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Home , Byzantine silk, Byzantium (color)

Anna Muthesius

Στο άρθρο εξετάζεται ο ρόλος που έπαιξαν οι βαφές The article considers the role of coloured dyes upon των βυζαντινών μεταξωτών στη διαδικασία της αντί- Byzantine of the 4th-15th centuries, in the de- ληψης του φωτός και του χρώματος στο Βυζάντιο από velopment of light and colour perception in Byzan- τον 4ο έως και 15ο αιώνα και ερευνάται η σχέση των tium. It explores the creation of meaning through συμβολισμών των χρωμάτων με την πολιτική ιδεολο- colour symbolism in the spheres of political ide- γία, τη θρησκευτική πίστη και την κοινωνική αλληλε- ology, religious belief and social inter-action. The πίδραση.CLOTH, Ακόμη, COLOUR, γίνεται διάκριση SYMBOLISM της σημασίας του ANDarticle MEANING distinguishes the IN role of colour as the «en- χρώματος ως φορέα της φυσικής απόχρωσης και ως hancer» of form as , and its role as metaphor αλληγορίας για την εξουσία ή τη χριστιανική(4th-15th σωτη CENTURIES)- for power and authority or for Christian salvation. ριολογία. Στη μελέτη υποστηρίζεται ότι στο Βυζάντιο The paper suggests that light and colour perception το φως και το χρώμα είχαν ιδιαίτερη σημασία για in Byzantium were a powerful medium in rela- τα μεταξωτά υφάσματα. Ως προς την αντίληψη των tion to silks. In terms of what was understood at χρωμάτων από τους Βυζαντινούς τα μεταξωτά χρησί- the time by Byzantine colour perception, the silks μευαν στην μεταφορά της φυσικής παρατήρησης που served for the visual transfer of sensual observa- βασίζεται στις αισθήσεις στο πεδίο της νόησης, όπου tion to the realms of the mind, where the embedded τα ενσωματωμένα συμβολικά νοήματα μπορούσαν να symbolic meanings could then be unravelled and αποκαλυφθούν και να εκτιμηθούν ανάλογα. appreciated.

Λέξεις κλειδιά Keywords

μεταφορά

C Βυζαντινά μεταξωτά, βυζαντινές χρωστικές, το φως, το χρώ­ Byzantine silks, Byzantine dyes, light and colour perception, μα, , παραγωγή νοήματος. symbolism, metaphor and meaning.

Material Culture 1and Well-Being * Fellowloth, of theColour, McDonald Symbolism Institute forand Archaeological Meaning in Research, Byzan- ineither Byzantium the training (400-1453), or the Cambridge freedom University, of access International necessary Feltiumlow­ (4-15 Commoner century)» of Lucy has Cavendish been chosen College, as University the title of of Cam this­ Byzantinefor the empirical Conference analysis (8-10 September of surviving 2001) Byzantine arte- 1 paperbridge,« [email protected] it highlights several areas of Byzantine facts, there is still a need to consider the teaching of a studies, which have not received as much attention as broad based research method for the field . Object cen- they deserve. Whilst the study of Byzantine Materi- ΔΧΑΕ For a developed theoretical method as applicable to Byzantine al Culture is still in its infancy, and few scholars have material culture see, A. Muthesius, «Studies on material culture. Some general considerations»,

, eds M. Grünbart – ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd 181 E. Kislinger – A. Muthesius – D. Stathakopoulos, Vienna 2007,9/5/2016 12:26:07 μμ

ΛΖ΄ (2016), 181-198 181 ANNA MUTHESIUS

Fig. 1. Cologne, St. Cunibert. Hunter , eighth to ninth century, Byzantine.

Byzantine Islamic and Near Eastern Silk

tred studies, together with a broadening of traditional purely written and visual sources have so far been able methods of Byzantine documentary and visual analysis, to yield. promise to produce knowledge beyond just that, which This paper, through the medium of dyed , such 2 as two hunter silks in Cologne and in Rome, explores 21-38. This was reprinted in, A. Muthesius, , ΔΧΑΕ the relationship of culture to technology in Byzantium, , London 2008, 212-243, with ex- 2 tensive development of the theoretical discussion by the author, and it demonstrates the combination of first hand ob- on pages 244-283. The application of the method to Byzantine ject based study, and documentary and visual analysis research by the author in her publications is demonstrated ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.inddon pages 182 268-283. The difficulty is in breaching the gap between empirical and theo9/5/2016- 12:26:08 μμ

ΛΖ΄ (2016), 181-198 182 CLOTH, COLOUR, SYMBOLISM AND MEANING IN BYZANTIUM

is possible to argue that they reflect the relationship of Institutions (State and Church) to society. The Theodo- sian and Justinianic Codes, the Basilics and the Book of the Eparch, variously dating between the fifth and the tenth centuries, indicate how Byzantine at state 3 Fig. 2. Rome, Vatican Museo Sacro. Lion Hunter silk, eighth institutional level was dominated by the desire first to to ninth century, Byzantine. establish and then to maintain an Imperial monopoly over the production and use of certain murex dyed silks . These specially dyed and tailored silks fash- 4 ioned into costumes, were destined for ceremonial court display, and in particular they were intended to render visible the symbolic concepts surrounding legitimacy, power, authority and sanctity of Imperial rule . Byzan- tine TheSilk WeavingImperial monopoly over·murex purple was es- 5 tablished Ciba from Rundschau Late Roman to early Byzantine times, 6 and as a form of legitimisation, it harked back to the Accounts of Chemical use3 of such by rulers of the Hellenic and Roman Research (Figs 1, 2). An empirical, practical analysis of dyes upon past . Murex purple dyed silkCollection was discovered Latomus in the cas- surviving Byzantine silks is combined with an inter-dis- ket of Philip of Macedon . ciplinary, theoretical critique of relevant written sourc- A bibliography on Byzantine dyes is found in, Muthesius, es. The aim of the research is to explore how far colour Jahrbuch für Antike, 32-33. und InChristentum particular note, W. Born, «Die Purpur­ ­ Annales de la société perception both reflected and affected the development schnecke», 4/8 (1936), 110-128, 134. P. E. McGov- ernroyale ‒ R. zoologique H. Michel, de «Royal Belgique purple dye; the chemical reconstruction of social values and beliefs across Byzantium. The paper of the ancient Mediterranean industry», La Conchiglia asks, «What part did colour play in creating meaning 23 (1990), 152-158. M. Reinhold, «The history of purple within Byzantium’s ordered universe?» as a status symbolReview in of Antiquity», Progress in Colouration and related 116 (1970), topics The paper is divided into three parts: 7-73, and especially 50 forwards. G. Steigerwald, «Das kaiserliche A. The establishment of symbolic colour codes­ Purpurprivileg in spätrömischerThe und Royal frühbyzantinischer Purple and the Biblical Zeit», across• colour Byzantium: codes as institutional Institutional and socialand interactionSocial in- 33 (1990), 209-239. A. Ver- ter-action• the dye industry as organisation, process and social hecken, «The induleDie Purpurfarbereipigments of Mollusca», control Teintures précieuses de la Méditerranée 119/2 (1989),pourpre 181-197,kermès and bypastel the • colour perception, symbolism, human inter-­action same author, «Experiences with mollusc purple», 22 i. Historical documentation, centres and processes (1990), 250-252. I. I. Ziderman, «Purple dyes made from shellfishMole in- and creation of meaning in Byzantium. Antiquitycules », 16 (1986), 46-52. In addition, note, J. Bridgeman, «Purple dye in Late Antiquity and Byzantium», , ed. E. Spanier, Jerusalem 1987, 159-163. Important earlier, is K. Faymonville, , Heidelberg 1900. Most recent-

