А Grammar of Sawu

ISSN 0126 - 2874

NUSA LINGUISTIC STUDIES IN INDONESIAN AND LANGUAGES IN INDONESIA VOLUME 13

А GRAMMAR OF SAWU

by Alan T. Walker A Grammar of Sawu Nu SA Linguistic Studies in Indonesian and Languages in Indonesia

ФITORS :

Amran lalim, Jakarta Bambang Kaswanti Purwo, Jakarta Soenjono Dardjowidjojo, Jakarta Soepomo Poedjosoedarmo, Yogyakarta I. Suharno, Surakarta John W.M. Verhaar, Spokane

VOLUME 13

The present volume is the thirteenth of the Series NUSA, Linguistic Studies in Indonesian and Languages in Indonesia. This Series publishes, in volumes appearing at irregular intervals, linguistic articles and monographs, original, revised, translated or reprinted, on Indonesian and local vernaculars in Indonesia. We also publish first results of field work, in the form of mainly data or texts with word-for-word translations, as well as squibs and discussions, all of them in volumes not monographs. We have no review section, but we do consider review articles, brief or long, including unsolicited ones. Vernaculars outside Indonesia will be considered only in so far as there is an obvious relevance to any language or dialect in Indonesia. Local forms of Malay are included, but not local forms of Chinese, as these are perhaps more aptly dealt with in sinological media. NUSA is not a journal, and even collective volumes bibliographically take the form of books. (See also information for librarians, page iv.) Though the material for NUSA is areally restricted to Indonesia, we consider it our editorial duty to make NUSA relevant also from a point of view of general linguistics, so that NUSA is relevant beyond the range of typological and areal specialization alone. More particularly, we like to imagine that NUSA thus also serves the cause of deoccidentalization of general linguistics. We should like to invite contributions from any linguist active in the study of the languages relevant to NUSA. Especially, though each collective volume is to have its own Editor, that Editor need not be a member of our Board, and offers to edit a volume will be gratefully considered.

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iv GRAMMAR OF SAWU

Alan T. Walker

1982 Badan Penyelenggara Seri NUSA Universitas Atma Jaya Jakarta TABLE 0F CONTENTS

EDITORIAL iii INFORMATION ABOUT NUSA TABLE OF CONTENTS ØS AND TABLES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABBREVIATIONS ABSTRACT

Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 The Language and its speakers 1 1.2 The Sawu islands 1 1.3 Recant history 1 1.4 Informants and fieldwork 3 1.5 Previous literature 3

2 PHONOLOGY 5 2.0 Phoneme inventory 5 2.1 Description of phonemes 5 2.1.1 Consonants 5 2.1.2 Vowels 5 2.2 Contrasts 5 2.2.1 Consonants 5 2.2.2 Vowels 2.3 Other views б б 2.3.1 Number of consonants 6 2.3.2 Number of vowels 2.3.3 Phonetic semi-vowels б б 2.4 Phonotactics 7 2.5 Vowel clusters 7 2.5.1 Two-vowel clusters 7 2.5.2 Three-vowel clusters 7 2.6 Word stress 7 2.7 Intonation 8 2.8 Phonological adaptation of loanwords 8 3 WORD CLASSES 3.0 Introduction 9 3.1 Nouns 9 9 3.2 Verbs 9 3.3 Pronouns 9 3.4 Demonstratives 3.5 Common article 9 3.6 Case prepositions 9 3.7 Numerals 9 3.8 Counters 9 9 3.9 Non-numeral quantifiers 9 3.10 Clause modifiers l0 3.11 Interjections 10 4 NOUN PHRASE CONSTITUENTS 11 4.0 Introduction 11 4.1 Pronouns 11 4.2 Demonstratives 11 4.2.1 Head of NP • 11 4.2.2 Head noun adjuncts 12 4.3 Common article (ART) nе 12 4.4 Case prepositions 13 4.5 Numerals 18 4.5.1 Cardinal numerals 18 4.5.2 Ordinal numerals 18 4.6 Counters (COUNT) 18 4.7 Non-numeral quantifiers 21 4.7.0 Introduction 21 4.7.1 hari-hari 'all (with unspecified number)' 21 vii 4.7.2 hari 'all (with specified number)' 21 4.7.3 Other 22 4.8 Noun phrase conjunction 22 4.9 Compounding 22 4.9.1 wo- (PROD) 22 4.9.2 ru- and ro- 22 4.10 Nominalisation 22 4.11 Nominal reduplication (RED) 22 5 VERBS 23 5.1 A-verbs and B-verbs 23 5.2 Verb morphology 23 5.2.1 Verb agreement 23 5.2.1.1 Description 23 5.2.1.2 Other interpretations 24 24 5.2.2 Causative (CAUS) pе- 5.2.2.1 •Description 24 5.2.2.2 Other interpretations 24 5.2.3 Reciprocal (REC) p е- 24 5.2.3.1 Description 24 5.2.3.2 Other interpretations 25 5.2.4 Verbal reduplication 25 5.2.4.0 Introduction 25 5.2.4.1 A-verbs 25 5.2.4.2 B-verbs 25 5.3 Existential verb era 25 5.4 Deictic verbs • 25 5.4.1 Description 25 5.4.2 Other interpretations 26 6 EXCESSIVE ADVERBS (EXCESS) 27 28 7 PARт1CLЕS (PARТ) 7.1 Stative (STAY) do 28 7.1.1 Description 28 7.1.2 Other interpretations 28 29 7.2 Past-completive (PAST) ala ... p е- 7.2.1 Description 29 7.2.2 Other interpretations 29 7.3 Non-past ta 29 7.3.1 Description 29 7.3.2 Other interpretations 29 7.4 Direction from speaker (DFS) Za 30 7.4.1 Description 30 7.4.2 Other interpretations 30 7.5 Direction towards speaker (DTs) ma 30 7.5.1 Description 30 7.5.2 Other interpretations 30 7.6 h'di LITTLE 31 7.7 de 31 7.8 ko 31 31 7.9 пab'о 'SOON' 7.10 (wa)ri'AGAIN' 31 7.11 (he)we ' U , ONLY, QUITE' •32 7.12 з ЅТ з2 ke 33 7.13 we 33 7.14 wata EMPI 34 7.15 ma EMPI 34 7.16 le(ma)'ALSO' 34 7.17 aд'о'CERTAIN' 7.18 d' p 34 а е 34 7.19 d'а pe-d'а pe 7.20 mariai'QUICKLY' 34 7.21 laha'FAST' 35 7.22 loro-loro, roro-roro 35 7.23 mara'PERHAPS' 35 35 7.24 b'agi'PERНAPS' 7.25 lohe'TIO, QUITE' 35 8 SYNTAX 36 8.1 Verbal clauses 36 8.1.1 Case frames 36 8.1.1.0 Introduction 36 8.1.1.1 Transitive case frames 36 viii

8.1.1.2 Optional transitive case frames 38 8.1.1.3 Intransitive case frames 39 8.1.2 Word order 40 8.1.2.1 NPs 40 8.1.2.2 Clause modifiers (ds) 40 8.2 Non-verbal clauses 40 8.2.1 Interjections 40 8.2.2 Juxtaposed NPs 40 8.3 Interrogative clauses 40 8.3.0 Introduction 40 8.3.1 Yes-no questions 40 8.3.2 Question-word questions 41 8.3.2.1 naduu 'WHO' 41 8.3.2.2 p(2a (Seba), RRaa (lesara) 'WHAT' 41 8.3.2.3 tapaa (Seba and lesara), taílaa (lesara) 'WHY' 41 8.3.2.4 taZaki 'WHY' 41 8.3.2.5 pari 'WHEN, HOW MANY' 42 8.3.2.6 hepaa 'HOW MUCH' 42 42 8.3.2.7 pi'а 'BE WHERE' 8.3.2.8 mii 'WHERE' 42 8.3.2.9 amii 'WHICH' 43 п 43 8.3.2.10 miпamii 'HOW' 8.4 Imperative clauses 43 8.5 Reflexive clauses 43 8.5.1 Non-emphatic reflexives 43 8.5.2 Emphatic reflexives 43 8.6 Relative clause constructions 44 8.6.1 The construction 44 8.6.2 Relative clause marker (REL) do 44 8.6.2.1 Description 44 8.6.2.2 Other (synchronic) interpretations 45 8.7 ki conditional clauses 45 8.8 had'i conditional clauses 45 8.9 pi, mi purposive clauses 45 8.10 (ha)ku SO clauses 46 8.11 Reason clauses 46 8.12 Auxiliary verb constructions 46 8.13 tade'UNTIL'constructions 47 8.14 •Negation 47 8.14.1 b'ole'DON'T' 47 8.14.2 (a)d'o NEG 47 8.14.2.1 ad'o 47 8.14.2.2 d'o 47 8.14.3 'NOT YET': dae d'o, ad'o dae 48 8.14.3.0 Introduction 48 8.14.3.1 dae d'o 48 8.14.3.2 ad'o dae 48 8.14.4 Comparative notes 48 8.15 Possession 48 8.16 Comparison 48 8.16.1 hela'u 'be same' 49 8.16 .2 mi 'LIKE' 49 8.16.3 rihi (ti)pа'МОRE THAN' 49 8.17 Coordination 49 8.17.0 Introduction 49 49 8.17.1 pа 'AND' 8.17.2 j'e'THEN' 50 8.17.3 d'ai, d'ae'THEN' 50 8.17.4 b'aZe'THEN' 50 8.17.5 ta'AFTER' 50 8.17.6 tapulara, tapi, (wata) 'BUT' 50 8.17.7 we'OR' 51 8.18 Complementation 51 8.18.1 ta complements 51 8.18.2 Clausal complements 51 8.19 Deletion 51 8.20 Word order and the leftmost NP 52 8.20.1 Role 52 8.20.2 Reference 52 8.20.2.1 Referentiality hierarchy 52 8.20.2.2 Definiteness 53 8.21 The distribution of Keenan's subject properties 53 8.21.0 Introduction 53 8.21.1 The properties 53

ix 8.21.1.1 Role properties 53 8.21.1.2 Reference properties (Ref.) 53 8.21.1.3 Other properties 53 8.21.2 Distribution 53 8.21.2.1 Intransitive 53 8.21.2.2 Transitive 54

9 SAWU AND NDAO 57 9.0 Introduction 57 9.1 Phonology 57 9.1.1 Phoneme inventories 57 9.1.2 Phonotactics 57 9.1.3 Vowel clusters 57 9.1.4 Word stress 57 9.2 Noun phrase constituents, verbs, clause modifiers 58 9.2.1 Pronouns 58 9.2.2 Demonstratives 58 9.2.3 Common article ne 58 9.2.4 Case prepositions 58 9.2.5 Numerals. 58 9.2.5.1 Cardinal numerals 58 9.2.5.2 Ordinal numerals 58 9.2.6 Counters (COUNT) 58 9.2.7 Nominalisation 58 9.2.8 Verb agreement 59 9.2.9 Causative 59 9.2.10 Reciprocal 59 9.2.11 Stative, past-completive and non-past 59 9.2.12 Directional markers 59 9.2.13 Existential and deictic verbs 60 9.2.14 Clause modifiers 60 9.2.14.1 Excessive adverbs 60 9.2.14.2 Particles 60 9.3 Syntax 60 9.3.1 Word order 60 9.3.2 Interrogative clauses 60 9.3.2.1 'WHO' 60 сее 60 9.3.2.2 aаа'WHAT' 9.3.2.3 paa-tao'WHY' 61 9.3.2.4 pari'WHEN, HOW MANY, HOW MUCH' 61 9.3.2.5 mia'WH RE' 61 Е 61 9.3.2.6 taвamia'HOW' 9.3.3 Imperative clauses 61 9.3.4 Reflexive clauses 61 9.3.4.1 Non-emphatic reflexive 61 9.3.4.2 Emphatic reflexive 61 9.3.5 Relative clause constructions 61 9.3.6 Conditional clauses 62 9.3.7 Purposive clauses 62 9.3.8 Reason clauses 62 9.3.9 Auxiliary constructions 62 62 9.3.10 Negation 9.3.11 Possession 62 9.3.12 Comparison 62 62 9.3.12.1 sami 'LIKE' 9.3.12.2 riai-eZ ti 'MORE THAN' 63 в 63 9.3.13 Coordination ' 6Э 9.4 Lexicon 63 9.5 Concluding remarks 64 Appendix A: DIALECTAL VARIATION 65 Appendix В: AGREEMENT VERBS Appendix C: SAWU TEXT - The child who turned into a turtle 68

BIBLIOGRAPHY 73

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x MAPS AND TABLES

MAPS 1: Indonesia 2 2: The Sawu Islands 2

TABLES 1: Consonant phonemes 5 2: Vowel phonemes 5 3: Pronouns 11 4: Demonstratives as head of NP 11 5: Demonstrative adjuncts 12 6: Case prepositions 13 7: Deictic verbs 25 8: Excessive adverbs 27 9: Word order of ERG and ABS NPs 52 10: Word order of RH referential NPs 53 11: Word order of definite NPs 53 12: Subject properties 56 13: Ndao consonant phonemes 57 14: Ndao vowel phonemes 57 15: Ndao pronouns 58 16: Ndao demonstratives 58 17: Ndao verb agreement 59

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xi ACKNO Ч LEDGEMENTS

First and foremost I extend my deep and sincere gratitude to the many people who were patient enough to teach me their language (see 1.4). Particular- ly, I wish to mention John Buru Pah whose enthusiasm and tireless energy made him an ideal informant; and Omi Nod'i Raja who was always a cheerful and immediate source of information. Of course, this research would not have been possible without the finance and facilities provided by an A.N.U. Ph.D. Scholarship and the sponsorship and support of the Lembaga Ilmu-ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (The Indonesian Institute of Science) and other government agencies. My wife and I thoroughly enjoyed our Indonesian experience and are grateful for the pleasant and courteous manner in which our administrative requirements were met. I would also like to thank Rev. Ian Minto and The Australian Baptist Mission- ary Society for the use of their house in Kupang. It was a privilege that we cannot repay. The same is true of Omi Raja's parents who let us share their house on Sawu. We will never forget their hospitality and friendship. For a very stimulating undergraduate training in Linguistics, I express my appreciation to the staff of the Linguistics Department of the A.N.U.'s School of General Studies, especially Professor R.M.W. Dixon, Dr. Karl Rensch, Dr. Anna Wierzbicka, Dr. John Haiman (now of University of Manitoba) and Dr. Harold Koch. More recently, I have benefitted from the innovative views of Dr. William Foley. For technical supervision and guidance, I thank firstly my supervisors in the Linguistics Department of the A.N.U.'s Research School of Pacific Studies: Dr. Bert Voorhoeve and Dr. Don Laycock. Dr. Voorhoeve was particularly helpful in the awesome task of wading through Jonker's handwritten Dutch. Dr. Darrell Tryon has also read drafts of the monograph and made valuable and informative comments. Of coure, these persons are absolved of any responsibility for any imperfections which may remain. The administrative guidance of Professor Stephen Wurm has at all times been an essential element in the successful completion of this work. His outstanding support and encouragement is worthy of the highest praise. I am grateful to Natalie Kickbush for typing a pre-final draft of this monograph in the trying conditions of a Northern Territory wet season, and also to Sue Tys who made an excellent job of typing the final draft in the very tight schedule I gave her. Finally and most significantly, I express deep and heartfelt respect for my wife, our parents and many friends. It is their encouragement and support which has made this monograph possible .

xii ABBREVIATIONS

A-verbs Action verbs ABS Absolutive Case Preposition AN Austronesian ART Common Article AUX Auxiliary Verb b-subjects subjects of semantically basic sentences B-verbs non-Action verbs BEN Benefactive Case Preposition C Consonant CAUS Causative Cu Clause Modifier Cis Clause Modifiers COM Comitative Case Preposition COMPL Complementiser COUNT Counter Noun DEM Demonstrative DFS Direction From Speaker DTS Direction Towards Speaker EMPI Emphatic ERG Ergative EXCESS Excessive Adverb excl. exclusive GA Goal Animate Case Preposition GFS Goal From Speaker Case Preposition GТS Goal Towards Speaker Case Preposition H High vowel incl. inclusive INST Instrument Case Preposition LIG Ligature LIC Locative Case Preposition M Mid vowel MERS Measure Case Preposition N Noun NAN Non-Austronesian NEG Negative Particle N.G.A.L.A.L.S. New Guinea Area Languages and Language Study NP Noun Phrase NP(s) One or more Noun Phrases NPs More than oie Noun Phrase NUM Numeral O Object ORD Ordinal marker for numerals PAN Proto-Austronesian PART Particle PAST Past-completive p1. plural POSS Possessive PREP Preposition PROD Produce PURP Purposive Q Non-numeral Quantifier REC Reciprocal RED Reduplication Ref. Reference property REL Relative Clause Marker RGE Range Case Preposition RH Referentiality Hierarchy S Subject SCE Source Case Preposition sg. singular S.I.L. Summmer Institute of Linguistics STAT Stative Trans. Transitive any vowel except u V Verb V Vowel VEH Vehicle Case Preposition / / phonemic representation [ ] phonetic representation ( ) optional f I one must be chosen 4 changes to # word boundary

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xiv ABSTRACT

This monograph is primarily a description of the Seba and lesara dialects of Sawu (Chapters Two to Eight), but reference is made to other Sawu dialects. Chapter Nine, which gives a brief account of neighbouring Ndao, is in the nature of an appendix. The introductory Chapter One provides a brief account of Sawu's language, speakers, islands and recent history. It also includes details of fieldwork, informants and data collected, together with a critical survey of the linguistic literature pertaining to Sawu. Chapter Two is a phonology of Sawu which differs significantly from two earlier attempts by Radja Saba (1958) and Lee (ms). Chapter Three delineates the distinctive characteristics of Sawu word classes. The Noun Phrase (Chapter Four) is characterised by little morphology, case prepositions and post-posed possessives and demonstratives. Common nouns are often preceded by a common article, and nouns in general can be unmarked for singular and plural. However, plural can be indicated by reduplication, and singular and plural by demonstratives. Counters are normally required for the specifica- tion of number, and quantifiers and relative clauses can precede or follow the head noun. An important section of this chapter is the detailed study of the semantic role(s) represented by each case preposition. Verbs (Chapter Five) are divided into two semantic classes: Action verbs and non-Action verbs. Like the Noun Phrase, there is very little morphology. It is restricted to verb agreement, a causative prefix, a reciprocal prefix and reduplication. Chapter Six and Seven identify and define the large number of Sawu Clause Modifiers which include Excessive Adverbs and Particles. Sawu syntax (Chapter Eight) begins by classifying verbal clauses according to the case-frames of their verbs. Non-verbal clauses are of two kinds: Inter- jections and Juxtaposed NPs. All clauses are, then, analysed according to their functions. We also look at negation, possession, comparison, coordination, complementation and deletion. Two final sections focus on the interaction of role and reference properties in the clause. The first looks particularly at word order and seeks to discover whether it is possible to predict which NP will be the leftmost. The second examines Keenan's (1976) Subject Properties and their distribution. We are able to conclude that in an intransitive clause the Abso- lutive Noun Phrase will be the subject and will nearly always be leftmost and that in a transitive clause there is no clearly identifiable subject and the leftmost Noun Phrase is usually Ergative or Absolutive. Ndao is usually regarded as a dialect of Sawu because of the large percentage of common lexicon. Chapter Nine examines this claim by comparing the gram- mars of Sawu and Ndao. It seems likely that Ndao is now sufficiently different from Sawu to be regarded as a separate (but very closely related) language.

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xv Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

1.1 The language and its speakers appointed. Sawu, a language of south-eastern Indo- When Captain Cook came across the island nesia, has appeared in the literature as Sawu, in 1770, the terms of the 1756 agreement were Savu, Hawu and Havu. It is usually assigned apparently being fulfilled. A Company Resident, to the putative Sumba-Bima group of Austro- Johan Lange, was there to ensure that crops nesian (AN), and Dyes (1965:39) includes it were produced and sent to Timor, and a Frede- in his Moluccan linkage on lexicostatistic rick Craig was employed to teach literacy and grounds. More recently, Capell (1975, 1976) Christianity (Hawkesworth 1773:295). has questioned Sawu's AN status. His views Soon after Cook's visit, however, the ar- are discussed in Walker (forthcoming b). rangement came to an end. From 1775 to 1862 Sawu speech-communities are found in the "no Dutch officer was posted in Seba. There Sawu islands, the Kupang region of West-Timor, were no schools and no Christian mission" coastal regions of Sumba, Ende in Flores, and (Fox 1977:165) . Surabaya and Jakarta in Java (see Map 1). The At the end of that period, an Ambonese, number of speakers probably exceeds 70,000. Manuhutu, was appointed by the Kupang Resident These Sawunese recognise 5 dialects ap- to commence a school at Seba. He was succeed- proximating the former kingdoms of Seba, Me- ed by a Timorese, S. Mae, who taught from 1866 sara, Timu, Liae and Rainjua (see Map 2). to 1867. Another Ambonese, W.Pati, arrived in The differences appear to be minor - mainly 1869 (Fox 1977:165). lexical with some phonetic variation (see Ap- 1869 was also the year of a devastating pendix A). smallpox epidemic which reduced the Sawu-Rainjua Ndao (or Dao), spoken on a small island population by a third. The tragedy led many near Roti, has also been described as a dia- people to adopt Christianity (Dicker 1965:23), lect of Sawu (Jonker 1903:85-9; Fox 1977:268). and it was this which prompted the visits of I have some reservations about this view the Kupang missionary, Donselaar, in 1870 and which I discuss in Chapter Nine. 1871. As a result of his first visit, Donselaar requested the appointment of a missionary to 1.2 The Sawu islands Sawu. The Netherlands Missionary Society (Ne- The Sawu islands, Sawu, Rainjua and the derlandsche Zeridelinggenootschap) obliged uninhabited D$na, lie "midway betwe (Dicker 1965:23). M.Teffer arrived in 1872 8nd Sumba and stayed until 1883. He was followed by аng Timor (121 10' - 122°0' E and 10 20' - 10 50' S)" (Fox 1972:77) in the province of P.Bieger (1888-1889), J.K.Wijngaarden (1889- Nusa Tenggara 1892), and J.H. Letterboer (1896-1903). Timur. Kupang, in south-west During this period, Christianity appears Timor, is the provincial capital. to have made little progress, but there was The largest town, Seba, is situated on some expansion in the school system. In 1889, the western shore of Sawu and is important for there were "seven schoolteachers on Sav and its airport and natural harbour. It is all of them were from Ambon. By 1903, howeverи 18 SW of Kupang, 202 km away. there were eight schools on Savu (though none Sawu is 40 km long by 15 km wide. on Raijua) with a total of 3,332 pupils. Rainjua is 11 km by 6 km. The total popula- Still, all but one of the schoolteachers were tion in mid-1975 was about 53,000 (Sawu from Ambon and all instruction was in 47,000, Rainjua 6,000). Ambonese Маlау" (Fox 1977:166). At the turn of the century, each tradi- 1.3 Recent history tional kingdom, except Menia, was governed by "The Portuguese were in contact with its own raja. By 1918, however, the system Sawu before 1600 and made it an area of mis- of territorial rajas had been dissolved (Fox sionary activity" and trade (Fox 1972:78). 1977:84). The Raja of Seba was appointed They were gradually replaced by the Dutch ruler of the Sawu islands which became part East-India Company which obtained a trade a- of the 'onderafdeeling' (subdivision) Roti- greement with three of the island's rulers in Sawu. 1648. From then until the signing of a for- The birth of The Republic of Indonesia mal treaty in 1756, Sawu "seems to have served in 1949 saw further changes. The Province of the Company mainly as a recruitment area for Nusa Tenggara Timur was formed in December, soldiers to serve in Kupang" (Fox 1977:113). 1958, and the'wilayah'(formerly 'onderafdee- Under the new arrangement, the state of Seba, ling') Roti-Sawu became part of Kabupaten Menia (see Map 2), Timu, lesara and Liae were Kupang. The Sawu islands were also divided to provide rice, sorghum and green grams in into two administrative districts (kecamatan): return for luxury items (such as silk, fine (1)Kecamatan Sabu Barat (West Sabu) which linen, cutlery and gin). It was also agreed includes the western part of Sawu island that a Company representative would reside on and all of Rainjua (- Raijua); the island and that a schoolteacher would be (2)Kecamatan Sabu Timur (East Sabu) which includes the eastern part of Sawu island 1 -'

--- MAp 1. Indonesia

MAP 2. The Sawu Islands (Detaq 1973:5). visited Sawu in 1770. Beaglehole (1962) lists 7? words recorded by Banks. Parkinson (1773) lists 225 words, and Hawkesworth (1773) 66. 1.4 Informants and fieldwork Then followed a number of attempts by Dutch missionaries. All fail to distinguish The fieldwork on which this thesis is based implosive stops from plain stops and glottal was carried out between May 1975 and January stops from zero. 1976 in the Indonesian Province of Nusa Teng- (a)Francis (1838) - 21 words. gara Timur. During that time I resided in Ku- (b)Heijmering (1846) - numerous words, pang and did the most consistent work with phrases, and clauses. John Buru-Pah, Omi Raja, and Sufa. (c)Muller (1857) - 362 words. John Buru-Pah was born on Sawu in the (d)Donselaar's (1872) account is importan- village of Leda Ae, lesara. He moved to East because, in addition to 50 lexical Sumba (see map 1) when he was nine, and was items, it documents a period in which educated in World Vision Orphanages. At the 8 and h were interchangeable. age of nineteen, he took a boat to Kupang, (e)Reidel (1889) - a text with Dutch and spent the next three years training as a translation and dictionary. teacher. He was in his first year at that Kern 1892 consists of a brief grammatical profession when I met him in May 1975. He was introduction, example sentences and a list of an excellent informant and by far the most over 1000 words. His information was obtained significant provider of text material (30 from two ex-Residents of Kupang, de Villeneuve lesara texts). and Riedel, and the missionary Bieger. While Omi Raja was born on Sawu in Tula Ika, there is much that is accurate, there is much Seba. She lived there for 20 years before that is not. Kern's comparative statements, moving to Kupang to work as a domestic employ- in particular, should be treated with caution. ee. She had been in the city for four years Wijngaarden's (1896) 2,000-entry wordlist and was working at Ian Minto's house when we (Seba dialect) is important because he is the moved in. She produced no text materials, but first to clearly distinguish implosive stops was a valuable source of elicited material in (õ, a 3j, from plain stops, and (more often the Seba dialect. than not) glottal stop from zero. He also Sufa, the daughter of Leonard Reke, was provides an accurate account of the penultimate born in Seba and moved to Kupang when she was stress pattern. sixteen. She had been there more than ten Jonker was by far the largest contributor years when I met her and her father in the to our knowledge of Sawu and Ndao. This substa: suburb of Oeba. She narrated seven texts and tial collection consists of three unpublished provided other language information on the manuscripts (grammar, texts and wordlist) and Seba dialect. three published articles (one on Ndao and two Other people in Kupang who made significant on Sawu. contributions were Mr. Immanuel Wati Leo (Timu Jonker wrote his grammar (MS) between 1897 dialect: two texts and lexicon). Mr. Raj'i and 1899 based on data collected in Makassar Lod'o (Liae dialect: five texts and lexicon). (now Ujung Pandang). According to a note to Mr. Wila Hia (Liae dialect?: one text), Mrs. the MS, he visited Sawu in 1900, became dissat- Koti Bena (Rainjua dialect: seven texts and isfied with what he had done and switched to lexicon). Roti. I also visited Sawu island for two weeks While there is no discussion of the sound from July 22nd to August 5th. The following system, implosive stops (b, і, dj, g) are people provided information on the Seba dialect: distinguished from plain stops And a between Omi Raja's mother (five texts) and brother consonants corresponds to present-day /a/. Hendrik (data and one text), Mr. Tome (data), Intervocalic glottal stop is indicated by two Mr. Jara (data), Mr. Markus Kore Ruha (data like vowels (e.g. ngaa is nga'a) or two unlike and three texts) and his sister Rene (data), vowels with a diaeresis over the second (e.g. Mr. Gabriel Kitu Ga (one text), Mr.Yahya Jada medaU is meda'u ). (one text), Mr. (two texts), Mr. В'angu В'оlе The grammar is incomplete, but is much Mangi Rido (three texts), Mrs. Ratu (one text). more detailed and better exemplified than that A number of other people, whose names I omit- of Kern. ted to write down, provided data on other Jonker's collection of texts (MS) is dialects. valuable source material which deserves more The total amount of text material is attention than I have been able to give it. thirteen hours as follows: I have not seen his wordlist. His 1903 article is of interest because Seba 210 mins of its brief discussion of the similarities lesara 360 mins and differences between Sawu and Ndao (see Timu 60 mins Chapter Nine). Liae 60 mins Rainjua 90 mins A 1904 article contains a short Sawu text, Total 780 mins and Dutch translation with lexical and grammatical notes, and Jonker (1919) briefly surveys the sound system and grammar. Present day /a/ is consistently 'in both. 1.5 Previous literature Onvlee (1950) provides an instrumental phonetic analysis of the implosive and non- The first known transcriptions of Sawu implosive stops of Sumba and Sawu. were made by members of the Endeavour crew who Radja Raba's 1958 thesis is the first

3 phonology of Sawu. It contains sections on opportunity to recheck much of the data." the description, distribution and frequency Capell (1975, 1976) claims that Sawu has of phonemes, stress and juncture, and also a "majority of AN vocabulary, but its grammar incorporates a brief text. He is the first is radically NAN." (1976:708). My assessment to recognise the phonemic distinction between of this view is found in Walker (forthcoming b) implosive stops and plain stops, and between The Sawu way of life has been excellently glottal stop and zero. We agree that word described by the anthropologist, James Fox. stress falls on the penultimate syllable but I simply refer readers to his 1972 article on disagree about the number of phonemes (see the Sawunese, his 1979 article on 'The Ceremo- 2.3.2). nial System of Sawu', and his 1977 book Harve t Lee's tagmemic description (MS) is based of the palm. а on data collected and analysed during eight The present monograph is primarily a weeks of an S.I.L. Summer School (1972 - description of the Seba and lesara dialects. 73). It includes a phonology and grammar, but It is based solely upon material I have collect- as the author admits, "there are many gaps in ed myself and not upon the published accounts the data and analysis and there has been no or unpublished notes of other workers.

