'Being' in Constantinople (4Th-15Th Centuries) Witnessed Through the Testimony of Precious Textiles

Anna Muthesius

TH TH WITNESSED THROUGH THE TESTIMONY OF PRECIOUS TEXTILES

Το άρθρο ερευνά με ποιο τρόπο τα πολύτιμα ενδύματα The article investigates how precious textiles came οδήγησαν στην ενσωμάτωση της «ύπαρξης στην Κων- to embody ‘being in Constantinople’ at different σταντινούπολη» σε διαφορετικά επίπεδα εμπειρίας με- levels of experience between the 4th-15th centu- ταξύ του 4ου και του 15ου αιώνα. Το θέμα εξετάζεται ries. The subject is explored through close analysis με λεπτομερή ανάλυση των «υπάρξεων» που εμπεριέ- of the different types of ‘being’ involved and of χονται και με την εντύπωση που προκαλούσαν τα πο- the impact of precious textiles within ceremonial λύτιμα υφάσματα‘BEING’ στην τελετουργική IN CONSTANTINOPLE και λειτουργική and ritual(4 enactment,-15 CENTURIES) on those distinct categories αναπαράσταση σε αυτές τις ξεχωριστές κατηγορίες της of being. The article concludes that precious tex- ύπαρξης. Το άρθρο καταλήγει στο ότι τα πολύτιμα υφά- tiles were ‘synonymous with being at different lev- σματα ήταν συνώνυμα με την «ύπαρξη σε διαφορετικά els’ in Constantinople by the 15th century. επίπεδα» στην Κωνσταντινούπολη έως τον 15ο αιώνα.

Λέξεις κλειδιά Keywords Precious textiles; ‘Being’; Ritual and ceremonial; Constan non transcen dental; Performance of

T he present paper examines the ways in which the but also in her three volumes of collected studies and in use of precious textiles both reflected and encouraged Πολύτιμα υφάσματα, ‘ύπαρξη’, λειτουργικό και τελετουρ- - γικό, Κωνσταντινούπολη, παράσταση, υπερβατική και μη in the footnotes both to the author’s publications and tinople; Performance-transcendental and - - υπερβατική,economic tenants παρουσίαση that τουunderpinned Κράτους. ‘being’ and more to later relevant bibliography of other authors State. aim here is to cover new ground: that is to attempt to

cerned with general trends that appear and persist over * Fellow of the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research,

a broad period of time rather than with detailed analy Fellow Commoner of Lucy Cavendish College, University1 of sis of narrow specific cases of precious cloths used at Cambridge. [email protected] further later publications. Copious references are given The dating of silks in this study follows that established by the ‘Howthe emergence can ‘being of in the Constantinople’ key political, religious,be defined social and what and author following ten years pioneering technical analysis of all the role did precious textiles play in the creation of this surviving material in over one hundred and twenty European. The sensebroadly of normsbeing?’ of existence, in Constantinople, between Byzantine Silk Weaving the Itfourth is not and the the primary fifteenth purpose centuries. of the The paper paper to is enter con- 1 into detailed discussion of the precious silk textiles “Silk Culture and ‘Being’ in Byzantium: - How far did precious cloth enrich ‘Memory’ and shape ‘Culture’ DChAE any one particular date. The paper specifically asks,

church treasuries and in museums all over the world, as subse- ΔΧΑΕ quently published in A. Muthesius, , Vien- na 1997. For some of the theoretical aspects of the present paper, refer to A. Muthesius,

cited. These silks have been the subject of very exten- across the Empire (4th-15th centuries)?”, 36 (2015), 345- ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.indd 333 8/5/2017 12:10:14 πμ sive publication by the author elsewhere, not only in 362, with further bibliography. her seminal corpus of the surviving Byzantine textiles, ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 333 ANNA MUTHESIUS

understand the role that the precious cloths might have precious cloths were central to this kind of public dis played within forging a sense of personal and of col

the sense of concrete actions undertaken by humans us guishes between how far individual ‘being’ as a personal

- finds that Byzantine ‘being’ can be seen to touch upon- play, whether in the form of ‘transcendental’ evocation lective ‘being’ to be enjoyed by citizens of Constanti- Christof divine on blessingprecious or cloths as secular might ‘non-transcendental’ have been used to pro ex- nople. The paper first explores aspects of the complex pression of Imperial power and authority. conceptThe paperof Byzantine then proceeds ‘being’. briefly It considers to summarise ‘being’ someboth The discussion of the second and third concepts (‘be- keyin the points sense aboutof actual the physical physical human and historical existence, context and in ing’ and the ‘reality of being’ in Constantinople), distin- within which the use of precious cloths operated in- ing objects such as precious cloth, as an expression of displayedreactive experience, during public and Imperial collective victory reactive parades ‘being’ or to human existence. In the two senses described, the paper public display, might have differed. For example, sub- tion to what sort of urban infrastructure supported the collectiveject matter or such group as messages the Crucifixion of Imperial and powerDeposition and au of the relationship (body and soul) of man to nature and - to God. rialvoke ideology heightened and emotional to promote response a sense andof the to affectstability indi of- vidual spiritual well being. On the other hand, precious atextile sense flags, of secular banners well and being costumes for citizens with symbolic of Constanti secular Imperial eagle, griffin, hunter and charioteer motifs, Constantinople as a developing urban centre, between The paper concludes with the suggestion that the use the fourth and the fifteenth centuries. It draws atten- ofused precious during cloth Palace in ceremonies,Constantinople primarily within transmittedpublic ritu al and ceremonial context was so marked as to become- development of the textile industry in the Capital (Im- thority. These secular messages acted to transmit Impe- onperial the andcloths non specifically Imperial institutions,selected? public spaces for display of the cloths, and public facilities to sustain the the State. The latter type of message acted to promote conceptstextile workers). in greater The detail: paper ‘Constantinople next raises questions of collective about ‘transcendental’ and ‘non transcendental’ were blend- the ‘mentalities’, which drove the silk industryreality of Con of- ednople. through enactments involving use of precious cloth stantinople. It questions what social norms might have consideredaffected the in types relation of precious to the textilesreflection in productionof Byzantine and - ‘mentalities’what were the as differentthey were revealed messages through embedded the use into of the precious cloths, and it asks why were different motifs synonymous with Byzantine ‘being’ (non-transcenden- Outlinetal physical, definition sensory of and ‘being’ material, and transcendental Subsequently, the paper proceeds to explore three andspiritual of ‘being and in emotional Constantinople’ ‘being’). At some points the - memory’; ‘being in Constantinople’, and the ‘ being in the Constantinople’. These three concepts are perwithin returns the Byzantinehere to a more court, detailed so as totheoretical reflect the discus combined ‘divine’ and secular nature of Imperial office.