4ly, : , , , ed. D. Cardon, Carcassonne-TerrassaThe Colourful Past 1999-2000, and C. J. Cooksey, Macedonian Treasures A tour 5«: 6,6-dibromoindigo­ and related compounds», through 6 (2001), the Museum 736-769. of the Royal tombs at Aigai Byzantine Silk Weaving 6 Refer to A. Muthesius, «Silk as politics in Byzantium», Muthe­ ­ sius, op.cit. (n.1), study XI, 14-30. The existence of symbolic colour codes in any society Discussed in detail separately in Reinhold, and in Steigerwald, suggestsΔΧΑΕ the presence of controlling agents, and of a so- op.cit. (n.3). ciety over which some form of symbolic control needs to Philip of Macedon was buried in murex purple fabric. See J. Hofenk de Graaff, , Riggisberg ‒ London 2004, be imposed. In the case of colour codes in Byzantium, it 270-272. Further see, A. Kottaridi, . retical research methods. The basic fundamental method was demon- , Athens 2011, ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.inddstrated in 183 A. Muthesius, , Vienna 1997. 63, 68 for the murex textile traces found with Philip’s remains.9/5/2016 12:26:08 μμ

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Up to the time of Theodosius I (383-395) it was only Under Theodosius II (408-450) in 424 A.D. espe- 13 the purple that was reserved entirely for Impe- cially tailored, gold and purple Imperial costume was rial use, although he did reinforce generally protective defined as part of an exclusively Imperial dress code . 7 14 edicts issued by his predecessors. Most significantly, Justinian upheld this edict in the sixth century, which Theodosius I forbade private manufacture and use of suggests it had received some opposition . The «blatta, oxyblatta, and hyacinthina», three forms of mu- at indicate the type of costumes that Justini- rex purple, and also «false purple» imitation of these . an reserved for the use of the Emperor and his court These colour terms for purple dye do not explain the (Fig. 3). Fraudulent purple dyeing was a problem. This 15 nature of the shade of purple hue involved. Neither do activity was reported as early as 333 A.D, and under 8 they define which species of murex molluscs were used Emperors Theodosius I and II. In 436 A.D. in Phoeni- for the dyeing process. However, the discovery of dis- cia, illegal production of Imperial purples was taking 16 carded murex shells from ancient dye industries, points place . It was not easy to police the purple dye indus- to the use of Murex molluscs for dyeing . Purple and try. An attempt by Justinian to raise revenue through 9 false purple dyeing, were described in two first centu- the sale of Imperial half blatta in the House of Lamps ry papyri (Leiden and Stockholm) and these need to be in the Capital, was short lived . The wrath of the mob 17 considered in determination of what might have con- ensured that the House of LampsTheodosiani was burnt libri XVI down cum in Con the- stituted Theodosius’­ false purples . Chemical analysis, Nikastitionibus riots. Sirmondianis Fraud continued in the ninth century, and 10 The Theodosian Code and particularly high power liquid chromatography, which the NovelsBasilika of theruled Sirmondian against Constitutionsillegal manufacture of Impe- relies on the analysis of the absorption rate of light of rial purple, on pain of death . A concession of Leo VI 12 different dyes, is a scientific means of earning more (886-912) to allow citizens the right to wear clippings of about ancient purple dyes . Reference to samples from Imperial purple was only a window-dressing, intended La Porpora Realta e Immaginario di un colore surviving Byzantine silks tested by this method will be simbolico, For the Theodosian Atti del Convegno Code see, di Studio, Venezia, 24-25 Ottobre further discussed below. Dyeing from Murex trunculus, 1996 , ed. T. Mommsen, Dublin – Zurich 1970- 11 Murex brandaris Corpusand Murex Iuris haemastomaCivilis has been car- 1971. English translation, C. Pharr, Corpus Iuris ried out by modern dyers, and two distinct , a deep , Princeton 1970. For

purple and a blue purple dye have been obtained the Justinianic Code, see Mommsen ‒ Kruger et al., op.cit. (n. 7). Studies in Ancient Theodosius Theodosian legislated Code against the illicit use of Imperial purple as Technologyfrom Murex Trunculus . 7 13discussed in, A. Carile, «Produzione e usi della porpora nell'im­ Kottaridi, on pages 96-97 also discusses and illustrates the fabric pe­ro bizantino», , Theodosian Code Terminolo- 8of Meda, one of the wives of the king, who was buried alongside 14 Semina­rium gie und Technologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen und him in a gold and murex purple wool textile. 15 , ed. O. Longo, 1998, 243-269, see p. 245. Kon Justinianic­dakovianum Code, , eds T. MommsenLes al­chi ‒­mi P.­ Römern Carile, op.cit. (n. 12), 245 with note 8, cites , XI, Krügerstes grecs et al., Berlin 1928, 1929, IV, 40.1, XI, 9. 3-5. 9 (8), 4.

9 Ancient murex trunculus shells in great banks were found at Sidon Ibid., figure 1 for Theodora and courtiers. (Saida) on the Phoenician coast. See, R. J. Forbes, Chem- , ed. Mommsen, 1.32.1, for the Edict of 333 ical Principles, Leiden of Textile ‒ New Conservation York 1987, 119, and further see pages A.D., which refers to an illegal mixture of polluted dye. Phoeni-

99-110 on ancient dyeing, with extensive further bibliography. 16cian fraudulent practices in 436 A.D. are recorded in For the Leiden and Stockholm papyri refer to, R. Pfister, «Tein- 18.10.20, as cited and discussed in H. Blümner,

10ture et Alchimiclie dans l’Orient Hellénistique», VII, Prague 1935, 1-59. R. Halleux, Basilicorum, I-IV, Leipzig Libri LX 1875-1887, see III, 190-191. Tyrian or Imperial Purple dye Basilics , 1, Papyrus de Leyde-papyrus de Stock­holm-Fragments 17 Justinian reissued the 424 A.D. edict of Theodosius II under the et Recettes, Paris 1981. extended title of «De vestibus holoveris et auralis et de tinctione- The process is described in A. Timar-Balazsy, D. Eastop, sacri muricis», see (C. Iust. 2.9.3), as cited by Steigerwald, op.cit. , Oxford 1998, 391-393. See (n. 3), 226. ΔΧΑΕ 11chapter 24, 412-430 and table 24.3 on 424 for results of dye analy- The legislation cited in note 16 above was not re-promulgated sis on samples from the Hungarian Coronation mantle. High Per- in the Basilics. Instead illicit manufacture of the forbidden purple formance liquid chromatography processes are set out in detail murex dyes was prohibited on pain of death. For the Basilics refer also in, Hoffenk de Graaff, op.cit. (n. 6), 35-41. to , eds H. J. Scheltema ‒ N. van der Wal ‒ D. J. Edmonds, (Historic Dye Series Holwerda, Gröningen 1953-1988. For the prohibition see ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd7), Bucks 184 2000, pls 2 and 3. 19.1.30, in v. III, 918. 9/5/2016 12:26:08 μμ

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Fig. 3. Ravenna, St. Vitale. detail of Empress Theodora, sixth century, Byzantine.

