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Factor Analysis and Latent Structure: Oeriew often very low unless the sample size runs into Thurstone L L 1947 Multiple Factor Analysis. University of thousands. This makes it all the more important to Chicago Press, Chicago estimate the sampling variability of the estimates of the parameters on which the interpretation depends. D. J. Bartholomew Traditionally this has been done by finding asymptotic standard errors but these can be very imprecise. However, it is now possible to supplement these results by resampling methods such as the bootstrap. False , of There are other fields in which latent variable models are used which currently exist in isolation. An A false is a mental experience that is mis- obvious generalization is to latent time series. Some takenly taken to be a veridical representation of an work has been done for the case where the latent event from one’s personal past. Memories can be false process is a Markov chain. In this area the term in relatively minor ways (e.g., believing one last saw ‘hidden’ is used instead of ‘latent’ which helps to the keys in the kitchen when they were in the living conceal the family connections (see Neural Networks room) and in major ways that have profound impli- and Related Statistical Latent Variable Models) (for an cations for oneself and others (e.g., mistakenly be- introduction see MacDonald and Zucchini 1997). An lieving one is the originator of an idea or that one was application in a more traditional time series context sexually abused as a child). False memories arise from will be found in Harvey and Chung (2000). Also, there the same processes as do true memories and hence is work by economists on unobserved heterogeneity as their study reveals basic mechanisms of memory. This it is called which, essentially, involves the introduction article describes empirical research investigating false of latent variables into econometric models. memories and a theoretical approach—the source monitoring framework—for integrating the findings and guiding further investigation.

Bibliography 1. Selected Early Research Anderson T W 1959 Some scaling models and estimation procedures in the latent class model. In: Grenander U (ed.) Psychologists have long been interested in memory Probability and Statistics. Wiley, New York distortions. A classic example from the 1930s is Anderson J C, Gerbing D W 1988 Structural equation modeling Bartlett’s report of studies in which he told people a in practice: a review and recommended two-step approach. folk tale from an unfamiliar culture and asked them to Psychological Bulletin 103: 411–23 it from memory. He noted that the memory Bartholomew D J 1984 The foundations of factor analysis. errors people made brought the story more in line with Biometrika 71: 221–32 their own culturally determined expectations. Another Bartholomew D J 1996 The Statistical Approach to Social is Carmichael, Hogan, and Walter’s demonstration Measurement. Academic Press, San Diego, CA that how forms are labeled influences how they are Bartholomew D J, Knott M 1999 Latent Variable Models and remembered. For example, people’s reproductions Factor Analysis, 2nd edn. Arnold, London Croon M, Bolck A 1997 On the use of factor scores in structural from memory of two circles connected by a straight equations models. Technical Report 97.10.102\7. Work and line were more likely to include a curved line if the Organization Research Centre, Tilburg University form had been labeled as ‘eyeglasses’ than if it had Harvey A, Chung C-H 2000 Estimating the underlying change in been labeled as ‘dumbbell.’ Still another is work in the unemployment in the UK. Journal of the Royal Statistical late 1950s and early 1960s by Deese (1959) and by Society A 163: 303–39 Underwood (1965) demonstrating that people are very Heinen T 1996 Latent Class and Discrete Latent Trait Models: likely to falsely remember an item (e.g., needle) if they Similarities and Differences. Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA had earlier been presented with related items (e.g., Lazarsfeld P F, Henry N W 1968 Latent Structure Analysis. thread, haystack, sharp). Houghton Mifflin, New York In the 1970s, studies from a number of laboratories MacDonald I L, Zucchini W 1997 Hidden Marko and other highlighted the fact that such memory distortions do  Models for Discrete- alued Time Series. Chapman and Hall, not only occur for unfamiliar materials such as folk London tales, or lists of words or pictures—they are a Molenaar P C W, von Eye A 1994 On the arbitrary nature of byproduct of our everyday understanding of, and latent variables. In: von Eye A, Clogg C C (eds.) Latent Variables Analysis: Applications for Deelopmental Research. memory for, information and events. For example, Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA Bransford and Johnson’s (1973) work on compre- Moustaki I 1996 A latent trait and latent class model for mixed hension and memory demonstrated that recalling observed variables. British Journal of Mathematical and information often depends on engaging constructive Statistical Psychology 49: 313–34 processes by which information is related to prior Spearman C 1904 General intelligence, objectively determined knowledge or schemas at . For example, and measured. American Journal of Psychology 15: 201–93 memory for a sentence such as ‘the haystack was