Thisthe precious display textiles.included symbolic expression of ‘transcen The first concept (‘Constantinople of collective A useful source for the historical understanding memory’) deals with how Constantinople’s pagan past, its Roman heritage, and its theocratic Christian present Aristotle East and West. were melded together to form a ‘collective memory’ (or Following the general outline presented above, the pa- type of ‘mental image’ held in common), through which - Constantinople could be celebrated. Within this concept sion of how the Byzantines mightΔΧΑΕ have viewed ‘being’, lies the idea of the City as a stage for public display. and what it might have meant to enjoy that type of ‘be- - ing’ in the context of living in Constantinople. dental’ belief, such as ‘the idea of the Imperial court as ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddreflection 334 of the celestial hierarchy’, or ‘the good order of the definition of ‘being’ in Byzantium, is found 8/5/2017 in 12:10:14 πμ of Church and State’. The paper goes on to argue that the work of D. Bradshaw, ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 334 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

Metaphysics and the Division of Christendom shaw traced the understanding of ‘being’ from Aristotle through to what he termed ‘the world view of Eastern PG Bradshaw then proceeds to take the concept of ener-

2 geia

templating the most knowable of all things’ . Brad- ultimatelyitself, and beyondcame ‘to anything be counted that as is amongst said or conceivedthe paradig of Bradshaw also pointed to Aristotle’s distinction be maticHim, whether energeiai simply of God’ or in a certain way.’ (Ambigua 10, ered 91, many 1180D) things:. ‘the status and meaning of nature; the Christendom’. Bradshaw quoted Aristotle’s view on de- grees of being, ‘Now if living is, alike for every animal, as introduced by Aristotle (as part of the actuality 3 relationship of symbols and images to their prototypes; its true being, it is clear that the one who will ‘be’, in the and reality of being), to show how this term was refined of theory to practice; of person9 as a category irreducible highestBradshaw degree sawand thethe mostbroad proper doctrinal sense, history is the thinker, of the toand nature; developed of the in nature East Christian of God and thought, of the uppossibility to a point of Eastand mostChristian of all definitionwhen he is of in the action term (ἐνεργή) ‘being’ asand a conpar- humanwhere the communion concept of with being the (life) divine’ / the ‘reality of being’, . Given that Byzantine ‘being’ was a complex concept- - . Thus, Byzantine ‘being’ cov- 4 ‘Wheretween the does actuality philosophy of being end and(state theology or fact begin?’of being actual as a reality) and the potentiality of being (actual relationship of body/soul; of sensible to intelligible; the main discussions centred on the distinction between lationship might have existed between10 ‘being’ and the theconditions actuality or and facts the of potentiality being) (Metaphysics of being in V,7, relation 1017, manufacture and use of precious textiles in the Capital? a35-b6) .

5 outline of the historical context of production and use - of precious textiles in Constantinople. will be provided cianallel toFather’s the revision approach of Neoplatonism,Bradshaw reported begun ‘spoke under only the and secondly and finally the concepts and mentalities Cappadocian Fathers and Dionysius, and he asked, thatin itself, informed how mighttheir use it haveas part related of Byzantine to notions being of what will . The it was to live in Constantinople, and further what re-

to what type of ‘being’ was attributable to God, from These questions will be addressed in two parts. First an 6 The historical context of precious whom all being stemmed. How was God himself, beyond textile production in Constantinople being, and yet still active in the world? The Cappado-

of the Divine Nature itself as simple, infinite, eternal’PG. On the other hand Bradshaw emphasised that St. Max- be explored. imus (580-662) in a spirit closer to Dionysius wrote, ‘Both the names ‘being’ (τò εἶναι) and ‘non-being’ (τò μὴ The natural function of Byzantium in antiquity as in εἶναι) are to be reverently applied to Him, although not Aristotle East and West. Metaphysics and the divi- modern times was to serve as a gateway to the Black at all properly. In one sense they are both proper to Him, sion of Christendom7 one affirming the beingAristotle’s of God Protrepticus: as cause ofan attemptbeings, atthe otherreconstruction denying in Him the being which all beings have, Mango in his paper, ‘The developmentPG of ConstantinoMaximus-

based2 on his pre-eminenceMetaphysica as cause.’ (Mystagogy, plethe Confessor as an urban centre’, rightly pointed out, ‘Ancient 91, 664 B-C) . St. Maximus also wrote, ‘Being is derived Byzantium, which had existed a thousand years before

from3 Him but He is not being. For he is beyond being Constantine, never grew up into a really major city….