Chapter Two

PHONOLOGY

2.0 Phoneme inventory in 2.3.2.

Sawu has 26 phonemes: 20 consonants and 6 vowels, as per tables 1 and 2. 2.1.2 Vowels

Table 1: Consonant phonemes (20) The six vowel phonemes are: labial alveo- alveo- velar glottal (1) high front unrounded /i/, dental palatal (2) mid front unrounded /e/, (3) low central unrounded /a/, voiceless stop p t k (4) mid central /a/ (usually [a], rarely [a]), voiced stop b d (5) mid back rounded /o/, д voiced affricate J (6) high back rounded /u/. implosive stop b' d' j' In citation forms or following a pause, vowels д' glottal stop ► are preceded by a non-phonemic glottal stop, nasal m п e.g. /atu/ [2at:u] 'worm') /abo/ [?abo] lateral Z о 'capture'. (Phonetic length is indicated by trill/flap r a colon after the consonant.) fricative w h

Table 2: Vowel phonemes (6) 2.2 Contrasts front central back high i u 2.2.1 Consonants mid e e o law a initial medial p para 'cut' hapa 'house-lizard' b baca 'side, baba 'palm-leaf bucket' 2.1 Description of phonemes direction' b' b'arа 'goods, hab'a 'work (a plantation)' 2.1.1 Consonants clothing' w wara 'white' kawa 'wire' The 20 consonant phonemes are: w Waru 'moon, awu 'dust, ash' (1) three voiceless stops /p/, /t/ and /k/ with month' bilabial, dental and velar articulation h haru 'spinning ahu 'visit' respectively, instrument' (2) three plain voiced stops /b/, /d/ and /g/ t talu 'three' etu 'worm' with bilabial, alveolar and velar articula- d dalu 'egg' edu 'wild' tion respectively, d' d'alu 'stomach, ed'u 'gall, bile' (з) a voiced alveo-palatal affricate /j/, belly' (4) four implosive voiced stops /b'/, /d!/, d' d'ara 'interior' kad'i 'get up' /j'/ and /g'/ with bilabial, alveolar, j java 'horse' kaji '(to) land, perch' alveo-palatal and velar articulation j' j'arа 'purpose, kaj'i '(to) pound' respectively. Phonetic semi-vowel [i] is direction' interpreted as an allophone of /j'/ (see j' jeru 'citrus tree' aj'e 'study (sg.)' 2.3.3 ). g' garo 'strangle, Tag 'e 'remove' The Sawu implosives are produced by simul- knead' taneous closure at the glottis and another g' g'etu 'pluck' Zeg'a 'open out to dry' point of articulation, with subsequent release k katu 'head' Zaka 'hit, strike' of the non-glottalic closure, downward movement k kapа 'ship, boat' uku 'bluff, pretend' of the glottis and vibration of the vocal h hapa 'house- • uhu 'heart' chords. I have yet to find any evidence to lizard' gapa support Lee's view (MS) that the implosives g 'easy' иДи 'silent' are voiceless. g gili 'roll' waga 'tree species' g' g'ili (5) a glottal stop /'/, 'tickle' eg' а 'step' (6) four nasals: with bilabial, R Øe m, n, ň and o 'bite, агlи '%turtle' alveolar, alveopalatal and velar articula- chew (sg.)' tion respectively, n name- 'bird anu 'servant' (7) two liquids: an alveolar lateral /Z/, and Øe species' an alveolar trill or flap /r/, n a'i п 'tobacco' rяwani 'sister' (8) two fricatives: a voiced labial fricative d' d'a'i 'base, kad'i 'get up' /w/, and an aspirated glottal fricative bottom' /h/. /w/ is usually a slightly frica- Z Zati 'spouse' wali 'buy' tivised bilabial, but is sometimes realised r razi 'dirty' гoari 'again, more' as a semi-vowel. With some speakers, the ✓ rui 'strong' b'xx'a 'goods' fricative is occasionally labio-dental. d dui 'old' b'ada 'animal' Phonetically long consonants are discussed L1 :rarц 'moon, month ' karikZ 'boat'

5 erМ 'clay pot koa 'bird species' [hnb':e], [hab':e] 'mend (a mat)' [hcb'e] 'splash (someone)' [hab'e] 'slice (meat)' Since /'/ does not occur at the beginning of words (see 2.4 ),it is only contrastive in Radja Haba chooses the latter. He interprets medial position. the long consonants as geminates, and the mid- central vowel as an allophone of /e/. Thus: ha'e 'climb' /?ella/, 'wing', /?ela/ 'pupil', /heb'b'e/ 'few' had'e 'mend', /heb'e/ 'splash', /hab'е/ 'slice'. aj'е 'study (sq.)' There are, however, a number of reasons hag'e 'half' for adopting an alternative view. pe-pa'а 'feed' (1)Phonetically long consonants only occur pepoha 'stop, rest' after [ ] or [a]. If consonant length is toko 'dog' a significantл feature of the language, one ro'a 'hole' might reasonably expect it to be significant roa 'thin black strip of after other vowels. woven cloth' (2)The interpretation of long consonants as geminates is an unusual step when one con- siders that the language has no other con- 2.2.2 Vowels sonant clusters. By this interpretation, the only consonant clusters are geminates, i hib'e 'bite (sq.)' had'i 'origin' and these geminates only occur after the e heb'e 'splash had'e ' few' phoneme which represents [ ] and [a]. (sq.) ' (3)If one did accept that consonantл length hab'e 'slice a after [л] and [a] is significant, one would (sq.)' had'a 'tradition' then have to face the problem of deciding в hab's 'mend (sg.)' -- which vowel phoneme the mid-central vowel е mela 'trace' ьri.e 'give' should be assigned to. Radja Haha chooses o mola 'straight' hio 'tear' /e/, but gives no reason for his decision. o hoe 'deaf' ato 'Chaff, husk' In my view, it could equally be assigned u hue 'prick, etu 'worm' to /a/. sting' The obvious alternative is the adoption o hod'a 'sing' of /a/ as the sixth vowel. Thus: /ala/ 'wing', в had'a 'ant /ela/ 'pupil', /hab'e/ 'mend', /heb'e/ 'splash', species' /hab'e/ 'slice'. u huba 'forgive' e haha 'wound' 2.3.3 Phonetic semi-vowels [ ]1 2.3 Other views i In the Seba and lesara dialects, [i] is 2.3.1 Number of consonants found in only one word: the first person singular pronoun [fa:]. Radja laba (1958:8) and Lee as an allophone of Lee (MS) includes a voiceless alveo- (MS) therefore analyse [i] /i/. But as neighbouring Timu has both [j'a:] palatal stop /ty/ as a phoneme on the basis I prefer to of symmetry". I exclude it because I have yet and [kа:] for the same pronoun, to elicit a Sawu word with voiceless alveo- regard [.i.] as an allophone of /j'/. palatal stop (or affricate). Lee's only exam- pie /tyuga/ [tyiga] 'to do' has initial [j'] [w] with my informants. In my view, /w/ can be realised as semi- Radja Raba (1958:2) includes [в] and [e] vowel [w] in free variation with its fricative as phonemes. I prefer to exclude them be- allophones. Lee (MS), however, interprets this cause: semi-vowel as "part of a vowel cluster with a (1)in his own words, "they occur only in a timing of one mora." Some of her examples small number of borrowed Indonesian words"; include: (2)most borrowings undergo a regular sound 1./ ka/ [ 'ueka] 'old' change in which в and c become h. из 2./bo цдди/ [ ёо' ] 'stone' . /u,gdiZu/ 'ear'икди 4.Э /heuop / [he' 9va] 'nose' 2.3.2 Number of vowels а Ч Lee (MS) and I recognise six vowels, while I find this view inadequate for several Radja Haba (1958:3) has five: /a/, /e/, /i/, reasons: /o/, /u/. The difference of opinion lies in (1)It is inconsistent with the predominant the interpretation of words with a mid-central (CV)(C)V(C)V pattern (see 2.4 ). vowel [n] or [a]. Contrasts like those below (2)The /u/ in each of the above examples is suggest that the phonemic distinction lies in often realised as a fricative as well as a either the penultimate vowel or the long conso- semi-vowel in my data. As this behaviour nant. (Phonetic length is indicated by a colon is consistent with my phoneme /w/, I assign after the consonant.) it to that phoneme, and not to /u/. Accordingly, I phonemicise the above as: [?лZ:a], [?aZ:a] 'wing' /weka/ 'old', /wowadu/ 'stone', /wodilu/ [?cla] 'pupil (of eye)' 'ear', /hewapa/ 'nose'.

б 2.4 Phonotactics oe woe 'crocodile' Ii toi 'know' With the exception of a few words with ou dou 'person, man' four or five syllables (e.g. Zahalae 'sand', us (no example in data) wopakalae 'ankle'), a root in Sawu has phono- uа wowua 'kidneys' kepue logical structure: (C1V1)(С2)V2(C3)V3. uе 'base, trunk' ui rui 'bone' е.4. CVCVCV ketaka 'axe' ui (no example in data) CvCVV perai 'run, flee' CVVCV kecZa 'areca palm' Diphthongs [ei] and [ou] are interpreted as CvVV keoa 'low (of cattle, buffalo)' vowel clusters. CVCV kowa 'boat, ship' CVV woe 'crocodile' VCV aka 'outrigger' 2.5.2 Three-vowel clusters w ie 'goo d ' There are only a few examples of three- Disyllables are twice as common as trisyllables. vowel clusters: The percentages below are calculated on a cor- eoe keoe (lesara) '(to) low (of buf- pus of 1500 roots. falo)' j', Cl can be b, d, g, p, ty k, h, w, Z, eia keoa '(to) low (of buf- r, m, n. Most common are k (40%), m falo)' (10%), p (10%), and h (10%). 'thick' V1 еаа теаa can be any vowel except schwa. It is uai ruai 'hand' usually a (80%), but sometimes o ias j'amiae 'morning' (10%). C2 can be any consonant except glottal stop. In disyllables, it is commonly 2.6 Word stress m (10%), h (108), w (10%), Z (10%), or t (10%). In trisyllables, it is Sawu has a few minimal pairs which sug- frequently m (10%), h (10%), w (10%), gest that either stress or vowel length is Z (10%), or r (10%). distinctive. Stress is indicated by ' imme- V2 can be any vowel (although schwa must diately preceding the stressed syllable. immediately precede a consonant). In Vowel length is indicated by a colon. both disyllables and trisyllables, a 'gold, silver' ['mela] 'trace' (30%) is most common, followed by e [me'Za:] 'thick' ['mea] 'red' (20%), u [ те'а:] (20%), a (10%), i (10%), and ['peke] 'tell (sg.)' o (10%) . [ре'ke:] 'neigh' C3 can be any consonant. In both disyl- As the majority of Sawu words have stress lables'and trisyllables, k (10%), Z on the penultimate syllable, I prefer to ana- (10%), and r (10%) are most common. lyze stressed consonant plus long vowel (i.e. V3 can be any vowel except schwa. In (CV) as disyllabic 'CVV with predictable pe- both disyllables and trisyllables, a nultimate stress. Thus: (30%), is most common, followed by i (20%), u (20%), a silver' /mela/ 'trace' (15%) and o (15%). /теlaa/ 'gold, A disyllabic root can begin with any vow- /mean/ 'thick' /meal 'red' /peke/ 'tell (sg.)' el or any consonant except glottal stop. IŁ /pekee/ 'neigh' can end in any vowel except schwa. Supporting evidence is found in the verb a- greement markers which distinguish singular 2.5 Vowel clusters and plural (see 3.3.2 ). e.g.

2.5.1 Two-vowel clusters plural singular b'ui b'ие 'water (plants) ' The possible combinations (with examples) gau gao 'lift off (hook)' are: pepuru pepure 'lower' have a аа Zaaba 'hand' Plural forms of.the verb ending in -i ae was 'want' singular in -e. Plural forms which end in -u ai kepai 'big' have a singular in -o, unless the vowel of ao ao 'lime' the preceding syllable is -u, in which case au kewau 'swat (at) ' the singular is -e. Accordingly, stressed es kesla 'areca palm' long vowels are best described as disyllabic. ea mea 'red' ei ei 'liquid' plural singular eo mei 'cat' /gei/ ['gei] /gee/ ['ge:] 'dig' eu (no example in data) /porei [pe'rei] /peree/ [pе'ree:] 'wake' ia hiamu 'spouse' /puu/ [ 'pu: ] /pue/ ['pue] 'pluck' ia kehia 'poor' /PeJuu/ [Pe'ju: ] /pejue/ [ e'jue] 'order' ie wie 'give' р ŻO hio '(to) tear' This analysis highlights Sawu's clear iu Wit' 'new' preference for penultimate stress, and pro- °е moani 'female animal' vides a more adequate account of the deriva- oa koa 'bird species' tion of the singular verb-agreement marker.

7 Words of four-or-more syllables are (1) final consonants delete stressed on every second syllable from the end. с -.Ø / M e.g wo'paka'lae 'ankle'. Indonesian Sawu Radja laba (1958:27) and Lee (MS) also pirip •piri 'plate' analyze stressed consonant plus long vowel mahal maha 'expensive' (i.e. CV:) as disyllabic 'CW, but do not men- karvat karua 'wire tion the corroborating evidence of verb (2) [s] becomes h agreement. Indonesian Sawu setepah heteoa 'half' pasar paha 'market' 2.7 Intonation (3) a nasal before a consonant deletes Indonesian Sawu Declarative and imperative clauses are gampao gapa 'easy' marked by clause-final falling intonation. keraпjaa keraja 'basket' Interrogative clauses are marked by rising Some older loans from Portuguese are: intonation on the last stressed syllable of Portuguese Sаwu a clause final-word in yes-no questions, and cadeira kedera 'chair' on the last stressed syllable of a question- lenço nalehu 'handkerchief' word in others. gentio jipitiu 'pagan' Most loans of Dutch origin have entered 2.8 Phonological adaptation of loanwords Sawu via Malay. Most borrowings are from Malay (examples Dutch Indonesian Sawu are from Bahasa Indonesia), but there are some duit duit doi 'money' from Portuguese and Dutch. Loanwords usually kantoor kantor kato 'office' exhibit the following sound changes: auto oto oto 'motor-car' potlood pot(e)lot pototoo 'pencil'

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8 Chapter Three

MORD CLASSES

3.0 Introduction preceded or followed by any of these. (4) Verbs describe actions, processes or states In order to discuss morphology (and syn- (see 5.1 ). tax), it is necessary to recognise those groups (5) Some verbs agree in number with an of words which differ in morphology, syntax and Absolutive or Goal Animate NP (see 5.2.1 ). semantics from other groups of words. This section is an attempt to identify those criteria which collectively distinguish one class of 3.3 Pronouns words from another. Pronouns are a closed class of words which indicate whether a referent is speaker or ad- 3.1 Nouns dressee or neither.

While it is true to say that Sawu nouns constitute a word class which includes the names 3.4 Demonstratives of persons, places and things, this criterion is not sufficient to distinguish nouns from other Demonstratives are a closed class of words word classes. Other criteria which will facil- which indicate whether a referent is close to itate this aim are as follows: the speaker, addressee or neither. These dis- (1) Only nouns, pronouns, demonstratives and tinctions are most obvious when referring to clauses (see 4.10 ) can be heads of Noun spatial location, but can also apply to dis- Phrases (NPs). As pronouns and demonstra- course and temporal (?) proximity. tives are closed classes (i.e. with limited membership), nouns can easily be identified as non-pronominal, non-demonstrative,non- 3.5 Common article clausal heads of NPs (see 4.0 ). (2) Most NPs of verbal clauses begin with This word class has only one member in unambiguous case prepositions (see 4.4 ). Sawu. It is similar to case prepositions in (3) Only NPs include common article ne (see 4. that it occurs before nouns, but differs in 3 ). that it merely indicates that the noun is (4) Only NPs include demonstrative adjuncts common. (see 4.2.2 ). (5) Only NPs include relative clauses (see 8. 6) . 3.6 Case prepositions (6) In non-verbal clauses, only NPs are negated by Negative Particle ad'o (see 8.14.2.1 ). Case prepositions indicate the semantic (7) Only referents of nouns can be counted role(s) of the referents of the nouns they (see 4.5.1) or possessed (see 4.1, 8.15 ). precede. (8) In clauses with Past-completive tense- aspect, only nouns, pronouns and particles ke and Ze can intervene between ala and 3.7 Numerals pe- (see 7.2.1 ). Numerals are an open class which can indicate the number of an NP referent. Unlike 3.2 Verbs the common article and case prepositions, numerals can precede or follow the head noun. Sawu verbs (like nouns) constitute an open class "whose membership is in principle unlimited, varying from time to time and 3.8 Counters between one speaker and another" (Robins 1964:230). Criteria which serve to delineate Counters are an open class of words which the Sawu class of verbs include the following: are often obligatory when specifying the num- (1) Verbs usually precede NPs, but in a clause ber of NP referents. They always occur imme- with past-completive tense-aspect the verb diately after Numerals. may be post-nominal with pe of ela . .. ре- prefixed to the verb. (2) As only verbs and particles can take 3.9 Non-numeral quantifiers immediately postposed NEG d'o, verbs are identifiable as non-particles which Non-numeral Quantifiers are a closed class of immediately precede d'o (see 8.14.2.2 ). words restricted to Zoro, Zoro.Zoro, had'e (3) Verbs are often preceded by particles and hepna-pan. Like Numerals, they can pre- ta, do, Za and ma, and often followed by cede or follow the head noun, but differ in particles ke, we, he, (Ze)ma and (ыa)ri, that the latter can precede C ommon Article ne, but it is not obligatory for it to be can follow Demonstratives, and do not co-occur

9 with Counters. identifiable group of Cis ("Excessive Adverbs") which share certain morphological or semantic characteristics. All other Cis will be de- 3.10 Clause modifiers scribed under the heading "Particles". Clause Modifiers (C s) constitute a closed class of words which I loosely refer to as 3.11 Interjections adverbs" and particles. It is assumed that all CMs add to our understanding of the clause Interjections are words which are usually and can therefore be regarded as modifying it. single-word utterances (and, therefore, single- I reserve the term 'adverb" for a readily word clauses - see 8.2.1 ).

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10 Chapter Four

NOUN PHRASE CONSTITUENTS

4.0 Introduction 'My mother, I hit her.'

As the head of a Sawu Noun Phrase (NP) The context clearly indicates that the spea- must be a noun (N), pronoun, demonstrative or ker is referring to his own mother and not clause, we can summarise NPs accordingly; that of the addressee. There is no reason to (1) NP = (PREP) (Q) (ne) (NUM) (ORD) N (POSS) suggest that siblings are present, thus allow- (оRD) (NUM) (REL) (DEM) (Q) ing an 'our' interpretation. (2) NP = (PREP) PRONOUN (REL) (DEM) As in the example above, possessive pro- (3) NP = (PREP) DEM nouns (like possessive nouns) must follow the (4) NP = (PREP) (nе) Clause (DEM) head nouns they qualify (see 8.15). All elements in an NP are optional except the head. (The head can of course be coreferent- lolly deleted (see 8.19). Cardinal Numerals 4.2 Demonstratives (NUM) with or without counters, and Non-numeral Quantifiers (Q) can only occur once in an NP A demonstrative can indicate: (i.e. either before or after: not both). Or- (1) The spatial, temporal or discourse prox- dinal Numerals (ORD) occur immediately before imity of its referent to the speaker and the head noun or immediately after possessive addressee. nouns or pronouns (POSS) which must immediate- (2) The discourse proximity of its referent ly follow the head noun. Pronouns as heads to the third person referent from whose can only be preceded by a Nominal Preposition viewpoint a story is told. It can occur (PREP), and be followed by Relative Clauses as head of an NP or as a head noun adjunct. (REL) and a Demonstrative Adjunct (DEM). De- monstratives as heads can also be preceded by PREP, but differ in that no other NP constitu- 4.2.1 Head of NP ent can follow. Nominalised clauses as heads can be preceded by PREP and/or ART and be fol- As heads of NPs, Sawu Demonstratives dis- lowed by DEM. tinguish five types (degrees?) of spatial The only NP morphology is reduplication proximity. (see 4.11) and the numeral 'one' prefix he- (see 4.5.1). Table 4: Demonstratives as Head of NP Simular Plural DEM On2 (uhi) Zero distance from 4.1 Pronouns speaker (who is referring to a part Personal and possessive pronouns are i- of his own body, or dentical in form, and "indicate whether a per- something which he son is either speaker or addressee, or neither." is holding or touch- (Lyons 1968:277-8). ing) DEM 1 (na(pu))na nahe near the speaker Table 3: Pronouns (i.e. specified Singular Plural point near the speaker 1. .7'aa 1. (incl.) dii (i.e. includ- speaker) ing addres- DEM 2 (na)d'e (na)hed'e near the speaker see) (i.e. immediate (excl.) j'ii (i.e. exclud- vicinity of the ing addres- speaker) see) DEM 3 (na(pu))nase (na(pu))hare near the addressee addressee 2. ou 2. muu DEM 4 r (па)пі' (na)hid'e distant from speaker neither speaker 3. noo 3. roo Ø 'о and addressee nor addressee DEMØsg. oni only occurs in non-verbal clauses. Wijngaarden (1896:22) also mentions a first uhi does nat appear in my data, but in a con- person singular du unattested in my data. I versation text provided by Radja Haba uhi do, however, have textual evidence that dii, appears twice in non-verbal clauses, and is normally 1pl. (incl.), is also used as a 'po- unambiguously plural. lite' form for first person singular. ina. mai ko ma d'e. oni ina dii ma, ta webe mother come PART GTS DE 2sg. DEMØsg. mother POSS1sg. PART NON-PAST hit(sg.) М ru-kenana wie ou ri j'aa leaf-pepper BEN 2sg. ERG Isg.

11 'Mother. Come here. This is some pepper- (6)DEM 4 singular adjunct is never nad'o. leaf for you.' (7)DEM 4 plural adjunct is nahid'e, while its head of NP equivalent is hide or nahid'e. Adjunct forms indicating spatial proximity uhi ke huri d'ue bela are summarised in the table below. DEMØpl. PART letter .... two COUNT Table 5: Demonstrative Adjuncts d'ace Singular Plural at once DEM 1 na pu ne ne near t e spe• er .e. specified point near 'Here are some letters .... Two at a time.' the speaker). DEM 2 (na)d'e (n)hed'e near the speaker (i.e. (Example and translation from Radja Haha 1958: immediate vicinity of 28. The analysis is mine.) the speaker) near the addressee DEM 3 (na)(рu)паnе na(pu)hare With the other demonstratives, the reduced DF( 4 (na)ni nahid'e distant from speaker formsne, d'e, hed'e, rene, etc.) are common as and addressee LOCATIVE, GOAL, or SOURCE, while the fuller forms (na(pu)ne, паd'e, nahed'e, etc.) are nor- mejad'i we s' muu harf-harf mal (perhaps obligatory) with ABSOLUTIVE case. sit PART ABS 2р1. all Note also that h is common to all plural forms, and that nаd'o was rejected by my Seba infor- pa keZega-rai ne mants. LIC bench DEKlsg.

to mena'o ri noo ф nаpuhare 'All of you sit here on this bench (next NON-PAST steal ERG 3sg. ABS DЕМЭрl. to me) .' 'He steals those near you.' mai ko Ó muu ma era d'a At least one of these Demonstratives, napune, come PART ABS 2 1. GТS place DEM2sg. also indicates discourse proximity (i.e. it р indicates something just mentioned or referred 'You lot come over here to this place to in the preceding discourse). (in my immediate vicinity).'

ta taba bubu ke Ó duae NON-PAST add be angry PART ABS king hei á roo pa emu be there (pl.) ABS 3p1. LOC house qa ubu naba rai napuna COM Ubu Naba SINCE DEMlsg. nani DEM4sg. 'The king becomes more and more angry with Ubu Naba from this time (just referred to).' 'They are over there in that house.'

mai ko we ma pe-ie Ó As adjuncts to calendric units such as come PART PART DТS CAUS-good ERG 'day', 'month' and 'year' both (na)d'e and nane indicate the time of an action, process ou. gapa hez'e /! napune or state which occurs within the same time 2sg. be simple QUITE ABS DEMlsg. unit as the moment of the speech act.

(The king says) "You come here and heal!" Zod'o d'e (The addressee says) "This (which you have day DEM2sg. just mentioned) is quite simple." 'this day' 4.2.2 Head noun adjuncts It is not known whether adjuncts can be Demonstrative adjuncts occur at the end used to indicate degrees of discourse of an NP, and are very similar in form to proximity corresponding to the distinctions demonstratives which are heads of NPs. They made for spatial proximity. differ as follows: (1)Adjuncts distinguish four degrees of spatial proximity (instead of five). 4.3 Common article (AuT) ne DEM ø (oni, uhi) is never an adjunct. (2)DEM 1 singular adjunct can be pune as well Common nouns in absolutive case or common as nane and napune. nouns in non-verbal clauses can take a (3)DEM 1 plural adjunct is always he, never preposed article ne. Like Fijian na, it "is nahe. not a definite or specific article, but rather (4)DEM 3 singular adjunct can be punene as the simple nominal article for common noun well as naisia and naрuпan е. phrases" (Foley 1976:176). It is, however, (5)DEM 3 plural adjunct is nahare or napuhare, normally present when the NP head has post- while its head of NP equivalent is hare, posed possessive pronoun or demonstrative nahare or napuhare. adjunct.

12 Article transitive "object" and intransitive subject buke ri ,00 6 ne huri (both Absolutive) are indicated by Ø (see Dixon write(sg.) ERG 3sg. ABS ART letter 1979:61). 'He wrote a letter.' ABSOLUTIVE (ABS) Ø The referents of ABS NPs fill a different Article and possessive array of semantic roles according to the tran- ta sitivity of the verb. теRa'е ke ri duae 6 NON-PAST ride PART ERG king ABS Transitive ne jara noo In transitive clauses, referents of ABS ART horse P0SS3sg. NPs include: (1)referents to which something is done. 'The king is riding his horse.' to hala 6 иiu 6 Article and demonstrative NON-PAST plant(pl.) ABS coconut ERG hame ri duae 6 ne huri accept(sg.) ERG king ABS ART letter поо 3sg. napune DEM2sg. 'He is planting coconuts.' 'The king accepted this letter.' ele ke pe-ate 6 No article PAST(sg.) PART PAST-cut off(sg.) ABS to ie ri j'aa 6 pad'a NON-PAST heal ERG Isg. ABS sickness ne h w a jara j'aa ri dou ART noseе ад horse POSSlsg. ERG someone nane DEM2sg. 'Someone cut off my horse's nose.' 'I will heal this sickness.' (2)referents which come into being as the result of an action.

4.4 Case prepositions to b'uke 6 huri ri поо NON-PAST write(sg.) ABS letter ERG 3sg. In Sawu, a case preposition indicates the semantic relationship of its NP referent to the 'Hе is writing a letter.' verb, or, in verbless sentences, to the referents of other NPs. As the absence of a case (3)referents to which something is given. preposition performs a similar function, NPs without a preposition will be treated as having wie d'o 0 roo 6 га'а ri поо a zero preposition (indicated by Ø). An attempt give NEG ABS 3p1. ABS food ERG 3sg. is made to clearly delineate the function of each preposition by describing the semantic 'He did not give them food.' role(s) of its NP referent(s). We can recognise 16 Case prepositions, as in Table 6. ta pe- a'a 6 avawi 6 поо NON-PAST CAUS-eatд ABS pig ERG 3sg. Table 6: Case Prepositions ABSOLUT NE (ABS)• Á 'He is giving food to some pigs.' ERGATINE (ERG) ri, INSTRUMENT (INST) ri (4)referents which are the communication GAAL FROM SPEAKER (GFS) Za (that which is communicated) of a commu- GOAL ТOØRDS SPEAKER (GTS) ma nication verb (e.g. 'say', 'tell', 'ask', GOAL ANIMATE (GA) 4 'teach'). RESULT Рta soURCE (scE) (rai)(Qa) ii ta pika ke ri noi pa ne LOCATIVE (LOG) NON-PAST tell PART ERG 38g. GA ART Р4 RANGE (RGЕ) d'ei VEHICLE ana he ta pe-made (VEI) j'ara, d'ei, да 6 ABOUT j'ara, (Zua) child DEM1p1. ABS NON-PÁST CAUS-die GOMITATIVE (coi) 4 MEASURE (MEAS) д roo ri nati Zeo дага 0 BENEFACTIVE (BEN) wie ABS 3р1. ERG Wati Leo SINCE rai 'He is telling the children that Wati Leo will kill them.' The terms 'Absolutive' and 'Ergative' have been adopted because Sawu can be regarded as a (5)referents which are perceived (e.g. seen, morphologically Ergative language, in which the heard). NP which is transitive "subject" (Ergative) is ta Gade ke ri duae 6 usually marked by preposition ri, while the NON-PAST see(sg.) PART ERG king ABS

13 ubu naba ta perai nou la ф mehara Ubu Naba NON-PAST run ABS 3sg. GFS lesara

'The king sees Ubu Naba.' 'He is running to lesara.'

(6)referents which are the content (e.g. (5)referents which 'cry, laugh', etc. 'that which is known') of a cognitive state ta tapti ne ana verb (e.g. 'know'). ф ne NON-PAST cry ABS ART child DENlsg. toi d'o ri j'aa d ne parа know NEG ERG Isg. ABS ARТ name 'The child is crying.' ERGATIVE (ERG) поо ri,' P0BB3sg. The ERG NP is usually marked by the preposition ri but can be unmarked when the speak- 'I do not know his name.' er assumes that (for the addressee) its referent is unambiguously the referent of an ERG NP. (7)referents which do not fit into the catego- Referents of ERG NPs include: ries outlined above. e.g. the ABS referents (1) referents which do something to another re- of verbs like pedia 'call, invite', kehiwa ferent. 'hire (someone)', peule 'exchange, sell', aj' 'learn, study'. ta ne а d'are ke ф NON-PAST sharpen(sg.) PART ABS ART Intransitive In intransitive clauses, referents of ABS wela-hule do medera ri ubu naba NPs include: machete REL be long ERG Ubu Naba (1)referents which do something. 'Ubu Naba began to sharpen a long machete.' to betaja ф j'аа NON-PAST shop ABS Isg. do Zaka ped'a ri ф duae 'I am shopping.' STAT strike ERG sickness ABS king (2)referents to which a non-cognitive state 'Sickness has struck the king.' is attributed. (Note that ped'a is ERG because it can be relativised. An INST NP cannot.) do mertipi ‚ поо STAT be cold ABS 3sg. (2)referents which bring into being another referent as the result of an action. 'He is cold.' ta j'ega ‚ emu ri поо NON-PAST build ABS house ERG 3sg. bubu-d'ara 'ј поо be angry ABS 3sg. 'He is building a house.'

'He is angry.' (3) referents which communicate (e.g. 'say', 'tell', 'ask', 'teach') something. ne do baj'i W поо ta keb'ali Ó noo pa STAT sleep ABS 3sg. NON-PAST ask(pl.) ERG 3sg. GA ARТ 'She is asleep.' ana he ‚ "ta kaki Za child DENlpl. ABS NON-PAST go GFS (3)referents to which a change of state is attributed. Ti t?" WHERE to meripi Ó поо NON-PAST be cold ABS 3sg. 'He asks the children, "Where are you going?" 'She is getting cold.' (4) referents which perceive another referent. d'ano-d'ano ri ana hekola nane ta bui ke listen-RED ERG child school DENlsg. ф поо NON-PAST fall PART ABS 3sg. ne Zii ubu naba 'He is falling.' ABS ARТ word Ubu Naba (4) referents which do something which brings 'The school child listened intently to about a change of state in that referent. Ubu Naba's words.' In the example below, the ABS referent ( поо 'he') does something (perai 'run') (5)referents to which a cognitive state (e.g. which brings about a change of locative tade 'know', toi 'know', pepes 'think') state in that ABS referent. is attributed.

tade d'o deo ri j'ii ma'i 'pay', kehiwa 'hire', pe-pa'a 'feed know(sg.) NEG Д animals', pe-tutu 'feed birds'). ABS god ERG 1pl.(exсl.) 'We did not know God.' to pale g noo ri NON-PAST present(sg.) ABS isg. ERG (6)referents which secure ABS referents in LOC referents (e.g. referents of verbs like j'аа ri d'ue pi'и wawi pedana 'bury', b'edo 'enclose', kiju 'in- lsg. INST two COUNT pig sert'). 'I will present him with two pigs.' pedana pa mii ke ri dii bury(pl.) LOC WHERE PART ERG 1pl.(incl.) ta pe-pa'а b'ada he NON-PAST CAUS-eat ABSД animal DEH1pl. Д roo ABS 3 1. ri nov ri ru-aj'' р ERG 3sg. INST leaf-plant 'Where shall we bury them?' 'He is feeding these animals with leaves.' (7)referents which do not fit into the categories outlined above: e.g. the ERG referents Intransitive of verbs like pedia 'call, invite', kehiwa In an intransitive clause, the only NP 'hire (someone)', pewie 'exchange, sell', with preposition ri will be an INST NP. aj'a 'learn, study'. ne do tobo ri dei Д STAT be full INST dung ABS ART INSTRUMENT (INST) ri Instrument NPs, unlike ERG NPs: beka kenana d'e (1) are always marked by preposition ri. basket betel DEM2sg. (2)cannot be heads of relative clauses in which the INST NP is coreferentially deleted. 'The betel basket is full of dung.' (3)can occur in transitive and intransitive clauses. GOAL The referents of GOAL NPs are referents Transitive toward which or (in the case of flara 'win') Identification of an INST NP in a transitive against which an action is directed. Sawu clause is usually determined by semantics. If has three GOAL prepositions as follows: there are two NPs both with preposition ri, the NP whose referent is most likely to be manipu- (1)GOAL FROM SPEAKER (GFs) Za lated or used by the referent of the other NP Referents of NPs with preposed la are will be the INST NP. We can therefore say that, inanimate referents towards which an action in a transitive clause referents of INST NPs are is directed. The direction of this action is referents used by an ERG referent to do something. away from the referent "from whose spatial Referents of transitive INST NPs include: viewpoint a story is being told" (Grimes (1)referents used by an ERG referent to do some- 1975:61). As this referent is often the speak- thing to an ABS referent (e.g. refěrents of er, it seems appropriate to refer to this Za verbs like tab'u 'stab', waba 'hit', boka as Goal From Speaker (GFS). 'open', ihi 'pour, fill, insert'). to b'ale ke ф roo Za tab'о Ó not ri naiki he NON- PAST return PART ABS Эр1. GFS stab(sg.) ABS 3sg. ERG child DEMlpl. me hara ri kepoke lesara IГ)ST spear 'They return to lesara.' 'These children stabbed him with a spear.' In the discourse preceding this text example, the district of Seba is clearly the spatial bike ‚ ne keZae ne ri kuhi viewpoint of the story's main characters. open(sg.) ABS ART door DEMlsg. INST key The return journey to the district of lesara requires a movement away from that spatial 'Open the door with a key.' viewpoint.