5254 False Memories, Psychology of important because the cloth ripped’ was much better involve source monitoring errors—the former a con- when the idea of a parachute had been recently fusion between a self-generated inference based on the activated than when it had not. However, this work supplied information that the cars ‘smashed into’ each also showed that people are more likely to falsely other and the latter a confusion between what was claim that stories included information that was only read and what was seen. inferred based on prior schemas or knowledge. People In sum, generation, elaboration, and integration of who heard a story that included the information that information across individual experiences from dif- ‘the spy threw the secret document into the fireplace ferent sources reflects associative, imaginative, and just in time because 30 seconds longer would have reasoning processes that are necessary for all higher- been too late’ were later likely to claim that ‘the spy order, complex thought. But, this very capacity for burned the document.’ Thus distorted ‘remembering’ creativity makes us vulnerable to having false mem- of information that might be, but is not necessarily, ories. true (e.g., the spy could have been hiding the document in a fireplace that was not lit) is the potential downside of the intelligent, active processing of information. 2. Source Monitoring Such findings led Johnson and Raye (1981) to suggest that memory distortions like those described Perhaps the most comprehensive theoretical account above reflect errors arising from imperfect reality of false memories to date is provided by the source monitoring processes that are an integral part of monitoring framework (SMF) proposed by the present remembering: that is, people sometimes confuse the author and her colleagues. According to the SMF, it is information they generate during the initial encoding, not the case that memories are found (or not found), the retention interval, or subsequent remembering of but rather that mental experiences are attributed to an event for information that came from the event. memory (or not) by ongoing judgment processes. The Reality monitoring is a special case of the more general SMF further highlights several key aspects of these ongoing function of source monitoring—making at- memory attributions: tributions about the origin of activated information in (a) Memory attributions are based on various mental experience (Johnson et al. 1993). Thus, source qualitative characteristics of the mental experience. monitoring errors include both confusions between For example, perceptual, spatial, temporal, or emo- internal and external sources and between various tional details typically are taken as evidence that a external sources (e.g., attributing something that was mental experience reflects a true memory. imagined to actual , an intention to an (b) Memory attributions are influenced by the action, something read in a tabloid to a television embeddedness of the mental experience. Embedded- program, an incident that occurred in place A or time ness depends on such factors as the availability of A to place B or time B). supporting memories, consistency with knowledge and Of course, how serious any of these memory beliefs (e.g., plausibility), and coherence of the in- distortions are depends on what is at stake. A clear formation, and agreement with the reports of others case where it matters is . In the about the event. 1970s, E. Loftus launched an influential research (c) Memory attributions are made according to program investigating the impact on event memory of flexible criteria (which qualities are considered and information that is suggested between the time of a how they are weighted, how much evidence of any witnessed event and the time people are required to given type is needed). Hence, what may be taken for a ‘testify.’ In one study, people saw a film of an memory under one of circumstances might not be automobile accident and were asked some questions, under another. including ‘About how fast were the cars going when (d) Goals, beliefs, and motivational and social they smashed into each other?’ Other people were factors influence what characteristics are looked for, asked the same question except that the words how much embedding occurs, and which criteria are ‘smashed into’ were replaced with the word ‘hit.’ On a applied. memory test a week later, the people in the first group According to the SMF, false memories occur be- were more likely to mistakenly say ‘yes’ to a question cause the mental experiences arising from events of about whether they had seen broken glass in the film. different sorts (e.g., and perception) To take another example from the Loftus laboratory, overlap in characteristics (they are imperfectly dif- after seeing a film, participants were asked ‘How fast ferentiated) and because the processes that make was the white sports car going when it passed the barn judgments about these mental experiences are also while traveling along the country road?’ Other par- imperfect (i.e., they not only operate on imperfectly ticipants were asked the same question without men- differentiated data, they are not always fully engaged, tion of the barn. In fact, there had been no barn in the they sometimes overweight nondiagnostic evidence or film, but those people who had the barn mentioned in employ inappropriate criteria, they are subject to the question were later more likely to say that they had social influences, etc.). As do most theoretical accounts seen a barn in the film. Both of these examples likely of false memories, the SMF assumes that the as-