D. Bradshaw, 8 PG Mystagogy, Introduc sophical issues were taken up by Christian authors as part of a 4 , Cambridge 2004. Ibid., 5 with reference to 5 (ed. and trans. I. Düring), Göteborg 1961, B86. 9 Ibid., 191, note 14, with reference to 91, 1180D, 6 10 ΔΧΑΕ Ibid., 13 with reference to (ed. W. Jaeger), Oxford (trans. A. Louth), London – New York 1996, Ambi- 1957,7 7, 1017a35-b6. gua 10, with translation. Ibid., 124, 153-187. Ibid., 189-195. Ibid., 190-191. Ibid., 187, where Bradshaw argues that these essentially philo- Ibid., 191 with reference to 91, 664B-C, - ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddtion. 335 ‘fundamental revision of Neoplatonism’. 8/5/2017 12:10:14 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 335 ANNA MUTHESIUS

a supernatural defender of Constantinople Civil strife marked the fifth to sixth centuries with

antium was predicated was no longer operative by the At the time of the riot Imperial silks had been displayed

16 Constantine made an obvious choice of capital given the aristocracy as a sign of delegation of authority and

the circumstances of the early fourth century’ of loosening of imperial privilege but to no avail 17 Sea. This traffic depended on the existence of the Greek hereditarybe not a painted Imperial image silk but guilds an impression had become on cloth,too large and colonies on the northern coast of the Black Sea, which . were mostly wiped out in the third century A.D. As a the privileged upper echelons of Constantinopolitan so result, the very trade on which the well-being of Byz- the Nika riot in 532 A.D. and the plague of 542 A.D. . 11 ciety 18

time of Constantine. One cannot say therefore, that in the House of Lamps and had been offered for sale to

. . The were 19built or rebuilt By the fifth century, Constantinople had fourteen ur- 12 tionban regions,and use withof the 5 highestPalaces categories14 churches, of purple162 public silk and depictedand it was the time deeds to ofoff-load the Emperor some preciousalongside cloth religious on to private baths, 4 forums, 4 harbours, 52 major streets, - 322 minor streets, and 4,388 houses, and new granaries, . itary Imperial silk and embroidery guilds 20 thisharbours, Theodosius and walls and and Pulcheria cisterns adopted. Roman Christian civil institu cult- Under Justinian in the sixth century, in Constantino- practicestions were and taken amalgamated over in to Byzantine promulgation use, andof the the cult earli of- ple, churches and monasteries, not least Haghia Sophia, er Roman legal framework was expanded. It was time to St. Irene, St. Sergios and Bacchus, and St. Polyeuktos Okeanos: Essays presented consolidate the Imperial image. From the fourth to the . Amongst the textiles donated to sation of their rule 13 to Ihor Ševčenko on his sixtieth birthday sixth century, an Imperial monopoly over the produc- Haghia Sophia by Justinian, was an altar cloth, which

16 CahArch Constantinopleof gold embroidery against was established,attack by her with enemies serving, hered- scenes, thusODB creating a parallel between the secular and same way later the mandylion of Christ was. creditedAlongside to the religious authority of the ODBEmperor and affirming his 14 Byzan- A. Cameron, “The history of the image of Edessa: the telling of tion a story”, C. Mango – O. Pritsak (eds), Transactions and Studies of the College of Physicians the Virgin into Imperial ceremonial as form of legitimi- 17 , Cambridge, MA 1984, 17th International Byzantine Congress Main Papers of Philadelphia 15 80-94. K. Weitzmann, “The Mandylion and Constantine Porphy- . This was important because cloth The Cambridge rogenitus”, 11 (1960), 163-184. relics See ODB of the Virgin, particularly her maphorion, belt, companion to the age of Justinian Consult, , 2, 1473 (W. E. Kaegi), with further bibliography and veil, in time came to act as defenders of the city of 11 on the Nika revolt. Further, see , 3, 1681 (J. Scarborough Studies in Byzantine. In the After the Nika riots the rebuilding of the centre of Constantino – A. Kazhdan), and P. Allen, “The Justinianic plague”, and Islamic Silk Weaving, ple served to provide a public space for the enactment of Imperial 49 (1979), 5-20. T. L. Bratton, “The identity of the plague of 12 C. Mango, “The development of Constantinople as an urban Justinian”, DChAE Journal of Hellenistic Studies centre”,13 , , , n.s., 3 (1981), 113-124, 174-180, and P. Horden, riot is described as being the result of the combined actions of a Washington, D.C. 1986, 117-136. “Mediterranean18 plague in the age of Justinian”, , 1, 508-512 (C. Mango). (ed. P. Maas), Cambridge 2005, Divine Heiress. The Virgin Mary and the creation On the silk guilds refer to, A. Muthesius, “The Byzantine silk 134-160. of Christian Constantinople, Companion to the Age of Justinian industry: Lopez and beyond”, A. Muthesius, -

London 1995, 255-314. On Byzantine Byzantion Byzantine and Islamic Silk Weaving dyes including purples, see A. Muthesius, “Cloth, colour, symbol- ritual and ceremonial. See G. Greatex, “The Nika riot: a reassess- ism14 and meaning in Byzantium (4th-15th century)”, 37 ment”, 117 (1997), 60-86, where the

(2016), 181-197. Both studies offer extensive additional bibliog- Companion to the Age of Justinian raphy.15 discontented19 aristocracy and a Constantinopolitan mob. For Con- BMGS V. Limberis, stantinople under Justinian, see B. Croke, “Justinian’s Constan- London – New York 1994, 47-61. tinople”, , op.cit. (n. 17), 60-86. 20 A. Cameron, “The Virgin’s robe: an episode in the history of On the Imperial and the private silkΔΧΑΕ guilds of Constantinople, early seventh-century Constantinople”, 49 (1979), 42- see A. Muthesius, , chapter 56. More recently with some suggested revisions of Cameron’s 16, 255-314,with further bibliography. theories, see B. V. Pentcheva, “The supernatural protector of Con- D. Alchermes, “Art and architecture in the Age of Justinian”, stantinople: The Virgin and her icons in the tradition of the Avar , op.cit. (n. 17), 343-375, espe- ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddsiege”, 336 26 (2002), 2-41. cially 355-366. 8/5/2017 12:10:14 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 336 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

status as ruler chosen by God

gorised his secular power and authority

century Imperial hunter themes21 appeared as for exam

22 In the seventh to eighth century. Precious there cloth followed began toa act to re-enforce the spiritual image of the ruler alongside the purple and gold embroidered silks, which cate- . By the eighth - ple, on the Imperial Hunter silk from Mozac at Lyon, productionand on the Lion of precious and Panther cloth Hunt in Constantinople silk at the Vatican in IconoclastRome (Figs Emperors 1, 2). ordered that charioteer and hunter