(2)GOAL TOWARDS SPEAKER (GTS) ma the ri noi geZaa Referents of NPs with to Д рpepoѕеd ma are NON-PAST fill(sg.) ERG 3sg. ABS glass inanimate referents toward which an action is directed. As the direction of this action is ri ei also towards the speaker, it seems appropriate INST water to refer to this ma as Goal Towards Speaker (GTS

'she is filling a glass with water.' 'j'e b'ale d'ap -d'ape е Д ou ma THEN return immediately ABS 2sg. GTS (2) referents used by an ERG referent as something given, paid, or fed to an ABS referent emu d'e," Ti he ane Д duae (e.g. referents of verbs like pala 'present', house DEM2sg. LIKE DEMlpl. say ERG King

15 0 ne Zii pa ubu naba SOURCE(SCE) (rai) (pa) ti ABS ART word GA Ubu Naba Referents of SCE NPs are referents which indicate a locative, material, or stative source '"Then you return immediately to this of an action or process. house", said the king to Ubu Naba.' Locative ta bale ó noa raiti The context of this text example makes it clear NON-PAST return ABS 3sg. SCE that 'this house' is the king's house (i.e. the place where the speaker and the addressee are at hekola the time of the utterance). Ubu Naba is being school sent on an errand, and the direction of his re- 'She is returning from school.' turn journey must be toward the speaker, the king. Material ( ) GOAL ANIMATE (GA) tao 6 kebie-ae raiti Zaa due з pa make ABS house beam SCE Referents of GA NPs with preposed pa are trunk lontar animate referents foward which or (in the case 'Make house beams out of lontar trunks.' of nara 'win') against which an action is di- Stative rected. They differ from the referents of GFS duae Terei and G S NPs in that the latter are inanimate. daе-d'o ti baj'i Т ABS king wake up YET NOT SCE sleep ta Zii ke é duae pa ub и naba, 'The king had not yet woken up.' NON-PAST say PART ERG king GA Ubu Naba A SCE NP is marked by raipati, raiti, pati, or "kako Za ni." ti. It is not yet clear what factors affect ABS go GFS DEM4sg. the choice of one in preference to another.

'The king says to Ubu Naba, "Go over therel"' LOCATIVE (LOC) pa Referents of LOC NPs include: ta wie ó doi ri j'aa pa muu (1)referents which indicate the location of NON-PAST give ABS an action, process or state. money ERG lsg. GA 2р1. Action 'I will give you money.' ta hogo ć pа'а ó not pa NON-PAST cook ABS food ERG 3sg. LOC ta j'ala pa wawi pa manu emu ni NON-PAST net-fish GA pig GA chicken house DEM4sg. he 'She is cooking food at that house over 0 ubu naba there.' DEMlpl. ABS Ubu Naba 'Ubu Naba Process began to fish for pigs and for ta chickens.' meripi p поо pa NON-PAST be cool ABS 3sg. LOC

nara d'ara ei-lobo d'e d'o ý duae pa ubu naba interior pool DEM2sg. win NEG ABS king GA Ubu Naba 'He is cooling off in the pool.' 'The king did not win against Ubu Naba.' RESULT to State mejad'i 0 noo pa eidi rui'ara Referents of RESULT NPs are referents sit ABS 3sg. LIC side road which come into being as the result of an action or process. d'e DEM2sg. eie ta hij'i kipa tao finish(sg.) RESULT male-cloth IF make 'She is sitting at the side of the road.'

to hij'i (2)referents which specify the location on RESULT male-cloth the ABS referent where the INST referent makes contact (e.g. the referents of verbs like waba 'Finish (making it) into a male-cloth, if 'hit', tob'u 'stab', Zoro 'cut'). (you are) making (it) into a male-cloth.' ta Zoro pa koko he NON-PAST cut(pl.) LOC neck DEM1p1. ta jad'i ke Ó • иb и naba NON-PAST become PART ABS Ubu Naba 0 j'ii ri ABS lpl.(excl.) ERG 3sg.поо ta duae RESULT king 'He will cut us at the neck.' 'Ubu Naba becomes king.' (3)referents with which the ABS referent

16 (of intransitive Zaka 'strike') makes contact. j'ara, d'ei and pа appear to be interchangeable, although pa is less acceptable before interrogative particle paa 'what'. do laka pa aru ne б STAT strike LOC pot DEM1sg. ABS kaki ke ta ф roo Za ne wowadu he NON-PAST go PART ABS 3р1. GFS ART rock DEM1p1. hab 'a jara jara 'The rocks have landed on the pot.' Seba VEI horse 'They set off for Seba by horse.' (4) referents in which AВS referents are secured by an ERG referent (e.g. referents of verbs like pedana 'bury', b'ado 'enclose', ABOUT jara, (Zua) kij 'insert'). ABOUT referents indicate that which the и ABS referent is talking about. In my data, j'ara but I notice kijo ke the preposition is always ta ф lua NON-PAST insert(sg.) PART ABS that Radja laba (1958:18) uses j'aga d ana pedai roo j'ara lai аnа-mе pаri pa kej'и pа ф stick LOC back ERG child talk ABS 3p1. ABOUT matters work ne 'They are talking about business matters.' DEM1sg. 'The child inserts a stick in the back.' pedai lua a'a talk about brother RANGE (RGE) d'ei Haha) Referents of RGE NPs are referents which 'talk about brother' (Radja indicate an area over which, alongside which, or through which an action or state ranges. COMITATIVE (COM) pa Referents of COM NPs include: Action (1)referents with whom another referent is ta roi ke ri ilo d angry, happy, etc. NON-PAST realise PART ERG 3sg. ABS to b'ani ke duae pa ABSф king COM ta era dou do kaki NON-PAST be angry PART COMPL be ABSф someone REL go ubu naba d'ei ruj'ara Ubu Naba RGE path 'The king becomes angry with Ubu Naba.' 'He began to realise that there was someone walking along the path.' (2)referents with whom another referent stays, etc. naru d'ape d'ei emu mai la pee p j'aa we ф поо а go naturally ABS 3sg. RGE house come DFS stay COM Isg. PART duce 'Come and stay with me.' king MEASURE (MEAS) para 'Naturally he went past the king's house.' Referents of MEAS NPs are referents for which ABS referents are exchanged. ta pewie ke ri поо танц-ani d'ei папапв ke ф NON-PAST exchange PART ERG 3sg. Ass go out RGЕ DEM3sg. PART ABS ne keb'ao ne para doi dii ART buffalo DEMlsg. MEAS money lрl.(incl.) 'He is exchanging the buffalo for money.' 'We will go out through this (hole near you).' BENEFACTIVE (BEN) wie Referents of BEN NPs are referents which State are an intended recipient or beneficiary of era 0 he-wue kebie an action. be A S one-count(sg.) house-beam В moa d roo ke d b'ara d'ei b'oZou send(pl.) ERG 3р1. PART ABS present RGE south wie j'aa 'There is one house beam along the south BEN Isg. side.' 'They sent presents for me.' VEIYCLE (VEH) jara, d'ei, pa Referents of VEH NPs are referenta which b'uke ri no ne huri wie duce ф convey an ABS referent. VEH prepositions write(sg.) ERG 3sg. ABS ART letter BEN King 17 'He wrote a letter for the king.' The initial p in puru and paku is, I suspect, a reduced (and now fossilised) form The BEN preposition wie is clearly related to of the PAN numeral ligature pa. the verb wie 'give'. However, the latter is distinguished from the former by having preposed verbal particles like ta, la, and ma. 4.5.2 Ordinal numerals ta daka d j'aa Za wie d Ordinal numerals are formed by prefixing NON-PAST come ABS lsg. DFS give ABS ke-(ORD) to cardinal numerals. doi pa muu ke-chi ke-d'ue ke-talu money GA 2р1. ORD-one ORD-two ORD-three 'I am coming to give money to you.' 'first' 'second' 'third'

SINCE rai They can immediately precede the head noun or Referents of SINCE NPs indicate the time can occur immediately after the head noun or when the action, process or state began. a possessive which immediately follows the do head noun. pi'а d'o ke dou be(pl.) NEG PART ABS. someone REL d'ai pa ke-talu lod'o ne, THEN LOC ORD-three day DEMlsg. ne ne helen d a'а see ABS ART older brother DEMlsg. ta Za pee ke d ne NON-PAST DFS stay PART ABS ART rai made ari ne SINCE death younger brother DEMlsg. ana ne pa ru-kiki emu child DEMlsg. LOC leaf-neck house 'There is no-one who has seen the older brother since the younger brother's 'Then on the third day, the child goes death.' and hides in the ru-kiki amu.' (The ru-koko amu is the top part of the tra- do pe-bubu d'ara ke d roo ditional lontar-leafed house.) STAT REC-be angry inside PART ABS Эр1. ta kaki ke ‚ ne ana-mone rai napune ART child-male SINCE DEMlsg. NON-PAST go PART ABS 'They have been angry with each other ke-d'ue ne ORD-two DEMlsg. since this time.' 'The second male-child goes.' 4.5 Numerals ne ana non 4.5.1 Cardinal numerals do kaja STAT be rich ABS ART child POSS3sg. Cardinal numerals can indicate the number ke-talu of an NP referent (see 4.6 for examples), or th stand alone. The smaller cardinal numerals ORD- ree are: 'His third oldest child is rich.' 1. ahi, he- 4. apa 7. pidu 2. d'ue 5. Zaini 8. cru 3. talu 9. hei 6. ana 4.6 Counters (COUNT) The simple decimal values are: guru 'ten', With most Sawu NPs, Counters must be used pahu 'hundred', tab'a 'thousand'. They are to specify the number of a referent. The car- multiplied by preposing a smaller number to dinal numeral always immediately precedes the the left. (Number one is always prefixed to Counter. the decimal value as he-.) 10. he-guru 20. d'ue guru d'ue b'aZa nalehu 100. he-tahu 200. d'ue tahu two COUNT handkerchiefs 1000. he-tab's 2000. d'ue tab'a The simple decimal values are added to by 'two handkerchiefs' postposing a smaller number to the right. 11. he-guru chi Numeral + Counter can, however, precede or 350. talu tahu Zemi guru follow the head noun. Thus nalehu d'ue b'ala 2067. d'ue tab'a ana guru pidu is equally acceptable. Decimal values can also be reduplicated to The Sawu Counters (which often have a indicate an unspecified multiplicative number. meaning independent of their function as tens guru-guru Counters) can be described as: (1) classifying; hundreds tahu-pahu (2) partitive; (3) container; and (4) others. thousands tab'a-tab's This list does not claim to be exhaustive. One can also say 'tens of thousands' guru-guru (1) Classifying Counters classify the referents tab'a where the first part ('tens') is redupli- being counted. dou is used to count human. cated and the second part ('thóusands') is not. referents.

18 he-dou ana hв kola Zaa is used to count tree trunks, poles, limbs one-COUNT child school (of humans, animals). Compare kepue which is used to count whole trees. 'One school child' As an independent noun, dou can mean he- Zaa genii 'person, human, someone, somebody' one-COUNT pole gi'и is used to count animals, birds, fish, 'one pole' crabs, eels, etc.

jara he'gi'u aj'и talu Zaa horse one-COUNT wood three COUNT 'one horse' 'three logs' As an independent noun, gi'u сап mean 'animal, human torso'. b'ala is used to count referents made of cloth, d'ue Zaa kae- gafa paper (excluding letters), palm-leaf, etc. two COUNT HAND

heo bala b'aj'u 'two hands' nine COUNT blouse As an independent noun,Zaa means 'tree trunk', 'pole', 'limb'. 'nine blouses' As an independent noun, b'ala means wua(sg.) and b'ue(pl.) are used to count 'cloth'. (a)fruits, eggs, round vegetables, stones, money, lontar syrup toffees (all round?). b'ag и is used to count pencils, pens, sticks, (b)buildings, building beams, furniture, crowbars, knives, machetes, spoons, rings, boats, baskets, pots (sil made). bracelets, etc. (c)places, plantations, enclosures, beaches, sea(s) (all locations). hе-b'agu potoloo (d)weeks, years (time). one-COUNT pencil w о-kerab'o d'ue b'ue 'one pencil' PROD-pumpkin two COUNT tud'i d'ue b'au knife two COUNT 'two pumpkins' 'two knives' As an independent. noun, b'agu (emu) means he-wue kowa 'the centre beam at the top of a tradi- one-COUNT boat tional house'. 'one boat' o ča is used to count letters, string, rope.

he- atа dari b'sdo talu b'ив one-COUNT string enclosure three COUNT 'a length of string' 'three enclosures' he-eta huri one-COUNT letter talu b'ue migu 'one letter' THREE COUNT week he-sta can also mean 'half (a sack)', 'a quarter of (a kilogram)', 'a quarter 'three weeks' of (a pig)'. As an independent noun, wus means 'fruit'. As an independent verb, eta means 'cut off', or 'slice'. (2) Partitive counters count the parts of a whole, g'uti is used to count pieces of cloth. kepue is used to count whole trees. (Compare Zaa which is used to count tree trunks, etc.). he-g'uti b'ala one-COUNT cloth he- kepue helag'i one-COUNT tamarind tree 'one piece of cloth' As an independent,noun, g'uti means 'a tamarind tree' As an independent noun, kepue means 'scissors'. As an independent verb, it 'tree'. means 'to cut with scissors'. is used to count rifles. kedaZi is used to count pieces of meat, cake, kewudi etc. d'ue kewudi kepoo d'ue kedaZi hed'ai two COUNT rifle two COUNT meat 'two rifles' 'two pieces of meat'

19 he-kedaZi koki he-hike wo-heZag'i one-COUNT cake one-COUNT PROD-tamarind

'one piece of cake' 'one pod of tamarinds' (Note: To count whole cakes one would use the counter wue as in he-wue koki 'one hike does not appear as an independent (whole) cake') noun in my data. As an independent verb, kedali means 'to cut (off)' kab'a-huru is used to count the number of spoonfuls of a referent. Zamuhi is used to count grains of sand. he-kab'a-huru donahu he-Zamuhi wo-Zahatae one-spoonful lontar-syrup one-COUNT PROD-sand 'one spoonful of lontar syrup' 'one grain of sand' To count hardened lumps of lontar syrup As an independent noun, Zamuhi means one would use the counter noun wue as in 'seed'. he-wue donahu 'one (hardened) lump of lontar syrup'. lua is used to count cotton, hair, thin strips As an independent noun, kab'a-huru means of fontar leaf, etc. 'coconut-shell spoon'.

he-lua W ар4 (4) Other counters include: one-COUNT cotton hиbi which is used to count the number of bananas by clusters. 'one thread of cotton' he-hubi wo-mu'u one-COUNT PROD-banana tala lua ru-katu three COUNT hair-head 'one cluster of bananas' (i.e. all the bananas on a cluster - usually about 5 or 'three strands of hair' hands) . As an independent noun, lua means б 'thread'. japi, which is used to count the number of bananas by hands. wipa is used to count salt, pepper, etc. he-japi wo-ти'и megahi he-uipa one-COUNT PROD-banana salt one-COUNT 'one hand of bananas' 'one pinch of salt' As an independent noun, uipa means j'ara, which is used to count rows of string 'small thorns or hairs of plants'. (=rope).

hemeZore = 'half (a container)'. anа j'ara dari six COUNT string hemewui = 'quarter (of a container)'. To my knowledge, one cannot say d'ue 'six rows ofstring'(as in weaving) meZore, d'ue menuui, or talu menuui, nor do melore and menuui have independent meaning. Some Sawu NPs which, in my data, never use a counter and which themselves are not used as (3) Container counters count the number of counters are: containers of a referent. boto is used to count the number of bottles (a) the following units of time containing a referent. Zod'o 'day' rami 'night' ei-Тsí wo-rai he-boto Ovaru 'month' liquid-oil PROD-earth one-COUNT (Compare niigu 'week' and tou 'year' which kerosine often occur with counter wue, b'ue.)

'one bottle of kerosine' (ь) non-traditional units of length As an independent noun, boto means mete 'metre' 'bottle'. kilomete 'kilometre' kilo 'kilometre' aru is used to count the number of pots containing a referent. (c)non-traditional unit of weight kilo 'kilogram' donahu he-aru fontar syrup one-COUNT (d)traditional units of quantity 'one pot of lontar syrup' wo'a 'torch (of dead leaves, stalks, As an independent noun, aru means 'pot'. etc.)' kerab'a 'bunch of 15-20 wo'a' hike is used to count the number of pods of putu 'three threads of cotton' a referent (e.g. tamarinds, green grams, hie '30 p иtu' peanuts). rore '5 or б hie' 20 4.7 Non-numeral quantifiers 4.7.2 hart 'all (with specified number)' 4.7.0 Introduction The hori construction specifies the number of a referent quantified by hori 'all'. Non-numeral Quantifiers, like Numeral The construction is as follows: Quantifiers can occur before or after the head noun, but differ in that they precede hart (do) Numeral (Counter) Common Article ne and follow DEM. As the function of do here is unlike that of REL (8.6.2 ) or STAT (7.1 ), I shall refer to it as a Ligature (LIG). Like 4.7.1 hari-hari 'all (with unspecified Counters, the presence or absence of do number)' is to some degree predictable according to the referent of the head noun (see hari-hari 'all' can precede or follow the also 8.3.2.5 ). do is: head noun. Unlike the hari construction (4. 7.2 ), it cannot specify the number of the (1) obligatory with human referents referent quantified. pedia ne hiemu hari do ф LIG ta peut'u ke hari-hari call(pl.) ABS ARТ spouse all NON-PAST assemble PART ABSф all pidu dou dou seven COUNT people 'Call all seven wives.' 'All the people are assembling.' (2) optional with non-human animates The examples below are taken from the same to kelatu ‚ muu hari-hari text, and refer to the same (animal) referent. NON-PAST behead ABS 2р1. all do is present in the first example, and absent from the second. ri j'aа ERG lsg. roo hari do d'ue masa ke ф play PART ABS 3p1. all LIG two 'I will behead you all.' 'They are both playing.' (1) When hari-hari precedes the head noun, it also precedes the Common Article, ne, if present. roo hari d'ue maga- maso ф play-RED ABS 3р1. all two belaja ke ri noo # hari-hari spend PART ERG 3sg. ABS all 'They both play a lot.'

nе doi (3) absent with inanimates (including body parts), ARТ money hari d'ue lea 'He spent all the money.' all two COUNT (2) When hari-hari follows the head noun, it 'Both (hands).' occurs at the end of the NP (i.e. after possessives, relative clauses and demonstrative (This is a text example in which the NP head adjuncts). has been deleted because readily identifiable by the context. lea is the counter for 'hands, megalu-d'ara ke ф ,zoo qa etc.') happy PART ABS 3sg. COM The distribution of the hari construction parallels that of hari-hari. hissa noo he hari.-hart. friend POSS3sg. DEMlpl. all (a)It is like hari-hari in that it can precede or follow the head noun, but unlike it in that 'He is happy with all his friends.' it almost always follows.

(b)Like hari-hari, when it precedes the head ta pe-mahu ke i noun it also precedes the common article ne, NON-PAST CAUS-go outside PART ABS if present.

ne ana do kepai hed'e pedia ke ф hari do d'ue ARТ child REL be large DEMlpl. coll(pl.) PART ABS all LIG two hari-hari ne ana mine ari all ART child male person younger sibling

'All of the large children are being qa ana mone a'a expelled.' AND child male person older sibling

21 he d'e rai wo-rai DEM2p1. earth, land PROD-earth, land 'grain(s) of earth' '(They) are calling the younger brother and older brother.' (b) a fruit-like or produce-like shape. e.g.

(c) Like hari-hari, when it follows the head (wo-)juli 'clam' noun, it occurs at the end of the NP (i.e. it (wo-)kepui 'shellfish, scallop' is known to occur after possessives and demon- In these two examples wo- is optional, strative adjuncts). while in others - all body parts - it has fossilised. poke ri ubu naba Ó ne hiamu wodilu 'ear' took ERG Ubu Naba ABS ARТ spouse wodato 'heel' wopakalae 'ankle' dиаe he hari do pidu dou wowua 'kindney' king DEMlpl. all LIG seven COUNT

'Ubu Naba took all seven of the king's 4.9.2 ru- and ro- are the bound forms of rou wives.' 'leaf', 'hair', 'feather', 'blade (of grass)'. ru- is more common than ro-. e.g. 4.7.3 Other mu 'u ri-mu 'u banana tree leaf-banana tree The only other candidates for Non-numeral 'banana leaf' Quantifiers are had'e and hepaa-paa both meaning katu ru-katu 'few, several'. Both were elicited as part of head hair-head a wordlist, and do not appear again in my data. 'head-hair' Wijngaarden (1896:29) includes had'e 'sommigen' aZa ru-aZa (='some') in his list, but does not mention wing feather-wing hepaa- paa. 'feathered wing'

4.8 Noun phrase conjunction 4.10 Nominalisation

Noun phrases are conjoined by placing pa A Sawu nominalised clause is one which is 'AND' between the two NPs. the head of a Noun Phrase (see also 8.18.1 ). In the example below it is underlined. era ó keb'ao pa wawi pa ni be ABS buffalo AND pig LOC DEM4sg. mate 6 ne daka j'aa ti wait(sg.) ABS AR come POSS1sg. SCE 'There are buffalo and pigs over there.' Т d'oka ri ou plantation ERG 2sg. 4.9 Compounding 'You wait for my return from the 4.9.1 wo- (PROD) is the bound form of wue plantation.' 'fruit, produce'. When compounded with a root which has a botanical referent, wo- indicates the produce of that item. e.g. 4.11 Nominal reduplication (RED) pau wo-pau Nominal reduplication indicates plural mango tree PROD-mango tree and perhaps also variety. In the text exam- 'mango fruit' ple below, plural is certainly conveyed by the Indonesian translation kepaZa-kepala menila ui-menila 'heads'. At the same time a 'variety' peanut plant PROD-peanut plant interpretation (e.g. 'various heads of govern- 'peanut' ment') is not unreasonable. j'aa Zola-Zii pa With non-botanical referents, i'a d'o wo- represents CAN NEG ABS lsg. converse COM (a) a part (produce?) of a larger part. e.g. dou katu-katu pa kota Zahalae wo-ZahaZae person head-RED LOC Kupang expanse of sand, beach PROD-expanse of sand 'I can not converse with the (various) 'grain(s) of sand' heads (of government) in Kupang.'

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Chapter Five

VERBS

5.1 A-verbs and B-verbs tab'и (p1.) 'pierce, stab' tab'o (sg.) In the discussion below (5.1. to 5.3.) hiu (p1.) '(to) tear' reference is made to Sawu A-verbs and B-verbs. hio (sg.) This distinction is made primarily on semantic ked'agu (p1.) 'hold' grounds. A-verbs can be described as Action ked'ago (sg.) verbs (i.e. they indicate that something is being done). B-verbs are non-Action verbs (2) All other singular forms end in -в. (See (they describe states - that which is - and Appendix B which lists all known Agreement Verbs.) processes - that which is coming to be). Formal support is provided by the past- ь'uju (p1.) 'touch, feel' completive which only occurs with A-verbs. b'uje (sg.) hib'i (p1.) 'bite' hib'e (sg.) 5.2 Verb morphology hero'o (p1.) 'carry on arm' hero's (sg.) Sawu has very little verb morphology. Raka (pi.) 'push forward' It is restricted to verb agreement, causative Rake (sg.) prefix p е-, reciprocal prefix pe- and reduplication. However, if the plural form ends in HCa (where H = high vowel i, u, then the singular will end in ICe (where M = mid vowel e, o) respec- 5.2.1 Verb agreement tively. hib'a (pl.) 'splash' 5.2.1.1 Description heb'e (sg.) рeluja (pl.) 'take care of' There is a class of Sawu verbs (nearly peloje (sg.) all of which are transitive) which have two forms: 'singular' and 'plural'. (Some speak- Тhd function of Agreement Verbs in clauses is ers use both forms indiscriminately, perhaps exemplified below. due to the influence of Indonesian which does eg и, ago 'fetch, take, carry' not make this distinction.) With most of egu ei- loko ri ou these verbs, agreement is with the Absolutive fetch(pl.) ДABS liquid-river ERG 2sg. NP, but a few like keb'ali 'ask' (which have a quotation as Absolutive) agree with the 'You fetch fresh-water!' Goal Animate. The plural form is regarded as unmarked agu ri ,ioo ф wo- kerab'o for the following reasons: fetch(pl.) ERG 3sg. ABS PROD-pumpkin (a)The plural form agrees with plural, d'ue b'ue generic and mass NPs, while the singular can two COUNT(p1.) only agree with singular NPs. (b)Only the plural form is used as a nominal. 'He fetched two pumpkins.'

uj'u 'tie up (pl.); bundle' ago ri roo i-m Ri uj'e 'tie up (sg.)'' Д е о fetch(sg.) ERG 3р1. ABS liquid-oil pа'а 'eat (pl.); food' pa'e 'eat (sg.)' duo-rai he-boto PROD-earth one-COUNT (c)The final vowels -i, -a and -u of plural u forms regularly reflect the *i, "a and re- 'They fetched a bottle of kerosine.' constructed for Proto-Austronesian. It is therefore assumed that -i, a and -u are his- - aди agrees with the mass Absolutive noun 'fresh- torically prior, and that a and o are later water', and with the plural Absolutive 'pump- developments consistent with a commonly attest- kins'. ego agrees with the singular Absolutive ed Austronesian pattern (see Reid 1973, Dahl noun 'a bottle of kerosine'. 1973:14). . (d)The phonological shape of the singular ila, ele 'disappear' forms can be predicted from the plural forms as follows: ila ke Д ne ki'.i disappear(pl.) PART (1) If the plural form ends in m( ABS ART goat С)u (where k = any vowel except u, and C = any conso- he nant), the singular form will end in -o. DEM1p1.

23 'The goats disappeared.' tive and intransitive verbs. It acts as a transitiviser when prefixed to intransitive to eZe ‚ not verbs, and it is with these and the transitive NON-PAST disappear(sg.) ABS 3sg. perception verb padi 'see' that the description 'causative' is most appropriate. Howev- raiti rai-wawa d'e er, with optional transitives p ' 'eat' and SCE earth-below DEM2lg. а а piпu 'drink', pe-pa'a and pe-piпu do not mean 'cause to eat' and 'cause to drink', but 'He will disappear from this earth.' rather 'give to eat' and 'give to drink'. Intransitive ila agrees with the plural toto 'be full' puru 'descend' Absolutive NP 'goats', while eZe agrees with pe-tobo 'make full' pe-puru 'lower' the Absolutive third person singular pronoun. CAUS- be full CAUS-descend keb'aZi, keb'ale 'ask' padl 'see' pa'а 'eat' pe-podi 'show' pe-pa'a 'give to eat' ta keb'aZi ke ri duae pa CAUS-see CAUS-eat NON-PAST ask(pl.) PART ERG king GA pi u 'drink' dou he ‚f "ta kaki п pe-piпu 'give to drink' person DEMlpl. ABS NEN-PAST go CAUS-drink Za mii ‚ muu?" GFS WHERE ABS 2р1. 5.2.2.2 Other interpretations 'The king asks the people, "Where are Only Jonker (1904:287) appears to be aware you going?' of Causative pе-. I can find no mention of it in Lee (MS), Kern (1892) or Wijngaarden (1896). ta keb'aZe ke ri dou NON-PAST ask(sg.) PART ERG person 5.2.3 Reciprocal (REC) p е- he pa поо d "naduu duae 5.2.3.1 Description DEMlpl. GA 3sg. ABS WHO king Reciprocal pe- is prefixed to transitive pa d'e?" and intransitive verbs. The resultant LIC DEM2Sg. reciprocal verb is intransitive (i.e. never takes an ERG NP) and the plural form of an 'The people ask him, "Who is the king agreement verb is obligatory. here?"' ta teb'o Ρ Д поо ri noi keb'aZi agrees with the plural Goal Animate NON-PAST stab(sg.) ABS 3sg. ERG 3sg. NP 'people', while keb'ale agrees with the Goal Animate third person singular pronoun. ri tud'i INST knife

5.2.1.2 Other interpretations 'He is stabbing him with a knife.' My data does not support Lee's view (MS) that the singular/plural forms represent Ρ ta pe-tab'u Д roo ri the Passive/Active distinction. In my view, NON-PAST REC-stab(pl.) ABS 3 1. INST the latter is not identifiable in Sawu (see р 7.20). tud'i Jonker's view is closer to my own. In knife a 1919 article (р.713), he states that the unmarked form is used when "het object 'They are stabbing each other with knives.' onbepaald of wel bepaald doch meervoudig is" (i.e. when the object is indefinite, or is definite and plural), while the marked form ta pe-pa'a Ρ ne ana is used when "het bepaald en enkelvoudig is" NON-PAST CAUS-eat ABSД ART child (i.e. when it is definite and singular). My description differs in that definiteness or ne ri поо indefiniteness is not considered a relevant DEMlsg. ERG 3sg. factor, and that with some verbs agreement is with the Goal Animate. Note that Deictic 'He is feeding the child.' Verbs represent another kind of Agreement Verb with plural h- and singular n- (see 5.4.1 ). pe-pe-pa 'a Ρ ta Д ne NON-PAST REC-CAUS-eat(pl.) ABS ARТ 5.2.2 Causative (CAUS) p - е ana he 5.2.2.1 Description child DEMlpl. Causative pe- can be prefixed to transi- 'The children are feeding each other.'