5255 False Memories, Psychology of sociative, constructive, elaborative, and integrative believe their own (or someone else’s) memory they processes that are central to human perception and invoke these characteristics or are influenced by them. thought contribute information that may become a Manipulating these characteristics influences the ac- candidate for misattribution. However, the SMF has curacy of source monitoring. For example, if par- emphasized that these processes alone do not produce ticipants have imagined a word in another person’s false memories. Rather, false memories arise when the voice they are later likely to claim that person said the products of these processes are taken to be memories. word. If they have seen a magnifying glass, they are That is, it is not the fact that associations and other likely to say they have seen a physically similar item elaborations occur that produces false memories—for that they only imagined (e.g., a lollipop). Furthermore, example one can make an inference and later attribute features are ‘borrowed’ or cumulated across modal- it to an inference, or imagine an event and later ities. For example, hearing the sound of a dog barking correctly attribute it to imagination. Survival would increases subsequent claims that an imagined dog was be difficult, if not impossible, if there were no dif- seen. In some experiments, people are as likely to claim ferences between the memory records of things that to ‘remember’ their false as their true memories and to happened and things we imagined, or between ac- be as confident (or more so) about them. However, in tivities we observed or participated in and activities we several experiments using more detailed rating only read or heard about. Fortunately, the imperfect categories (e.g., asking for specific ratings of visual system people have is usually good enough, and and auditory detail, emotional qualities) false mem- perhaps even has some advantages over a perfect ories were on average somewhat less vivid or detailed system (e.g., life satisfaction may be higher when we than true memories. remember things as better than they were, social relations may be better when we agree on a common account of events, or generalization between similar 3.2 Eidence and\or Criteria used in Source situations may be faster when we are not concerned Monitoring about where inferences come from). Some theorists (e.g., Gardiner, Jacoby, and Kelley) Attribution processes are subject to task and social have proposed that there are two distinct types of demands. If people are induced to, or have the memory experience, ‘Knowing and Remembering,’ or opportunity to more carefully evaluate their mem- ‘Familiarity and Recollection,’ and have shown that ories, the probability of false memories decreases. errors often result from misattribution of familiarity Ways to decrease false memories include avoiding which can sometimes be corrected with recollection. leading questions, asking people to explicitly consider Within the SMF, these would represent ends (or a the possible sources of their memories rather than coarse categorization) of a continuum of mental simply asking about one source, having them rate the experiences. Also, in the SMF, both true and false qualitative characteristics of their memories, and memories can be associated with a sense of familiarity public as opposed to private remembering. Presum- and with a sense of recollection. ably, these manipulations decrease the degree that people will rely on a single type of information (e.g., familiarity or perceptual detail) and increase con- 3. Inestigating True and False Memories sideration of, and retrieval of, additional potentially useful information. Evidence for the propositions in Sect. 2 comes from laboratories in many countries working in many domains (the SMF can be thought of as a way of 3.3 Rehearsal and Imagination unifying this evidence), including work on familiarity- based attributions, , the phenomenal Thinking about events can increase the vividness of qualities of memories, , rehearsal, imagined events, the probability people will claim effects in memory, the impact of emotion, motivational imagined events occurred, and their confidence that an and social effects in memory, interpersonal reality event occurred. Imagining events can also make monitoring, and imagination. Several illustrative similar perceived events seem to have occurred more findings are briefly outlined here. frequently. Furthermore, inducing subjects to generate images of suggested information increases later source misattributions. 3.1 Memory Characteristics When participants are asked to make ratings of the 3.4 qualitative characteristics of their memories, memories for real events tend to have more perceptual and Emotional self-focus or distraction during encoding or emotional detail than memories for imagined events. remembering can result in decreases in source accuracy Moreover, when they are asked to justify why they without necessarily decreasing memory that an event