23 Byzantine decline, with Imperial territorial losses to Fig. 1. Lyon, Musée Historique des Tissus. Imperial Hun the Arabs, and sieges and blockades of Constantinople 24 ter Silk, from Mozac, 8th-9th century, Byzantine. suchin 626, fabrics 674-78, for secular 717-718 clothing A.D., asin wellthe fourth as plague century (747 A.D) and earthquake (740 A.D.) . All this co-incided with Iconoclasm, which had a profound effect on the . The

seat and this would have found a parallel in Constantin25 oplethemes with replace the statue religious of the scenes. Emperor Religious Constantine iconography in his had existed on textiles at least from the time of St. John Chrysostom, who had complained against the use of Paulus Silentarius, Description of St. Sophia and its ambo.. JohannesThere von was Gaza production und Paulus too, Silentarius of singular silks, which pointed to the pagan past of Constantinople. The Brussels The Art of the Byzantine Empire, 312-1453. Sources and Docu- Charioteer silk for example, shows Helios in the driving 21ments - Cloth, colour

The Economic History of Byzantium from (ed. P. Friedländer), the seventh through the fifteenth century Leipzig22 – Berlin 1912, 755-805, passage translated in C. Mango,

, New Jersey 1972, 88-89. For purples specifically reserved for Imperial use, see A. Muthe Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum sius, , op.cit. (n. 13), and earlier, see A. Muthesius,

“Essential Processes, looms and technical aspects of the produc-

tion of silk textiles”, , Washington, D.C. 2002, Vita S. Stephani iunioris 1, chapter 11, 147-168, especially 158-160. The key early article on23 the history of Byzantine purples is G. Steigerwald, “Das kai- Fig. 2. Rome, Vatican, Museo Sacro. Hunter Silk, 8th-9th serliche24 Purpurprivileg in spätrőmischer und frühbyzantinischer century, Byzantine. PG Zeit”, 33 (1990), 209-239. For bibliography on the plague see note 17 above. Under Constantine V, the promotion of hunter and charioteer ΔΧΑΕ themes in art during Iconoclasm, was twice recorded by the Dea- con25 Stephen in 806 A.D. See (translation C. Mango), op. cit. (n. 21), 152, 153, columns 1112-1113 and column 1172. Asterius of Amaseia, Homilies, Homily 1, 40, 165-168 ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.indd 337 (translation C. Mango), op. cit. (n. 21), 50-51. 8/5/2017 12:10:52 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 337 ANNA MUTHESIUS

Fig. 3. Brussels, Musées Royaux d”Art et d”Histoire. Charioteer Silk, 8th-9th century, Byzantine.

ures of astral cult practice and their historic memory chariot races and Helios was considered the protector is reflected in Byzantine sources well beyond Icono of the Emperor

was recognised in the Roman29 Empire and his cult was

troubled times of 26Iconoclasm approved under Aurelian and Diocletian and adopted Dioscurides silk with Castor and Pollux and with pa by soldiers

27 Forum atop a porphyry column, depicted in the guise partpagan of heritagethe debate (Fig. for 4)and. against Castor andthe use Pollux of the were graven fig- of Helios (Fig. 3) . The Romans associated Helios with 28 Byzantine image during Iconoclasm?’ - Silk Weaving A.D. 400-1200 30 . The silks embedded popular historic clasm. At the same time the Iranian sun God Mithra orymemory, and Meaning: which appearsGraphic signto haveand abstractre-surfaced symbol during in Byzan the Byzantine

26 . Similarly, the Maastricht Silk Weaving 31 Graphic Signs of Power and Faith- . The cult disappeared only in the fifth cen- ganin Late Mithraic Antiquity bull and sacrifice,the Early Middle echoes Ages Constantinopolitan tury. The question, which arises is, ‘Did these silks form For the Brussels Charioteer silk, see A. Muthesius, 29 ODB For Mithraism consult ODB , Vienna 1997, 72-73 and 173-174, pl. and for discussion of Byzantium’s. use of Mithraic symbolism 22A, for silk M30. The silk is discussed in A. Muthesius, “Mem-

- For the Maastricht Dioscurides silk, see Muthesius, tine Silk Weaving (6th-10th/11th centuries)”, I. Garipzanov – C. , op.cit. (n. 1), 64, 73, 79 with notes 90-93, and also Much work remains to be done on interpretation of source Goodson27 – H. Maguire (eds), see30 175-176 for silk M36, plate 22B. The Dioscurides silk is dis- DChAE (Cursor Mundi 27), cussed in Muthesius, “Memory and Meaning”, op.cit. (n. 26), 375- Byzantium in the Turnhout28 2017, 351-381. 376, both with further bibliography. On the symbolism behind the veneration of Helios , see , 2, , 2, 1385-1386 (F. R. Trombley), 31 910 (A. Kazhdan), with further bibliography. ΔΧΑΕ The concept of ‘historic memory’ is discussed in A. Muthesius, on the Dioscurides silk, see Muthesius, “Memory and Meaning”, “Silk, culture and being in Byzantium: How far did precious cloth op.cit. (n. 26), 376. enrich ‘memory’ and shape ‘culture’ across the Empire (4th-15th centuries)?”, 36 (2015), 345-362, with further bibliog- materials associated with Iconoclasm. These sources have been ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddraphy. 338 gathered together in, L. Brubaker – J. Haldon, 8/5/2017 12:11:22 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 338 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

Fig. 4. Maastricht, St. Servatius. Dioscurides Silk, 8th-9th century, Byzantine. Left: Crefeld, School of Art. Painted copy, 1895. Right: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Frag- ment.