24 ta hiapa 6 nod pa d'ida 'be high' NON-PAST be friends ABS 3sg. COM d'ida-d'ida 'be very high' be high-RED І 0 3sg. b'aku 'be rotten' b'aku-b'aku 'be very rotten' 'He is becoming friends with her.' be rotten-RED With other B-verb roots, the reduplicated form ta pe-hiapa 6 roo has a non-intensive adverbial function to anoth- NON-PAST REC-be friends ABS 3р1. er verb. 'They are becoming friends.' ie 'be good' kaki ie-ie 'go carefully, go well' go be good-RED to Zii 6 j'aa pa noi NON-PAST say ERG lsg. GA 3sg. ABS 5.3 Existential verb era no o н YES The Sawu verb era simply indicates that its indefinite ABS referent exists. (Note 'I will say to him, "Yes".' that negative existentials include pi'a-d'o, pe'e-d'o, b'uZe-d'o, but never era d'o.)

ta pe-Zii ke 6 j'ii era 6 deo NON-PAST REC-say PART ABS lpl.excl. exist ABS god gab'° 'There is a god.' later hawu 'We will talk together later.' era 6 wa оi pa rai exist ABS pig LOC island Sawu 5.2.3.2 Other interpretations 'There are pigs on Sawu island.' Only Jonker (1904:287) appears to be aware of Reciprocal pe-. Like Causative p е-, 5.4 Deictic verbs I can find no mention of it in Lee (IS), Kern (1892) or Wijngaarden (1896). 5.4.1 Description Deictic verbs have intransitive case 5.2.4 Verbal reduplication frames with obligatory ABS NP and optional LOC. They indicate: 5.2.4.0 Introduction (1)the spatial proximity of the ABS NP with respect to the speaker (and the addressee?) The form of Sawu reduplication is the (2)present tense repetition (after the root) of the last two They differ from other verbs in that they are syllables of a root. It has different func- deictic, and from other Agreement Verbs (see tions according to whether the verb is an A- 5.2.1.1 ) in that the singular and plural verb or a B-verb. distinction is not made in the final vowel, In the examples below, the two parts of but in the initial consonant. The presence the reduplication are separated by a hyphen. of n indicates agreement with a singular ERG The English translation appears next to the NP or intransitive ABS NP, and h with a plural. first part, and RED next to the second. See also the demonstratives (4.2 ) which distinguish singular and plural in this manner. 5.2.4.1 A-verbs Table 7: Deictic verbs Singular Plural Reduplication of an A-verb root indicates nеe ;fee (1) be near the speaker repetitive or continuous action. (2) present nei hei (1) be distant from the г аЬe 'hit' speaker иуаЪе-'г аЪе 'hit again and again' (2) prešent hit(sg.)-RED nane hare (1) near the addressee (2) present pedute 'follow' pedute-dute 'keep on following' As nane and hare both indicate proximity to follow(ng.)-RED the addressee when used as nouns, or adjuncts to nouns it is suggestive that this is (or was) also their function here. 5.2.4.2 B-verbs (1) nee 100 pa d'amu ń ) With some B-verb roots, reduplication be here(sg.) ABS 3sg. LOC loft has an intensive function. 'He is here in the loft (where I am).' 25 (2) hee ó muu pa •аm и ei-loko ko Q ne dou be here(pl.) ABS 2р1. LOC house liquid-river PART ABS ARТ person -water 'Are you here in the house?' do kape of j'aa (3)• nei Á n°° Za j'iu-ei REL carry ABS lsg. be there(sg.) ABS 3sg. DFS bathe (1) "There is a key on top of this iron 'He is.some distance away going to bathe.' cage. (2) You fetch it, (and) quickly open this door", (he) said. (3) "The (4) do hei pa ni men who carry me are close by getting STAT be there(pl.) LIC DEM4sg. ABS a drink of water."

roo зр1. In 5(1) it could be argued that nane represents 'near the addressee". The speaker is inside 'They are there.' the locked cage without a key, while the addressee is outside with access to the key at (5) (1) "none ma ‚ ne kuhi pa the top. In 5(3) hare refers to the men who be(sg.) EMPI ABS ART key LOC had gone to get a drink at a nearby house. The context indicates that the men were not d'ida keraja b'ahi nad'e in sight at the time of the utterance which top cage iron DEM2sg. suggests that hei 'be distant from the speaker (and addressee?)' would be more appropriate. However, it is also arguable that the speaker (2) ego we ri ou. bike uses hare here to suggest that the men are fetch(sg.) PART ERG 2sg. open(sg.) close to the addressee in order to encourage his haste in opening the cage. mariai ne ф keZae d'e" quickly ABS ARТ door DEM2sg. 5.4.2 Other interpretations mi he ane LIKE DEMlpl. say Lee (MS), Kern (1892), Jonker (Mss, 1904, 1914) and Wijngaarden (1896) are aware of the present tense function of some of the Deictic (3) do hare Za piпи ‚ verbs, but to my knowledge none mention their STAT be(pl.) DFS drink ABS deictic function.

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26 Chapter Six

EXCESSIVE ADVERBS (EXCESS)

Excessive adverbs (EXCESS) indicate that 14. mae tei-tei 'very crushed' the action or the quality of the state of the 15. kaja kete'e 'very rich' verb is in excess of the norm. They follow 16. kehia gehara 'very poor' the verb they" modify and only particle ke can 17. kehii kejid'o 'very quiet' intervene. 18. mou megala 'very clear' With A-verbs (5.1 ) reduplication of the 19. baj'i Zuu 'sound asleep' verb root is the most common method of expres- 20. Jaha mariai 'very fast' sing multiplicity of action (see 5.2.4.1 ). There are, however, a few verbs which take Adverbs (pe)tuu-tuu and tara-tara can POstposed reduplicated adverbs to perform the modify most, if not all, B-verbs, while guru- same function. guru can qualify at least two (i.e. madi uj'e kerede-rade 'black', keraba 'dark'). Every other excessive tie(sg.) EXCESS adverb in Table 8 is restricted to one verb (i.e. b'ei-b'ei only. qualifies meriт i 'cold', 'tie many times' and huu-huu only mara 'tired'). tara-tara and (pe)tuu-tuu are reduplicated With some B-verbs (5.1 ), excess (or forms of the B-verb roots tara and petuu which 'intensity') is expressed by reduplication both mean 'true, real'. The latter is probably of the verb root (5.2.4.2 ). With others, a borrowing of Malay betul 'true, real' partic- it is indicated by an adverb as in Table ularly since the reduplicated form is occasion- 8 below. ally petuu-petuu. Some of the unreduplicated adverbs in Table 8: Excessive adverbs Table 8 also function as B-verbs which are B-verb Adverb semantically similar to the verbs they modify. 1. pana (pe)tuu-tuu 'really hot' Both kehia and gehara mean 'poor', mou and 2. wo-ie tara-tara 'really good' megala 'clear', and Zaha and mariai 'fast'. Э. madi guru-guru 'very black' baj'i means 'sleep', while Zuu means 'uncon- 4. keraba guru-guru 'very dark' scious'. It is also clear that one of the 5. mea gou-gou 'very red' reduplicated adverbs kee-kee modifying neta 6. pudi gari-gari 'very white' 'sweet' is related to Ndao verb kee 'sweet' 7. kelara mu'a-mu'a 'very yellow' which, interestingly enough, has an Excessive 8. mira jod'e-jod'e 'very flat' Adverb nata. This suggests that there was 9. mejani duru-duru 'very heavy' once a (more?) productive system of semantic 10. maku eb'o-eb'o 'very soft' reduplication with some B-verbs analagous to 11. nata •k ев-kее 'very sweet' the formal reduplication found with other 12. m вrigi b'ei-b'ei 'very cold' verbs. 13. mara huu-huu 'very tired'

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27 Chapter Seven

PARTICLES (PART)

7.1 Stative (STAT) do outside.' (i.e. the door is still locked) 7.1.1 Description (2) an action which is habitual, customary, stative particle do always precedes the usual, or generic (i.e. an action which is verb root. Only Non-past ta and Negative stative-like). Particle d'o (NEG) can intervene between do and the verb,but not in the same clause. The Habitual, customary, usual three possibilities are (1) do Verb, (2) do ta do Zii ó dii Ó to Verb, or (3) do d'o Verb. STAT say ERG 1pl.(incl.) ABS COMPL When do precedes a B-verb (see 5.1 ), it unambiguously describes a state. do made-made he / ne dou STAT be dead-RED PART ABS ART person Intransitive • ne hiamu j'aa do pad'a ф he SТАТ be sick ABS ARТ spouse POSS1sg. DEMipl. 'My spouse is sick.' 'We have always said that they are well and truly dead.' Transitive do toi ri duae to dou Generic STAT know ERG king COMPL person ý keb'ao do keoa ABS buffalo STAT bellow do tao ó napune ne hiapa REL do ABS DEMlsg. ARТ friend 'Buffaloes bellow.' noa 0 keb'ao do pa'a ' ruj'u'u POSS3sg. ERG buffalo STAT eat. ABS grass 'The king knows that the person who does 'Buffaloes eat grass.' this is his friend.' When do immediately precedes non-past ta, When do immediately precedes an A-verb it describes an action which is certain to (see 5.1 ), or immediately precedes a NEG take place. which is immediately followed by an A-verb, it describes either: kipa wiki ta hou Of ei-tele (1) a present state which, because of the IF TRY NON-PAST pass ABS urine nature of the verb, is the result of a past action. It appears to be like Comrie's do ta Zoro pa koko (1976:52) description of the perfect which STAT NON-PAST cut off LOC neck (a) "indicates the continuing present relevance of a past situation", and (b) "expresses he Ó j'ii ri uhu naba a relation between two time points, on the one DEMlpl. ABS 1pl.(excl.) ERG Ubu Naba hand the time of the state resulting from a prior situation and on the other the time of 'If we try to pass urine, Ubu Naba will the prior situation." In my view, however, certainly behead us.' do should not be described as a perfect. While it clearly describes a present state, 7.1.2 Other interpretations its relation to a past event is incidental. Jonker (MS) is in partial agreement with Intransitive my own view. He describes do as fulfilling do perai Ó ub и nahe perfect and durative functions. While durative STAT flee ABS Ubu Naba approximates one of the functions of do which I have outlined for A-verbs, I 'do not accept 'Ubu Naba has fled' (i.e. Ubu Naba is perfect for reasons outlined above. He does still at large) not discuss the use of do with B-verbs. Lee (MS) adopts a position which has Transitive little agreement with my perception of do. "in a clause" may have do heZotе ri bala dilu I She suggests that do STAT lock(sg.) ERG Bala Dilu ABS a similar function to the Relator do of a Modifier Phrase, and may therefore mean ne kelae ne raiti tele "'(is) the one who' ... thus emphasising the AR door DEMlsg. SCE outside subject." She also claims that "do in some Т cases serves as a copula in a stative clause." 'Bala Dilu has locked the door from the I attribute these remarks to insufficient data.

28 Neither Kern nor Wijngaarden discuss ke Za emu Za 'stative' попа pa pana do. PART GFS house DFS dry LOC warmth Zd' . 7.2 Past-completive (PAST) eta ... pe- sun о 7.2.1 Description 'Having finished removing the thorns, they take (the pandanus leaves) to the The Past-completive is a discontinuous house (and) dry (them) in the heat of the morpheme, 9Zа . pe-, which indicates that sun.' an action had its completion in the past. In my data, only the particle ke and an ERG or AВS NP can intervene between ala and p - 7.2.2 Other interpretations which is prefixed to the verb. However, aе Jonker text example (1904:287) to ala Ze p - Lee (MS) and I share the view that ala ... kaj'i 'after (the rice) has also been pounded'е pe- conveys both past tense and completed ac- suggests that the particle Ze should also be tion. included. I do not accept Jonker's view (1904:287) that ala ale ke g' j'aa pe-peZue . p е- marks perfect aspect, because PAST(sg.) PART ABS I do not believe that ela . pe- "expresses Isg. PAST-deceive a relation between present state and past sit- ri uhu naba uation" (Comrie 1976:53). It simply indicates to maho ma that an action or process was completed in the ERG Ubu Naba NON-PAST enter GTS past. d'ara keraja b'ahi mad': For similar reasons, I reject Kern's inside cage iron DE 2sg. (1892:127) claim that the perfect and pluperfect М are characterised by sla and ala ke. He does 'I was deceived by Ubu Naba to come in- not mention the pe- prefix. In Capell's view (1976:545), "the comple- side this iron cage.' (i.e. the speaker tive particle ala requires the following verb was deceived, but is no longer deceived) to assume the causative form". I accept the completive interpretation, but have yet to be cola á ma bura tohi PAST(pl.) ERG Mr Bura convinced that pe- is a causative form in this Tohi context (see 7.2.1 ). pe-kehab'a b'ada, wie d'o PAST-butcher фABS animal give NEG 7.3 Non-past ta ri ma hab'a maru I n е paа- заа. 7.3.1 Description ERG Ix Hab'a Maru ABS ARТ anything 'Mr Bura Tohi finished butchering the Non-past to occurs with A-verbs and B- animals but Mr Hab'a Maru did not give verbs, and indicates present continuous or (him) anything (for it) .' future tense with the implication that the a - tion or process is incomplete. This interpre-č The Past-completive is clearly related tation assumes that the frequent occurrence of to the verb ela, ale 'finish, complete'. to in narrative indicates that it functions as This verb and the tense-aspect both vary ac- a historic or narrative present. It always cording to the plurality, etc. of the Abso- precedes the verb, and only DFS la (7.4 ) or lutive. In the two examples above, ele . DTS ma (7.5 ) can intervene. p - е agrees with the singular Absolutive pro- B-verb noun j'aa, while Za ... pe- agrees with the plural Absolutive ta kemapu ne ei ne b'ada 'animals'. NON-PAST be dry ABSф The origin and function of pe- is uncer- ARТ sarong DEMlsg. tain. It may have something to do with Uma 'The sarong is drying Jaman po which "appears to (redundantly) indicate completed action" - because it is beginning to dry preceded by am 'already' (Blust 1977:62 - Uma will dry Jaman is an AN language of Borneo). Capell (1976:545) assumes it to be the Sawu causative A-verb marker pe-. He gives no reason for this view, to d'are ke 0 ne and I can find none to support it. As the NON primary function of causative pe- is to derive -PAST sharpen(sg.) PARO' ABS ART a transitive verb from an intransitive verb, the putative causative function of pe- in mela-hule ri moo cola ... pe- is clearly redundant when it oc- machete ERG 3sg. curs with derived transitive verbs (as pe-mou in the example below). 'He f begins to sharpen a machete.' is sharpening ј pZa pe- pe-mou Ó will sharpen PAST(pl.) PAST-CAUS-clean(p1.) ABS

ne dudu ,ahare ta egu 7.3.2 Other interpretations ART thorn D PAST take(pl.) ЕМЭрl. NON- Both Jonker (1919:712-13) and Capell

29 (1975:676; 1976:545) regard ta as å particle In similar fashion, Kern (1892:532) and which identifies the morpheme it immediately Wijngaarden (1896:60,61) translate pre-verbal precedes as a verb. In my view, while ta often Za as 'to', 'in order to'. These descriptions does signal a following verb, it is not a nec- are inadequate because: essary, or an only factor in determining (1) They fail to recognise that Za can only whether a certain part of an utterance is a be used when the ERG or intransitive ABS refer- verb (3.2 ). Moreover, it seems that Jonker ent of the verb moves away from a position and Capell fail to recognise the existence of which it occupies immediately prior to the complementiser ta (8.18.1 ) and case preposi- action, process or state of the verb. tion ta (4.4 ) which clearly do not identify (2) There is no evidence in my data that Za verbs. has a purposive function. Purpose is usually Kегn's view (1892:166) is different again. indicated by a mi or pi purposive clause (8.9 ). He claims that ta can be future, or it can in- Jonker's (1904:286) view approximates my dicate "dat iemand of iets in zekeren toestand own in this regard. He describes Za's function gekomen is" (i.e. that someone or something as direction away from the speaker, and often has come into a certain state of affairs). translates it by "gaan" 'to go'. I agree with the first part, but not with the second (see 7.3.1 ). Lee (MS) and Wijngaarden (1896:101) share 7.5 Direction towards speaker (DTS) ma a view which approximates my own. According to Lee, ta "implies a future action or one that 7.5.1 Description has not been completed or fulfilled". In similar fashion, Wijngaarden translates ta by DTS preposition ma occurs immediately "zullen" 'shall, will', and writes that ta before the verb. It indicates that prior to "geeft te kennen een komen in een toestand" the action, process or state of this verb, the (i.e. tells us that something or someone is ERG referent or the intransitive ABS referent coming into a certain state of affairs). of this verb moves towards the position it In fairness to Capell, he does mention occupies for the action, process or state of the possiblility that ta "may mark a future" this verb. As this referent is either the (1976:545). speaker or the one(s) "from whose spatial viewpoint a story is being told" (Grimes 1975:61), it seems appropriate to refer to this ma as 7.4 Direction from speaker (DFS) la Direction Towards Speaker (DTS).

7.4.1 Description pejuu ri duae Ó j'ii order(pl.) ERG king ABS 1pl.(excl.) DFS preposition la occurs immediately before the verb. It indicates that the ERG ta ma po'e ma kelaga-rai referent or the intransitive ABS referent of NON-PAST DTS defecate GTS verandah this verb moves away from a position which it occupies immediately prior to the action, pro- emu ubи naba cess or state of this verb. As this referent house Ubu Naba is either the speaker or the one(s) "from whose spatial viewpoint a story is being told" 'The king ordered us to come here and (Grimes 1975:61), it seems appropriate to refer defecate on(to) the verandah of Ubu Naba's to this Za as Direction From Speaker (DFS). house." ta kad'i ke noo, j's ф (The textual context makes it clear that the NON-PAST get up PART ABS 3sg. THEN speaker and his accomplices are standing near or sitting on the verandah of Ubu Naba's house.) la hepad'и he-dou he-dou DFS kiss(pl.) one-person one-person 7.5.2 Other interpretations ne hiemu duae ABS ART spouse king Both Kern (1892:535) and Wijngaarden (1896:60,61) ascribe a purposive function to 'He gets up, then goes (away from this pre-verbal ma. I do not accept this view position) and kisses the king's wives because: one by one." (1) Kern fails to recognise that ma can only be used when prior to the action, process or state of the verb, the ERG or intransitive 7.4.2 Other interpretations ABS referent of this verb moves towards the position it occupies for the action, process Lee, Kern and Wijngaarden ascribe a pur- or state of this verb. posive function to pre-verbal Za. Lee (MS) (2) There is no evidence in my data that ma describes "la 'to'" as the "Relator" of a has a purposive function. Purpose is usually "Reason Phrase" as in Za kapa nadu'u below. indicated by a mi or pi purposive clause ta kako Za kapa ó nadu'u (8.9 ). Wijngaarden (1896:70) does also, how- NON-PAST go "to" catch ABS fish ever, attribute a directional function to pre- verbál ma which I can accept. He translates it by "herwaarts" 'hither' which approximates ó поо ERG 3sg. mу 'direction towards speaker'. But Jonker (1904:286) is closest to my 'Не goes to catch fish.' own view. He describes pre-verbal ma as the 30 reverse of Za (i.e. 'direction towards the 'If these children ask for fish, don't speaker' and often translated by "komen" 'to give (it to them) prior to (my return). come'). Wait for my return from the plantation, Lee (MS) does not seem to be aware of then (you can) give (it to them).' pre-verbal ma. mata de wait(pl.) PART 7. hudi 'LITTLE' б 'Wait a moment!' hudi refers to a small measure of temporal or non-temporal quantity. It always follows the verb. Only Particles ko (7.8 ) and we 7.8 ko (7.13 ) are known to intervene. With A-verbs, ko indicates 'time prior Temporal quantity to' (i.e. a period of time before some other ta tui hudi, action, process or state). With B-verbs, it NON-PAST be length of time LITTLE is possible that it means 'the unexpected continuation of a state'. ko always follows ta a ' ke 0 roo the verb, and an NP or the Particle (we)ri а а ko and de NON-PAST eat PART AвS 3р1. can intervene. Apparent synonyms do not occur in the same clause. 'A brief period of time passes, (and) they eat." A-verbs mai ko we ó dii ma come PART PART ABS 1р1.(incl . ) DTS mat a ko we hudi. ta wait(pl.) PART JUST LITTLE NON-PAST mama Ó kenara chew ABS betel d'are Q rue Za ko f SHARPEN(sg.) ABS machete PART ERG 'Let us chew betel first.' j'aa mata ko isg. wait(pl.) PART 'Wait just a minute! I am going to 'Wait first!', 'Wait a moment!' sharpen a machete.' B-verbs

Non-temporal quantity do b вj'i ko диве ina j'aa do meZaka, haku STAT be asleep PART ABS king mother POSSlsg. REL thin RESULT 'The king is still asleep.' nara hudi we j'aa ne get LITTLE PART ERGф lag. ABSф ART 7.9 ,ab'o 'SOON' dii d'e. money DE 2sg. naso indicates an unspecified time in М the near future (i.e. 'soon'). In my data, 'My mother was a thin person, so I only it is always clause final. got a small amount of money.' (The speaker is claiming that he obtained his money made ke ó noi naso by selling his mother.) die PART ABS 3sg. SOON 'He will die soon.' 7.7 de ni ege ф hed'ai raiti de indicates 'time prior to' (i.e. a fetch(pl.) ABS meat SCE DEM4sg. period of time before some other action, process or Mate). It always occurs immediately ke á j aа пab'о after the verb. PART ERG Isg. SOON ta ami á naiki he 0. 'I will fetch some meat from there soon.' NON-PAST ask ERG child DEMlpl. ABS nadu'u, b'ole wie de. mate 7.10 (we)ri 'AGAIN' fish DON'T give PART wait(sg.) (ma)ri indicates a repetition of the ac- deka j'аа ti d'oka, tion, process or state. It usually occurs ABS come POSSlsg. SCE plantation immediately after the verb in either its abbreviated or unabbreviated form. Unabbreviated, .j'e wie. it can also occur immediately after the NP THEN give following the verb.

Э1 Abbreviated ri gapa hewe d napune pahe ri ke d ne be simple QUITE ABS DEMlsg. toss(sg.) AGAIN PART ABS ART 'This is quite simple.' WO-rDue d'e d bola diZu PROD-bengkuak DE М2sg. ERG Bala Dilu i'a hudi we 0 j'aa d Za kej'upa d'e know LITTLE JUST ERG lsg. ABS GFS back DE 2sg. М Zii hawu 'Again Bala Dilu tossed the bengkuak language Sawu (a kind of yam?) just behind him.' 'I know just a little Sawu.' Unabbreviated warf to pe-bui warf ke NON-PAST CAUS-fall(pl.) AGAIN PART 7.12 ke d womadu ri non ke is a particle of high frequency of oc- ABS stone ERG 3sg. currence which can occur in verbal and non- verbal clauses. 'He is dropping stones again.' In verbal clauses, it seems to add little to our understanding of the action, process or After ABS NP state of the verb, but it is known to occur in ta pejuu dou Wani declarative and interrogative clauses, but nev- NON-PAST order(pl.) ABS person AGAIN er in imperative (see we 7.13 ). It also occurs with A-verbs and B-verbs. ke d duae ta Za PART ERG king NON-PAST GFs A-verb declarative ta kad'i ke d uhu naba pedoe d ubu naba NON-PAST get up PART ABS Ubu Naba call(sg.) ABS Ubu Naba 'Ubu Naba gets up.' 'The king again orders people to go and call Ubu Naba.' B-verb declarative do pe-bubu ke d ubu naba After ERG NP STAT REC-be angry PART ABS Ubu Naba keb'ali ke ri bala dilu Ρ Ρari ask(pl.) PART ERG Bala Dilu AGAINгл pa dual AND king "d'ei ta pa'a d пepa ABS like NON-PAST eat ABS WHAT а 'Ubu Naba and the king are angry with each other.' 6 тu и?" ERG 2р1. Interrogative minamii ke ý dii j'e 'Balu Dilu asked (them) again, "What HOW PART ABS 1pl.(incl.) THEN would you like to eat?"' nana pa ubu naba d'e 7.11 (he)we 'JUST, ONLY, QUITE' win GA Ubu Naba DEM2sg. (he)we has a similar function to English 'What can we do to win against this Ubu 'just', 'only' and 'quite' as exemplified Naba?' below. In non-verbal clauses, it occurs immediately after the NP it refers to. In verbal clause, only particle hudi can in- In a verbal clause with Past-completive tervene between ala , pe (he)ruе and the verb. There and particle ke, the latter must appears to be no difference in function be- occur immediately after ala. tween the abbreviated (we) and the unabbreviated form (heve). ale ke ps-ate 6 PAST(ag .) PART PAST-cut off(sg.) ABS Non-verbal clause j'аа ana hekola hewe ne hereapa jara j' ri lsg. child school JUST ART nose horse POSSlsg.аа ERG 'I am just a school child.' dou someone Verbal clause had'i ta pe-hiapa we 'Someone cut off my horse's nose.' IF NON-PAST CAUS-be friends ONLY á non pa j r aa In other verbal clauses, it occurs after the ABS 3sg. COM lsg. verb, but an NP (usually ERG or ABS), an Ex- cessive Adverb, or Particles Boari ('AGAIN') 'Only if he befriends me.' le (abbreviated form of lema 'ALso'). ma (EMPH), 32 and d'o (NEG) can intervene. ne koko ou ABS ART throat POSS2sg. ERG NP ta Zaka ri pad'a ke 'Today, your throat will be cut.' NON-PAST be struck ERG sickness PART 6 hiamu duas Wad's ke ne unu-paZa ou ABS spouse king DEM2sg. PART ART happiness POBS2sq. 'The king's wife becomes sick.' 'This is your happiness.' ABS NP and wart ta pejuu 6 dou wari 7.13 we NON-PAST order(pl.) ABS person AGAIN we apparently replaces ke (7.12 ) in Im- ke dune ta Za pedis perative clauses. Particle ko or an ERG NP PART ERGń king NON-PAST DFS call(sg.) can intervene. ubu naba ago we ri ou 0 ne ABSф Ubu Naba fetch(sg.) PART ERG 2sg. ABS ART 'The king again orders the people to go kuhi d'e and call Ubu Naba.' key DEM2sg. Excessive Adverb (EXCESS) 'You fetch the key!' b'ani petuu-petuu ke dual be angry EXCESS PART ABSф king ko mai ko we ma pe-is pa uhu naba come FIRST PART DТS CAUS-be well Ubu Naba СОМ 'Come here first and heal!' 'The king is really angry with Ubu Naba.' ERG le 'ALSO' kipa wae Ó ou, mai gate to Zii Ze ke 0 ubu IF WANT ABS 2sg. come replace(sg.) NON-PAST say ALSO PART ERG Ubu ri j'аа we naba 0 ta kaki Za hab's ERG Isg. PART Naba ABS NON-PAST go DFS cut off 'If you want, let me replace you.' # ne hewap jara duas ABS ART noseа horse king 7.14 wata EMPI 'Ubu Naba also says to (his servants) to go and cut off the king's horse's nose.' wata is a non-imperative emphatic particle which can precede or follow the verb it empha- ma EMPI sises. It often occurs with, but is not as do keraba ma ke namada common as, emphatic particle ma (7.15 ). When STAT be dark EMPI PART ABS eye they co-occur ma immediately follows wata. ama j 'aa ki wata d'ei ф muu POSS1sg. IF EMPI WANT ABS father 2р1. 'M eyes are dim (i.e. it is difficult to kad'i, kad'i to уsee) !' NON-PAST get up get up d'o NEG 'If your father really wants to get up, ie d'o ke 0 noi (he will) get up.' be well NEG PART ABS 3sg. ie Zemd wata ma ke 0 ne 'He is not well.' good ALSO EMPI EMPI PART ABS ART d'o and ma hepo ri muu ta do era 0 o'o d'o ma ke 6 muu decide ERG 2p1. COMPL STAT be ABS WANT NEG EMPI PART ABS 2 1. р ama jara do nana ta huhu 'You(pl.) do not want to.' child horse REL CAN NON-PP'ST suckle ke can also be immediately postposed to pa rena keb'ao non-verbals, again without any apparent change LOC female buffalo of meaning. 'Your decision that there is a foal which Zod'o Wad's ke, to rore can suckle at a female buffalo is also day DEM2sg. PART NON-PAST cut(sg.) definitely quite O.K.'

33 7.15 ma EMPI pa ni ma, pa d'ara LOC DEM4sg. EMPI LOC interior ma is a non-Imperative emphatic Particle (EMPI). It usually occurs immediately after rae pa ni the verb or noun it modifies. village LOC DEM4sg.

pode ma ri j'aa, tapi 'Your ancestors are definitely there, in saw(sg.) EMPI ERG lsg. BUT a village there.'

pid'в d'o ri j'аa The text makes it plain that the speaker is pick up(sg.) NEG ERG lsg. trying to Øvince the addressee that his deceased ancestors are still alive in a vil- 'I definitely saw (it), but did not pick lage beneath the sea. it up.'

dou do tаo napune duae ma 7.18 d'ape person REL do DEMlsg. king EMPI d'ape means 'naturally, of course'. It Ti ha is possible to have one or two d' p е's per self clause. One d'op е will always occur immediately after the verb, and if there is a 'The person who did this was the king second it will occur immediately after the himself.' NP which immediately follows the first d'apе.

kako d'aije of поо Za emu duae 7.16 Ze(ma) 'ALSO' go PART ABS 3sg. GFS house king Ze(ma) (ALSO) always follows the verb. 'Naturally, he went to the king's house.' An ABS NP can intervene. ?iii ne kapa d'ape ri ф duae raiti mehara pet uhu naba catch(pl.) PART ERG 3sg. ABS ART king SCE lesara AND Ubu Naba manu he kaki lema chicken DEM1p1. go ALSO 'Of course, he caught the chickens.' 'The king from lesara and Ubu Naba went d'ape also.' d а b'o d'ape d'ei emu duae go PART RIE house king PART ki mejad'i ou pa kedera IF sit ABSО 2sg. LOC chair ,IiO ABS 3sg. d'e, is lema DEM2sg. be good ALSO 'Of course, he went past the king's house.' 'If you sit on this chair, that's good too.' 7.19 d ' те-d 'ае ta nara Ó j'oga do NON-PAST get A S work REL d'ap -d'ape seems to mean 'quickly', or В 'immediately'.е It occurs immediately after wala lema Ó j'ii the verb, and is hyphenated because it ap- dope. be other ALSO ERG 1pl.(exсl.) pears to be a reduplication of d'epe-d'ape Ó ou 'We (excl.) will get other work also.' j' е b'а le TIEN return immediately ABS 2sg.

bolo le ke ri j'aa ma ати d'e forgot(sg.) ALSO PART ERG lsg. DTS house DEM2вg. 'I forgot (it) also.' 'Then you return immediately to this house

7.17 ad'i 'CERTAIN' 7.20 mariai 'QUICKLY'

ad'o (CERTAIN) means 'certainly' or mariai means 'quickly' when it follows 'definitely', and must be distinguished from a verb other than laha 'be fast' (see б ). ke (7.12 ) can the NEG Particle аd'o. In my data, only Particle intervene. ina ou he ame ou kelae bike mariai Ó n е mother 2sg. DEMlpl. father 2sg. open(sg.) QUICKLY ABS ART door he ad'o do hei d'e DEMlpl. CERTAIN STAT be there(pl.) DEM2sg.