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20 Les Novelles de Leon VI le sage to raise upDas in Eparchenbuchthe mind of theLeons Byzantine des Weisen citizen, an im- However, it did state that some categories of Imperial 19 age of the benefice of the Emperor towards his people . purples were to be woven by private dyers, and delivered 21 The Book of the Prefect, composed under Leo VI in to Imperial stores . Imperial purple dyers were to man- ΔΧΑΕ18 911/912, which regulated private guilds of Constantino- ufacture20 the forbidden purples (kekolymena) termed ple,19 did not mention a private guild of purple dyers . oxeon,21 porfiraeron, ememelinodiblatta, and prasinodi- For Novel 80 of Leo VI (886-912 A.D.) see, P. Noailles ‒ H. Dain, blatta . Also there was reference to the use of aimatos , Paris 1944, 272 forwards. Ibid., section 8.1-8.2, 102-105. ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd J. Koder, 185 , Vienna 1991. Ibid., section 8.4, 102-103. 9/5/2016 12:26:08 μμ

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for triblattia or diblattia . The reference to peach and Byzantine historians writing about purple dyes have 23 hue, suggest that murex purple not appreciated the scientific evidence and they have dye was manipulated during the oxidisation process of attempted to translate all sorts of technical terms liter- vat dyeing, to arrest the dye at different stages prior to ally or by analogy with recorded vocabulary. This has 24 it reaching the full purple stage . not been very successful and has led to interpretations, The recipes for murex dyeing found in ancient which bear no relation to technical possibility, or em- 28 sources such as Pliny and Vitruvius do not reveal the pirical reality. Clearly, the Byzantine dyeing industry secrets of the dyers art . Modern reconstruction of had its own reference table of technical terms and these 25 these processes has shown that the colourless liquid of most likely applied to the weight of the dyed textiles the gland of different types of murex sea mollusc when sold . The importance of broadening documentary re- heated in an alkhaline bath in a dyers vat containing search approaches to include empirical and scientific the pulp of the body of the sea snails is reduced . The evidence is nowhere illustrated more than with refer- purple pigment dissolves in the solution with the addi- ence to translation of Byzantine textile terms (both tion of heat and potash to form a dye liquid, green in weaving and dyeing). colour. The working conditions are kept dark to prevent Technical terms such as zylon applied in the form of 29 re-oxidisation. The cloth is then dipped, and on expo- lepto, meso and megalozylon measures, with reference sure to the air, the purple dye is re-oxidised into the to some forbidden purples, most likely referred to the 26 purple pigment, which appears on the cloth. The reduc- quality (that is the weight) of the purple silks in ques- 30 tion (removal of oxygen) process occurs as a result of tion . Weight of silks depended on the density of the 27 the operation of bacteria in the pulp of the snails added warp threads used acrossByzantine the and and Islamic also Silkto the Weaving mat- to the dye vat . Pliny spoke of addition of salt to the dye ter added to silk to replace the gum content lost

28 vat, but this only operated to kill other non-necessary Thethrough Economic boiling History. Warp of Byzantium density fromcertainly the seventh was onethrough of the the bacteria . He had no concept of the operation of bacte- fifteenthcriteria centuryby which Italian silk textiles were categorised ria, although he described the snail pulp in the vat. The scientific identification of bacteria and the significance For terminology in relation to purple dyes see, Muthesius,

of their activity in the murex purple dyeing process was op.cit. (n. 2), 28. Eadem, «The Byzantine Silk Industry, Lopez and Beyond», A. Muthesius, , only recognised in the last decades. The ancient sources London 1995, study IX, 291-297 and eadem, «Essential Processes, are incomplete because the scientific basis of the pro- and Technical Aspects of the Production of Silk Textiles», Constantine Porphyrogenitus 22cess could not have been understood at the time. Also, Three Treatises on Imperial Military Expeditions 23 , ed. A. Laiou, I, Washington, D.C. 2002, 147-168, there was dyer’s secrecyTraditio and some elements of the dye- 24 especially 158-165. Technical and trade names are distinct from ing process anyway would have been kept secret. terms used in everyday language but scholars constantly try to Ibid., section 8.4, 104-105.Handbuch der Naturfarbstoffe Vorkommen identify them within ordinary language. Haldon looked at terms Verwendung Ibid., sectionNachweis 8.1, 102-103. of the BaggageByzF Train account in the «Three Treatises», but with- Pliny’s references to purple dye were discussed in Edmonds, out reference to empirical evidence for murex dyeing processes op.cit. (n. 11), 17-18 and 36-37. See also, Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit. as they affected shades of purple implied in the language used to (n. 6), 268-270. Pliny was analysed by G. Steigerwald, «Die antike describe purples. See J. F. Haldon, . Purpurfarberei nach dem Bericht von Plinius des Alteren in sein- (CFHB 28), Vi- er Naturalis Historia», (Studies in Ancient and Medieval enna 1990, C173, 213, 229-230, 235-236, 240, 242-245, 251, 258-

25History, Thought and Religion XLII), New York 1986, 1-57. See 29259, 291, 294, 300-301, 503-504, 508, 732, 783. Further consider,

also, H. Schweppe, . , 30G. Steigerwald, «Die Purpursorten im Preisedikt Diokletians von , . Landsberg am Lech 1992. For Vitruvius Jahre 301», 15 (1990), 219-276 again without acknowledge- refer to Edmonds, op.cit. (n. 11), 34-35. ment of the existence of separate trade and technical vocabularies. ΔΧΑΕ 26 Edmonds, op.cit. (n. 11), 16-30, discusses purple dyeing processes Muthesius, «Essential Processes», op.cit. (n. 28), 163.

27as such, as does Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit. (n. 11), 242. Murex pur- Ibid., 152-154, and diagram 1, which explain how there were ple dyes of various shades were obtained by arresting the dyeing surface (binding warps) and internal (main warps) and their den- process at different stages according to which shade was desired. sity, distribution and grouping across the width of the loom, var- Edmonds, op.cit. (n. 11), 20. ied according to the weave technique used. For the processes of ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd Ibid., 17. 186 production of silk see 150. 9/5/2016 12:26:09 μμ