Between the eighth and the tenth century urban Macedonian return to a glorious ancient past

fluential residences being situated on the southern Pro period of strife belonged a variety of secular hunter and

charioteer silks as discussed above 32 But in the ninth century there was decay of public facil ter second Iconoclasm belong two fragments of silk in

ities such as baths and less use of public entertainment 33

. Never- 34 dwellings were still spread out across the Capital, in- theless, precious secular silks continued in production ODB - in Constantinople during Iconoclasm (Fig. 5) . To this Byzantine Silk Weaving pontis shore near the Akropolis, between the harbours 35 of Julian and Theodosius, and in the centre of the City. . To the period af-

Iconoclastic Era (c. 680-850). The Sources, an annotated survey- 32

the33 Vatican with the Annunciation and Nativity (Fig. by way of the Hippodrome. Post Iconoclasm (843 A.D.) 6) . Mainstream production of religious silks may have Imperial palaces were refurbished, and old churches 34 , 1, 508-512 with bibliography (C. Mango). CIETA repaired alongside establishment of new hospices, but 35 See Muthesius, , op.cit. (n. 1), chapter Bulletin no new civic monuments were erected, even as part of a 7, 65-79. XIX congresso internazionale degli orientalisti Ibid., 68-73, sections 7.3, 7.4. Ibid., 67, section 7.2 and also see 175, silk M35, plates 20A ΔΧΑΕ(Birmingham, Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs 7), Alder- and 20B for the author’s detailed discussion of the basis for dat- shot 2001. In this publication, there was an attempt by Brubaker ing the silk fragments to post second Iconoclasm. Concerning the to add to the present author’s analysis of the textiles. Brubaker’s dye analysis of these two fragments, see D. King – M. King, “The description of the textiles came directly from Muthesius, but her Annunciation and Nativity silks: A supplementary note”, interpretation of the textiles as a ‘non- textile specialist’, pro- 63-64 (1986), 20-21 and R. Pfister, “Sur les tissus du Sancta ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddduced much 339 misleading information. Sanctorum”, , Rome8/5/2017 12:11:31 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 339 ANNA MUTHESIUS

Fig. 5. Charioteer Silk, two fragments, 8th-9th century, Imperial Byzantine. Left: Aachen, Cathedral Treasury. Right: Paris, Cluny Museum.

been centred in Christian workshops operating under Arab rule in Syria and these silks in huge numbers were rum built for use of market place artisans represented being exported for use by the Papacy in Rome a new or a renovated building tainly saw the rise of the private guilds including those

cial sector distribution of silks produced by the private silk guilds CIETA36 Bulle- 37 tin Before a modern dye analysis is undertak and retailed by the merchants of domestic and of im en it is not possible to claim that the Annunciation and Nativity portedIt is silk uncertain garments if the Church of the Virgin at the Fo-

38 . . The tenth century cer- For this reason the two fragments are linked together in this study Journal of 1938, 661-666. For a different dating of these two fragments, see Roman Archaeology M. Martiniani-Reber, “Nouveau regard sur les soieries de l’An- of the textile industry, and an expansion of the commer- Byzantine Silk Weaving 39 nonciation et de la Nativité du Sancta Sanctorum”, . Strict rules governed the production and Byzantium and its Image 63-64 (1986), 12-15. - Lib- er Pontificalis de Tyreo Das Eparchen- silk fragments represent the remains of two distinct silks, most buch Leons des Weisen . The civic role of these silk guilds particularly36 as their weave analysis shows no such distinction. 37 The organisation of the Byzantine silk guilds is discussed in reviewed by J. P. Wild, “Textiles of Eastern Promise”, Studies in Byzantine and Islamic Silk as ‘the Annunciation and Nativity fragments of silk’. 15 (2002), 675-680. century pattern looms weaving both wool and silk in Syria as Weaving Muthesius, , op.cit. (n. 1), 23-24 and 38 For the Church of the Virgin at the Forum, see C. Mango, “The Studies in Silk in Byzantium note 28, 66, 74 note 25, 75 note 26, 124-126, section 14.1.3, includ life of St. Andrew the Fool”, C. Mango, , ing detailed primary and secondary source references. The London39 1984, 302-303, of chapter 8. refers to silks of Tyre ( ), which reached The guild regulations were edited by J. Koder, Die Textilien aus Palmyra, Neue und Alter Funde churches of Rome, and this raises the issue of the possibility of , Wien 1991. Christian narrative silk weaving during Iconoclasm in Syria (see 66, and note 26 for source reference). Certainly, there were fifth detail in, A. Muthesius, ΔΧΑΕ , London 1995, chapter 16, 280-290, and in A. Muthesius, described by Theodoret of Cyrrus (see 23 with source reference in , London 2004, chapter 3, 37-65, and note 28). There was silk weaving earlier (1st-2nd century) at Pal- see especially 51-53, with extensive further bibliography. The au- myra in Syria, see A. Schmidt-Colinet – A. Stauffer – K. al-Asad, thor undertook two research trips as Aurel Stein, British Acad- ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.indd 340 , Mainz 2000, emy Fellow (1987 and 1988) to examine the non-industrialised8/5/2017 12:11:42 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 340 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

Fig. 6. Rome, Vatican, Museo Sacro. Annunciation and Nativity (two silk fragments), 9th century (post 843), Byzantine.