5256 False Memories, Psychology of occurred. Such findings emphasize that memory emotionally significant events—inducing both chil- ‘strength’ (in the sense of probability of recognition or dren and adults to believe that they remember auto- recall) is not a perfect predictor of source memory. biographical events that never happened. The general People can have strong memories for information for procedure in some of these studies is to obtain reports which they have only vague source cues, or strong-but- of actual events from a relative of the participant and wrong source cues. then query the participants about these events. Em- bedded in the list of real events is a false event that did not happen to the participant. After reading the 4. Are Some Memories Immune to Distortion? accounts and, especially after being encouraged to think about the events, some participants claim to In 1977 Brown and Kulick proposed that there is a remember the false event. For example, Loftus and class of ‘flashbulb memories’—accurate, long lasting, Pickrell induced adult participants to remember being and detailed—for highly significant, emotional events lost in a shopping mall as a child. Hyman and (e.g., where one was when one heard that Kennedy colleagues induced participants to remember being was assassinated or that the Challenger space shuttle taken as a child to the hospital for an ear infection. exploded). However, subsequent research has shown These false memories can contain quite specific details that, like ordinary memories, these memories are not provided in the relative’s account. Similarly, Ceci subject to distortion. and his colleagues have found that some children will The question of whether some memories might be provide compellingly vivid accounts of complex events immune to distortion resurfaced in the 1980s and (e.g., having their finger caught in a mousetrap), 1990s, prompted in part, by high profile legal cases particularly after repeated questioning about the that involved either children’s testimony in sexual event. Spanos and colleagues demonstrated that adult abuse cases (e.g., New Jersey vs. Michaels), or adults’ participants could also be led to report memories from testimony about recovering previously repressed infancy. For example, participants were told that, memories that they were sexually abused (e.g., because they have good visual skills, they were likely Ramona vs. Ramona; Martinelli vs. Diocese of to have been born in a hospital that hung mobiles over Bridgeport), or witnessed crimes (e.g., People vs. their cribs and then they were ‘age regressed’ to recover Franklin). Such cases greatly broadened the interest the memories. Groups that were hypnotized and among the research community in the processes of groups that were not both reported a high incidence of memory distortion and the number of published ‘infant memories.’ Spanos and colleagues suggest that papers related to memory distortion increased dra- memories of past-life identities, UFO abductions, and matically. satanic ritual abuse are similarly likely to be created in A central issue in discussions about these cases has a social context where authoritative or trusted sources been to what extent the findings and principles arising make such events seem plausible, create the expec- from laboratory research apply to real life, especially tation that the individual has had such experiences, to . Some clinicians and authors of and use techniques such as generating imagery or popular self help books encourage individuals ex- repeated questioning to facilitate recovery of such periencing psychological problems to freely imagine hidden memories. Ofshe has also argued that in- what might have happened to them as children and to duction of hypnotic or dissociative states, in com- think about why such events might have been likely. bination with specific suggestions from authority Although intended to help clients, the potential con- figures, can result in false memories and provided a sequences of such practices are clearly problematic chilling account of a criminal investigation in which from the perspective of the SMF. Such practices leading questioning techniques induced a man to encourage the client to generate details that may not confess to the sexual abuse of his children. be accurate, embed false information in a web of Of course, it is quite difficult to isolate particular supporting knowledge and beliefs, and to adopt weak factors contributing to false autobiographical mem- criteria for what constitutes evidence for a memory. At ories in these relatively complex, emotionally salient the same time, the conditions of laboratory studies situations. Nevertheless, overall the results of these cannot mirror those of real-life traumatic situations. studies appear to reflect the processes proposed and Thus some have suggested that experimental results they increase confidence in the generality of laboratory and some theoretical ideas do not always apply. They findings. Repeated questioning or thinking about an claim that certain classes of traumatic memory, in- event increases the details that are remembered or cluding childhood sexual abuse, are unlikely to be false confidence in the memory. Encouraging participants because the associated emotion is evidence of their to embed a ‘memory’ in other supporting personally authenticity. relevant details increases false memories. Individuals Although there are obvious ethical limits to the with high imagery ability seem to be more susceptible types of laboratory situations that researchers can set to induced false memories, presumably because they up, researchers have demonstrated that false memories embellish more or create representations that are more can be created for entire, complex, salient, and like . In some studies, individuals who