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32 for sale and taxation purposes . Gallo-nut matter has Perhaps the early regulations against the dyeing of been discovered through dye analysis of certain Byzan- imitation Imperial purples, described above, and the tine silks and this might suggest that the practice of false purple dyeing outlined in the Leyden and the «weighting» existed in Byzantium . The more technical Stock­holm papyri, give a clue towards the understand- 33 analysis occurs the more the meaning of technical tex- ing of what the non-Imperial purples of the Book of 40 tile terms will be understood. Guesswork through docu- the Prefect represented in dyeing terms. One Imperial, mentary based analysis alone is no longer acceptable as in­scribed purple Lion silk of the reign of Basil II and 34 part of a Byzantine Material Culture research method . Constantine VIII (975-1025), was dyed with and The Book of the Prefect reveals that the silk retailers madder that is false purple . This silk was sent as dip- 41 (Vestiopratai) were to declare to the Eparch blattia and lomatic gift to the West; might it have been woven by kata persikion, oxeon tailored silks . The (Serikarioi) or private purple dyers, for delivery to the Eidikon, the 35 silk weaver cum silk factory owners were to declare multi­ Imperial storehouse mentioned on the Elephant coloured katapersikion silks to the Eparch, and also blat- silk (Fig. 4)? The distinction between Imperial purples tia katapersikia, and plain or multi coloured silks valued and non-Imperial purples might have indicated several 36 at over 10 nomismata . In general, only the exapolon, and things: that the same types of murex dyes were used in a octapolon porfiraeron ordered to be delivered to the Ei- different process to produce different non-Imperial pur- 37 dikon could be manufactured by the Serikarioi, otherwise ple shades; that other types of murex were used, which these Imperial purples were forbidden . Also forbidden again yielded very different and easily distinguishable 42 to manufacture were the aimatos dyed triblattia, diblattia non Imperial purples, or that murex was not used at all. 38 and dimoiroxea, mentioned above . Only the alithinaerCollected- Purples could be obtained from madder and indigo as on,Textile leptozylon, Studies dekapolon and dodekapolon porfaeron, mentioned but also through other means, for example 39 types of purples, were permitted for manufacture under by using iron oxide together with red non-murex dyes . the non-Imperial guild of the Serikarioi . In the regula- Only the analysis of dyes from a great number of surviv- 31 tions governing the guild of weavers, only blattia ing silks will yield answers. exalia or elattona could be exchanged for Bulgar imports . What the Book of the Prefect does indicate, is that 43 a special sensitivity to different shades of purple hues Consult, D. King, «Silk weaves of in 1376», , eds D. King ‒ A. Muthesius, London 2004, 93- must have existed across Byzantine society, which says something about Byzantine colour perception, and 32110. Dimensions of silks and their warp counts were very specific for each different kind of silk weave. The silks were woven to about colour coding as part of social control . Below, minimum permissible weights and there were fines for breaching this concept will be further explored with reference to of the regulations. On the artificial weighting of silk yarns see, Hofenk de Graaff, the evidence of texts speaking about colour. It will be op.cit. (n. 6), 286-287. In the de-gumming of the cocoons by boiling, noted that symbolic meaning and importance was es- up to 30% of the weight of the silk thread could be lost. The silk pecially attached to qualities of brightness and to sat- could be re-weighted by treatment with agents including a solu- uration of hue (as against merely colour recognition) tion of galls. A gallotannin agent perhaps used for weighting was 40 within Byzantine colour perception, although colour 33found on the St. Servatius, Maastricht lion silk, probably a Central was considered to be Colour essential Perception for the in Byzantium definition of Asian imitation of an Imperial Byzantine lion silk, see 227. The 41

34Byzantine Eagle silk chasuble of St. Albuin, of the tenth to eleventh 42 Journal of Early Christian Studies 35century, also might have been weighted with gallonuts, see 281-282. Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 2), silk M615, on 28-29, and for other lion

36 Material Culture methods as might be applied to Byzantine 43silks see, p. 34-38. textiles were first discussed in Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 1), 222-283. Ibid., silk M58, on 38-39. Koder, op.cit. (n. 19), 592-593. Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit. (n. 6), 101-102, as applied to textiles ΔΧΑΕ37 38 Ibid., 102-103. of Egypt.

39 Ibid., 104-105, section 8.2, lines 2-3, forbidding production by Little work has been done on colour in Byzantium. Most com- private persons or businesses. prehensively see, E. James, , PhD. Ibid., section 8.4, 104-105. Thesis, Courtauld institute of Art, London 1990. Eadem, «Colour Ibid., section 8.2, lines 2-3, 104-105. and meaning in Byzantium», ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd Ibid., section 187 9.6, 108-109. 11/2 (2003), 223-233 with further bibliography. 9/5/2016 12:26:09 μμ

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Fig. 4. Aachen Cathedral treasury. Elephant silk, early eleventh century, Byzantine.

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45 forms . The purple terminology in the Book of the Pre- Imperial cloth in the purple dyeing process, in the elev- fect should be understood on several levels: as result of enth century, reveals the heavy responsibility lying on dye process; as appeal to colour perception including the shoulders of those charged with production of the the notion of «imagination» and recreation of form in Imperial purple artefact . What this source points to the mind; and as symbolic metaphor of concepts and is the gravity attached to being able to distinguish the norms attached to the use of the dye in question. ruler from the ruled in Byzantium. As far as dye process was concerned, strengths of A Mediterranean Society dye, numbers of dippings of the cloth into the vat, arrest of oxidisingColour processes at different stages to induce dif- ferent purples, all were part of what must have been an extremely skilled dye technology, in a high cost industry. 45 ΔΧΑΕ The fact that an Imperial weaver of Jewish origin had 44 to flee to his brethren in Cairo to raise a ransom for his children held in , after he had spoilt an Discussed in S. D. Goitein, , London 1967, I, section i.2, 50 with note 54, a reference to the source doc- ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd James, 188 , op.cit. (n. 43), chapter 6, 272 forward. ument Or 1081 J9 in the University Library at Cambridge. 9/5/2016 12:26:09 μμ

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B. Dyers, dyes and dyeing in Byzantium: ii. Cost of dyes values and threats of expertise

i. Dye workshops, corporations and guilds

Turning to the value of dyes, the enormously high pric- es demanded for purples is reflected in the Edict of 53 Diocletian of 301 A.D., where murex blatta dyed silk 54 How was the Late Roman and the Byzantine dyeing in- commanded a price of 150,000 denarii (three pounds 46 dustry organised? The Late Roman state, in the fourth of gold) per lb (ie. c.1.3 kgs of gold per. 430 grms of 55 century, through the office of the Comes Sacrarum purple cloth) . Wool, dyed with the same dye cost one Largitionum, operated both weaving mills and dyeing third of the price . On wool, lighter blatta was priced 56 centres, across the entire Empire . These factories pro- at 32,000 denari, bright Tyrian purple at 16, 000 denari, duced court costumes and military and civil service uni- iii.and Symbolism Milesian purpleattached at to 12.000 dyes denari per lb . Scarlet forms. Nine dyeing establishments were documented for from dyes cost 1,500 denari a pound by way 57 the west : at Tarentum and Cissa in Italy; of comparison, and archil dyes 500 denari a pound . 58 Syracuse in Sicily; Salona in ; Telo and Narbo Textile workers earned between 25 and 50 denari a day, 47 in Gaul; the Balearic islands; Girba in Tripolitania, and whilst gold embroiderers could receive up to 300 denari also a centre in Africa. A similar list of dye works for per ounce of gold worked . By way of comparison, a the east Roman Empire is missing, but dyeing in Phoe- haircut cost 2 denarii . 48 nicia and in Cyprus is documented . Initially workers were state slaves but they evolved into hereditary work 49 groups by the mid fourth century and de facto they were free persons bound to the state by their trades . The Theodosian Code and later legislation, forbade the The term used for dyer in papyri of the late Roman imitation of «sacred murex», indicating that by the Empire is bapheous . The Notitia Dignitatum, of the fourth century a divine association had been made be- 50 59 4-5 century, which listed all civil and military offices tween purples and the Imperial house. A reference to a of the Late Roman Empire, recorded workshops of cor- «ceremony of the adoration of the purple»; occurs al- porations of baphio, and bapheia of Eliopoli, Laodicea, ready in a document of the time of Constantius II (337- 51 and Taranto . In 424 A.D. a collegium of murileguli, 353) . In the hierarchy of colour coded dyes the Impe- conchylioleguli and conchyliarioi, appeared in the The- rial murex purples stood at the helm, and below them 52 odosian Code, andThe wereLater RomanechoedEmpire later in284 the602 Justinianic came imitation purples, non murex , non murex

Code . In the Book of the Prefect, no mention was made , and yellows with non murex created from of a private guild of dyers. Later in the eleventh century mixtures of yellow and blue dyes. A very elaborateThe and Edict strict of Diocletian form of Ancolour economic coding, sur­ 46Peira a baphtike somateion was recorded . Notitia Dignitatum Occidentalis Orientalis vey of ancient Rome 53was reflected in changes of the Emperor’s costumes/dif-

47 ferently coloured crowns, across religious and secular 48 54 Culto e insediamenti micuelici nell’Italia Meridionale fra tarda ceremony, described in the tenth century Book of Cere- 49 A. H. M. Jones, - , II, Oxford 55 Antichità e Medioevo The 501973, chapter 21, 834-839, especially 836-837, 848-850. Discussed in Muthesius, «Lopez and beyond», op.cit. (n. 28), Corpus Iuris Abin­naeus Archive. Papers of a Roman officer in the reign of Con­ Ibid., 836-837. 56study XVI, 300-303. Peira Jus Graecoromanum stantius II Ibid., II, 836. 57 Ibid., Muthesius, 301.