will be discussed further below as will their impact on silk merchants could reside in the Capital for longer wider distribution of precious cloths lower down the than three months and Constantinople did import silk clothing from Armenia and Syria as well as lesser value silks from Egypt looked to purchase silk textiles of Constantinople under the auspice of special trade treatises

this trade route brought its own danger in the form 42 The emergence of the Russ 750-1200

40 social scale. In the ninth to tenth century, the Black Sea was opened under Kievan merchants and they too . Eparchenbuch with O. P. Sherbowitz-Wetzor (Medieval Academy of American ernment provided the author with transport to sericulture and . These merchants Publications 60), Cambridge, MA 1953, 73 forward. For Russo- 41 were kept at bay at St. Mammas, and the opening of Byzantine trade contacts, see S. Franklin – J. Shepard, Mysore provided the author with much literature on the processes , London 1996, 103-111, with further were not allowed to reside more than three months in the mitata bibliography42 on 104, note 54. For Byzantine contacts of 920-960 ratedof Russian in to the attacks two publications on the citedCapital and was(860, also 941 made and available 1043 A.D.) . In contrast to other foreign merchants, Syrian A.D. see p. 112-138 with further bibliography, and for the attack of 1043 A.D., consult p. 216. his publication of the silk guild regulations in the Book of the appended to the Book of Ceremonies silk industry of India. The Ministry of Textiles to the Indian gov- Koder, , op.cit. (n. 38), 94-95, chapter 5.2, pro- Prefect Byzantine silks as well as a category of lesser silk imported from vides a record of the existence of Syrian merchants, who had re- traités de Byzance avec la Russie au Xe silk weaving centres all over India. The Sericulture Institute at sided in the Capital for ten years. However, on p. 96-97, in chap- Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique Three Treatises ter 5.5 it is reported that Syrian merchants bringing in garments on Imperial Military Expeditions of raw silk production. The result of the research was incorpo- The Russian Primary Chronicle of the Capital. Imported garments from Syria and Seleucia were to40 J. Koder in extensive discussions held in Vienna in 1997, before detailed on p. 94-95, in chapter 5.1. In the Baggage Train account ΔΧΑΕ , there are described, valuable 41 (op. cit. n. 38). I. Sorlin, “Les siècle”, Egypt. These were intended for campaign distribution to distin- 3 (1961), 313-360, 447-475. guished and to lesser rank captives. See J. Haldon, For privileged terms of sale of Byzantine silks to Russians, see (CFHB 28), Wien 1990, 289-291 ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddS. H. Cross, 341 , Laurentian Text, and passim. Two categories of earlier, patterned, fine quality silks8/5/2017 12:11:51 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 341 ANNA MUTHESIUS

As part of the miraculous and divine protection use of precious textiles by the court in celebration of

be suggested that the development of tenth century Im tenth century was recognised publicly as a conduit for perial ceremonial and ritual through the use of precious the dispersal of Divine protection to the city under at cloth came to supplant the earlier great civic building tack Book of Ceremonies provides marvellous testimony to strides in Imperial civic building did entail the massive the symbolism of the use of precious textiles in Imperial court and diplomatic context and the detailed uses will of Constantinople textiles played a seminal part. The their legitimacy as rulers of New Rome. It might even 43 be examined below weremaphorion recovered of from the sixthVirgin to seventhin particular, century gravesby the of ninthAkhmim to production of the diplomatic inscribed Imperial Lion-