34 'Quickly open this door.' ta kaki Za emu noo NON-PAST go GFS house POSS3sg.

ta bale ke mariai mara ф j 'ii NON-PAST return PART QUICKLY ABSф PERHAPS ABS 1pl.(excl.) 'We are going to his house, perhaps.' поо Za tahi dahi 3sg. GFS edge sea 'He is returning quickly to the sea- hei ke Za mii-mii shore.' be there(pl.) PART GFS WHERE-RED mara 7.21 Zaha 'FAST' PERHAPS Zaha means 'fast', and occurs immediately 'Wherever could they have gone to?' after the verb it modifies. perai Zaha 7.24 b'agi 'PERHAPS' run FAST b'agi (PERHAPS) appears twice in my data. 'Run fast!' On both occasions, it is clause initial (i.e. it immediately precedes NON-PAST to which immediately precedes the verb). 7.22 Zoro-Zoro, roro-roro b'agi to mena'o ri do Zero-Zero (and its lesara equivalent PERHAPS NON-PAST steal ERG REL roro-roro) appears to be the reduplicated form of toro (lesara roro) 'often'. Accordingly, weka hed'e it means 'very often' or 'always'. It follows be old DEl2p1. the verb and an ABS NP can intervene. 'Perhaps, (they) are being stolen by the do pote Zoro-Zoro Ó поо old people?.' STAT lie OFTEN-RED ABS 3sg. bole wabe-wabe. b'agi . ta 'He is always lying.' DON'T hit(sg.)-RED PERHAPS NON-PAST

ta ago Of kepoo era W d'ue wari heve ke NON-PAST carry(sg.) ABS gun be ABS two time JUST PART ф 'Don't repeatedly hit him. Perhaps just Zero-Zero . поо OFTEN-RED ERG 3sg. twice.' 'He always carries a gun.' 7.25 lohe 'TOO, QUITE' dou do timo do mawo Zohe (TOO, QUITE) is like particles to person REL be Timorese STAT drunk and do in that it precedes a verb, and can take postposed negative Particle d'o. It differs Zoro in that d'o appears to be obligatory. The OFTEN meaning of Zohe d'o is 'not too, not quite' as illustrated below. 'Timorese people are often drunk.' Zohe d'o telei Ó ne ei TOO NEG be clear ABS ART water 7.23 mara 'PERHAPS' Zoko ne mara (PERHAPS) follows the verb, and an river DEllsg. NP and Particle ke can intervene. nane do baj'i 'This river water is not too clear.' be near you(sg.) STAT be asleep lohe d'o tada mara Ó поо ф поо PERHAPS ABS 3sg. QUITE NEG understand ABS 3sg. 'He (near you) is perhaps asleep.' 'He does not quite understand.'

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35 Chapter Eight

SYNTAX

8.1 Verbal clauses is true of 'SINCE' and temporal nouns (e.g. mid'a 'yesterday', lod'o 'today'). 8.1.1 Case frames The transitivity of a verb can be determined from its Case frame. A verb whose Case 8.1.1.0 Introduction frame has: (1)obligatory ERG is obligatory transitive, Sawu clauses can be classified according (2)optional ERG is optional transitive, to the case frames of their verbs. (3)no ERG is obligatory intransitive. As we saw in 4.4 , Sawu has an unusually Within the limitations of present knowledge, large number of NP prepositions. Each preposi- Sawu is reckoned to have at least eleven oblig- tion indicates the semantiс role or the range of se- atory transitive Case frames, three optional mantic roles of its NP referent, and is there- transitives,and seven obligatory intransitives fore referred to as a Case preposition. The as follows: NP of which it is a constituent is said to be in a certain Case (i.e. that case represented by the preposition). A Case frame encodes 8.1.1.1 Transitive case frames the Cases of NPs which occur obligatorily (ignoring anaphoric deletion and the like) or (1) [ERG ABS] optionally with a particular verb. Case frames are represented by square A clause with a verb of this Case frame brackets, [ ]. The order of Cases has no must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP. We can relation to clause word order, and parentheses recognise two groups: ( ) indicate optional elements. Curly brackets { } indicate that only one of the Cases (a)perception verbs in question will occur in any one clause. With perception verbs, the ERG referent LOC referents which specify the location perceives the ABS referent. e.g. toi 'know', of the action, process or state of a verb can padi 'see, spot', d'ano 'hear', heZeo 'see, occur in any clause, and are, therefore, not look'. characteristic of any of them. LOC is, do toi ri uhu naba of ne however, characteristic of three classes of STAT know ERG Ubu Naba ABS ART verbs, and is represented only in those Case frames. In the first, [ERG ABS (INST) (LOCH, dou ne optional LOC distinguishes verbs like weba person DEMlsg. 'hit', Zoro 'cut off from [ERG ABS (INST)] verbs like boka 'open', helote 'lock'. In 'Ubu Naba knows this person.' the second, [ERG ABS (LOC)], optional LIC distinguishes verbs like pedana 'bury'; b'ado (b)non-perception verbs 'enclose' from [ERG ABS] verbs like toi With non-perception verbs, ERG referents 'know', huba 'forgive'. In the third, [ABS 'sniff, forgive, call,' etc. the ABS referent. LOC distinguishes laka 'strike' from e.g. hepad'и 'sniff' (as a greeting), huba [ABS] verbs like mejad'i 'sit' and titu 'forgive', pedoa 'call, invite'. 'stand'. In all three Case frames, LOC spec- huba ke noo ri ama ifies a location with particular relevance to forgive PART ABS 3sg. ERG father the ABS referent. In the first, it specifies the location on the ABS referent where the 'Father forgave him.' INST referent makes contact. In the second, it specifies the location in which the ABS (2) [ERG ABS (ABS)] referent is secured by the ERG referent. In A clause with a verb of this Case frame the third, it specifies the LOC referent with must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP and may which the ABS referent (of intransitive laka have an additional ABS NP. The only verb 'strike') makes contact. known to have this Case frame is aj'a 'read, RGE has been tentatively included in the study, learn, teach'. The ERG referent is (intransitive) Case frame for motion verbs the one who reads, studies, learns, teaches. because it is known to occur with verbs like When there are two ABS NPs, one referent is koko 'go', dab'o 'go past', mahu 'exit, go the one taught, and the other is that which outside'. It has not, however, been included is taught. A clause with two ABS NPs must be in any transitive Case frame although it does translated by English 'teach', but a clause occur with transitive verbs, hib'i 'bite', with one ABS NP is potentially ambiguous. hane 'leave', and moko 'prepare'. More data ta aj'e ri j'aa ne of this kind might justify another case frame, NON-PAST read(sg.) ERG lsg. ABS ART [ERG ABS (RGE)], or more likely the modifica- 1 )]. tion of ERG ABS (LOC) to [ERG ABS ( { ј huri ne BEN has not been included in any Case letter DEMlsg. frame because I have yet to be convinced that it is characteristic of any verb. The same 'I am reading this letter.' 36 ta aj'e ri j'aa 0 must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP. It may al- NON-PAST teach(sg.) ERG lsg. ABS so have one of an INST NP or a GOAL NP. The only verb known to have this Case frame is ne Zii hawu 0 noi ihi 'fill, pour'. The ERG referent is always ART language Sawu ABS 3sg. the one who fills or pours but the ABS referent can be either: 'I am teaching him Sawunese.' (a)the container which is filled by the INST referent, (b)that which is poured into the GOAL refer- ta j' ri j'aa NON-PAST а е ф ent. {study(sg.)) ihe ri dei 0 ne beka teach(sg.) fill(sg.) INST dung ABS ART basket ne Zii hamu kenana d'e ri ubu naba ART language Sawu betel DEM2sg. ERG Ubu Naba 'I am studying Sawunese." or 'I am 'Ubu Naba filled the betel basket with teaching Sawunese.' dung.' (3) [ERG ABS (INST)] ihe ó ne dei ne la A clause with a verb of this Case frame pour(sg.) ABS ART dung DEMlsg. GFS must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP and may have an INST NP. We can recognise two groups: d'ara beka kenana d'e ri interior BASKET BETEL DEM2sg. ERG (a)Clauses in which ERG referents use an INST referent to do something to an ABS referent. ubи naba e.g. boka 'open', d'ari 'sharpen', d'ede Ubu Naba 'lift', helote 'lock', pe-ie 'heal'. 'Ubu Naba poured the dung into the betel ta pe-ie ri j'aa 0 NON-PAST CAUS-good ERG lsg. ABS basket.' (6) [ERG ABS (SCE) ({ dune ri ru-aj'u GTS))] king INST leaf-wood A clause with a verb of this Case frame 'I will heal the king with leaves.' must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP. It may also have. a SCE NP and/or a non-animate GOAL NP (b)Clauses in which ERG referents provide (i.e. one of GFS and GTS). The ERG referent ABS referents with edible, drinkable or mone- does something to the ABS referent which causes tary INST referents. e.g.pe-pa'a 'feed it to change location. We can recognise two (non-birds)', pe-tutu 'feed (birds)', p -pi groups: 'provide water', kehiwa 'hire'. е пи (a)Clauses in which the ABS referent moves away from the ERG referent and the SCE refer- to pe-tutu v ent towards a non-animate GOAL referent. e.g. NON-PAST CAUS-eat(of birds) ABS ped'uli 'lower', pebui 'drop', gole 'release', hora 'throw'. manu ri j'aa ri ani ta ped'ule ke ri not chicken ERG lsg. INST chicken feed NON-PAST lower(sg.) PART ERG 3sg. 'I will feed the chicken with chicken feed.' 0 nе kerogo b'ahi ne raiti ABS ART cage iron DEMlsg. SCE (4) [ERG ABS (INST) (LOC)] koma ne la d'ara ei dahi A clause with a verb of this Case frame boat DEMlsg. GFS interior liquid sea must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP. It may 'Be will lower the iron cage from the also have an INST NP and/or a LIC NP. The boat into the sea.' ERG referent wields the INST referent. The LOC referent specifies the location on the referent makes (b)Clauses in which the ABS referent moves ABS referent where the INST with the ERG referent away from the SCE refer- contact. e.g. tab'и 'stab', waba 'hit', toro 'cut'. ent towards a non-animate GOAL referent. e.g. mersi 'carry (by two or more people)', d'ui ta mab е 0 noi ri j'аа 'carry (with stick across shoulders)', sgu NON-PAST hit(sg.) ABS 3sg. ERG lsg. 'fetch, take, bring, carry'. ta ago neo ri pa katu ne ri aj'u ne ф LOC head DEMlsg. INST stick DEMlsg. NON-PAST bring(sg.) ABS 3sg. ERG 'I will hit him on the head with this dii raiti amu neo ma stick.' 1pl.(incl.) SCE house POSS3sg. GTS ( d'e (5) [ERG ABS ( GOAL))] DEM2sg. A clause with a verb of this Case frame 'We will bring him from his house to here.' 37 (7) [ERG ABS (GA)] 'H will exchange the buffalo for money.' A clause with a verb of this Case frame е must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP, and may (11) [ERG ABS (f RESULT))] also have a GA NP. As all verbs with this Case frame are 'speech' verbs, the ABS refer- A clause with a verb of this Case frame ent is usually an utterance of the ERG refer- must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP. It may ent directed at a GA referent (the addressee), also have one of a RESULT NP or a SCE NP. e.g. ane 'say', Zii 'say', keb'ali 'ask'. The ERG referent makes the ABS referent into a RESULT referent or out of a SCE referent. keb'ali ri duae pa dou he e.g. tao 'make', mane 'weave', eRu 'plait', ask(pl.) ERG king GA person DEMlpl. mahu 'make (clay pot)'.

6 "pa mii ne hiamu j'aa?" ta tao w ne lua mapu ABS LOC WHERE ART spouse POSS1sg. NON-PASY make ABS ART thread cotton 'The king asks the people, "Wh d'e ri еrе is my not ta hij'i wife?"' DEM2sg. ERG 3sg. RESULT male-cloth

(8) [ERG ABS {АВS} ] 'She will make this cotton into a male- cloth.' A clause with a verb of this Case frame must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP and one of a GA NP'or an additional ABS У . The verb to tao v hij'i ri wie 'give' is the only verb known to have NON-PAST make ABS male-cloth ERG this Case frame. The ERG referent gives the ABS referent to the referent of a GA or ABS noo raiti ne lua mapu d'e NP. 3sg. SCE ART thread cotton DEM2sg. wie j'aa d ne doi ri give ABS lsg. ABS ART money ERG 'She will make a male-cloth out of this cotton.' roo 3р1. 8.1.1.2 Optional transitive case frames 'They gave me money.' OR 'They gave money to me.' An optional transitive Case frame in Sawu is one which has on optional ERG. A clause is transitive if it includes an ERG NP, and in- to wie ó pa'a pa muu transitive if it does not. NON-PAST give ABS food GA 2 1. р (1) [ABS (ERG) ] ri поо A clause with a verb of this Case frame ERG 3sg. must have an ABS NP, and may also have an ERG NP. e.g. mari 'mock, laugh', pa'а 'eat', pi u 'He will give you food.' OR 'He will 'drink', hou 'make emerge, emerge'. п give food to you.' ta mari 6 поо (9) [ERG ABS (LOC)] NON-PAST laugh ABS 3sg. A clause with a verb of this Case frame must have an ERG NP and an ABS NP. It may 'He is laughing.' also have a LOC NP which will specify the location of the ABS referent secured by the ERG referent. e.g. pedane 'bury', b'adu ta mari ó ne ana he 'enclose', kiju 'insert'. NON-PAST mock ABS ART child DEMlpl.

b'ado duae pa d'ara ri noi enclose(sg.) ABSф king LOC interior ERG 3sg. keroao b'ehi ri roo 'He is mocking the children.' cage iron ERG 3р1. (2) [ABS {GAG}] 'They put the king in an iron cage.' A clause with a verb of this Case frame (10) [ERG ABS (МEAS)] must have an ABS NP and one of either an ERG A clause with a verb of this Case frame NP or a GA NP. The only verb known to have must have an ERG and an ABS NP and may also this Case frame is j'aZa 'net-fish' (i.e. fish with a net). have a МEAS NP. The ERG referent exchanges the ABS referent for the МEAS referent. e.g. ta j'aZa 6 nadu'u ‚ j'aa pewie 'exchange', pehuru 'change, exchange'. NON-PAST net ABS fish ERG lsg. ta pewie ke ri поо ‚ NON-PAST exchange PART ERG 3sg. ABS 'I am netting fish.'

ne keb'ao ne para doi ta j'aZa pa manu he ART buffalo DEMlsg. МEAS money NON-PAST fish GA chicken DEMlpl. 38 ć j'aa ever, I have yet to find an example in my data ABS lsg. where RGE co-occurs with either a SCE or inanimate GOAL NP. If further checking fails to 'I am fishing for chickens.' reveal such a co-occurrence, it will be necessary to revise the above Case frame formula (3) accordingly. [ABS {LOC}] A clause with a verb of this Case frame (3)[ABS (GA)] must have an ABS NP and one of either an ERG A clause with a verb of this Case frame NP or a LOC NP. The only verb known to have must have an ABS NP, and may also have a GA NP. this Case frame is /aka 'strike'. The only verb known to have this Case frame is nara 'win' (Which should be distinguished from Jaka ama ri wor епо-w оапа strike ABS father ERG bullet the verb nara 'get, obtain', and the auxiliary nara 'con, be able'). 'Father was struck down by a bullet.' nara 6 ubu naba pa duae win ABS Ubu Naba GA king (Note that w оr епа-'oоaпa is ERG because it can be relativised. An INST NP cannot.) 'Uba Naba won against the king.' laks pa aru dao Ó ne (4) [ABS (SCE)] strike LOC pot indigo ABS ART A clause with a verb of this Case frame must have an ABS NP, and may also have a SCE )оmad ne NP. e.g. ila 'disappear', merei 'wake up'. rock и DEMlsg. ta eie 6 not ti 'The rock landed on an indigo pot.' NON-PAST disappear(sg.)ABS 3sg. SCE rai-wawa d'e 8.1.1.3 Intransitive case frames land-beneath DEМ2sg. (1)[ABS] 'He will disappear from this earth.' A clause with a verb of this Case frame keb'ab'u must have an ABS NP. e.g. 'be fat, r еi dae-d'o ti baj'i 6 duae become fat', kad'i 'get up', mehaka 'burst'. getте up YET-NOT SCE sleep ABS king do keb'ab'u 6 поо STAT be fat ABS 3sg. 'The king was still asleep.' 'He is fat.' (5)[ABS (COM)] A clause with a verb of this Case frame must have an ABS NP and may also have a COM ta kad'i 6 поо NP. e.g. b'ani 'be angry', bubu 'be angry', NON-PAST get up ABS 3sg. pee 'stay, live'. 'She is getting up.' bubu ke 6 duae pa ubu naba be angry PART ABS king COI Ubu Naba mehaka 6 ne wihu ne 'The king is angry with Ubu Naba.' burst ABS ARТ boil DEMlsg. 'The boil burst.' ta pee pa j'aa Q roo NON-PAST stay COM lsg. ABS 3р1. (2) [ABS (SCE) (RGE) ({GTS]) (VEH)] 'They will stay with me.' A clause with a verb of this Case frame must have an ABS NP. It may also have a SCE (6)[ABS cou] NP, a RGE NP, a VEI NP, and one of a GFS or A clause with a verb of this Case frame GTS NP. Verbs of this class are motion verbs must have an ABS NP and a COM NP. e.g. tutu 'help', pad'u 'hate'. in which the ABS referent moves from а SCE referent to an inanimate GOAL referent (GFS ta tuZu pa j'aa 6 поо or GTS) traversing a RGE referent by means of NON-PAST help COM lsg. ABS 3sg. a VEI referent. e.g. daka 'come, arrive', Zodo 'go', maho 'enter', perai 'run, flee', 'He will help me.' kaki 'go'. ta kako ó поо raiti heb'a do pad' pa ‚ roo NON-PAST go ABS 3sg. SCE Seba и поо STAT hate COM 3sg. ABS 3р1. Za dimu j'ara jara 'They hate him.' GFS Dimu VEI horse (7)[ABS (INST)] 'He will go from Beba to Dimu by horse.' A clause with a verb of this Case frame must have an ABS NP, and may also have an INST That RGE belongs in the Case frame of motion NP. The only verb known to have this case verbs is evidenced by examples in 4.4. low- frame is tobo 'full'.

39 tobo ke 0 amu ri some cotton thread.' be full PART ABS house INST

donahu ago. kape d noo lontar syrup come on catch(sg.) ABS 3sg. 'The house is full of lontar syrup.' 'Come on. Catch him.'

do tobo ri ei ne STAT be full INST water ABS ART hee. ta kei-kei d j'aa, Hey NON-PAST dig(pl.)-RED ERG Isg. kab'a-huru d'e coconut-spoon DEM2sg. j'е pahe ma kepeoe d'e, THEN toss(sg.) DTS rear DEM2sg. 'The coconut spoon is full of water.' pe't d'o Ó ne WoWue d'e (8) [ABS (ABOUT)] be NEG ABS ART bengkuak DEM2sg. A clause with a verb of this Case frame must have an ABS NP, and may also have an 'Hey (what's going on?). I dig and dig, ABOUT NP. e.g. ped'iri 'talk', pedai 'talk'. then toss this bengkuak (a kind of yam?) to the rear, (but now) there is no pedai d noi j'ara lai nani bengkuak.' talk ABS 3sg. ABOUT matter DEM4sg. 'He talked about that matter.' ee. mai ma d'e Hey come DTS DEM2sg. 8.1.2 Word order 'Hey. Come over here.' 8.1.2.1 NPs 8.2.2 Juxtaposed NPs NPs usually follow the verb, but one of ERG and ABS NPs can precede. Word order In Sawu, other non-verbal clauses consist of NPs after the verb is relatively free, of two juxtaposed NPs. although it is statistically mo ге common for dou nani ubu naba an ERG or ABS NP to be the leftmost NP (see person DEM4sg. Ubu 8.20 ). Naba 'That person is Ubu Naba.' 8.1.2.2 Clause modifiers (dMs)

Temporal nouns and NEG d'o can precede nad'e amu j'aa or follow the verb. Particles do (STAY), DEM2sg. house POSSlsg. aZa ... pe- (PAST), to (NON-PAST), ad'o (CERTAIN), b'agi (PERHAPS), lohe (TOO, QUITE), b'ole (DON'T), always precede the verb. 'This is my house.' Excessive adverbs and all other particles follow the verb. j'aa he-dou na/alu-naleto Isg. one-COUNT orphan 8.2 Non-verbal clauses 'I am an orphan.' We can recognise two kinds of non-verbal clauses in Sawu: ma bura tohi dou do kehia Tohi person REL be poor 8.2.1 Interjections Mr Bura 'Mr Bura Tohi is a poor person.' Interjections are words which are often single-word utterances. They are here ana- Negation of non-verbals is exemplified in lysed as single-word clauses, and include: 8.14.2.1. 0o 'Yes.', woo 'Yes.', ad'o 'No', ayo 'Come on.' (probably Indonesian ayo 'Come on.'), hee 'Hey (expressing surprise).', ee 'Hey 8.3 Interrogative clauses (attention grabbing).' 8.3.0 Introduction Q. ta b'aZe Za anu, ina? NON-PAST return GFS house mother Interrogative clauses are characterised by rising intonation. It is on the ultimate A. eo. ta Za nono stressed syllable of a clause-final word in Yes NON-PAST DFS dry(pl.) ABS yes-no questions, and on the ultimate stressed syllable of a question-word in others. lua wapи we thread cotton JUST 8.3.1 Yes-no questions Q. 'Are you returning home, Mother?' A. 'Yes. (I) am just going (home) to dry Yes-no questions request a •'yes' answer 40 or a 'no' answer. era ke mi daa he be PART LIKE WHAT' DEllpl. ABS keloe ke muu ф be tired PART ABS 2р1. ade muu liver POSS2p1. 'Are you tired?' 'Your livers are like what?' 8.3.2 Question-word questions 8.3.2.3 tapaa (Seba and lesara), tapaa 8.3.2.1 naduu 'Wil' (lesara) 'WHY' A naduu interrogative requests the iden- A tapaa or tapaa interrogative requests tity of a human referent. naduu can be an NP a reason for a specified action, process or of a non-verbal clause, or the head of an ERG, state. In intransitive clauses, tapaa is al- ABS or GA NP. ways clause-initial, while in transitive clauses it is usually clause-initial but can naduu muu also occur immediately after the verb. A WHO 2р1. clause-final particle ri REASON is optional (cf. ri of REASON clauses, 8.11 ). 'Who are you?' Intransitive muu tapaa Q noo ta i'a падки WHY ABS 3sg. NON-PAST be clever 2р1. WHO 'Who are you?' 'Why is he clever?' Transitive kape „ поо ri naduu tapaa Ó noi ta webe catch(sg.) ABS 3sg. ERG WHO WHY ERG 3sg. NON-PAST hit(sg.) ABSф

'Who caught him?' dou nani person DEl4sg. kape naduu ri catch(sg.) ABS WHO ERG 3sg.поо 'Why is he hitting that person?'

'Who did he catch?' ta wabe tapaa ri noi NON-PAST hit(sg.) WHY ERG 3sg. ABSф wie nad'e pa naduu ń ne dou nani give ABS DEМ2sg. GA WHO ARТ person DEl4sg. 'Give this to whom?' 'why is he hitting that person?' The possible historical origin of naduu may be found in the Raijua equivalent: nadou 'Who?'. This form suggests that Raijua nadou 8.3.2.4 taZaki 'WHY' and Sawu island naduu are present day equivalents of an earlier *paa dou 'What person?, A talaki interrogative requests a reason Who?'. for a specified action, process or state. In my data, talaki is always clause initial, and the clause always includes particle ri which 8.3.2.2 (Seba), (lesara) 'WHAT' indicates REASON (cf. ri of Reason clauses, раа раа 8.11 ). A paa or Raa interrogative requests the identity of a non-human referent. talaki ne - tai ou ri WHY ART purpose POSS2sg. REASON пе tjaa nad'e ART WHAT DEl2sg. ta ihe. ri dei of NON-PAST fill(sg.) INST dung ABS 'What is this?' ne beka kenana d'e ri ART basket betel DEl2sg. REASON d'ei ta pa'a ‚ ne paa LIKE NON-PAST eat ABS ARТ WHAT 'What was your purpose in filling the betel basket with dung?' fi muu ERG 2 1. р talaki ф noi ta wabe 'What would you like to eat?' WHY ERG 3sg. NON-PAST hit(sg.) dou nani ri ta w аb в поо ri daa ф NON-PAST hit(sg.) ABS 3sg. INST WHAT ABS person DEl4sg. REASON 'Hitting him with what?' 'Why is he hitting that person?'

41 8.3.2.5 pari 'WHEN, HOW MANY' about the measure (i.e. distance, height, length, etc.) or price of a referent. A pari interrogative requests specifica- tion of time or number. Measure (1) WHEN hepaa ke ne j'ои ti pari (WHEN) is always clause initial. HOW MUCH PART AR distance SCE It is often immediately followed by particle Т ke which immediately precedes an NP. The d 'е verb is always preceded by ne which has an DEM2sg. unknown function. peri ke 6 dii ne kaka 'What is the distance from here?' (OR WHEN PART ABS 1pl.(incl.) ? go 'How far (is it) from here?')

'When are we going?' hepaa ke ne tui pad'a HOW MUCH PART ARТ length illness pari 6 orati Zeo ne daka WHEN ABS Wati Leo ? come 'What is the length of the illness?' (OR 'How long was the illness?') 'When is Wati Leo coming?' Price (2) 'HOW MANY' hepaa keb'ue парЫпе HOW MUCH price DEMlsg. pari (HOW MANY), as a constituent of an NP, requests the number of its head noun ref- 'What price is this?' (OR 'How much does erent. While it is not restricted to sen- this cost?') tence-initial position, it must always precede its head noun. 8.3.2.7 pi'a 'BE WHERE' pari brae tou ke HOW MANY COUNT(pl.) year PART pi'а interrogative clauses request information as to the location of a specified ref- pem иri ou erent. pira is an Agreement verb with singu- age POSS2sg. lar form, pe'e. It is always clause initial and often followed by particle ke. 'How old are you?' (i.e. How many years your age?) pi'а á ne potoZoo he BE WHERE(pl.) ABS ARТ pencil DEMlpl. pewie 6 pari pi'и keb'ao 'Where are the pencils?' sell ABS HOW MANY COUNТ buffalo ri ou ре'e ke b ,alehu ERG 2sg. BE WHERE(sg.) PART ABS handkerchief

'How many buffalo did you sell?' j аа POSslsg. With human referents, do pari is extremely common, if not obligatory. It seems likely 'Where is my handkerchief?' that this do is related to dou 'human being, person' and that do peri derives from an 8.3.2.8 mii 'WHERE' earlier doи parti. I will refer to it as Lig- ature (LIG) as in 4.7.2. Interrogative mii is the head of a NP do pari dou wobaпi pa which requests information as to the location, LIG HOW MANY COUNT woman LOC locative source, or inanimate goal of a referent. d'ara emu interior house Location do pee pa mii 6 ou 'How many women are inside the house?' STAT live DOC WHERE ABS 2sg. 'Where do you live?' Historically pari is clearly derivable from PAN *pira (Capell in Wurm and Wilson 1975). There is sufficient evidence in the wabe 0 noa pa mii Sawa data to suggest that final *-a became hit(sg.) ABS Эsg. LOC WHERE *-a, and that the development of a rule pre- venting final *-а precipitated metathesis of 'Where did you hit him?' (i.e. "Where the two vowels. See Walker (forthcoming a). did your hitting of him take place?' OR 'What part of his body did you hit?') *pira -->*pira *-a -->*-e *pira --> pari metathesis Locative source daka raiti mii 6 ou 8.3.2.6 hepaa 'HOW MUCH' come SCE WHERE ABS 2sg. hapaa interrogatives request information 'Where have you come from?'

42 Inanimate goal kaki we # ou to kaki Za mii # ou go PART ABS 2sg. NON-PAST go GFS WHERE ABS 2sg. 'You go.' 'Where are you going?' Transitive ago • we ri ou ne 8.3.2.9 ф пamii 'WHICH' take(sg.) PART ERG 2sg. ABS ARТ Interrogative namii requests the identi- boto nad'e fication of a particular referent from among bottle DEM2sg. a number of possible referents. It can be an adjunct to a head noun or stand alone. 'You Łake this bottle.' wobani пamii nakue noo woman WHICH aunt POSS3sg. kape ф nil 'Which woman is her aunt?' grab(sg.) ABS 3sg. 'Grab him.' пamii ne buku ou WHICH ART book POSS2sg. The negative imperative particle, b'ole 'DON'T', is always clause initial. 'Which is your book?' b'ole І,iki ta nuhu Ó emu DON'T TRY NON-PAST enter ABS house mena'° ri поо # keb'ao пamii steal ERG 3sg. ABS buffalo WHICH nil POSS3sg. 'He stole which buffalo?' (OR 'Which buffalo did he steal?') 'Don't try to enter his house.'

8.3.2.10 minamii 'HOW' 8.5 Reflexive clauses A minamii interrogative requests infor- We can recognise two kinds of reflexives mation as to how (i.e. by what means) an in Sawu: action or process takes place minamii # ama ou, w отопе, HOW ERG father POSS2sg. man 8.5.1 Non-emphatic reflexives jad'i to metana Non-emphatic reflexive clauses are tran- become NON-PAST give birth to ABSф sitive with sni 'self' as ABS NP having the same referent as the ERG NP. sii usually ana occurs immediately after the verb, and Agree- child ment verbs are always plural. ani ke ta pe-umu ф 'How did your father, a man, come to NON-PAST CAUS-be near ABS self PART give birth to a child?' ne ana hekola napune ERGф AR child school DEMlsg. ta j'aga minamii ke Т NON-PAST do HOW PART ERGф 'The school child moves himself closer.' dii ý ane ou bole petaZa we ou 1pl.(incl.) ABS word POSS2sg. ф DON'T separate PART ERG 2sg. ABSф 'How will we do your words?' (i.e. How will we carry out your suggestions?) ani ti • j'aa self SCE lsg.

8.4 Imperative clauses 'Don't you separate yourself from me.'

An imperative clause is characterised by: ta waba 'ani of ne (1)absence of tense-aspect markers, NON-PAST hit(pl.) фABS self ERG AR (2)particle we which is found only in imper- Т ative clauses (see 8.13 ), ana mone tetora ne (3)non-obligatory addressee pronoun, child male middle DEMlsg. (4)clause-final lowering of intonation. 'The second oldest boy is hitting himself.' Intransitive b'aZe d'ape-d'ape ou ф return IMMEDIATELY ABS 2sg. 8.5.2 Emphatic reflexives 'You return immediately.' Emphatic reflexive clauses are character- 43 ised by particles ma miha which arb ordered gina Ó ei do immediately after the emphasised NP. drink ABS water REL

dou do tao sf napune duae gine ne person REL do ABS DEMlsg. king be mentioned earlier DEMlsg. ma miha 'The river to which he went and drank EMPI SELF water, which was mentioned earlier.' 'The person who did this was the king Without REL do himself.' b'ahu ke gaka melaka be sated PART dog be thin Zaka pa aru kebo noo ma 'The thin dog is sated.' strike LOC pot red-dye 3sg. EMPI miha era ri ke pa he-toue tabi SELF be ALSO PART LOC, one-COUNT bank '(It) landed on his own red-dye pot.' loko "I nadu'u megadi river ABS fish catch with hook ERG

8.6 Relative clause constructions dou someone

8.6.1 The construction 'There was also on the river bank some fish which someone had caught (with a Relative clause constructions consist of: hook).' (1)usually a head noun, (2)usually a relative clause marker do, Without head noun (3)a postposed relative clause with deleted ta nono do ERG, ABS or GOAL NP (whichever is corefer- NON-PAST dry in sun(pl.) ABS REL ential with the head NP) i.e. (N) (do) relative clause ala pe-b'aka ke In the examples below the relative clause РASТ(pl.) PAST-cut open(pl.) PART constructions are underlined. 'The ones (i.e. fish) which were cut open Deleted ERG are drying in the sun.' ne dou do hape j'аa AR person REL carry ABS Isg. Т 8.6.2 Relative clause marker (REL) do hed' е DEM2p1. 8.6.2.1 Description 'These people who carry me.' As we saw above, Sawu relative clauses are usually introduced by a Relative Clause Deleted ABS (transitive) Marker do. This marker is not obviously kee # ro'a пa'i pa Austronesian, but it may reflect a pattern of dig(sg.) ABS hole tobacco LOC development common to other Indonesian languages. d'ara d'oka do Manggarai, a language of West Flores, interior plantation REL has a form ata which functions both as a nominal (meaning 'person, human being') and pe-moo do as a relative clause marker. e.g. CAUS-clear(sg.) REL ite ata give ne lрl.(incl.) person be mentioned earlier DEMlsg. 'we people' ¡Verheijen 1967:19) 'Dig a tobacco hole in the plantation which (you) cleared, which was mentioned mbaru ata radak ho'o earlier.' house REL low this Deleted ABS (intransitive) 'this low house' (Verheijen MS:3) dou do kaki d'ei ruj'ara person REL walk RGE path According to Kähler (1974:270), Manggarai ata 'human being, man' was used as a Relative 'the person who is walking along the Clause Marker in sentences where "human beings path' were the point in question, and only later it referred to things too." le also notes paral- Deleted GOAL lel cases of such a shift in function in ne Zoko do kaki of noi la Javanese (uо g 'human being, man') and Omong ARТ river REL go ABS 3sg. DFS Jakarta (orag 'man').