Ibid., I, 66, II, 836-837, on the baphia. 58 Ibid., 301 and Frank, .

, ed. O. Seeck, Berlin 59 V, London 1940, 383. 1876, see Occidentalis 11.65. See also, F. Grelle ‒ G. Volpe, «La geo­ Ibid., 383. ΔΧΑΕ51 52grafia amministrativa ed economica della Puglia tardoanntica», Ibid., 343 (tailors), 378 (weavers and gold embroiderers). Ibid., 342. , eds C. Carletti ‒ G. Otrato, Bari 1994, 31. Discussed in Carile, op.cit. (n. 12), 258, with reference to , XI, 8.7. See in , eds J. and P. Zepos, IV, Athens , eds H. I. Bell ‒ V. Martin ‒ E. G. Turner ‒ D. van Ber­ ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd1931, Aalen 189 1962, 1-260, 51.7. chem, Oxford 1962, Milan 1975, 35, rr 8-9. 9/5/2016 12:26:09 μμ

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Fig. 5. Hand drawloom and Jacquard loom for comparison. Twentieth century photos.

60 62

monies . Here also, each court office was rendered vis- cating the continuation of earlier practices . The Bag- 63 ible through distinction of coloured, tailored costume. gage Train account as appended to the «Three Treatises» Indeed, Nicetas Choniates was amazed when the Em- provides a guide to Imperial purples carried for use by 61 peror Isaac II allowed the of the Sekreta, The- the Pseudo Emperor, Kodinos. even Traité on des campaign; offices alongside multi-co- odore Castamonites, to wear purple Imperial trappings loured silks used for military uniforms . Lower down the 64 as Nicetas well as Choniates a purple Chronikemilitary Diegesis mantle (rather than the co- social scale, popular literature in the form of epics such lour coded dress of his own rank) . Even worse he was as Digenites Akrites, served to present heroes and hero- 62 allowed to signO City documents of Byzantium in theAnnals Imperial of Niketas purple Choniates ink. ines in brightlyDigenis coloured Akritis Thesilks, Grottaferrata reflective andof their Escorial youth, ver- 63 sions 60 In the fourteenth century pseudo Kodinos, colour beauty, bravery or prowess . These literary images coded61 uniforms of court dignitaries were detailed, indi- , ed. J. Verpeaux, Paris 1966. ΔΧΑΕ 64 Haldon, op.cit. (n. 28), C.173, discusses diblattia as silk garments Ibid., 261-262. to include a divitesion triblattion. Compare also, C222 wool and , (CFHB, series Berolinen- linen garments/sheets, and other textiles in C224-C226, C229, sis 11), ed. J. van Dieten, Berlin 1975, 438. 38-45. Trans­lated in H. C233-252, C289-301, C670, C734-735, C739-740, C749-750, C761. J. Magoulias, , , E. Jeffreys, , ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.inddDetroit 1984, 190 240-241. , Cambridge 1998. Silk dress is described for example, on 59,9/5/2016 12:26:09 μμ

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must have influenced Byzantine society in their choice sources, he divides into five groups: red, blue, yellow, 65 of silk dress once production and distribution had been green and false purples, as follows increased in the eleventh to twelfth century, when wom- • red dyes (cochineal, kermes, lac, madder, henna, en dressed in silk appeared on the streets of Constan- archil (lichen and litmus dyes) and alkanet). tinople . Epigrams also presented pictures of splendid • blue dyes including one purple (woad, indigo, sunt cloths, as gate to expression of social values and beliefs. blue (akantha) and turnsole (helio-tropion). This illustrates how far technology went hand in hand • yellow dyes (safflower, saffron, tumeric, sumach, with culture in Byzantium. Technological expertise al- pomegranate, weld, dyers brown and Persian berries) and 68 lowed for the creation of the precious coloured cloth, • greens (created with mixtures of blue and green which acted as medium for the metaphorical transfer of dyes) ideas and norms in Byzantium, as will be discussed fur- • false purples (created with mixtures of red and blue 66 ther below. Here it is important to state that the level of dyes) . expertise of the weavers of the tenth to eleventh century 69 Byzantine court went far beyond that of operators of Turning to the extant silks, using high performance liq- modern Jacquard looms (Fig. 5). Technical skill along- uid chromatography, Murex brandaris purple pigment side technological advancement is reflected in Byzan- has been detected on the Griffin silk of Sitten, a tenth iv. Dyes on extant Byzantine silks 70 tium. No modern weavers with all their technological to eleventh century Byzantine weave silk (Fig. advantages could produce by hand the equivalent of the 6). Murex dye occurs also on silk fragment of the elev- 71 Aachen Elephant silk. Similarly, further research on enth and twelfth and the seventh centuries at Sitten and Byzantine dyes might lead to the same conclusion. This at St. Maurice, church treasuries . False purples have 72 technical field of has been entirely been detected on two Lion silks, one Byzantine and the neglected, but it is key to the study of Material Culture. other Central Asian . The Berlin Lion silk, mentioned above, an Imperial diplomatic textile sent to the West, is a Byzantine twill of the tenth to eleventh century (Fig. 7). On the silk is a mixture of madder and indigo, a false 73 Before looking at the material evidence of Byzantine purple. The Maastricht Lion silk, a Central Asian imi- dyeing on extant silks, it is necessary to consider which tation of a Byzantine Imperial lion silk, of the tenth to dyes known since Antiquity may have been of interest eleventh century, displays the use of a mixture of mad- to the Byzantines. Forbes has distinguished three prin- der and a lichen, for its false purple (Fig. 8).

ciple luxury types of antique purples: Different samples taken from the Byzantine silk tap- • red purples (Tyrian, double dyed, and Laconian estry shroud of Bishop Gunther of Bamberg (d.1065), 67 purple) indicate that madder and madder and kermes dyes were Colour Dyes in History and Archaeology • into purple (Amethyst) and 68used for the reds; sumac for the black; weld for the yel-

69 •Nicetas murex Choniates, purples Chronike ( Diegesis of lighter and deeper low, and eitherMittelalterliche woad or indigo Textilien in combinationin Kirchen und with Klöstern an- shades, Mallow purple, and a deeper violet purple) . der Schweiz Other dyes of Antiquity,CIETA documentedBulletin in historical Ibid., 110-122.