- were indispensable to the Imperial image and they were . carriedacts of thein to founding battle in Emperors the Imperial of Constantinople.baggage train The Byzantine Silk 44 The tenth century, although it did not bring great In the eleventh and twelfth centuries vast Imperi Weaving On one example of Akhmim silks Die Mittelalterliche Textilien von St. Serva tius in Maastricht. welfare and financial functions were constructed: the For some examples of Antinoe silks . This was also the period of the and Antinoe in Egypt. The Akhmim silks, some with inscriptions, 45 Textiles et mode sassanides. probably were woven in Egypt, but the Antinoe silks have been Les tissus orientaux conservés au département des Antiquités and Elephant silks (Fig. 7). By this time Imperial silks termed ‘Sassanian’. For discussion of the Akhmim and Antinoe égyptiennes Lyon musée silks as distinct weaving groups, see Muthesius, historique des tissus. Soieries sassanides, coptes et byzantines Ve- , op.cit. (n. 1), 80-84. . XIe siècles refer to A. Stauffer, the period saw the growth of the Latin trader colonies- Schriften der Abegg-Stiftung Riggisberg, VIII, al monastic complexes with social and educational, Clothing Culture: Dress in Egypt Bern 1991, 92-94, cat. no 28. in the First Millennium A.D tion with the Byzantine silk trade further refer to M. Martiniani-Reber, Peribleptos (Romanos III), St. Cosmas and Damian (Mi- 46 robe: an episode in the history of early seventh century Constan chael IV), St. George of the Mangana (Constantine IX), , Paris 1997, and M. Martiniani-Reber, , Byzantion and under the Comnenii also, the ‘orphanage’ of St. Paul Byzantine Silk Weav- , Paris 1986, 36-60. For Byzantine and Islamic period with its sixth century church, the Christ Pantocrator, ing 47 Egyptian43 textiles and dress in the Whitworth Museum collection, and the St. Mokios foundation . On a commercial front The Homilies Baggage Train Manchester, consult F. Pritchard, of Photius Patriarch of Constantinople ., Manchester 2006, 60-82 and 83-115. 44 on the Golden Horn and their increasing pre-occupaConsta- For the history of the maphorion, see A. Cameron, “The Virgin’s 45 nine Porphyrogennetos. The Book of Ceremonies. Textile production - is recorded in the Diegesis Opheimos PG tinople”, 49 (1979), 42-56. In 860 A.D., at the time of See references in note 77 below. the later Russian siege of Constantinople, the maphorion served For the inscribed silks refer to Muthesius, ODB as part of the Marian cult of the Capital. It was carried on the , op.cit. (n. 1), 34-43. For silks taken on campaign, see Hal- Handel und politik walls of the City to provide divine protection. See don, , op.cit. (n. 42), 215, C222. The terminology BMGS zwischen dem byzantinischen Reich und den italienischen Kom- (translation C. Mango), for textiles is difficult to decipher as some terms used have no munen Venedig, Pisa und Genua in der Epoche der Komnenen Cambridge, MA 1958, 102-103. Earlier, the procession of the ma- parallels and clearly are trade terms. This is discussed in, und Angeloi (1081-1204) phorion was reported during the Avar attack of 620 A.D. This 46 (translation A. Byzantium und Venice, a study in diplomatic and cultural rela- (BHG, no. 1060), 92, Moffatt47 – M. Tall) (Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, He placed it about his person whilst negotiating a peace treaty tions 1354D-1372, at 1357A. The prophylactic uses of the maphorion Byzantina Australiensia 18.1), Canberra 2012, 1, 468. are fully explored in, B. V. Pentcheva, “The supernatural protec- , 1, 511 with further bibliography (C. Mango). annes Skylites: Synopsis historiarum Genoa’s reponse to Byzantium 1155- tion of Constantinople: the Virgin and her icons in the tradition For the Latin trader colonies, see R. J. Lilie, 1204. Commercial expansion and functionalism in a medieval of the Avar siege”, 26 (2002), 2-41; see 20, 24-25 for its use city in 620 A.D. and 27-28 for the maphorion’s later use in 860 A.D. Robes and Honor. The Medieval The Virgin’s maphorion in 926 A.D., was used in a prophylactic , Amsterdam 1984. Compare, D. Nicol, World of Investiture capacity by the Emperor Romanos 1 Lekapenos (920-944 A.D.). , Cambridge 1988, 50-67, especially 60-62 for trade privileges with the Bulgarian ruler Symeon. This episode is recorded in, Io- granted to Venice, with bibliography onΔΧΑΕ 60 note 1, and on 61 note (ed. I. Thurn), Berlin – New 1. Also consult, G. W. Day, York 1973, 219. On cloth relics of the Virgin as a whole, consult, A. W. Carr, “Threads of Authority, the Virgin Mary’s Veil in the , Urbana – Chicago 1988, 2-8, 17-46 and references in 38 note Middle Ages”, S. Gordon (ed.), 24, 39-40 note 42, 41-42 note 47, for trade and diplomatic rela- ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.indd 342 , New York 2001, 59-94. tions between Genoa and Byzantium. Further note two papers by,8/5/2017 12:11:51 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 342 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

Fig. 7 Berlin, from Siegburg. Imperial Lion Silk, 921-923, Constantinople.

had broadened and use of precious fabrics had moved

tion and manufacture had become well established in the Peloponnese beyond the confines of the previously centralised Constantinopolitan industry politan textile industry was still documented but there

was finishing and repair of imported textiles alongside49

the Imperial house itself, moved from the Great Palace 48 50 lower down the social scale in Byzantium. Silk produc- near the harbour of the Boukoleon, to the Palace of the Commercial Exchange across the Mediterranean Blachernae on a hill-top dominating the Land Walls . The Great fire of 1203 A.D. and the Latin occupation of

. At this time, the city followed (1204-1261 A.D.) . The Constantino- Byzantine and Islamic Silk Weaving Trade Commodities and Shipping in the Medieval Medi- D. Jacoby, “The Venetian quarter of Constantinople from 1082- terranean ODB 1261: topographical considerations”, and “Genoa silk trade and silk48 manufacture in the Mediterranean region (c. 1100-1300)”, D. clusions on silk types and where they were woven is largely specu Jacoby, , Alder- over-estimated by him. This error was pointed out to Guillou by The Hystoria Constantinopolitana shot 2005, 153-170 chapter 3, and 11-40 chapter 11, respectively. the present author, who gallantly acknowledged the error. See A. The source material has been expertly gathered together in D. Muthesius,49 “From seed to samite: Byzantine Silk production”, A. The siege of Constantinople Jacoby, “Silk in western Byzantium before the fourth Crusade”, D. Muthesius, , London 1995, 1453: seven contemporary accounts Jacoby, 119-134,50 chapter 7, especially 126-127. See further, note 52 below. , Aldershot 1997. Nevertheless, Jacoby is not a textile On the Palace of Blachernai, see , 1, 293 with further bib- Historische Zeitschrift specialist and therefore, it should be borne in mind, that his con- liography (C. Mango). - On the conquest and capture of Constantinople in 1204 A.D. ΔΧΑΕlative, sometimes totally technically misguided, and often not in consider the Latin account, , tune with the evidence of the surviving Byzantine silks, themselves. of Gunthyer of Paris (ed. and translation, A. J. Andrea), Philadel- Consider his contention that red silks were woven on Andros (p. phia 1997. Further, see J. R. M. Jones, 462) or his discussion concerning half-silks (p. 475). On 476 Jaco- , Amsterdam 1972. Also note, by relies on Guillou’s analysis of silk production in Calabria, but E. Methuen, “Der Fall von Konstantinopel und der Lateinische ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddthe raw 343 silk yield and so the volume of production, was vastly Westen”, 237 (1983), 1-35. 8/5/2017 12:11:56 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 343 ANNA MUTHESIUS

Fig. 8. Sinai, St. Catherine's Monastery. Epitrachelion, 15th century, Byzantine.

diminished domestic production cupation Imperial silk production appears to have been gold embroidery workshops continued in production in was charged with the production of lesser silks and the Capital. A Patriarchal gold embroidery workshop

other cloths for widespread distribution51 at home and abroad mainly unpublished gold embroideries in monasteries of Athos