5257 False Memories, Psychology of score high on tests of hypnotizability or dissociative necessary for autobiographical recall, increases in false experiences are also more susceptible, perhaps because recognition of related distracters, and, in some cases, these individuals are high in imagery ability or easy to clinically significant . Source memory coax into using lax criteria for assuming something is deficits (and resulting false memories) are more likely a memory. in children (whose frontal lobes are slow to develop) Studies that induce false autobiographical memories and in older adults (who are likely to show increased highlight the fact that remembering often takes place neuropathology in PFC with age). PFC dysfunction in a social context that can be a source of false may play a role in , which sometimes information, can provide occasions for repeating and includes severe source monitoring deficits in the form embellishing ‘memories,’ and can coax people to of delusions. Furthermore, in cognitive tasks given to ignore the doubt that is an important cue during neurologically intact young adult participants, in- normal source monitoring. Therapy is itself a social creasing the cognitive load (having the participant context that potentially can have these characteristics. simultaneously engage in a secondary task) disrupts In 1995, Poole in the US and Lindsay in Canada, in performance more on tasks requiring source identi- collaboration with UK researchers Memon and Bull, fication than on tasks simply requiring old\new reported results of a survey of therapists in the US and recognition. Presumably, the extra load taxes the UK: 25 percent of the sampled therapists who work recruitment, organization, and integration of cognitive with adult female clients believe ‘that recovering component processes necessary for source identifica- memories is an important part of therapy, think they tion that are subserved by PFC. can identify clients with hidden memories during the A few studies have directly examined the brain initial session, and use two or more techniques to help activity associated with true and false memories. These such clients recover suspected memories of [childhood studies show that there is overlap in the brain regions sexual abuse].’ They note that such techniques may be activated for correct recognition of old items and used with caution by many therapists, but that other recognition of semantically related lures, as would be therapists may be unfamiliar with the cognitive lit- expected based on the behavioral evidence of their erature on processes of memory distortion, and may confusion. However, evidence also suggests that the underestimate their own influence. As professional similarity of the brain activity associated with true and books and journals and, especially, the popular press, false memories depends on how people are tested (e.g., have provided wider exposure to theoretical issues and with targets and lures randomly intermixed or in research findings, therapists are likely becoming better separate lists). This is consistent with the idea that informed for making judgments about which tech- what people are looking for as they are remembering niques to use. Importantly, however, not only thera- will influence the qualities of their memories. pists, but also police officers, lawyers, social workers, parents, and many other trusted authorities (e.g., talk show hosts, Internet sites) are in a position to influence 6. Conclusions how people search and evaluate their memories. There is no reason to believe that memories cannot be Autobiographical memories are narratives that are accurate (they often are quite accurate in both labora- influenced by expectations before events ever happen tory and more naturalistic studies), and appropriate and by rumination after the fact. These narratives are cueing and some conditions of social remembering can also influenced by other experiences (photographs, facilitate memory as well. Nevertheless, the potential other people’s accounts, and even unrelated events) for memories to be false is clear and the mechanisms of and our goals and motives at the time of remembering. distortion are generally understood. Recent work has False memories arise from the same encoding, re- been directed at developing interview techniques for hearsal and source monitoring (memory attribution) reducing false memories in both children and adults. processes that produce true memories; thus one can never be absolutely sure of the truth of any particular memory. Of course, in many contexts, minor (and 5. The and Source Monitoring even major) distortions are of little practical conse- quence. There may even be some advantages to certain Based on the evidence that memory involves con- kinds of false memories (e.g., remembering a vacation structive and reconstructive processes (including the as having been more pleasant than it was). However, self-generation of retrieval cues, setting criteria, and there are other contexts in which it does matter evaluation of activated information), one would ex- whether memory is accurate—when distorted mem- pect the region most associated with reflective or ories result in consequences that are clearly undesir- executive processes—the prefrontal cortex (PFC)—to able from the personal (e.g., mistakenly believing one be important for , especially dis- was a victim), social (e.g., giving erroneous testimony tinguishing between true and false memories. And, about someone’s actions), or professional (e.g., ap- indeed, damage to PFC often produces memory propriating someone else’s ideas) perspectives. Fur- deficits, including deficits in self-generated retrieval thermore, certain conditions of psychopathology or