65lines 257-260; 81, lines 220-228; 109, line 709 (dowry wardrobe); 70 Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit. (n. 6), 264-273 (Tyrian purple), 271- 121, lines Studies920-926; in 129,Ancient line Technology1054; 193, lines 715-717 and on 195, 272 (Sitten griffin silk). For the Sitten griffin silk also see, Muthe-

66lines 736-739. Part discussion of a few examples is found in James, sius, op.cit. (n. 2), M48, 50. For full bibliography on Tyrian purple

, op.cit. (n. 43), 156-157. 71refer to, 12 (1994), 57-66. For the silks of Thebes and Corinth worn on the streets of Athens Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit. (n. 6), 272-273 with reference to B. ΔΧΑΕ 67see, , op.cit (n. 61), 461. 72Schmedding,

For the Aachen Elephant silk see, Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 2), M58, 73 , Bern 1978, nos 131, 153, 239, 240. on 38-39. Further refer to 14 (1962), appendix Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 2), M102, on 29 (Maastricht lion silk), technical report of G. Vial. M615, on 35 (Berlin lion silk). Forbes, , Leiden ‒ New York 1987, Ibid., 34-38 for the Imperial lion silks. ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd101-109. 191 Ibid., 30 for the chart with results of dye analysis. 9/5/2016 12:26:09 μμ

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74

75 netto for the green colours (Fig. 9). The chasuble of St. 76 Vitalis, a tenth to eleventh, century, monochrome green, Fig. 6. Sitten, Cathedral treasury. Fragments of Griffin silk sewn as a garment, tenth to eleventh century, Byzantine. Byzantine twill weave silk, employed weld and an indi- gotin dye mixture . A neck lining on the same vestment 77 uses indigo and madder to create a false purple . A sim- ilar combination of weld and woad has been detected on 78 the vestment of Bishop Ulrich (890-973) at St. Ulrich and Affra, Augsburg . At Sens Cathedral Treasury, a twill weave, Duck silk of the eighth to ninth century, 79 uses kermes for its red background . A Horse silk of similar date, at Sens Cathedral treasury, employed to 80 shroud the relics of St. Victor, displays the use of a mix- 81 ture of weld, madder and indigotin . Many dyes were detected on the chasuble of St. Al- binos (975-1006), at Brixen Cathedral treasury . Tyrian purple appears across the area of the eagle motifs . Oth- er dyes detected include brazilwood and orchil with gal- lonuts (dark red wefts); madder (alizarin and purpurin, carmic acid and kermnesic acid) in combination with Fig. 7. Berlin, Schloss Charlottenburg, Staatliche Museum, 82 cochineal and Tyrian purple (red wefts); brazilwoodMünch- Berlin/Düsseldorf/Crefeld. Lion silk, 976-1025A.D., Byzan- ner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst 83 tine. (brown yellow sample); indigo (blue samples), and in- digo with weld (including luteolin, on green samples), where74 gallnut also appeared . The beige thread samples indicated use of luteolin with orchil and gallnut dye .

75 Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit. (n. 6), 170. See also, S. Muller-Chri­ stensen, «Beobachtungen zum Bamberger Guntertuch». , 3 Folge 17 (1956), 9-16. The

76silk is discussed also in Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 2), M90, on 101-102. Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit.(n. 6), 174 photo with identification of

77weld and indigotin dye in the green threads of the vestment. The silk is discussed in Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 2), M72, on 115. CIETA Bul­letin 78 Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit.(n. 6), information on caption to pho- to on 174. Byzantine Silk Ibid., Weaving 221 and see Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 2), M75, on 86, 188,

79with plate 86B. Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit. (n. 6), 62 without inventory number,

80but this appears to be the same silk as in, Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 2), M458, on 216, which has the inventory number 27AB. See J. Hofenk de Graaff, «Comments on comments», Fig. 8. Maastricht, St. Servatius. Lion silk, tenth to eleventh 81 44 (1976), 101-123. century, Central Asian copy of Imperial Byzantine Lion silk. Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit. (n. 6), 281-282. Muthesius, , op.cit (n. 28), 47-50 and for the Brixen eagle silk see, M62, page 184. 82 ΔΧΑΕ 83 Hofenk de Graaff, op.cit.(n. 6), 281. Tyrian purple was detected in one of the dye tests on a small sample from the figured part of the silk, according to Hofenk de Graaff. Ibid., 281-282. Ibid., 282. She concluded that the original silk had faded from ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd 192 purple to red and that many dye stuffs were used on the silk9/5/2016 in 12:26:10 μμ

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Fig. 9. Bamberg Cathedral treasury. Shroud of Bishop Gunther (d.l065A.D.), eleventh century, Byzantine.

85

The analysis of dyes is still new on Byzantine textiles pears only rarely on the tested Late Roman textiles, as and more samples require analysis. Nevertheless, when it does also across Byzantine period textiles of Egypt . 85 comparison is made between the dye samples from the The same is largely true of the mediaeval Byzantine 84 Late RomanDie Textilien textiles ausof Palmyra Palmyra and those of the Byzan- silks, where a very few murex purple dyed silk finds tine period as outlined above it can be observed that the Ibid., catalogue numbers 115, 171, 177, 355, 378, 413, 414, 453, dyes of antiquity continued in use into the Byzantine 84 465, 491, 513 and 517 are murex dyed. For photos of these textile periodΔΧΑΕ . It is also true to say that murex purple dye ap- catalogue numbers in the same order (except there is no plate for a complex process. She suggested that gallonuts might have been catalogue number 378) see, plates 18c and 103 d-f, plate 48a and used as a weighting device. colour plate 111e, plate 35 and 15a, 54-55 and 102a, plate 45b, For Palmyra dyes refer to, A. Schmidt-Colinet ‒ A. Staufer ‒ K. plate 47b and colour plate 111b, plate 13a and 79b-c, plate 32e al Ascad, . Mainz 2000, 82-90, 93, and and 104d and colour plate VId, plate 74a, plate 44a-b, plate 32e ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.inddcolour pls 193 I-VIII. and 104d and colour plate 20c, respectively. 9/5/2016 12:26:10 μμ

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C. Use of dyed cloths across Byzantium: proper use and subversion of meanings have to be set across the multiple use of false purples. In sentation of a prototype and not the creation of an idol. i.general, Colour the as controltext; colour and restrictionperception ofand murex colour purple words dye- Colour words incorporated in them, hue as part of their ing appears to have been successful but more samples meaning, but they did not define colour as such. John of 89 need to be analysed to confirm this thesis. explained, «Purple cloth by itself is a simple thing and so is silk, and a cloak is woven from both. But if a king should put it on, the cloak receives honour from the honour given to him who wears it» . Colour gave rise to allegorical symbolism and it could be used to heighten emotion. The action of dyes involved transmutation and in a Christian context this 90 could be read not as alchemy but as a means to spiritual In order to understand the meaning of the uses of light salvation. The transmutation processes of dyeing cloth, and colour codes in Byzantium it is important to con- served as a parallel to the concept of the regenerating sider, how light and colour were described, viewed and force of Christianity transforming the human soul . 86 interpreted in Byzantium. The Seventh Ecumenical Colour words in Antiquity and in the Byzantine 91 Council, described light as an agent of perception, via period remained remarkably similar, with for example, 87 which a picture of God is transmitted from the eye to alouryis for sea purple, becoming Imperial sea purple; the mind . Psellos, writing in the eleventh century sug- and kuaneos for dark blue becoming melanos as applied 92 gested that colour is stable but that perception of it may to Poseidon and the sea . Similarly xloros was applied vary . Plato’s concept of matter without quality, and as to green in both periods, and ochros a green yellow in 88 passive receiver of ideas and forms, passed into Byzan- Antiquity, in Byzantium became a word related to fear, tine colour theory, where colour was conceived of not weakness and sickness . Colour words applied to hue, only as hue but also as brightness and as saturation, and brightness and to saturation of colour and they could as such symbolically related to light . vary according to the style of writing. For instance, the Symbolic associations of colour could be either lit- levkos and melas of Antiquity, and as later rendered in First treatise on the eral or metaphorical in nature. The literal associations highDivine style images by commentary Psellos in Byzantium,PG became the aspros concerned the practical aspects of modelling forms with and mavros of the epic of Digenis Akrites, which was light and dark as technical devices. The metaphorical representative of Byzantine popular literature. Further

