlition’s second electoral 1. PiS wAs Able to score A victory despite victory After gAining An Absolute majority in Accusations About undermining Polish both houses in 2015. democracy put forwArd by both domestic And externAl Actors. The main opposition bloc, the Civic CoAlition, came second with 134 And 43 seAts in the 2. PiS populArity wAs predicated on its lower And upper houses, respectively. The success in fulfilling its generous Left coAlition Also gAve A strong enough welfAre pledges while in office. Also, performance to enter pArliAment. the pArty “redistributed prestige” by providing A sense of importAnce to the Voter turnout wAs A record 61.7% – the sociAl groups previously highest of the post-1989 pArliAmentAry condescended to by the governments elections in PolAnd. led by liberal urbAn elites. -
Folder 14 Poland, Vol. 1
--- ,· . ' - ~~ -----1.- Via Diploma.tic Pouch. v' ./ Mr. Van Arsdale Turner, Acting Asst. Director, Civilian Relief, Insular & Foreign Operations, American Red Crose, National Headquarters, Washington, D.c. Dear Van: Reverting to your letter of March 17 and 9J1l' reply of April Y, on the subject of the copy O!/the current report on the work of the Joint Relief Commission in Poland which you desired to receive, the London Committee of the International Red Cross have now been able to furnish us with copies of the following reports, which please find enclosed herewith: Join{ Relief Commission of the International Red Cross, a~~va, Distribution of medical supplies to.Poland, 11 Comporel S JDent", 1942-1943. v v Joint Relief Commission of the International Red Cross, Geneva,. Med~aments Envois en Pologne 1942-1943. "" -~ The I.R.CoC. inform us that a copy of the report of the Joint Relief Commission in Poland was sent direatiy to you from Geneva on March 1.4. ~"fil:rr~ / William L. Gower, Director of Civilian Re.lief. RW. .• . OFTHi;i rn"iEi~ATIQ~AL RIBD CROSS International Heid Gross Committee - 4, Cours des Bastions1 - PHARMACEUTICAL SERVICE ...;. MEDICAL SUPPLIES i. '' ShipmentR into Poland. Typed on slip '~ttached to this page. In order tlnt ,,'co may oc; Hble to fill in the gaps which are apparent, in thi:c tre1o,tl:c<?, >;7 :ih~~ll oe very grC1.teful if you ~till com~nunicate any additional in !'orma ti on, wi;ich you rrmy possess. un following page, SUMMARY \ Pages1 I. Introductory Note 1 & 2 ,\\ \ II. Resume of Shipments: \ ·\ .