44 The word for 'human being, person, man' sary condition for the performance of the in Sawu and Ndao is dou, and the Relative action of the main clause. It can occur be- Clause Markers in each are, respectively, do fore or after the main clause. and du. This data is, in itself, suggestive ri j'aa 6 ped'a that a language common to Sawu and Ndao once "ie nane", heal ERG lsg. ABS sickness DEMlsg. had a form dou with the dual function attributed to Manggarai ata. Corroborating evi- mi he ane, "had'i ta -ou dence for the historical development of LIKE DEMlpl. say IF NON-PAST to -o and -u is provided by the data below: (1)Sawu rou 'leaf, hair, etc.' becomes rope-hiapa we pа j'аа. " or ru when compounded with another noun (see CAUS-be friend ONLY COM lsg. 4.9.2 ). (2)Sawu and Ndao duae 'king, noble' is prob- '"I will heal this sickness", (he) said, ably derived from dou ae 'important person'. "only if he will be friends with me."'

8.6.2.2 Other (synchronic) interpretations had'i ta petee 6 donahu IF NON-PAST boil ABS gula Jonker (1919:713), Kern (1892:171) and Wijngaarden (1896:21) agree that do is a heave dou wie j'ii, "betrekkelijk voornaamwoord" (i.e. relative ONLY ERGф someone BEN 1pl.(excl.) pronoun). Lee (MS) describes it as filling "the Relator slot of a Modifier Phrase" and j'e take pa wadu-b'oz'o amu translates it by 'the one who' and 'which'. THEN place(sg.) LOC wadu-b'oro house These views approximate my own. d'e, boka ma j'aa DEM2sg. open(pl.) EMPI ERG 1pl.(excl.) 8.7 ki conditional clauses ' kelae The ki conditional clause (i.e. a clause ABS door which begins with ki) is a subordinate clause which usually precedes the main clause. It 'Provided. that someone cooks some gula often specifies one of the possible prerequi- (like treacle) for us, then places it in sites for the resultant performance of the the wadu-b'oro of this house, we will main clause. kipa and kiri are unexplained most certainly open the doors.' variants. kipa wee 6 ou, mai gate ri pi, purposive clauses IF WANT ABS 2sg. let replace ERG 8.9 mi The pi, mi (PURP) clause is a subordinate j'aа we clause which always follows the main clause. PART Isg. The purposive marker is either pi or mi. It immediately precedes the subordinate clause, 'If you want, let me take your place.' and pi or mi is always immediately followed by either NON-PAST to or NEG d'o. There appears ki med'a, kiri serei 6 to be no difference in function between pi and IF night IF be awake A S Ti В ta Zie kemou ke ' ari ou, ki era 0 NON-PAST soak ABS yaws sore PART ERG younger sibling POSS2sg. IF be AВS mou j'aа pi ta ei donahu, pe-pino Isg. PUPP NON-PAST clean syrup lontar CAUS-drink(sg.) 'I am bathing my yaws sores so that they 'If it is night, if your younger brother will become clean.' is awake, (and) if there is lontar syrup, give (him some to drink)7' kipa era ta ami do mura, .Ze to hij'i, kipa IF be NON-PASI ask REL cheap finish(sg.) RESULT male-cloth IF wie we mi ta era ta tao to hij'i give PART PURP NON-PAST be NON-PAST make RESULT male-cloth weli ‚ ei pa'a 'Finish (making it) into a male-cloth, buy ABS drink food if (you) are making (it) into a male- cloth.' 'If there is (someone who) requests a cheap price, give it so that there will be (money) to buy food and drink.' 8.8 had'i conditional clauses conditional clause is a subor- The had'i b'olв titu pa d'ara ei nii dinate clause which (unlike ki) is the feces- DON'T stand LIC inside water DEM4sg.

45 pi d'o melara 6 ihi ou taga Д nadu'u do t'ie Д PURP NEG sting ABS body POSS2sg. REASON ABS fish STAT give ABS 'Don't stand in the water there, lest ou ke aine, ana, ta your body sting.' 2sg. PART earlier child NON-PAST

Za kale 6 nadu'u ko 6 8.10 (ha)ku SO clauses DFS look for ABS fish PART ERG The (ha)ku SO clause is a subordinate j'aa clause which indicates the consequence of the Isg. action, process or state of the preceding main clause. There appears to be no differ- 'Because I gave you the fish earlier, ence in meaning between ku and haku child, I am going to look for (more) fish.' ta kehia ke 6 j'аa haku NON-PAST be poor PART ABS lsg. SO 8.12 Auxiliary verb constructions 'Jobe ri j'аa 6 ne do kill(sg.) ERG lsg. ABS ART REL Sawu Auxiliary Verbs include: was 'want', o'o 'want', d'ei 'like', 'can, be able', weka ne, j' nara е ago ri i' 'can, be clever at', ie 'can, be allowed be old DEMlsg. THEN take(sg.) ERG а to', wiki 'try'. Auxiliary Verbs share only two characteristics in common with other verbs: j'aa la pewie Za hab'a para (1)Auxiliary Verbs precede all NPs in the Isg. DFS exchange GFS Seba MEAS clause. Other verbs usually do. (2) doi nahed'e Both Auxiliary Verbs and other verbs can take postposed NEG Particle d'o. coins DEM2p1. Unlike other verbs, Auxiliary Verbs are obligatorily clause initial, and they do not take 'I became poor, so I killed the old wom- preposed stative or tense-aspect markers nor an, then took her to Seba and exchanged postposed non-Negative particles. her for these coins.' An Auxiliary Verb Construction consists of an Auxiliary Verb (AUX) followed by: (1)optional NEG Particle d'o ta nara ke 6 j'ii (2)an ERG or ABS NP of non-AUX verb (it can NON-PAST get PART ERG 1pl.(excl.) precede or follow the verb) (3) usually NON-PAST ta 6 he-pi'u wawi haku ta (4)Verb ABS one-COUNT pig SO NON-PAST (5)(other) NPs ma ami 6 tuZu i.e. AUX (NEG) ((}) (ta) Verb NP(s) DTS request ABS assistance Transitive 'We got a pig, so (we) came here to was d'o 6 j'ii ta request assistance.' WANT NEG ERG 1pl.(excl.) NON-PAST webe 6 noa hit(sg.) ABS 3sg. 8.11 Reason clauses 'We do not want to hit him.' A Reason Clause is a subordinate clause which can precede or follow the main clause. It provides a reason for the action, process was 6 j'aa ta gate ri or state of the main clause. In the Seba and WANT ABS lsg. NON-PAST replace ERG lesara dialects, it is introduced by one of ou the following: ri, rido, roui, taga or taga 2sg. ri. 'I want you to replace me.' pe-moko 6 ani, ana CAUS-be ready(pl.) ABS self child d'ei ta p ' ne t а а ф аа LIKE NON-PAST eat ABS ART WHAT j'аа, rido ta la POSSlsg. REASON NON-PAST DFS 6 mua ERG 2 1. hora Za lede Za b'oj'o ‚ р throw(pl.) GFS hill GFS hill ABS 'What would you like to eat?'

muu Intransitive 2р1. ie 6 j'aa ta kako la CAN ABS lsg. NON-PAST go GFS 'Get yourselves ready, kids, because I'm going (to the hills) to throw you into kota the hills.' Kupang

46 'I am allowed to go to Kupang.' ad'o can also be a single word response to an imperative, or yes-no interrogative. 8.13 Iade 'UNTIL constructions 8.14.2.2 d'o Iade 'UNTIL' can immediately precede a clause or temporal noun. It indicates that The abbreviated form d'o negates verbs an action, state or process continues until (and 'YET' in 'NOT YET' - see below). It the state or time specified in the tade con- usually occurs immediately after the verb (i.e. struction is reached. nothing can intervene). pid'e d'o ni ubu naba Ó nono ' ne ei ,ahed'e pick up(sg.) NEG ERG Ubu Naba ABS lay in sun ABS ART sarong DEMlpl. ne nalehu pune tade kemapu ART handkerchief DEMlsg. UNTIL be dry 'Ubu Naba did not pick up the handker- 'Lay the sarongs in the sun until (they) chief.' are dry.' was d'o ke ta pe-hiapa hegure tade WANT NEG PART NON-PAST REC-be friends lay face downwards(sg.) UNTIL d roo mad 'a- Zod 'о ABS Эр1. evening 'They do not want to be friends.' 'Lay it face downward until evening.' Particle d'o can immediately precede the verb if it also occurs immediately after ki(ri) 8.14 Negation CONDITIONAL, haku (SO), STATIVE do, Relative Clause Marker do, or Zohe 'TOO, QUITE' (see Negation is indicated by the following: 7.25 ) . b'ole 'DON'T' ki(rij CONDITIONAL (a)d'o 'NO, NOT' mi d d'o ki(ri) d'o tao d j'аа ае ) 'NOT YET' ABS lsg. LIKE ad'o day IF NEG do nahed'e, jad'i d'o ta ie -PAST be good 8.14.1 b'ole 'DON'T' DEM2p1. become NEG NON b'ole is the negative-imperative parti- 0. ne udhu ne cle, and is always clause initial. See Imper- ABS ART boil DEMlsg. ative clauses (8.4 ). 'If I had not done these things the boil would not have got better.' 8.14.2 (a)d'o NEG haku RESULT ad'a d j' , haku d'o (a)d'o is the non-imperative negative do р аа STAT be sick ABS lsg. RESULT NEG (NEG) particle. j'aga Zod'o d'e work day DEM2sg. 8.14.2;1 'I am sick, so I'm not working today.' The unabbreviated аd'o.negates non-verbals (including 'YET' in 'NOT YET' - see sТАТIVE do below); e.g. keZoe tuu to -tuu ke ф NON-PAST be tired EXCESS PART ABS ad'o j'aa иbu naba NEG 1SG. Uhu Naba j'aa, haku •do d'o kaki Ó j'aa Isg. RESULT 'I am not Ubu Naba.' STAT NEG go ABS lsg. Za dimu ad'o duae do tao napuпe GFS Dimu NEG king REL do ABSф DEMlsg. 'I became very tired, so I have not gone 'It was not the king who did it.' to Dimu.'

ad'o he-wan i wata he- pahu wart REL do NEG one-time BUT one-hundred time ne hubi due do d'o jad'i ART blossom luntar REL NEG become 'Not once, but a hundred times.' (Kern to gape 1892:180) NON-PAST squeeze(sg.)

47 'the lontar blossoms which cannot be (2) Sumba Kambera post-verbal particle d'и, squeezed' which appears to be restricted to clauses with negative-imperative particle omhu 'DON'T' (writer's fieldnotes). e.g. 8.14.3 'NOT YET': dae d'o, ad'o дае ambu uhuk d' 8.14.3.0 Introduction DON'T sit PARTи dae d'o and d'o dae also perform a non- 'Don't sit.' imperative negativeа function, meaning 'not now, but possible later' (i.e. 'not yet'). аd'o is the negative perticle 'NO, NOT'. The 8.15 Possession particle dae 'YET' is only known to occur in dae d'o and ad'o . Sawu indicates possession by postposing дае a pronoun, possessor noun, or possessive relative clause. 8.14.3.1 d' (1)possessive pronouns (see 4.1 ) дав (2)possessor nouns dae d'o, which may or may not be used e.g. emu duae in response to a question, always occurs house king immediately after the verb it negates. e.g. Response to a question 'king's house' Question: baj'i 6 muu? be asleep ABS 2 1. This Sawu construction, where the possess- р ed precedes the possessor, is typical of Indo- 'Are you(pl.) asleep?' nesian languages to the west of the Brandes Line (Capell 1965; Cowan 1965). It differs from those east of the line (e.g. Roti, Heling, Response: baj'i дае d'o 6 be asleep YET NOT ABS Timor), where the possessor precedes the possessed. j'ii l l.(excl.) Timor: fafi' tusaf р pig hoof 'We are not asleep yet.', 'pig's hoof' (author's fieldnotes) Observation (3)possessive relative clauses with verbs merei дав d'o ti baj'i kingдиве wake up YET NOT SCE sleep Za'a, u and oha (all meaning 'own' or 'possess') ип. 'The king is not awake yet.' j'e made ke 6 ne nadu'u THEN die PART ABS ARТ fish 8.14.3.2 ад'о дав Za'a 6 j'aa hart-hart which is only used in response possess ERG Isg -all-+ ad'o дае, to a question, also negates verbs, but only 'Then, all the fish I possess die.' occurs alone. Question: merci ke 6 noa? wake up PART ABS 3s7. pa'a uпи 6 dii ke food possess ERG 1pl.(incl.). PART 'Is he awake?' пад'е Response: ad'o . nane do DEM2sg. NOT YETдае be near(sg.) STAT 'This is our food.' baj'i ko be asleep PART nad'e ne , emu oha 6 поо 'Not yet. (He) is still asleep.' DEM2sg. ARТ house own ERG Эsg. 'This is (the) house he owns.' 8.14.4 Comparative notes My data does not support Wijngaarden's Like Sawu, Ndao has a non-imperative belief (1896:89) that oha is restricted to negative particle ad'o. It is possible that inanimate possessions and unu to animate. both are related to: Neither Wijngaarden nor Kern appear to be (1) Sumba Kodi negative particle ndjadoe familiar with la'a 'possess, own'; while Lee (Wielenga 1909:171) which can be interpreted (MS) is only aware of oha. as /njad'u/. Wielenga's ndj is a voiced prenasalised palatal affricate /nj/; oe is consistently /u/, and it is likely that d is 8.16 Comparison implosive /d'/ as in other Sumba languages/ dialects. Sawu has three types of comparison.

48 8.16.1 hela'и 'be same' do rihi keb'ab'u ina STAT MORE be fat ABS mother The verb hela'u 'be same' indicates that two or more referents are the same. Its Case ou (ti)pa 0 ina j'aa frame appears to be [ABS (COM)]. POSS2sg. THAN ABS mother POSS1sg.

pe-ela d'o hari do d'ue. 'Your mother is fatter than my mother.' REC-finish(pl.) NEG ALL LIG two heZa'u ne rui do rihi p4. keb'ab'u ina be same MORE THAN be fat ABS mother ABS ARТ strength STAT 'Neither can finish off the other. They j'aa ina ou are equal in strength.' POSSlsg. ABS mother POSS2sg. 'Your mother is fatter than my mother.' hela'u nad'e pa nani be same ABS DEM2sg. COM DEM4sg. 8.17 Coordination 'This is the same as that.' 8.17.0 Introduction 8.16.2 mi 'LIKE' Coordination of non-sequential clauses Similarity is indicated by a mi clause,. is indicated by a conjunction placed between which follows the verb it refers to. In both the two clauses. With three or more clauses transitive and intransitive clauses, the verb indicating a sequence, the conjunction is only of the mi clause can be deleted. In transi- obligatory between the last two clauses (see tive clauses, the NP which is not the standard 8.17.2 ) . of comparison can be deleted.

Transitive verb deleted 8.17.1 pа 'AND' minamii pi to fara of j'аа HOW PURP NON-PAST get ERG Isg. pа conjoins two clauses which represent the same time span. Unlike j'e (8.17.2 ) and 0 ne doi do aн mi ‚ d'ai/d'ae (8.17.3 ), it does not indicate that ABS ARТ coin REL be many LIKE ERG the action, process or state of the second clause is subsequent to that of the former. noa nahid'e isg. DEм4p1. bale noo pa рep ее return ABS 3sg. AND think 'How can I get lots of coins like he got?' 'He returns thinking' Intransitive verb deleted Ρ kaki Д noo mi nadu'u ta kaki ke ‚ bala diZu go ABS 3sg. LIKE ABS fish NON-PAST go PART ABS Bala Dilu uda 'He 'g p а ago 0 Za oess along} like a fish.' AND carry(sg.) ABS crow-bar GFS Transitive NP deleted d'ara d'oka ne ha'o of nil mi ha'o interior plantation DEMlsg. nurse(sg.) ABS 3sg. LIKE nurse(sg.) 'Bala Dilu goes into the plantation car- ri mama rying a crow-bar.' ERG mother 'Nurse him like mother does!' uru ti •d'o kaki noi, before SCE NEG go ABS 3sg. 8.16.3 rihi (ti.)p4 'MORE THAN' buke ri noi ne huri write(sg.) ERG 3sg. ABS ART letter rihi (ti)pa indicates that a certain referent has more of something than another. wie duae pa еgи wo-kerab'o rihi 'MORE' always precedes the first clause. BEN king AND fetch(pl.) PROD-pumpkin pa 'THAN' immediately precedes the clause which is the standard of comparison, if it is the d'ue b'ue first clause. If it is the second, it can be two COUNT preceded by tips or pa. It is usual for the intransitive verb of the second clause to be 'Before he left, he wrote a letter for deleted. the king and fetched two pumpkins.'

49 8.17.2 j'e 'THEN' naiki a u , d'o п р пе "pi'а ф ERG child DEMlsg. be(pl.) NEG ABS j'е indicates a temporal relation between two clauses such that the action, process or doi ta wie ‚ ou." state of the second is subsequent to the for- money NON-PAST give ABS 2sg. mer. j'e can immediately precede any clause after the first clause, but must precede the "Give me one rupiah to buy food today," last clause in a sequence. (the blind man) says. Then the child says, "There isn't any money to give guru иb и ,аb а, da'o you." descend ABS Ubu Naba scrape up(sg.) ne dei jara ne, j'e 8.17.4 b'ale 'THEN' ABS ARТ dung horse DEMlsg. THEN b'aZe 'THEN' performs the same function the la d'ara beka kenana as d'ai, d'ae. It is possible that this con- put(sg.) GFS interior basket betel junction is historically related to the verb bale 'return'. duce bale ane ina ne ф king THEN say ERGф mother DEMlsg. ABS 'Ubu Naba gets down, scrapes up the horse dung, then drops it into the king's betel "pee pa amu" basket.' stay LIC house 'Then the mother says, "Stay in the house."' uj'е ubu naba, j'e tie up(sg.) ABS Ubu Naba THEN

bado pa d'ara kerogo 8.17.5 ta 'AFTER' enclose(sg.) LOC interior cage ta 'AFTER' occurs before Past-completive ala . pe-, and temporal nouns. Accordingly, b'ahi, j'е merce iron THEN carry(sg.) it indicates the time after a completed action or specified time. '(They) tie up Ubu Naba, then enclose ta ala pe-nono, ta him in an iron cage, then carry (him).' AFTER PAST(рl.) PAST-dry(pl.) NON-PAST b'ale ke Za tabi dahi 8.17.3 d'ai, d'ae 'THEN' return PART GFS edge sea d'ai and d'ae indicate a temporal rela- 'Having dried (the cotton thread), she tion between two clauses such that the action, returns to the beach.' process or state of the second is subsequent to the former. d'ai or d'ae immediately precedes the second clause. d'ai ta j'amiae, ta ha'e There appears to be no difference in THEN AFTER sunrise NON-PAST climb function between d'ai and d'ae. It is possi- b e that the conjunctions are historically ke ne do veeka ne Za PART ABSф AR REL be old DEM1sg. GFS ralated to the verb d'ai 'arrive', and that Т d'ae, d'ai reflect an earlier 'singular' ver- sus 'plural' verb agreement distinction (see d'amu emu nе 5.2.1 ). loft house DEMlsg. The difference in function between j'e 'Then after sunrise, the old man climbs and d'ai/d'ae is characterised by the examples up to the house loft.' in 8.17.2 and below. j'e is typically used as a conjunction in the description of a sequence of actions, processes or states, while 8.17.6 tapulara, tapi, (wate) 'BUT' d'ai, d'ae typically occur in descriptions of conversation and accordingly often precede tapulara and tapi both indicate a speech verbs ane 'say', keb'ali 'ask', etc. contrastive relationship between two clauses. precedes the Second clause "wie ko we j'aa tapulara or tapi ф (tapi is a Malay loanword - from Malay tapi, give PART PART ABS lsg. ABS tetapi 'but'). he-true rupia ... ta >J d ma ri j'aa, tapi one-COUNT(sg.) rupiah NON-PAST see(sg.)а е EMPH ERG lsg. BUT waZi pa'a lod'o d'e", mi pid'e d'o ri j'aa buy ABS food day DEM2sg. LIKE pick up(sg.) NEG ERG lsg. he ane ne Zii, d'ae ane 'I did see (it), but did not pick (it) DEM1p1. say AВS ART say THEN say up.'

50 аńе ta laka pa dii ne duae pa rai d'e think COMPL strike LOC 1pl.(incl.) ART king LOC region DEM2sg. ke tapulara do Zaka pa aru 'He doesn't know that I am king in this PART BUT STAT strike LOC pot region.' kabo noa ma miha Perception verbs red dye POSS3sg. EMPI SELF pede ri dou he 0 see(sg.) ERG person DEMlpl. ABS 'He thinks that (the boulders) struck us, but they have struck his own red-dye ta dou pa d'ara karo pots.' COMPL person LOC interior bag

Kern (1892:80) and Wijngaarden (1896:112) d'e attribute a contrastive function to wata. DEM2sg. ad'o he-wan i wata he-pahu wari NEG one-time BUT one-hundred time 'The people saw that there was somebody inside the bag.' 'Not once, but a hundred times' (Kern) In my data, it only occurs as an infrequent 8.18.2 Clausal complements particle, (see 7.14 ). Clausal Complements are clauses which stand as complements to speech verbs (e.g. 8.17.7 we 'OR' 'order, say, ask') and verbs like made 'choose'. Each Clausal Complement follows the we indicates an alternative relationship clause it complements, and begins with NON- between two clauses. It always precedes the PAST ta. Its ERG or intransitive ABS NP (which second clause. is coreferential with the ABS NP of the verb it complements) is deleted. toi d'o ri j'aa ‚ ta do know NEG ERG lsg. ABS COMPL STAT ta pejuu 1 dou 0 NON-PAST order(pl.) ABS person ERG toi ri поо we ad'o know ERG 3sg. OR NOT duae ta kako Za pedoe 0 king NON-PAST go DFS call(sg.) ABS 'I do not know whether he knows or not.' поо 3sg. era 0 mei we pakа pa ni be ABS cat OR dog LOC DEМ4sg. 'The king orders the people to go and call her.' 'Is there a cat or a dog over there?'

6 j'aa d'e ta mad'e 8.18 Complementation ABS lsg. DEM2sg. NON-PAST choose

8.18.1 ta complements ta jad'i ta katu NON-PAST become RESULT head A to complement is a nominalised clause in which complementiser to immediately pre- 'I am chosen to become the head (of gov- cedes the clause. to complements are always ernment).' clause final, and occur as ABS NPs of psychological state verbs (e.g. 'know, think'), perception verbs (e.g... ' , hear') and verbs 8.19 Deletion like hapo 'decide' (see exampleвёе at 7.14 ). When it is assumed that the hearer(s) Psychological state verbs will be able to identify the referent(s), the do toi ri bala dilu Ó ta Sawu speaker can omit verbs, NPs (ERG,ABS and STAT know ERG Bala Dilu ABS COMPL GA) and heads of NPs. This assumption can be based on linguistic (i.e. previous mention in do baj'i ke 1 med'o discourse) and extra-linguistic (e.g. common STAT be asleep PART ABS med'o knowledge, visible to both, etc.) factors.

kepalu pa lobo kepaZu Verb Kepalu AND Lobo Kepalu kaki 0 поо mi nadu'u go . ABS 3sg. LIKE ABSф FISH 'Bala Dilu knows that Med'o Kepalu and Lobo Kepalu are asleep.' 'She moves along like a fish (moves along).' ERG and ABS toi d'o ri 1 ta j'aa поо puru Q поо, da'o ó know NEG ERG 3sg. ABS COМPL lsg. get down ABS 3sg. scrape up(sg.) ABS

51 ne dei jara пе, j'е is almost without exception the leftmost NP. ART dung horse DEMlsg. THEN There is, thus, a strong correlation between role and word order. ihe la d'ara beka kenana fill(sg.) GFS interior basket betel Transitive A thorough examination of eight lengthy duae texts revealed that the leftmost NP in a tran- king sitive clause is usually ERG or ABS. Using a data base of 75 clauses from these eight ' got down, (he) scraped up the horse texts, it was also discovered that the left- dung,Не then (he) dropped (it) into the most ABS NP precedes the ERG NP almost as of- king's betel basket.' ten as the leftmost ERG NP precedes the ABS (see table 9). GA ala Á ma bura tohi Table 9: Word order of ERG and ABS NPs PAST( l.) ERG Mr Bura Tohi Relative word order NO. р Verb ERG ABS 39 52 pe-kehab'a ID b'ada, wie d'o Verb ABS ERG 36 48 PAST-butcher ABS animal give NEG Totals: 75 100

ne Zaa- ri ma hab'a maru ф даа We can, therefore, conclude that role is sig- ERG Mr Hab'a Маги ABS ARТ anything nificant in a transitive clause in that ERG and ABS NPs usually precede other NPs, but is 'Mr Bura Tohi finished butchering the not significant with regard to the relative animals, (and) Mr Hab'a Maru did not order of ERG and ABS within the same clause. give (him) anything.' Head of NP 8.20.2 Reference ne kolo-ku'u "reke ri ou ф count ERG 2sg. ABS ARТ top-finger In Sawu, referents of NPs can be unambiguously rated as being more highly referential pa kae Q а'a ou. " d'ae than the referents of other NPs on the basis LOC hand/foot food POSS2sg. THEN of (1) their position on the Referentiality Hierarchy, and (2) whether they are definite ane Ó ana ne wari Ó or indefinite. say ERG child DEMlsg. again ABS

ne keb'ali, "he-laa we we 8.20.2.1 Referentiality hierarchy AR question one-COUNT ONLY OR Т It is clear that in some languages, the hori d'ue Zaa?" word order of NPs in a clause is determined ALL two COUNT by a referential hierarchy. For example, in Navajo (Hale 1972), the NP whose referent is '(The father said,) "You count the fin- higher on the Navajo referential hierarchy gers on your hand(s)." Then once again will be the leftmost. Thus 'human' would the child asked, "only one (hand) or precede 'other animate', and 'animate' would both (hands)?"' precede 'inanimate'. human >'other inanimate ) inanimate 8.20 Word order and the leftmost NP Furthermore, Foley and Van Valin (1977) observe that "there appears to be a universal In many languages, the clause's leftmost hierarchy of inherent topic-worthiness called NP has special significance. In some, it variously the Natural Topic Hierarchy represents a particular role (e.g. Actor or (Hawkinson and Hyman 1974), Inherent Lexical Experiencer and not Patient or Goal). In Content Hierarchy (Silverstein 1977) and Ref- some it represents the most highly referen- erentiality Hierarchy (Foley 1976b)." The tial NP. It is, therefore, the aim of this Hierarchy in universal terms is (Foley 1976ó)s section to examine whether role and reference factors in any way influence the Sawu speak- speaker) hea er> human proper> ers choice of leftmost NP. human common)ř animate > inanimate An NP whose referent is higher,on the Refer- 8.20.1 Role entiality Hierarchy (RH) will be referred to as more highly RH referential. Each Sawu case represents a particular semantic role or range of semantic roles Intransitive (4.4, 8.1.1 ). Therefore, an analysis of In an intransitive clause the more highly the relative word order of the case of NPs RH referential NP is almost without exception will highlight any preference of a particular the leftmost NP. There is thus a strong cor- role or range of roles for the leftmost posi- relation between RH referentiality and word tion. order. Intransitive Transitive In an intransitive clause, the ABS NP In a transitive clause, a more highly RH

referential NP precedes a lower NP by a ratio etc. ) of the referent of a b-subject is of 3:2. predictable from the form of the main verb" (p.321). b-subjects are the subjects of Table 10: Word order of RH Referential NPs "semantically basic sentences" (р.306). Relative word order NO, 2. "b-subjects normally express the agent of Verb High Low 45 60 the action, if there is one." (p.321) Verb Low High 28 37 3. "Subjects normally express the addressee Verb Samе Same 2 3 phrase of imperatives." (p.321) Totals' 75 100 4. "Independent existence. The entity that a b-subject refers to (if any) exists inde- The statistics in Table 10 indicate that while pendently of the action or property ex- a more highly RH referential NP is preferred pressed by the predicate. This is less in leftmost position, it is not always in that true for non-subjects." (pp.312-13) position. We can only conclude that if RH referentiality is a factor in determining the leftmost NP in a transitive clause, it is 8.21.1.2 Reference properties (Ref.) clearly not the only factor. 1. The NPs which can be coreferentially deleted across coordinate conjunctions include 8.20.2.2 Definiteness b-subjects. (р.317) 2. b-subjects are among the possible controllers of coreferential deletions and A definite NP is one whose referent is pronominalizations. (p.315) identifiable. In Chafe's words, 'The assump- 3. Topic. b-subjects are normally the topic tion in this case is not just "I assume you of the b-sentence, i.e. they identify what already know this referent", but also "I as- the speaker is talking about. (р.318) sume you can pick out, from all the referents 4. The NPs which can be relativized ... in- that might be categorized in this way the one clude b-subjects. (p.320) I have in mind"' (1976:39). Definite NPs are 5. "Highly Referential" NPs, e.g. personal therefore more highly referential than indefi- pronouns, proper nouns, and demonstratives nite NPs. can always occur as subjects. (p.319) In a Sawu transitive clause, the most com- 6. b-subjects are normally the leftmost mon pattern (see Table 11) is the verb followed occurring NP in b-sentences. by two definite NPs (60%). Of the remainder, 7. The NPs which can be ... questioned ... Verb-Indefinite NP-Definite NP (23%) is include b subjects. slightly more common than Verb-Definite NP- Indefinite NP (13%). As intransitive clauses reveal a similar pattern, we must conclude 8.21.1.3 Other properties that there is no obvious link between definiteness and the leftmost NP. 1. b-subjects of intransitive sentences are usually not case marked if any of the NPs Table 11: Word order of Definite NPs in the language are not case marked. Relative word order No. % (p.320) Verb Definite Definite 45 60 2. The NPs which control verb agreement, if Verb Definite Indefinite 10 13 any, include b-subjects. (p.316) Verb Indefinite Definite 17 23 Verb Indefinite Indefinite 3 4 Totals 75 100 8.21.2 Distribution The distribution of Keenan's subject 8.21 The distribution of Keenan'.s subject properties in Sawu differs according to the properties transitivity of the verb. 8.21.0 Introduction 8.21.2.1 Intransitive Keenan (1976) has devised a list of subject properties which, he claims, will enable If we accept Keenan's hypothesis, the one to identify the subject in the basic subject of a Sawu intransitive clause must clause of any language. He admits that no be the AВS NP because it has more of the role, property in itself is sufficient to identify reference and other properties of subjects the subject. Rather, the NP with the most than any other NP. subject properties is the subject. It is, therefore, the aim of this section to analyse Role properties the distribution of some of these subject (1) Role 1. In Sawu, the semantic role of properties in the Sawu clause. the AВS referent is weekly predictable from the form of the main verb, if it is one of the few intransitive agreement 8.21.1 The properties verbs. As we saw in 4.4 , referents of intransitive AВS NPs are: The properties to be discussed are as (a)referents which do something, follows: (b)referents to which a non-cognitive state is attributed, 8.21.1.1 Role properties (c)referents to which a change of state is attributed, 1. "The semantic role (Agent, Experiencer, (d)referents which do something which