associations existed to: make clear the nature of the 89comparative analysis of colour words across literary modelled forms; to reveal their spiritual dimensions; categories with their varying styles is necessary to take and to stand as symbolic imitation of the prototype. this90 aspect of colour research forward. Colour was understood as a symbolic agent for creating Ibid., 185Colour note 50, citing John of Damascus, meaning, and it allowedDecrees for contemplation of the Ecumenical of Councilsthe Di- ( 94 1264B). vine rather than the contemplation of image only as an Transmutation of colour through alchemy, for example in the dyeing of false purples, was recognised as a physical process, but ‘under drawing’.Colour Colour gave ‘authentic presentation’ Glossarium ad Scriptores Mediae et 86 91also by Christians as a form of symbolic allegory. Colour was be- not in order to reproduceDe omnifaria Divinity, Doctrina butPG to give reality lievedInfirmae to heightenGraecitatis emotional response and to act as a regenerative and meaning to the image. In this way it was a repre- force. ThisColour force via the medium of religious belief was thought to act to transform the humanχλωρός soul. ωχρός 87 For light as described in the seventh , that James, , op.cit. (n. 43), chapters 1 and 3. She compares is Nicaea II of 787 A.D. see, , definitions of colour terms across three different Byzantine lexica

ed. N. P. Tanner, Georgetown 1990, session 6, lines 23-28, 144 and 92of the sixth to ninth centuries as follows: (Suida) sixth, (Photius) with translation. ninth, and (Hesychius) tenth centuries respectively.ΔΧΑΕ Also she refers

88 James, , op.cit. (n. 43), 135 discusses the work of Michael to definitions in C. du Cange, Psellos, «On colours», , 122, 728, chapter , I-II, Lyons 1688, reprinted Bratislava 1891. 64. It is suggested after Plato, that effluences are sent to the eyes and James, , op.cit. (n. 43), refers to Suida, Hesychius and Du that although colour is stable, perception of colour varies. Cange for the first term and to Hesychius and Suida for ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd Ibid., 314-316. 194 the second term . 9/5/2016 12:26:11 μμ

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97

Besides the antique heritage, colour perception in ly court with the reality of a similarly attired Imperial Byzantium had to accommodate the needs of the Chris- court, an allegory of «heaven on earth» was set up . The 93 tian tradition. Christianity readily adopted colour earthly court reflected the heavenly court, and the co- me­taphors for the expression of the glory of God, and lour-coded, uniformed officials of the earthly court sym- trea­sure metaphors were used, such that gold served as bolised the imposition of God’s order on earth through allegory of salvation . Already by the fifth to sixth cen- the actions of the Christian ruler. A picture of Christian 94 tury the metaphors of gold and purple applied to the governance was painted, which upheld the sacral ele- Imperial house, were transferred to depictions of angels ment of Imperial rule. in mosaics, and later they passed to Christ and the Vir- On the popular level the documents reveal less about 95 gin, to Church Fathers and Saints in general . colour preference and its use on dress in society, than The Apostolic Constitutions (380 A.D.) advocated do sur­viving textiles. From extant silks and tunics of use of splendid coloured silk vestments to celebrate the Byzanti­ne period Egypt, the minute changes in decor 96 98 liturgy as a metaphor for human salvation . There were can be appreciated and the rare and privileged use of Conclusionearly objections on moral grounds but from an early purple dye, murex and false purple. In the sixth to sev- date the treasure metaphor was used to symbolise the enth century restrained use of hue in combination with God of Light and the God of Salvation . The silk trea- religious and secular subject matter prevailed . By the 99 suries of Byzantium testify to the power of the analogy eighth to ninth century, bright polychrome palettes ap- right down to the fall in 1453 A.D. and beyond into Post peared on Byzantine silks with secular and with reli- Byzantine and later times. gious subjects such as on a Chur silk with Samson and the Lion (Fig. 10). How far this related to historical circumstances and to issues associated with the pre and post Iconoclastic stances of State and Religious insti- tutions has not been investigated as yet. In the tenth 100 It is clear from this brief outline that light and colour in to eleventh century, production of silk increased and Byzantium played an enormous part in creating mean- markets broadened, as advances in weaving technol- ing. Colour transferred form across from the senses to ogy occurred, and a preference for monochrome silks the mind. As it operated in society, colour assumed both can be detected . On monochromeByzantine silks such Court as thatCulture of a relative and an absolute role. It served as symbolic thefrom chasuble 829 1204 ofA St.D. Vitalis, qualities of light and shade metaphor creating meaning and as hue producing phys- played a greater role in defining form than did colour

ical colour andGod modelling and Gold in form. Late Antiquity This perhaps helps to contrasts (Fig. 11). This may reflect the influence of explain the immense importance attached to the phys- Islamic97 colour sensibility, where each court adopted a ical production of precise shades of purple hues, used special colour code (Fatimid white; Abbasid black for

as metaphor of Imperial power, authority, sanctity and 98 H. Maguire, «The Heavenly Court», rule.93 To wear purple buskins amounted to a declaration Les Constitutions Apostoliques - . , ed. H. Maguire, Washington, D.C. 1997, of treason in this system of colour coding. Through al- 94 99247-258. liance of the image of a goldGeist and und purple Leben clad heaven- Muthesius, op.cit. (n. 2), chapter 8, 80, and see catalogue num- See D. Janes,ODB , Cambridge 1998, bers M16, M20, and M398e with plates 26B, 81A and 27A, re-

9563-65. 100spectively. Ibid., 115-121, 129. It is beyond the scope of this article to dis- Ibid., chapter 7, 65-74, and catalogue numbers M35, M362-

96cuss colour in relation to specific iconographic types. This re- M363, M32, M27, M326, M30, M36 with plates 20A-B, 21A, 76B, mains a task for a later article. 77A, 21B, 22A, and 22B, respectively. ΔΧΑΕ , ed. M. Metzger, I-III, Paris Ibid., chapter 9, 85-89. Examples include catalogue numbers and 1985-1987. Anti-Nicene Christian Library, 17.2, Edinburgh 1870. plates as follows: M77a plate 35A and M77b plate 35B, M81 plate G. Podskalsky, «Gott ist Licht», 39 (1966), 201- 36A, M69 plate 85A, M71 plate 85B, M88 plate 86A, M72 plate 214. See also, , II, 1226-1227 on light as symbol for Byzan- 36B, M75 plate 86B, M1069b-d plate 37A, M119 plate 37B, M843 tine liturgy and spirituality, and for Byzantine artistic imagery as plate 38A, M862 plate 88A, M867c plate 88B, M86 plate39A, M74 ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.inddtoken of 195religious sanctity and majesty. plate 39B, M115 plates 40A and 40B, M976 plate 41A. 9/5/2016 12:26:11 μμ

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Fig. 10. Chur Cathedral treasury. Samson and the Lion silk, detail, eighth to ninth century, Byzantine.