5258 Familial Studies: Genetic Inferences brain damage result in clinically significant increases Loftus E F 1997 Creating false memories. Scientific American in false memories and beliefs— and 277: 70–5 delusions. Hence understanding the mechanisms Loftus E F, Pickrell J E 1995 The formation of false memories. underlying true and false memories can potentially Psychiatric Annals 25: 720–5 Ofshe R J 1992 Inadvertent during interrogation: False help reduce their occurrence under everyday circum- confession due to dissociative state: Mis-identified multiple stances (e.g., in therapy, in police interrogations, in personality and the satanic cult hypothesis. International scholarship) and help specify more completely and Journal of Clinical & Experimental Hypnosis 40: 125–56 assess cognitive dysfunction in clinical populations. Pezdek K, Banks W P (eds.) 1996 The Recoered Memory\ Debate. Academic Press, San Diego, CA See also: Comprehension, Cognitive Psychology of; Poole D A, Lindsay D S, Memon A, Bull R 1995 Psychotherapy Confessions: Psychological and Forensic Aspects; and the recovery of memories of childhood sexual abuse: US Constructivism in Cognitive Psychology; Elaboration and British practitioners’ opinions, practices, and experiences. in Memory; Emotion in Cognition; Eyewitness Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 63: 426–37 Memory: Psychological Aspects; Inferences in Dis- Read J D, Lindsay, D S (eds.) 1997 Recollection of Trauma: Scientific Eidence and Clinical Practice. Plenum, New York course, Psychology of; Interference and Inhibition, Schacter D L (ed.) 1995 Memory Distortion: How Minds, Brains, Psychology of; , Cognitive Psy- and Societies Reconstruct the Past. Harvard University Press, chology of; Memory: Autobiographical; Memory Cambridge, MA Development in Children; Memory for Meaning and Spanos N P, Burgess C A, Burgess M F, Samuels C, Blois W O Surface Memory; Memory Retrieval; Mood-depen- 1998 Creating false memories of infancy with hypnotic and  dent Memory; , Psychology non-hypnotic procedures. Applied Cogniti e Psychology 13: 201–18 of; Schemas, Frames, and Scripts in Cognitive Psy- Tulving E, Craik, F I M (eds.) 2000 The Oxford Handbook of chology Memory. Oxford University Press, New York, Chap. 10, 12, 14, 24 Underwood B J 1965 False recognition produced by implicit Bibliography verbal responses. Journal of Experimental Psychology 70: 122–9 Bartlett F C 1932\1995 Remembering: A Study in Experimental and Social Psychology. Cambridge University Press, New York M. K. Johnson  Bottoms B, Goodman G (eds.) 1996 International Perspecti es # on Child Witnesses: Psychological Research and Law. Sage, Copyright 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. Thousand Oaks, CA All rights reserved. Bransford J D, Johnson M K 1973 Considerations of some problems of comprehension. In Chase W (ed.) Visual Infor- Familial Studies: Genetic Inferences mation Processing. Academic Press, New York, pp. 383–438 Brown R, Kulik J 1977 Flashbulb memories. Cognition 5: 73–99 The twentieth century may be described as the century Bruck M, Ceci S J 1999 The suggestibility of children’s memory. of genetics. It began with the rediscovery of Mendel’s Annual Reiew of Psychology 50: 419–39 Carmichael L, Hogan H P, Walter A A 1932 An experimental work by Johannsen (1903) and ended with the com- study of the effect of language on the reproduction of visually pletion of the Human Genome Project (HGP). Nature perceived form. Journal of Experimental Psychology 15: 73–86 (2001, 409) published the Initial sequencing and ana- Ceci S J, Crotteau Huffman M L, Smith E, Loftus E F 1994 lysis of the human genome by The Genome Inter- Repeatedly thinking about non-events. Consciousness and national Sequencing Consortium and Science (2001, Cognition 3: 388–407 291) published similar sequencing by Celera. The Christianson S-A (ed.) 1992 The Handbook of Emotion and twenty-first century, particularly its first half, will see a Memory: Research and Theory. Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ  spate of work related to gene manipulation and genetic Conway M A (ed.) 1997 Reco ered Memories and False Mem- disorders. We can confidently look forward to sub- ories. Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK Deese J 1959 On the prediction of occurrence of particular stantial developments in our understanding of our verbal intrusions in immediate recall. Journal of Experimental species. Psychology 58: 17–22 We fear that even in the post-HGP era, some of the Hyman I E, Husband T H, Billings F J 1995 False memories of twentieth-century errors relating to inferences from childhood experiences. Applied Cognitie Psychology 9: genetic analyses of familial data will be repeated and 181–97 some more will be added. Indeed, McGuffin et al. Johnson M K, Hashtroudi S, Lindsay D S 1993 Source moni- (2001) say ‘The most solid genetic findings about toring. Psychological Bulletin 114: 3–28 individual differences in human behavior come from Johnson M K, Raye C L 1981 Reality monitoring. Psychological quantitative genetic research such as twin and adop- Reiew 88: 67–85 Johnson M K, Raye C L 1998 False memories and confabu- tion studies that consistently converge on the con- lation. Trends in Cognitie Sciences 2: 137–45 clusion that genetic variation makes a substantial Lindsay D S, Read J D 1994 Psychotherapy and memories of contribution to the phenotypic variation for all behav- childhood sexual abuse: A cognitive perspective. Applied ioral domains.’ The conceptual and mathematical Cognitie Psychology 8: 281–338 errors in behavior genetic models, therefore, need to

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International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences ISBN: 0-08-043076-7