53 brings about a change of state in that (6)Ref. 6. The intransitive ABS NP is almost referent, invariably the leftmost NP (see 8.20.1 ). (e) referents which cry, laugh, etc. (7)Ref. 7. The ABS NP is among those which (2)Role 2. If the agent of the action can can be questioned. be described as 'the referent which does something', then intransitive ABS NPs ex- ta mari gi naduu press the agent of the action, if there NON-PAST laugh ABS WHO is one. 'Who is laughing?' (3)Role 3. In intransitive clauses, ABS NPs always express the addressee phrase of im- Other properties peratives. j' b'aZe d'ape-d'ape There is no clear indication that the two е ф ou properties below should be regarded as either THEN return IMMEDIATELY ABS 2sg. role-related or reference-related. They do, however, confirm the choice of intransitive 'Then you return immediately.' ABS as subject. (1)Other 1. Unlike other intransitive NPs, Reference properties the ABS is always unmarked for Case (see 4.4 ). (1) Ref. 1. Intransitive ABS NPs can be (2)Other 2. With a coreferentially deleted across coordinate few intransitive verbs, conjunctions. the ABS NP controls verb agreement. ta pekapu Ø ne paka kak° ‚ noa Za tabi dahi j'e NON-PAST go ABS 3sg. GFS edge sea THEN уеlр(р1.) ABS ART dog j'iu-ei he DEMlpl. bathe 'He goes to the sea-shore, then (he) 'The dogs are yelping.' bathes.' ta pekapo 0 ne paka (2) Ref. 2. Only the ABS NP can control NON-PAST yelp(sg.) ABS AR coreferential deletion across clauses. Т dog ne ta kaki Ó roo la hore DEMlsg. NON-PAST go ABS 3р1. DFS throw(sg.) 'The dog is yelping.' iii Za d'ara dahi ABS 3sg GFS inside sea to ila roo 'They will go and (they will) throw him NON-PAST disappear(pl.) ф into the sea.' ABS 3p1. 'They will disappear.' (3) Ref. . ABS NPs usually identify what the speakerЗ is talking about. ta ele noo ta kaki ke roo Za NON-PAST disappear(sg.) фABS 3sg. NON-PAST go ф PART ABS Эpl. GFS 'He will disappear.' hab'a Seba 8.21.2.2 Transitive 'They go to Seba.' In Sawu transitive-clauses, ERG and ABS In the preceding clauses, the two main NPs have more of Keenari's subject properties characters of the story have been intro- than other NPs, duced. The journey to Seba is the first Role properties of a series of events about these two ERG characters, here represented by roo 'they'. (1) Role 1. The semantic role of the ERG refer- (4)Ref. ent is not predictable from the form of the 4. The ABS NP is one of three in- main verb. Referents of ERG NPs are usually: transitive NPs which can be relativised (see (a) referents which do something to another 8.6.1 ). referent, referents which bring into being another dou do kaki d'ei ruj'ara (b) person REL walk RCE path referent as the result of an action, (c) referents which communicate something, (d) referents which perceive another refer- 'Someone who is walking along the path.' ent, (5)Ref. 5. The ABS NP can be highly RH (e) referents to which a cognitive state is referential, and can be definite (see attributed, 8.20.2 ). (f) referents which secure ABS referents in LIC referents. 54 (2)Role 2. If the agent of the action can be ERG ta kaki ke not Za described as 'the referent which does some- NON-PAST go PART ABS 3sg. GFS thing', then ERG NPs express the agent of the action, if there is one. dahi pa hape ć j'ala. (3)Role З. Since ERG referents include those sea AND carry ABS net which do something, ERG NPs always express the addressee phrase of imperatives. j 'a ia- j 'a la поо nadu' u (to) net-RED ERG 3sg. ABS fish ago ri ou ne boto take(sg.) ERG 2sg. ABS ARТ bottle rai j'amiae tade mаd'a SINCE morning UNTIL night пад'е DEM2sg. 'He goes to the sea carrying a fish-net. He nets fish from morning until night.' 'You take this bottle.' The clauses above occur in a text about a (4) Role 4. Since ERG referents can bring in- fisherman. In two clauses , he is repre- to being an ABS referent as the result of sented by the third person singular pro- an action, we can say that "independent noun, поо, which is in ABS Case in the existence' is truer of an ERG referent than first clause, and ERG Case in the second it is for an ABS referent. clause.

b'uke ri поо ne huri ABS pe'e ke 0 nalehu write(sg.) ERG 3sg. ABS ARТ letter BE WHERE(sg.) PART ABS handkerchief 'He wrote a letter.' j'aa. pede Ze d'o ri POSSlsg. see(sg.) ALSO NEG ERG ABS (1) Role 1. The semantic role of the ABS re- ou d ne nalehu j'aa ferent is predictable from the form of the 2sg. ABS ART handkerchief POSS1sg. main verb if it is an agreement verb. Re- ferents of transitive ABS NPs are usually: do bui pine ne pa (a)referents to which something is done, REL fall earlier DEMlsg. LOC (b)referents which come into being as the result of an action, ruj'ara ne (c)referents to which something is given, road DEMlsg. (d)referents which are the communication of a communication verb, '(The king said) "Where is my handkerchief? (e)referents which are perceived, Did you also miss seeing my handkerchief (f)referents which are the content of a which fell on the road earlier."' cognitive state verb. (2) Role 2. Since the referents of transitive These two clauses occur in a text about the ABS NPs never do anything, they never ex- king's handkerchief. In both clauses, the press the agent of the action. handkerchief is in ABS case. (3) Role 3. For the same reason as (2), (4)Ref. 4. Both ERG and ABS NPs can be rel- transitive ABS NPs never express the ad- ativised (see 8.6 ). dressee phrase of imperatives. (5)Ref. 5. Both ERG and ABS NPs can be (4) Role 4. Since ABS referents include highly RH referential, and can be definite those which come into being as the result (see 8.20.2 ). of an action, "independent existence." is (6)The leftmost NP is normally either the ERG less true ofan ABS referent than it is or the ABS NP (see 8.20.1 ). for an ERG referent. (7)Both ERG and ABS NPs are among those which can be questioned. Reference properties ERG and ABS NPs share.the following ref- ERG erential properties. heleo ó поо ri naduu (1)Ref. 1. Only ERG and ABS NPs can be see ABS 3sg. ERG WHO coreferentially deleted across clauses. 'Who saw him?' hame ri duae ne ф receive(sg.) ERG king ABS ART ABS huri napune, j'e aj'e wae ta pa'a ne paa letter DEMlsg. THEN read WANT NON-PAST eat ABS ART WHAT 'The king received the letter, then (he) ri ou read (it).' ERG 2sg. (2)Ref. 2. It follows that ERG and ABS NPs 'What do you want to eat?' are among the possible controllers of coreferential deletions and pronominalisa- Other properties tions. Other 2. Only transitive ABS NPs and CA NPs (3)Ref. 3. Either ERG or ABS NPs can be can control verb agreement. The distribution what the speaker is talking about. of Keenan subject properties in Sawu transi- 55 tive clauses are summarized in Table 12 below. We can, therefore, observe that: (1)the role properties most of which are Agent (=Actor) oriented, favour ERG as subject. Table 12: Subject properties (2)the referential properties, which are subject properties ERG ABs evenly distributed among the ERG and role properties ABS NPs, do not favour either as subject. 1.semantic role from verb 1 (3)the verb agreement property supports the 2.expresses the agent 1 choice of ABS as subject. 3.imperative addressee 1 Overall, the properties are fairly evenly 4.independent existence 1 distributed among ERG and ABS. Neither candi- referential properties date has "a clear preponderance of the subject 1.can be coreferentially deleted 1 1 properties" which Keenan (1976:312) claims 2.can control coreferential deletion 1 1 will enable us to identify subject. 3.what the speaker is talking about 1 1 Sawu, therefore, joins a number of other 4.can be relativised 1 1 languages (e.g. Philippine languages - 5. RH referential and definite 1 1 Schachter 1976; Barai, P.N.G. - Olson 1976; 6.leftmost NP 1 1 Lakhota - Foley and Van Valin 1977) which do 7.can be questioned 1 1 not have a clearly discernable transitive sub- other property ject. All, however, do have clearly recog- verb agreement 1 nisable role and reference properties which Totals 10 9 interact in language specific ways.

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56 Chapter Nine

SAVU AND NDAO

9.0 Introduction This chapter is, then, an attempt to outline some of the similarities and differences. Ndao is the language of more than 2,000 people who live on the islands of Ndao and Nuse within 12 kms of the west coast of Roti, 9.1 Phonology but some 90 kms from Sawu. Ndao is larger than Nuse "with a habitable area of 9 sq.km" 9.1.1 Phoneme inventories "The soil is poor, and the land is bare and given over largely to coconut palms." Thus, The phoneme inventories are very similar. the "island supports only a limited amount Ndao has 21 consonants and six vowels, while of house garden agriculture." The "chief Sawu has 20 and six respectively. Ndao and domesticated animals are pigs, chickens and Sawu are unique in that they are the only lan- dogs" and the major exports "copra and coco- guages of eastern Indonesia to have four nut oil." "The men of Ndao are gold-and- implosive stops. Ndao has /s/ and /c/ which silver smiths who travel throughout the Timor Sawu does not. Sawu has /w/ which Ndao does Archipelago." Most are multilingual. (This not. The vowel phonemes are identical (com- account is taken from Fox 1972.) pare 2.0 ). The Ndao people claim that their ancestors came from Sawu, that for a long period Table 13: Ndao Consonant Phonemes of time there was extensive trade between - alveo- alveo glottal the two, and that the Ndao were able to re- labial dental _palatal sist the cultural influences of neighbouring voiceless stop p t k Roti. But in the last ten to twenty years voiced stop b d g there have been a number of significant voiceless affricate c changes. Their "communal ceremonies that voiced affricate J followed an ancient lunar calendar" have been implosive stop b' d' j' g' abandoned, and their traditional Sawu-like glottal stop cloth patterns have been replaced by those of nasal m Roti (Fox - personal communication). Many lateral Ndao now speak Roti, wear distinctive Roti trill/flap hats, and betray Roti influence in their Ndao fricative h lexicon. My own research on Ndao was carried out Table 14: Ndao Vowel Phonemeq in Kupang from November 1975, to January front central bØ 1976. My informants were Mr. Petrus Lodoh high i u (then, a 21 year old schoolteacher) and mid e e o Paulus Fatu (then, a 32 year old silver low a craftsman and shipping agent). Both were valuable sources of elicited material, and Paulus narrated eight texts (a total of 30 9.1.2 Phonotactics minutes). Ti my knowledge, the only literature on With the exception of a few words which the language of Ndao is as follows: have four or more syllables, an Ndao root has (1)Jonker (1903) provides a text, Dutch the same phonological structure as Sawu, i.e. translation, and grammatical and compara- (C1V1) (C2)V2(C3)V3. I have not done a count tive notes. He is the first to observe of disyllables and trisyllables but the latter that "De taal bleek een Sawuneesch dialect seem to be much more common in Ndao than Sawu. to zijn" (i.e. the language is clearly a Like Sawu, Ndao C3 Sawu dialect). can be any consonant, (2)Fox (1972) notes "considerable lexical and C2 any consonant except glottal stop. borrowing from Western Rotinese", and that Similarly, V2 can be any vowel, and V it "is syntactically closely related to 3 any aavцne8e." vowel except shewa. Ndao V1 is almost invaria- (3)A list of over 200 words by Jacobis Fatu bly a. This corresponds to 80% of Sawu V (part of the James Fox collection). 1 (4)Fox (1977: 268) writes, "Ndaonese can be being e. considered as a dialect of Savunese. Both the Savunese and Ndaonese people assure me that despite certain differences, 9.1.3 Vowel clusters they can understand one another." There is little doubt that the two lan- The range of Ndao disyllabic clusters ap- guages/dialects have much in common (partic- proximates that of Sawu. I have as yet been ularly in the lexicon), but there are impor- unable to find an example with io. tant differences which may justify the description of Ndao as a separate language. 9.1.4 Word stress

57 Ndao word stress is penultimåte. 9.2.5 Numerals

9.2 Noun phrase constituents, verbs, clause 9.2.5.1 Cardinal numerals modifiers The cardinal numerals are essentially the 9.2.1 Pronouns same as the Sawu forms which are in parentheses below (see also 4.5.1 ). Table 15: Ndao pronouns 1. aci, ca- (ahi, he-) 6. ana (ana) Singular Plural 2. d'ua (d'ue) 7. 1 ,Ja'a (most people) pidu (pidu) 1 (incl.) adi (sawu dii) 3.taZu (talu) 8. aru (aru) `jaa ) (Sawu j'aa) (excl.) ji'i (Sawu j'ii) 4. apa (apa) 9. ja'o (older people) ceo (hei) 5. Zami (Zami) 10. ca-puru (he-puru, 2 ou (Sawu ou) 2 miu (Sawu muu) 3 ( nomпари } (Sawu ) з поо (ruu u ) (Sawu roo) 9.2.5.2 Ordinal numerals jaa (sg.), nuu (3sg.) and Ndao ordinal numerals are formed by pre- ruu (Эр1.) usually occur in rapid speech, and may be indicative fixing ka-, the equivalent of Sawu ke- (see of the kinds of processes involved in the de- 4.5.2 ). e.g. velopment of the Sawu equivalents /j'aa/, Ndao: ka-aci /n00/, and /roo/. Sawu: ke-ahi Like Sawu, Ndao Possessive ORD-one ORD Pronouns occur immediately after the head noun, one and before Numerals, Relative Clauses and De- 'first' 'first' monstrative Adjuncts. Normally, Ndao Indepen- dent and Possessive Pronouns are (like Sawu) identical in form, but the Ndao Reflexives 9.2.6 Counters (COUNT) give some indication of another set of Posses- sive Pronouns (see 9.3.4 for ku (lsg.), mu Ndao counters include: (2sg.), na (1)ci'u (sg.), pi' (3sg.)) и (p1) for animals, birds, fish, crabs, eels, etc. (Sawu pi'u). ci'u appears to be a reduction of ea-pi'u (i.e. 9.2.2 Demonstratives one-COUNT). (2)bala for counting number of traditional Table 16: Ndao Demonstratives woven cloths and pandanus mats, but not Singular Plural trousers and paper (Sawu b'ala). near speaker ne'e (3)b' u ' ах for rings and spoons (Sawu b'а pu). distant from speaker eia пе е (4)kapua for whole trees (Sawu kepue). (most people) ( nei nana (older people) ee' (5)made for rifles (Sawu kewudi). е (6)cue (sg.), hua (pl.) for botanical produce, Ndao does not have the range of distinctions houses, plantations, etc. (Sawu wue, b'ue). as found in Sawu, but the forms have some (7)kadali for slices of bread, meat, and (cut) similarity. lengths of string, rope (Sawu kedali). (8)Zamu вi for grains of salt, sand or sugar, and peanuts (Sawu Zamuhi). 9.2.3 Common article ne (9)paku'u just for pieces of cake (Sawu kedali) . Unlike Sawu, Ndao seems to lack a common (10)kat а pa for hardened lumps of lontar syrup article. (Sawu wue, b'ue) . (11)b'aka for counting plates, cakes(?), and bracelets (not by pairs). 9.2.4 Case prepositions (12)ai for counting bracelets by pairs. (13)Zei for counting paper (Sawu b'ela). Ndao Case Prepositions are as follows: (14)pacuru for spoonfuls (Sawu kab'a-huru). LOCATIVE (1)atu, •tu (Sawu pa) (15)aru for pots (Sawu aru). (2)ma (16)Bageri for bunches of bananas (Sawu hubi, (3)b'uli jеpi) (4)ka (17)ii for bunches of bananas (Sawu hubi, GOAL (INANIMATE) ca (Sawu Za, ma) japi) SOURCE pati, nati, ti (Sawu (rai) In my data, Ndao Numeral plus Counter always (pa) ti) follows the head noun, whereas the Sawu con- f INSTRUMENT} struction can occur before or after. About d'ape (Sawu INST C0MITATIVF ri, COM pа) half the forms are similar to those in Sawu (GOAL (ANIMATE)) (see 4.6 ). BENEFACTNE hia (Sawu GA pa, BEN wie) 9.2.7 Nominalisation Only the SOURCE prepositions, and the BENEFAC- TIVE have any resemblance to the Sawu forms, Ndao has a technique for converting disyl- (rai) (pa)ti and wie respectively. The labic verb roots to nouns which is unknown in Sawu: The rule can be summarised as follows: equivalent of Sawu ERG and ABS NPs are not marked, since they are easily determined by (C1)V1C2V2 - (C1) -( 1)V1C2V2 ► а С what appears to be a rigid ERG Verb ABS word order. Verb Noun

e.g. (1) v а'а --ł іа-да'a' 'want' (Sawu o'o) also show alternation in (to) eat food the initial consonant. The verbs for 'eat' and 'fetch' also show variation in the first (2)drou —ł тa-trpu vowel and final vowel, as follows: (to) drink drink 'eat' (Sawu pa'a) Singular 1 ku'a Plural 1 (incl.) ta'a (3) pee -ace --1 va (excl.) D ' (to) think thought а а 2 {ти ,а ) 2 mi'а e (4)goe — ти i ga-go е 3 { ' ) 3 {ra' ) (to) lock lock па а а 'na 'e га 'e (5) b' ва а —i вa-ваb'a 'fetch' (Sawu fiara) (to) work work Singular 1 kore Plural 1 (incl.) tare (excl.) t r (6)dui а в --a da-dui 2 more 2 mere (to) carry carrying stick 3 (nare) 3 {rare) w. a stick паrа rara (7) mou —+ ma-mou The verb 'go' varies in the medial consonant be clean intelligence and final vowel as follows. Singular 1 Zaku Plural 1 (incl.) lati (8)abu a-abu —ł (excl.) Za'a get, obtain opinion 2 Zamu 2 Zami 3 la'е 3 lasi 9.2.8 Verb agreement The final CV pattern is remarkably similar to that of Austronesian possessive suffixes (e.g. *-Qku, *-mu, Both Sawu and Ndao have Agreement verbs *-miw: Capell in Wurm and Wilson but the systems are quite different. In Sawu, 1975). a large number of verbs have two forms which differ primarily in the final vowel. One form agrees with the singular ABS or GA NP, 9.2.9 Causative and the other with the plural. While there are a number of verbs in Ndao with two forms Ndao can indicate a Causative function which differ according to the final vowel, in three ways. the available evidence suggests that they are (1)It can simply prefix Causative pa- (like free variants and not indicators of verb a- Sawu Causative pe-) as in pa-made 'CAUSE- greement. be dead, kill, murder' (Sawu pa-made). Causative pa-can co-ocdur with verb tao e.g. Ndao: ata, ate 'cut' (Sawu (2) 'make' as in tao pa-be'a meaning 'repair, ata, ate) make good' from ne'a 'be good'. pahia, pahie 'sell' (Sawu (3) tao can simply precede another verb as in pe ie) tao hiu 'replace' from hiu 'be new'. Sawu manahu, manaho 'fall' (Sawu menawu) is, of course, restricted to using the causative po- prefix (see 5.2.2 ). The There are, however, nine Ndao verbs in use of tao in Ndao is probably attributable my data which do show verb agreement. These to the influence of other languages, par- Kupang verbs agree in number and person with the ticularly Bahasa (the non-standard Ndao equivalents of a Sawu ERG o intransi- Indonesian variant spoken in the region). tive ABS NP; and with the exception of the verb 'to go', primary distinctions are indi- 9.2.10 Reciprocal cated by changes in the initial consonant as follows: The Ndao Reciprocal prefix is pa-, and functions just like Sawu pe-. e.g. Table 17: Ndao Verb Agreement Singular 1 k- Plural 1 (incl.) t- kabao pa-tabu (excl.) 0- buffalo ' REC-bang head 2 m- 2 m- 3 n- 3 r- 'The buffalo are fighting' (i.e. butting each other) (note the resemblance of k-, m- and n- to the possessive pronouns ku, mu and ma mentioned in 9.2.1 ) 9.2.11 Stative, past-completive and non-past e.g. 'to drink' (Sawu grou) Singular 1 kinu Plural 1 (incl.) To my knowledge, Ndao has no equivalent tinu to Sawu Stative marker do, Past-completive (excl.) ela ... p е-, nor Non-past ta. aiпи 2 minu 2 minu 3 ninu 3 rinu 9.2.12 Directional markers

Other verbs kadi 'see' (Sawu pedi), kodu Ndao does not have directional markers 'hold', kati 'carry', ke'a 'know', ko'о Za and ma like those in Sawu, but it does have

59 'verbs' laku, etc. 'go' and mai 'come' which (3)uru as in the example above, means 'first', immediately precede other verbs and indicate or 'before' some other action, process, or direction. It seems distinctly possible that state. uru occurs in Sawu as a noun or the 1pl.(excl.) form of 'go' Za'a (see 9.2.8) verb meaning 'the time before', 'be before', and mai 'come' are the historical antecedents or 'go before'. of Sawu la and ma. (4) di means, 'just, only' as in the examples Ndao: Text 7 below. ou lamu da'u kab'a kapui, а'a di Za's 2sg. go(sg.) pick up shell oyster older sibling ONLY go(3sg.)

ka ou mai udu ma emu nе'e 'Only (my) older sibling (will) go.' THEN 2sg come stack LIC house this

'You go and pick up oyster shells, then d'ua hari di you come and stack (them) at this house.' two times JUST 'Just twice.' 9.2.13 Existential and deictic verbs I am not aware of an Ndao. existential 9.3 Syntax verb, or Ndao deictic verb. Perhaps the most likely candidate for the former is Ndao era 9.3.1 Word order which is identical in form to the Sawu existential verb era. In the few examples I have As mentioned in 9.2.4, the word orders available, era appears to be some kind of of ERG Verb ABS and ABS Verb are the norm for non-obligatory present tense marker (PRES). transitive and intransitive clauses respective- e.g. ly. This contrasts sharply with the clearly ja 'a kinu era preferred verb-initial pattern of Sawu. Isg. drink(lsg.) PRES п uи nare ¡ are 'I am drinking.' ERG 3sg. take(3sg.) ABS rice-plant 'He took the. rice-plant.' napи eab'a era 3sg. work PRES manu kokotoo 'He is (still) working.' ABS cock crow 'The cock crows.' 9.2.14 Clause modifiers 9.2.14.1 Excessive adverbs 9.3.2 Interrogative clauses Ndao has at least one Excessive Adverb, Most of the question words below are sim- nota, which probably only applies to kee ilar in form and function to their Sawu equiv- 'sweet'. alents, cee 'WHO' and tasamia 'HOW' are the most divergent in form. 9.2.14.2 Particles 9.3.2.1 cee 'WHO' (Sawu пaduu, пadou) I have been able to identify Łhе following particles in Ndao. сев miu (1) ka occurs immediately after the verb in WHO you(pl.) both imperative and non-imperative clauses. It is possibly related to the Sawu Parti- 'Who are you?' cle ke (see 7.12 ). mai d'ape, cee aZe ka come COM WHO finish PART '(you) came with whom?' .'(It is) finished.'

Zamu ka, ana ja'a rou saauri сев go(2sg.) PART child POSSlsg. 4- book -ł WHO 'Go (home), my child.' 'Whose book?'

(2) ku occurs in imperative clauses, and is post-verbal. Compare Sawu ko (see 7.8 ). 9.3.2.2 paa 'WHAT' (Sawu paa)

pa-na'i uru ku ana nei paa para Zii dao CAUS-mediciпe FIRST PART child that WHAT name language Ndao 'Treat that child first.' 'What's its name in Ndao?'

60 пари tao paа 'Don't be angry.' (Sawu b'oZ bubu) 3sg. make WHAT е 'He is making what?' 9.3.4 Reflexive clauses 9.3.4.1 Non-emphatic reflexive 9.3.2.3 paa-tao'WH ' (Sawu tapaa) У There are three Ndao non-emphatic reflex- paa-tao ke napu pea atu ne'e ives which are quite different to the Sawu WHY PART 3sg. stay LOC here construction with ABS eni 'self'. We can summarize the former as follows: or: napu pea etu ne'e paa-tao Verb ABS(= hari i' PRONOUN].) 3sg. stay LOC here WHY (1) ERG1 і и I do not know what function hari has here 'Why is he staying here?' but pi' can be translated as 'body', 'torso' or 'self'.и The pronoun is coreferential with the ERG. 9.3.2.4 par'iWHEN, 11W MANY, HOW MUCH' (saWu pari) пари game hari pi'u nазu 3sg. hit ? self POSS3sg. pari Iodo пари mai 'He hit himself.' HOW MANY day 3sg. come 'When is he coming?' (2) ERG]. Verb ABS(= mesa PRONOUN].) mesa 'self' is immediately followed by what appears to be a possessive pronominal form pari ne'e coreferential with the ERG. HOW MUCH this пари game mesa na 'How much is this?' (i.e. How much, 3sg. hit self POSS3sg. does it cost?) 'He hit himself.'

9.3.2.5 mia'WHERE' (Sawu mii) ou pa-ara mesa mu 2sg. CAUSE-be ready self POSS2sg. etu mia пa u LOC WHERE 3sg. 'You get yourself ready.' 'Where is he?' (з) ERG1 Verb ABS(= ипи PRONOUN].) ипu usually means 'possess', but here it appears to mean 'self'. tati mia п apu SCE WHERE 3sg. j 'a game unu ku Isg.а hit self lsg. 'Where is he from?' 'I hit myself.' 9.3.2.6 ta amia'HOW (Sawu minamii) в ou game unu mu 2sg. hit self POSS2sg. taramia пари нош з3у. 'You hit yourself.' 'How is he?' 9.3.4.2 Emphatic reflexive 9.3.3 Imperative clauses I have only a few examples of this construction in Ndao, but it appears to have the Sawu and Ndao imperative clauses share following pattern; the following characteristics: (1)non-obligatory addressee NР1mesa PRONOUN1 (2)clause-final lowering of intonation ja' mesa Sawu imperative clauses prefer Particle we, а ku pea etu ne'e and it is possible that Ndao prefers ku and lsg. self lsg. stay LOC here to a lesser extent ka. The Ndao negative imperative particle 'I (will) stay here by myself.' b'aku, like Sawu 'ole (8.4 ) is always clause initial; e.g.Ъ The Sawu pattern is similar in that it also consists of NP followed by miha 'self', but b'aku made differs in that the emphatic particle ma must DON'T die intervene. i.e. NP ma miha 'Don't die.' (Sawu b'ole made) 9.3.5 Relative clause constructions b'aku пава DON'T be angry Ndao Relative Clause Constructions are

б1 essentially the same as those in Sawu. The 9.3.9 Auxiliary constructions non-obligatory Relative Clause Marker is du corresponding to Sawu do. Ndao neo 'want, desire' and ko'o (etc.) 'want' (compare Sawu o'o 'want') function as era du b'e'a auxiliaries. The Sawu construction is simi- place REL be good lar in that the auxiliary precedes the verb but differs in that the Sawu auxiliary must 'a good place' be clause initial. ja'a neo laku Zozo-balti du ra'e lsg. WANT go(lsg.) pawpaw REL eat(3р1.) 'The pawpaw which they ate.' 'I want to go. '

ja'а neo kims 9.3.6 Conditional clauses Isg. WANT drink(lsg.) The only type of Ndao conditional clause 'I want to drink.' known to me is that which begins with lade 'IF'. The Sawu equivalents are ki and had'i. b иба novo rai dog WANT flee lade ja'a Bala boe; пади aegi boe IF lsg. wrong NEG 3sg. win NEG 'The dog wants to run away.' 'If I am not wrong, he will not win.' 9.3.10 Negation lade ja'a pada, laku boe NEG Ndao ado or ad'o negates non-verbale IF lsg. sick go(lsg.) (as does Sawu ad'o). . 'If I am sick, (I will) not go.' nagu ado dou dao 3sg. NEG person Ndao 9.3.7 Purposive clauses 'He is not Ndao.' Ndao sana ka immediately precedes the Ndao boe (like Sawu d'o) negates verbals. purposive subordinate clause. Its function Ti. 'a boe dou dao is the same as that of Sawu pi or 3sg.пари know(3sg.)пе NEG person Ndao na парц kape kacui-ai ina 3sg. grab hand mother POSS3sg. 'He does not know Ndao people.' asna ka naou babe boe Ndao dae indicates 'NOT YET'. It differs PURP 3sg. fall NEG from the Sawu form in the absence of a NEG particle (compare Sawu ad'o dae and dae d'o, 'He grabbed his mother's hand so that 8.14 ). he would not fall.' The Ndao negative imperative b'aku is discussed in 9.3.3. ho ka ja'а laku as kota вала Isg. go(lsg.) GOAL Kupang ? PURP 9.3.11 Possession ai'a Zii dao Like Sawu, Ndao possessive pronouns and study language Ndao nouns follow the head noun. I do not have any data on Ndao possessive relative clauses 'I went to Kupang in order to study Ndao.' (see also 9.2.1 ).

9.3.8 Reason clause 9.3.12 Comparison Ndao pati (and perhaps also kati) intro- 9.3.12.1 semi 'LIKE' duces a subordinate reason clause. Once a ' semi ja'a again, it has a similar function to that of иapи pаa-оаа д о Sawu ri, rido, roui, taga, or taga ri. 3sg. poor LIKE lsg. ja'a baj'i pati ja'a roe 'He is poor like me.' Isg. be asleep REASON lsg. be tired -ia asTi hela ai'u 'I was asleep because I was tired.' пари bani 3sg. beautiful LIKE flower wood ja'a ped'a pati ja'a ku'a du be'a Isg. be sick REASON lsg. eat(lsg.) REL be good bura 'She is pretty like a beautiful flower.' dog 'I am sick because I ate a dog.' Sawu makes use of hela'u 'be same', and the 62 particle mi LIKE. (2) Ndao c corresponds to Sawu h ca'e ha's 'climb' 9.3.12.2 risi-eie ti 'MORE THAN' cab'u hab'u 'soap' eci phi ' n' Ndao risi-eZe ti is not unlike Sawu ceo heo 'nine' rihi Ρ (ti)oe (8.16.3 ), and the functions are the cate р a hetepa 'half' same. (3)Ndao corresponds to Sawu h пари mou risi-eZe ti ja'a в 3sg. be clever MORE THAN lsg. sa'u ha'u 'lap' semi haroi 'receive' 'He is•cleverer than I.' ааhapa hewapa 'nose' daai dahi 'sea' еuеu huhu 'breast' 9.3.13 Coordination eiZu hilu 'wear a cloth' The two most common Ndao clausal conjunc- Some less regular vowel correspondences are: tions are ka 'THEN', and hia 'THEN'. The Sawu equivalents are: j'e, d'ai, d'ae and bale. (4)Ndao a often corresponds to Sawu e ka nuv nare are Zia lie 'coral' THEN 3sg. take(3sg.) rice-plant hua wue 'fruit' kapua kepue 'tree' ka Za'e maj'u {hia} wie 'give' THEN go(3sg.) pound hie

'Then he took the rice-plants... then Note: A conditioning factor, in a proposed went and pound (then).' historical change from *-a to -e, may have been the penultimate high vowel.

manu no'o boe rai, hia nuu (5)Ndao o sometimes corresponds to Sawu u fowl WANT NEG flee THEN 3sg. j'ole j'ula 'offer' Zagora lag'ura 'iguana' пава ke kabaZo kebaZu 'ant species' be angry PART Za hapu Zua menu 'thread' Bota huta 'waste' 'The fowl did not want to flee, (and) 'first day of lunar ca-paZo вa he-peZuha then he became angry.' calendar' The contrastive conjunction is t е 'BUT'. (6)Ndao u sometimes corresponds to Sawu o Sawu forms are: tapi, tapulara. Ваr и'и hero'o 'carry on arm' dou dua hali kahib'i edi nuu not 3sg. person two buy goat 1pl.(incl.) ruu roo 3р1. du do REL te ja'a ko'о boe BUT lsg. WANT(1sg.) NEG (7) However, in the majority of cases, Ndao o corresponds to Sawu o. 'Two people (wanted) to buy our goat but I did not want (to sell it).' For regular x:x correspondences and diachronic phonology see Walker (forthcoming a). The alternative conjunction is do 'OR'. Sawu has we, and Roti do. 9.5 Concluding remarks na &u ped'a do mou 3sg. be sick OR be clever Such a high percentage of cognates has led some observers (e.g. Jonker 1903) to re- 'He is either sick or. clever.' gard Ndao and Sawu as dialects of the same language. In my view, however, there is always As in Sawu, the conjunction occurs between a need to be cautious about the value of lex- the two coordinate clauses. icostatistics Considered in isolation. Wherev- er possible lexical and phonological evidence should be supported by documentation from 9.4 Lexicon other parts of the grammar.