101

example) . Also the Byzantine concept of colour as brightness and saturation, as against pure hue, would have played a part. This more mystical approach to co- 102 lour may have found a later parallel in religious thought

centred on Hesychaism, and been reflected too, on court costume, religious attire and church furnishings of the Palaiologan period . Robes and Ho­ nor The Medieval World of Investiture 101 What certainly is reflected by documents is that the influence of imported cloths and of foreign fashions ODB was prevalent right through the Byzantine period, but For Fatimid and Abbasid robesOstkirchliche in historical Studien context see the Fig. 11. Berne, Abegg Stiftung. Chasuble of St. Vi- following two papers: P. Sanders,Byzantine «Robes of Honor inHistorical Fatimid talis, detail, eleventh to twelfth century, Byzantine. Theological and Social Problems 102Egypt», and D. Sourdel, «Robes of honor in Abbasid Baghdad during the eighth to eleventh centuries», both in, . , ed. S. Gordon, New York 2001, see 225-239 and 137-145, respectively.ΔΧΑΕ On definition of Hesychaism see , II, 923-924. For detailed discussion of the movement see, G. Podskalsky, «Zur Gestalt und Geschichte des Hesychasmus», 16 (1967), 15-32. Note also, J. Meyendorff, : , ΔΧΑΕ_37_10_Muthesius.indd 196 . London 1974. 9/5/2016 12:26:11 μμ

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it is significant that foreign fashions were not a cause lower down the social scale. What effect later splendid Provenance of the figures for concern early on. There were Chinese silks at Dura Italian satins and velvets may have had on Byzantine Europos, Syrian and Cilician garments and Egyptian colour sensibilities is a question beyond the scope of tunics on the open market in tenth century Constanti- this paper, but Frankish attempts to curb imports of nople, but it was not until the post Latin conquest pe- Italian silks were soon abandoned. The era of social riod that imported Italian silks and fashions were seen self-determination was dawning in Byzantium, but too as a threat to Byzantine identity. These foreign imports late to save the Empire. were entirely banned by the Emperor of Nicaea, where the system of social control embedded into the exclusive Figs 1-11: Private archive of Anna Muthesius. use of Imperial dress, was extended to fashion control

ΔΧΑΕ

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ΛΖ΄ (2016), 181-198 197 Anna Muthesius

Σ

ΟΣ ΟΣ ΤΟ ΥΦΑΣΜΑ, ΤΟ ΧΡΩΜΑ, Ο ΣΥΜΒΟΛΙΣΜΟΣ το άρθροΚΑΙ εξετάζεται, Η ΣΗΜΑΣΙΑ μέσω της μελέτης ΤΟΥ των ΣΤΟ βυζα ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΟ- αποκαλύπτει την (4 ευρεία-15 χρήση ΑΙΩΝΕΣ) διαφόρων βαφών και ντινών χρωματιστών μεταξωτών υφασμάτων, η σχέση την πιθανή μέτρηση του βάρους της πρώτης ύλης, κα- ανάμεσα στην πολιτισμική διαμόρφωση στο Βυζάντιο θώς και ότι οι βασικές βαφές της αρχαιότητας παρέμε- και την ανάπτυξη της τεχνολογίας. Διερευνάται σε ναν δημοφιλείς στο Βυζάντιο. ποιο βαθμό η αντίληψη του χρώματος αντανακλούσε Τέλος, στο άρθρο εξετάζεται πώς το φως και οι χρω­ και επηρέαζε άμεσα τη δημιουργία κοινωνικών αξιών ματικοί κώδικες περιγράφονταν και γίνονταν αντι­λη­ και πεποιθήσεων κατά τη βυζαντινή εποχή. Το άρθρο πτοί στο Βυζάντιο και αναλύονται οι κυριολε­κτικές­ αναπτύσσεται σε τρία μέρη: α. χρωματικοί κώδικες ως και μεταφορικές συσχετίσεις των βαφών, καθώς και θεσμική και κοινωνική αλληλεπίδραση, β. η οργάνω- τα κυριολεκτικά και τα πνευματικά νοήματά τους. ση της βιομηχανίας της βαφής ως διαδικασία και ως Μελετάται­ ακόμη η ανάπτυξη αλληγορικών συμ­βολι­ ­ κοινωνικός έλεγχος και γ. η αντίληψη του χρώματος, σμών μέσω του χρώματος, ο συσχετισμός του χρώ­μα­ ως συμβολισμός, κοινωνική αλληλενέργεια και η δημι- τος με την έκφραση συναισθημάτων, καθώς και ο πα­ ουργία νοήματος στο Βυζάντιο. ραλληλισμός ανάμεσα στη διαδικασία μετατροπής του Στο άρθρο, κατ’ αρχάς, αναλύεται το πώς συγκεκρι­ βαμ­μέ­νου υφάσματος και στην ιδέα ότι η χριστιανι­ ­­κή μένοι συμβολικοί χρωματικοί κώδικες είχαν υιοθετη­ πίστη μπορεί να αλλάξει και να σώσει την ανθρώπινη θεί στο Βυζάντιο και ανιχνεύεται η ανάπτυξη των ψυχή. αντι­λήψεων που περιβάλλουν τη χρήση ειδικότερα της Στο άρθρο συμπεραίνεται ότι το φως και το χρώμα πορ­φύρας. Επιπλέον, συνεξετάζονται τα επιστημονι- στο Βυζάντιο διαδραμάτιζαν τεράστιο σημειολογικό κά τεκμήρια για τις βαφές και την τεχνική της ύφαν- ρόλο στη διαδικασία της μετατροπής της φυσικής μορ- σης των μεταξωτών, και οι πληροφορίες των γραπτών φής σε πνευματική. Ως χρωστική το χρώμα απέδιδε το πη­γών προκειμένου να ανασκευασθούν άστοχες μετα- φυσικό αποτύπωμα της μορφής,Fellow of ενώ the McDonaldμέσω του Instituteσυμβο- for Archaeological Research, φράσεις τεχνικών όρων στη σύγχρονη βιβλιογραφία. λισμού το χρώμα μετατρεπόταν σε έννοια. Αλλαγές Fellow Commoner of Lucy Cavendish College, Ακόμη, η προσοχή στρέφεται στους βαφείς, στις βαφές, στο χρωματολόγιο και στις προτιμήσεις στα βυζαντι- University of Cambridge, στην παράδοση και στις πρακτικές τους, από τις οποί- νά μεταξωτά κατά τη διάρκεια των[email protected] αιώνων υποδηλώ- ες άλλες ενίσχυσαν και άλλες επέδρασαν αρνητικά νουν ότι η σημασία του φωτός και του χρώματος στο στη βιομηχανία. Εξάλλου, το κόστος των βαφών και ο Βυζάντιο είχε μια ενεργή και όχι στατική δυναμική. συμβολισμός τους μελετώνται για να δείξουν πώς ένας πολύ συγκεκριμένος και επεξεργασμένος χρωματικός κώδικας δημιουργήθηκε στο Βυζάντιο. Στη συνέχεια, η έρευνα στρέφεται σε σωζόμενα μεταξωτά και στην ανάλυση των βαφών τους με επιστημονική μέθοδο. Η εξέταση κάποιων από τα σημαντικά αυτά υφάσματα ΔΧΑΕ

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