Using a modified Swadesh 200-word list In this section, we have presented the it was found that the percentage of cognates skeleton of an Ndao grammar in order to high- between Sawu and Ndao was 75 %. Regular x:y light the similarities and differences between sound correspondence* are as follows: Sawu and Ndao. Having, therefore, examined this additional data, I am now of the opinion (1) Ndao h corresponds to Sawu w that, despite a large area of common ground 'pig' hahi mawi in the lexicon and phonology, grammatical horu avaru 'moon' differences between the two are sufficient to he'o w е'e 'tongue' indicate that Ndao is a separate language. hela weZa 'machete' horo worn '(to) froth' huj'u wuj'u 'be mad' * * *

б3 Appendix A

DIALECTAL VARIATION

The Sawu dialects show minor variation in the lexicon. I list some of the apparent differences below. Seba lesara Timu Liae Rainjua 1. ye: a: j'a: ya: ja 'u, ja'o Isg. у jo, j'o 2. j'i: j'i: j'i: j'Ż: j2. lрl.(incl.) 3. ri ri ro ri li ERG 4. do do - ro REL pa: 5. pa: pa:, Ra: #а: WHAT? 6. Zara rara Zara Zara Zara 'house-fly' 7. keaZa kelata keaZa keZaZa keZaZa 'areca palm' kala keaZa B. keoa keoe kehoa - keoe 'low (of buffalo)' 9. himu hiamu ihi-amu - la'i 'spouse' 10. terae terae terae terae kerae 'sorghum' 11. mepahi mayahi megahi megahi megahi 'salt' Some lexical items are diagnostic of a particular dialect, e.g. Timu [j'a:) 'lsg.'; Seba himu 'spouse'; Rainjua Za'i 'spouse'. Correspondences which apply to more than one lexical item include the following: (1)lesara has rVrV# where other dialects have 1VrV#, e.g. rara 'house-fly' (other dialects: Zara); kerara 'yellow' (other dialects: kelara). (2)lesara trisyllables commencing in ma correspond to trisyllables in other dialects which begin with me, e.g. mapahì 'salt' (other dialects: mepahi); mahara 'lesara' (other dialects: mehara). (3)Rainjua trisyllables commencing in ke, correspond to trisyllables in other dialects which begin with te, e.g. kerae 'sorghum' (other dialects: terae).

64 Appendix В

AGREEMENT VERBS

Plural Singular bala bale 'extend, stretch out' balm bolo 'forget' boka} buka bike 'open' b'aha b'ahe 'wash' b'ad'i b'ad'e 'choose, pick up' b'ag а b'аде 'chase away' baga ) bage ' baka bake 'split' bata bete 'tend (sheep, goats, etc.)' b'ita b'ete 'pull out' • b'ud'u b'ud'e 'cut into small pieces (fish, etc.)' b'ui b'ие 'pour' b'uju b'uje 'touch, feel' b'uki buke 'write' dai dae 'sieve (rice)' da'u da'o 'grasp with fist' dau dao 'lower (tuak only)' dala dale 'swallow' duri dure 'drink (soup)' d'aba d'abc 'throw '• d'ah 'а d'ab'e 'baptize, sprinkle' d'ai d'ae (?) 'arrive' d'ari d'are 'sharpen' d'aja d'aje 'kick' abu abo 'capture, catch' ahu aho 'visit' aj'a aj'e 'study, read, teach' i ах аре 'wash (hair)' aba ebe 'fetch' egu ago 'fetch, carry' ski eke 'tie (humans, animals)' ala ele 'finish' emi aте 'hold on to' аifu eńo 'plait' eta ate 'cut off' ela) ele 'disappear' ila ihi the 'fill' iu io 'tie spur(s) on cock' ubu ube 'flatter' uj'u иj'е 'tie (with string)' gari gare 'draw a straight line' gati gate 'substitute' gau gai 'lift (off hook)' g oti gars 'scratch' gei gee 'scratch, turn over soil' gi'i gi'e 'peel, open' golo gule 'free, let loose' , g'eru g'sro 'strangle, knead, choke' g'e ču g'ato 'pluck' g'uti g'ute 'cut (with scissors)' hab'i hab'e 'slice up (meat)' ha'u ha'o 'nurse (on lap)' hahi habe 'shave (tree trunk)' kali hale 'fill' hani hane 'leave' (trans.V.) hab'i hab'e 'тénd' hab'и hab'o 'dye' hoku hako 'try,. test' hala hete 'plant (rice, coconuts)' hemi hame 'receive' kepi hage 'fry' h'рi hope 'pull'

65 Plural Singular hapu hapo 'break, decide' heb'ili heb'ile 'carry (on back)' heb'oro heb'ore 'brush' heguru hegure 'cover' heneb'i heneb'e 'shut, cover' hepad'и hepad'o 'sniff, kiss' hepepi hepape 'pinch, squeeze' heroic, hero'e 'carry (on arm)' hib'a heb'e 'splash (far)' hib'i hib'e 'bite' hiu hio 'tear' hogo hoge 'cook' hora hore 'throw away' hub'i hub'e 'insert' hud'i hud'e 'pursue, chase' huru hure 'spoon' jaga jage 'watch' j'ani j'ane 'leave behind' jari j'are 'begin' j'aga jage 'work, make, build' j'ajа j'eje 'kick, stamp (feet)' j'aZi j'ale 'trample down, tread under foot' kaj'a kaj'e 'take, fetch' kaj'i kaj'e 'pound, throw (far)' kaga kage 'dive, plunge, duck, bathe' kapa kape 'catch, capture' keb'aZi keb'aZe 'ask' keb'ala keb'aZe 'open out (mat)' kedali kedaZe 'cut off' ked'agu ked'ago 'hold on to' kehiwa kehewe 'hire' kei kee 'dig' keleti keZste 'shoot (with bow, slingshot)' keliji kelije 'peel off' ketari ketare 'peer' kewau kewao 'wave away (flies, etc.)' kewuru kewure 'whisper' kiju kijo 'insert, stab' kud'u kud'e 'punch, box' lapa lape 'fold' lata Zate 'shake, dust (mat, etc.)' liba Zebe 'scatter (seed, food, etc.)' ligu ligo 'throw (near)' lieu lipо 'guard (food, corpse)' lilo Zole 'talk' loro lore 'slit throat' ma 'i ma ' e 'pay' mari mare 'laugh (at), mock' mata mate 'wait for' maka make 'be strong' menanu meneio 'tighten woven thread' m еíR агu megaro 'sweep' mepahi тepahe 'salt' meripi meripe 'be cold, make cold' moda mode 'twist, swivel' nono none 'dry in sun' nuni nuns 'pull, drag along' íRami íRame 'gnaw, chew, bite at' иakа Rake 'push forward' pa'a pa'е 'eat' pарi gape 'pinch, squeeze' gadi p аdе 'spot, sight, see' pinn piпо 'drink' pala pale 'give' pahi pahe 'throw (close), toss' paku pako 'pluck (flower, etc.)' pelu palo 'immerse' paRi рае 'press, squeeze' paru paro 'hold on to' pe-bui pe-bue 'drop' pedana pedane 'bury' pedai pedae 'tell' pedia pedoe 'call, invite'

б6 Plural Singular pedutu pedute 'follow' ped'ulu ped'ule 'lower' pe-ala pe-ale 'finish' pe-iu pe-io 'make (cock) fight' pe-g'uti pe-g'ute '(give to) cut' pehali pehaZe 'squeeze, milk' pehod'o pehod'e 'peer' pe-huhu pe-hиhе 'suckle, breast-feed' pehuru pě hure 'exchange, change' рejиu pejue 'order, command' pe-j'iu pe-j'io 'bathe' pe-kad'u pe-kad'o 'give to place inside cloth' pek а p и pekapo 'yelp, whine, whimper' pe-kemа pu p е-k ета p о 'dry, make dry' pe-lapa pe-lape 'tack, sail back and forth' peluja peloje 'take care of' pc-moko pe-moke 'prepare, make ready' pe-тои pe-moo 'clear, clean' peRi'u peńi'o 'spit' pe- pe'a pe- pа'е 'feed, give to eat' ре p аhа pepahe 'stop' pe-iladi pe-pade 'show' рe-puru pc-pure 'lower, cause descend' per э'o per а'о 'lead (animal)' perei peree 'wake up' pe.tobo pe-tobe 'fill up, make full' pe-tunu pe-tune 'give (to s.o.) to roast' pid'i pid'e 'choose, pick up' pi'a pe'e 'be, be where?' pihi pihe 'gently splash water' pij'i pij'e 'pick up' pika peke 'tell' pili pile 'pick up' PUS pue 'pluck, pick' r а'и ra'o 'pick up with fist' regi rape 'hear' riu rio 'sharpen (point)' rohо robe 'rub' taba tabe 'add, increase' tads torde 'know, understand' tali tale stie with rope, etc.' tab'a tab'e 'slap, box (ears)' tabu tab'o 'stab' tad'a tad'e 'ladle (water)' tad'u tad'o 'carry on head' take take 'place, store' tuku tuke 'throw' tunu tune 'cook, roast, burn' waba w аbe 'hit, (kill)' mala wel'е 'spread out, open out' mali mele 'buy' moka woke 'turn over soil (with hand)' wuni mune 'hide' muta mute •wrap up'

л » k

67 Appendix C

SAWU TEXT

The child who turned into a turtle

1. era he-dou ina pa he-dou ama. be one-CLASS mother AND one-CLASS father 'There is a mother and a father.'

2. ama ne ale ke pe-made. father DEMlsg. PAST(sg.) PART PAST-be dead 'The father has passed away.'

3. ama ne do kemou ai-mou-ku'u. child DEMlsg. STAT have yaws sores all over body 'The child has yaws sores all over his body.'

4. ina do bani menanu 0 b'ara dou ta kale ' doi, kale mother REL female weave ABS clothes person NON-PAST pursue ABS money pursue

p(2'a to wie of ne ama ne. food NON-PAST give ABS ART child DEMlsg. 'The mother is a woman who makes clothes to obtain money, to obtain food to give to the child.'

5. d'ai pa d'ara Zod'о, to pe-m о1i O lua wapи ke. THEN LOC interior day NON-PAST CAUS-be greasy ABS thread cotton PART 'Then, one day, (she) is greasing cotton thread.'

6. to kemapu 0 lua w а pц, to la b'aha Za d'ara dahi ke. NON-PAST be dry ABS thread cotton NON-PAST DFS wash(pl.) GFS interior sea PART 'The cotton thread dries, (and she) goes to the sea to wash them.'

7. b'aZe ane I ina ne, "pee pa emu, ana j'aa", mi he ane, THEN say ERG mother DEMlsg. stay LOC house child POSSlsg. LIKE DEMlp1. say

"pi d'o Zaka ihi ou ri mo-rai, pi d'o melara." PURP NEG strike ABSф body POSS2sg. ERG PROD-earth PURP NEG sting 'Then the mother says, "Stay in the house, my child, so that your body does not hit the ground, so that it won't sting."

8. t"ae d'o ‚f ne ama ne. WANT NEC ABS ART child DEMlsg. 'The child does not want to.'

9. pedutu ma pa ina ne. follow EMPI COM mother DEMlsg. 'The child goes with the mother.' lua mepu he 10. pee. b'ole pedutu. raja d'o Í j'aa. la b'aha ф stay DON'T follow be long NOT ABS lsg. DFS wash(pl.) ABS thread cotton DEM1p1.

j'аа la d'ara dahi ni. ERG lsg. GFS interior sea DEM4sg. 'Stay. Don't follow. I will not be long. I am going to the sea to wash some cotton thread.'

68 11. taps-tapi 6 nе ana ne, ta pedute. cry-RED ABS ARТ child DEMlsg. NON-PAST follow(sg.) 'The child cries and cries, (and) follows (his mother)

12. ta ago ke ri ina d'e. NON-PAST carry(sg.) PART ERG mother DEM2sg. 'Then the mother carries (him).' 13. d'ai Za dahi, Za tabi dahi ne. arrive GFS sea GFS shore sea DEMlsg. 'They arrive at the sea, at the sea shore.' 14. ni pi d'o "titu pa w о-Zahalae d'é. b'ole titu pa d'ara ei stand LOC PROD-sand DEM2sg. DON'T STAND LOC interior water DEM4sg. PURP NEG

melara ó ihi ou." • sting ABS body POSS2sg. 'Stand on this piece of sand. Don't stand in the water lest your body sting." 15. ta j'iu ei dahi 0 j'аа, mama. NON-PAST bathe water sea ABS lsg. mother "I want to bathe in the sea, Mother." ane. 16. b'ole pi d'o melara 0 ihi ou. raja d'o 0 j'аа, mi he DON'T PURP NEG sting ABS body POSS2sg. be long NEG ABS lsg. LIKE DEMlpl. say "Don't lest your body sting. I will not be long." (She) says.

17. tapi-tapi ke, ta j'iu-j'iu ke 0 ne ana ne. cry-RED PART NON-PAST bathe-RED PARS ABS ART child DEMlsg. '(The child) cries and cries, (and then) the child bathes.'

18. lohe d'o ae, ta b'aha-b'aha heve ke 0 ne ina d'e. TOO NEG be much NON-PAST wash-RED JUST PART ABS ARТ mother DEM2sg. 'There wasn't too much to wash, (and) the mother just kept on washing.'

19. ala pe-b'aha-b'aha, ta pepadи ke hag's. ф half PASТ(рl.) PAST-wash-RED NON-PAST take PART ABS 'Having finished washing, (she) takes half.'

20. b'aZe ane 0 ina d'e, "pee ko 0 ou, ama j'aa, helen ko ri THEN say ERG mother DEM2sg. stay PART ABS 2sg. child POSS1sg. watch PART ERG ou 0 ne lua Wapu do hag'e hede. kipa meripi, ha'e Za kolo Zede. cold climb GFS top hill 2sg. ABS ARТ thread. cotton REL be half DEM2p1. IF Za nono ko ri j'aa hag's. DFS dry in sun PART ERG lsg. ABS half 'Then the mother says, "You stay, my child, and watch over the (other) half of the cotton thread. If you get cold, go ashore. I am going to dry this half."'

21. "00." ane ' ana d'e. "b'ole raja, mama." YES say ERG child DEM2sg. DON'T be long mother "O.K.", says the child. "Don't be long, Mother."

22. "oo." ane ina d'e YES say ERG mother DEM2sg. "O.K." says the mother.

23. ta kaki ke Ó ne ina ne Za emu. nono 0 ne NON-PAST go PART ABS ARТ mother DEMlsg. GFS house dry in sun(pl.) ABS ART

б9 Zua wа pи hed'e ri ina ne. to ala pe-nono, thread cotton DEM2p1. ERG mother DEMlsg. NON-PAST PAST(pl.) PAST-дrу in sun(pl.) ta bale ke mariai Za heleo 6 ana ne Za tahi dahi ne NON-PAST return PART QUICKLY DFS see ABS child DEMlsg. GFS shore sea DEMlsg.

Za b'aha 6 ne lua w а p и do hag'e he. DFS wash(pl.) ABS ART thread cotton REL half DEMlpl. 'The mother goes to the house. The mother dries the cotton threads. When (they) are dry, she quickly returns to the sea shore to see the child and to wash the rest of the cotton thread.'

24. d'ai Za tabi dahi. era ma ó ne ana ne do j'iu-j'iu ei, arrive GFS shore sea be EMРН ABS ARТ Child DEMlsg. STAT bathe-RED water Zua wа pи era ma pa era ne. thread cotton be EMPI LIC place DEMlsg. 'She reaches the sea shore. The child is there bathing, and the cotton thread is in its place.'

25. ogu ri ke Á hag'e ne Zua u u nahare, ta Za fetch(pl.) AGAIN PART т ар ABS half ARТ thread cotton DEM3р1. NON-PAST DFS b'aha-b'aha ke. wash(pl.)-RED PART '(She) fetches the rest of the cotton threads and washes (them).'

26. b'aZe ane ‚ ne Zii pa ana ne, "b'ole kaki Za do ei ae. THEN say ABS ARТ word GA child DEMlsg. DON'T go GFS REL water be much j'iu pa do ei iki we. j'iu.j'iu pa ei iki we bathe LOC REL water be little ONLY bathe-RED LOC water be little ONLY 'Then (she) says to the child, "Don't go into deep water. Bathe only in the shallow water. Bathe only in the shallow water."'

27. "oo ", ane ana ne. YES say ABSś child DEMlsg. 'Yes", says the child.' ne, "ta 28. b'ala ane 6 ina Za nono ‚ Lua wep и ri, THEN say ABS mother DEMlsg. NON-PAST DFS dry in sun ABS thread cotton AGAIN

ana j'aa, Za emu. ki m еripi ke Ó ou, pepaha, ta bats ke child POSSlsg. GFS house IF be cold PART ABS 2sg. stop NON-PAST return PART ś dii. ABS 1pl.(incl.) 'Then the mother says, "(I) am going to the house to dry cotton threads again, my child. If you are cold, stop and we will return (home)."' 29. "uru we, mama." be before JUST mother "Just go ahead, Mother." •

30. "b'ole. " ane d ina ne. DON'T say ERG mother DEMlsg.

'"Don't", says the mother.'

31. to mate-mate ke ri ina ne. NON-PAST wait-RED PART ERG mother DEMlsg. 'The mother waits and waits.'

32."meripi dae d'o 6 ou?", ane Ó ina no. be cold YET NEG ABS 2sg. say ERG mother DEMlsg.

70 '"Arеп't you cold yet?', says the mother.' 33."ad'o dae. ta lie kemou ke j'аа pi ta mou, NOT YET NON-PAST soak ABSф yaws sores PART фERG lsg. PURP NON-PAST be clean pi ta Za tao ri ru-aj'u la emu." PUR? NON-РASТ DFS treat INST leaf-wood DFS house '"Not yet. I am soaking (my) yaws sores so that they will become clean, so that I can go to the house and treat them with leaves."' 34. ta hudi. mate ma ri ina іа. d'ai. ta tui NON-PAST wait(sg.) EMPI ERG mother DEMlsg. THEN NON-PAST be length of time PART b'aZe ane s' ina n , "j'iu ko we Ρ ou. Za nono THEN say ERG mother DEMlsg.е bathe PART PART ABSД 2sg. DFS dry in sun(pl.)

ko ri j'aa." PART ERG lag. 'The mother waits. A short time passes. Then the mother says, "You go on bathing. I will go and dry (some more cotton thread)."' 35.bale ane ana , "ta Za emu, mama?" THEN say ERGф child DEMlsg.пе NON-PAST GFS house mother 'Then the child says, "Are (you) going to the house, mother?"' Zua wapu we, j'e b'aZe ma ego 36."oo. ta Za поnо ф YES NON-PAST DFS dry in sun ABS thread cotton JUSТ THEN return DТS fetch(sg.) ana j'аа. ABSф child POSSlsg. '"Yes. I am just going to dry some cotton thread, then I will return here to fetch my child."' 37."ee. kiri katu Za kolo lede, jad'i ta dob'oho-Zigu-manu ‚ j'aa. kiri Hey IF head GFS top hill become RESULT snake species ABS lsg. IF katu Za d'ara dahi", mi he ane, "jad'i ta i', ta ana eRo head GFS inside sea LIKE DEMlpl. SAY become RESULT shark RESULT child turtle j'aa. " ABSф lsg. '"Hey. If (my) head goes ashore, I will become a snake. If (my) head goes into the water", (he) says, "I will become a shark or young turtle."'

38."b'ole. tа paa ta Zii mi nahere Ρ ou ri. raja d'o ‚ j'aa. DON'T WHY NON-PAST talk LIKE DEM3p1. ERGД 2sg. REASON be long NEG ABS lag. ta Za nono 0 Zua w p hed's we", mi he ane. NON-PAST DFS dry in sun ABS thread cottonа и DEM2p1. JUST LIKE DEM1p1. say "Don't. Why are you talking like that. I will not be long. I am just going to dry these cotton threads", (she) says. 39."ao. ta Zii pe-moko-moko ke j'aa pa mama", "mi he ane, 0 YES NON-PAST say CAUS-be ready-RED PART lsg. GA mother LIKE DEMlpl. say ABS

kipa b'ale mama, j'e d'o p 's j' , b'ole kale ma we". ф е ф аа IF return ABS mother THEN NEG be(sg.) ABS lag. DON'T look for Е РН PART Za kolo ale ke ri j'aa рв-lii pa mama, katu Zede jad'i ta PAST(sg.) PART ERG lsg. PASТ-say GA mother head GFS top hill become RESULT dob'oho-Zigu-mane, ketu Za d'ara dahi jad'i ta ii', ta ana oHo." ,<-snake species-> head GFS inside sea become RESULT shark RESULT child turtle 'Yes. I will definitely say to mother, 'If mother returns, and I am not here, don't look for (me)'. I have already told mother, 'Head to shore becomes a snake. Head to sea becomes a shark or baby turtle.'"

71 40. о'о d'o ne ana ne ta ha'e Za kolo Zede. b'aZe ane WANT NEG ABS ART child DEMlsg. NON-PAST climb GFS top hill THEN say ERG

ina ne. "uru ke j'aa la emu." mother DEMlsg. go ahead PART ABSф lsg. GFS house 'The child does not want to go ashore. Then the mother says, "I will go ahead to the house."' 41. "b'ole raja", mi he ane ana ne. DON'T be long LIKE DEMlpl. say ABS child DEMlsg. '"Don't be long", says the child.'

42. ta d'ai ф ina ne, Za nono-nono ne lua wa р u ABSф AR thread cotton NON-PAЗT arrive ABS mother DEMlsg. DFS dry in sun(pl.)-RED Т he. lua wept< ma ke do ae. nono-nono pa emu ne. DEMlpl. thread cotton EMPI PART STAT be many dry in sun(pl.)-RED LOC house DEMlsg. 'The mother arrives (home), (then) goes and lays the cottoi threads out to dry in the sun. The cotton threads are many. (She) dries (them) at the house.'

43. ta ala pe-nono, ta bale ke Za dahi Za ego ф ana AFTER PAST(pl.) PAST-dry NON-PAST return PART GFS sea DFS fetch(sg.) ABS child Za dahi, Za tabi Zahaiae. heZeo ana pe'e d'o ke. d'e. d'ai ф DEM2sg. arrive GFS sea GFS edge sand see ABS child be(sg.) NEG PART

p еdo е-dое , p еdов-dое. pe'е d'o ke ta hou of ne Zii ana call(sg.)-RED call(sg.)-RED be(sg.) NEG PART NON-PAST emerge ABS ARТ word child ne. DEMlsg. 'When they are dried, (the mother) returns to the sea to fetch the child. She arrives at the sea, at the sand's edge, and sees that the child is not there. (She) calls out again and again, (but) there is no answer.'

kstu-ragi ne ana ne, ta pebu'u katu ke talu 44. d'ai la ф arrive GFS deep water ABS ART child DEMlsg. NON-PAST appear ABS head PART three o pa taka ta рelа p и pa ina ne. jad'i ke ta оň time NON-PAST• bid farewell COM mother DEMlsg. become PART RESULT turtle LOC

d'ara dahi. inside sea 'The child reaches deep-water and the head appears three times to bid farewell to the mother. (The child) has become a turtle in the sea.'

* • ь

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London: Longmans, London: Elliot Stock. Green. Wielenga, D.K. Schachter, P. 1909 Schets van een Soembaneeeehe 1976 "The Subject in Philippine Lan- Spraakkunвt (Naar 't Dialect van guages: Topic, Actor, Actor-topic Kambera). Batavia: Landsdrukkerij. or None of the Above", in C. Li (ed.) Subject and Topic, 491-518. Wijngaarden, J.K. New York: Academic Press. 1896 Satдuпеesche Woordenlijst. Uitgegeven door het Kon. Instituut Schachter, P. and F. Otanes voor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 1972 Tagalog Reference Grammar. van Nederlandsch-Indië. 's-Graven- Berkeley: University of California hage: Martinus Nijhoff. Press. Wurm, S.A. and B. Wilson Silverstein, M. 1975 "English Finderlist of Reconstruc- 1977 "Hierarchy of Features and Erga- tions in Austronesian Languages tivity", in R.M.W. Dixon (ed.) (Post-Grandstetter)". Pacific Grammatical Categories in Auetra- Linguistica, C-33. Zian Languages, 112-71. Canberra:

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75 NUSA LINGUISTIC STUDIES IN INDONESIAN AØ LANGUAGES IN INDONESIA

C O N T E N T S

Miacellaпeous Studie а in Indonesian and Languages in Indonesia, Part I edited by John W.M. Verhaar

Anton Moeliono, "A recent history of spelling reforms in Indonesia" E.M. Uhlenbeck, "Sentence segment and wordgroup: basic concepts of *Javanese syntax" Dale F. Walker, "A lexical study of Lampung dialects" Marmo Soemarmo, "The illusive simple noun phrases" Kenneth R. Maryott, "Sangil elevationals and the performative analysis" out of print

Miaellaneoua Studies in Iпдопевiап and Language а in Indonesia, Part II edited by Amгan Halfim A. Teeuw, "The morphological system of the Indonesian• adjective" Marmo Soemarmo, "Syntactic and semantic well-formedness" Stephen Wallace, "Social correlates of some phonological differences in Jakarta Malay" Gloria Poedjosoedarmo, "Thematization and information structure in Javanese" Discussions: "Principled limitations on productivity in denominal verbs" (James H. Rose) "On constraining the production of denominal verbs" (William E. Cooper) "Invention and innovation in denominal verbs" (James G. Rose) Text: "Tonsea text" U.N. Sneddon) still available 0 Rp 1.725,00/US$ 5.00

Мiбое llaпeouв.Studies in Indonesian and Languages in Indonesia, Part III edited by Soepomo Poedjosoedarmo

Joan M. Rosen, "Reduplication and negation in Indonesian" Paul J. Hopper, "Some observations on the typology of focus and aspect in narrative language" Robert Blust, "Austronesian culture history: воте linguistic references and their relations to the archaeological record" H. Steinhauer, "'Going' and 'coming' in the Slagar of Dolap (Pura - Alor - Indonesia)" T.W.J. Mihing and W.A.L. Stokhof, "On the Ngaju Dayak Bound system" still available e Rp 1.625,00/US$ 5.00

Miвoellaneoua Studies in Indonesian and Languages in Iпдопевiа, Part IV edited by Ignatius Suharno

Joan M. Rosen, "The functions of reduplication in Indonesian" Stephanus Djawanai, "A description of the basic phonology of Nga'da and the treatment of borrowings" J.S. Sande and W.A.L. Stokhof, "On the phonology of the Toraja Kesu? dialect" J.A.J. Verheijen, S.V.D., "The lack of formative IN affixes in the Manggarai language" Texts "Tambi-lawan" (Joan M. Rosen) atilt available В Rp I.ß00,00/US$ 5.00 NUSA THE UNIVERSIТI 0F MELBOURNE LIBRARY LINGUISTIC STUDIES IN INDONESIAN AND LANGUAGES IN INDONESIA

NUSA volume 1 John W.M.Verhaar (ed.), Miscellaneous studies in Indonesian and languages in Indonesia, P4rt I, Jakarta 1975. Contents: A.M.Moeliono (history of spelling reforms in Indonesian), E.M. Uhlenbeck (Javanese syntax), Dale F.Walker (lexical study of Lampung dialects), Marmo Soemarmo (noun phrases in Indonesian and Javanese), Kenneth R.Maryott (elevationals in Sangil). (out of print)

NUSA volumе 2 Dale F. Walker, A grammar of the LSamрилд language, Jakarta 1976. Rp 1.475,00/US$ 4.00 NUSA volume 3 Amrап lalim (ed.), Miscellaneous studies in Indonesian and languages in Indonesia, Part II, Jakarta 1977. Contents: A. Teeuw (morphology of the adjective in Indonesian), Stephen Wallace (socio-linguistics of Jakarta Malay phonology), Marmo Soemarn о (semantax in Indonesian and Javanese), Gloria Poedjosoedarmo (thematization and information structure in Javanese), James H. Rose - William E. Cooper - James H.Rose (discussion on limitations on productivity of denominai verbs in Indonesian), J.N.Sneddon (Tonsea text). Rp 1.725,00/ÚS$ 5.00 NUSA volume 4 Soepomo Poedjosoedarmo (ed.), Miscellaneous studies in Indonesian and languages in Indonesia, Part III, Jakarta 1977. Contents: Joan M.Rosen (on reduplication in Indonesian), Paul J. Hopper (narrative structure in 19th century Malay), Robert Blust (Austronesian culture history and linguistic inferences), H. Steinhauer ('coming' and 'going' in the Blagar of Dolap), T.W.J. Mihing and W.A.L. Stokhof (sound system of Ngaju Dayak). Rp 1.625,00/US$ 5.00

NUSA volumе 5 Ignatius Suharno (ed.), Miscellaneous studies in Indonesian and languages in Indonesia, Part IV, Jakarta 1977. Contents: Joan M. Rosen (reduplication in Indonesian, sequel to article in volume 4), Stephanus Djawanai (phonology of Nga'da), J.S. Sande and W.A.L. Stokhof (phonology of Tirais Kesu?), J.A.J. Verheijen (affixation in Manggarai), Joan M. Rosen (Riung text). Rp 1.600,00/ÚS$ 5.00

NUSA volume 6 John W.M. Verhaar (ed.), Miscellaneous studies in Indonesian and languages in Indonesia, Part V, Jakarta 1978. Contents: J.V. Dreyfuss (meN-, di-, ber- in Indonesian), Michael R. Thomas (unmarked verba in Indonesian), J.W.M. Verhaar (passive in Indonesian), Stephanus Djawanai (Nga'da discourse), L.L. Kamengmai and W.A.L. Stokhof (Woisika text). Rp 1.600,00/US$ 5.00

NUSA volume 7 Amran Salim (ed.), Miscellaneous studies in Indonesian and languages in Indonesi , Part V, Jakarta1979 Contents: J.V. Dreyfuss (definition of 'nouniness' in Indonesian), Sofjan Abdи ahman and Colin Yallop (Kömering phonology), R.H. Barnes (an Austronesian relationship name), Don A.L.Flassy and W.A.L.Stokhof (a note on Tehit). Rp 2.250,00/US$ 5.00

NUSA volume 8 Bintoro, Javanese transitive verbs: a tagmemic grammar, Jakarta 1980. Rp 1.500,00/US$ 4.00

NUSA volume 9 Kay Ikranagara, ielayu Betawi grammar, Jakarta 1980. Rp 4.175,00/US$ 7.50

NUSA volume 10 Robert A. Blust (ed.), Historical linguistics in Indonesia, Part I, Jakarta 1981. Rp 2.450,00/ÚS$ 5.00

NUSA volumе 11 Muhadjir, Morphology of Jakarta dialect, affixation and reduplication, Jakarta 1981. Rp 3.350,00/USS 6.00

NUSA volume 12 Ellen Rafferty, Discourse structures of the Chinese Indonesian of Malang, Jakarta 1982. Rp 2.100,00/ÚS$ 4.50

NUSA volume 13 Alan T. Walker, A grammar of Sawu, Jakarta 1982. Rp 2.100,00/US$ 3.50

In preparation: Richard McGinn (a monograph on Reiai._ syntax).