. Under the Latin oc- was made under the Palaeologoi (e.g. Virgin Pammaka ristos, Christ of the Chora churches) and the Imperial 52 centred rather at the court in Nicaea. The Peloponnese century Imperial53 workshops continued to produce gold embroideries and there is evidence that these workshops Trade Commodities is also suggested by the presence of non-Imperial and . 54 51 After 1261 A.D. and the end of the Latin occupation of . By the fourteenth century whilst the Latin Trade Commodities Broderies reli Constantinople,52 an initial building programme recovery quarter of Pera prospered, Constantinople had reached gieuses de style byzantin The Byzan tinea point tradition of decay in Church prior Embroidery to its fall to the Turks in 1453 See Matschke reference in note 52 below. Byzantiaka On Latin trade of cloth in Con A.D. . It is evident, however, that the early fifteenth See D. Jacoby, “The production of silk textiles in Latin Greece”, D. Mélanges offerts à Octave et Melpo Merlier Jacoby, , op. cit. (n. 48), 22-35, chapter 12, espe- 53 The Economic History of Ecclesiastical Gold Em- cially 23-24. Also, D. Jacoby, “Silk production in the Frankish Pelo- Byzantium broideries ponnese: the evidence of fourteenth century surveys and reports”, ODB D. Jacoby, , op.cit. (n. 48), 501-561. Further, see For Byzantine gold embroideries, see G. Millet, Mistra K. P. Matschke, “Tuchproduktion und Tuch produzenten in Thes- , Paris 1939-1947. P. Johnstone, salonike und in anderen Städten und Regionen des späten Byzanz”, , London 1967. A. Chatzi 9 (1989), 69 forwards. - michali, “Τα χρυσοκλαβάρικα, συρματέινα,ΔΧΑΕ συρμακέσικα κε stantinople, see K. P. Matschke, “Commerce, trade, markets and ντή54 ματα”, , 2, Athens money: thirteenth-fifteenth centuries”, 1956, 447-498. See also, M. Theochares, (ed. A. Laiou), Washington, D.C. 2002, 2, 771-806, es- , Athens 1986. pecially, 776-777. For references to late Byzantine silk weaving in On the Latin quarter of Pera see under “Galata”, , 2, 815- ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddMistra, note 344 I. P. Medvedev, , Leningrad 1973, 85 forwards. 816 (C. Mango). 8/5/2017 12:12:34 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 344 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

survived to the bitter end is as Divine representative serving between God and his people

55 ingly assumed centre stage to overcome the crisis facing

Concepts and mentalities that informed the use of the the Empire58 precious textiles as part of ‘being’ in Constantinople the Christ patriarch iconography on gold embroidered vestments In attempting to decipher .why Important precious fifteenth textiles century should gold embroideries survive in the Kremlin, Moscow, and . After the fall of Constantinople to the Latins 59 theat the relationship monastery ofof theSt. Catherine,three interlinked Sinai (Fig. concepts 8). dis alsobetween to the 1204-1261 ‘potentiality A.D. andof being’ certainly that by is theto fourteenththe opera century, the Patriarch rather than the Emperor increas- cussed so far: the concept of a ‘Constantinople of collec 60

and the concept of ‘actual being’ as part of the experience as human experience. This was would reflected have in varied the development according toof

tinople of collective memory’ refers to Constantinople . In Byzantine terms, ‘actual being’ referred to the ‘ac- memory’have been of so its central Roman to heritageurban existence and its paganin the Capital,associa tuality of being’ that is to real human existence, and tions in to its theocratic Christian present - - - tion of human faculties involved in concrete activities, stagetive memory’; upon which the Byzantiumconcept of ‘beingcould ‘actin Constantinople’, out State as cul which allowed humans ‘toHeavenly be’. ‘Being realms in Constantinople’and earthly realities in Late Antique religions of ‘reality’ in the City, must be understood. ‘Constan- birth, rank, status, occupation, gender, ethnicity, edu- 56 cation, and the like, but precious cloths would have Theas ‘New Polis Rome’, publicly and reflected to the incorporation the good order of a of‘collective Church touched all ranks of society, whether through personal and State through its ceremonial and ritual enactments- contact or via the visual senses. The court was awash . Seat both The relationship between the sacral role of Emperor and of Boustan – A. Y. Reed (ed.), of Emperor and Patriarch, Constantinople acted like a Empereur et lel was drawn between the court and the celestial hierar , Cambridge 2004. The concept that prêtre. Étude sur le ‘césaropapisme’ byzantin chies - earthly events and structures reflect heaven occurs in Jewish and tural performance’. The use of precious cloth served as Christian Apocalyptic literature. In the Graeco-Roman period Emperor and Priest. The Imperial Of- part of ‘cultural representation’. Meanings embedded in the58 concept informed theories of how to rule, see discussion on fice in Byzantium 124. The concept of the fusion of the immaterial and the material, to the cloths were put on publicStudies indisplay Silk in across Byzantium the City. occurs in Gregory of Nazianzus, “On baptism”, see 299-300.

57 Royal Courts in Dynastic States and ecclesiastical hierarchy is explored in, G. Dagron, using55 the symbolism of the precious cloths, and a paral- Empires. A Global Perspective , Paris 1996, 290-322. ODB - The original publication was re-issued as a revised and extended . At first, the Emperor acted as ruler-priest, that publication,59 see G. Dagron, as follows: for bakladota read kamarakia; for kamarakia read See A. Muthesius, “The Thessaloniki Epitaphios: a technical (translation J. Birrell), Cambridge 2003. On the see ODB examination”, A. Muthesius, , Lon- theme of Imperial ‘priesthood’, see op.cit., 127-191. Christ as High Priest appears on a fourteenth century epitra don 2004, 175-195, chapter 11, especially 192-194, with exten- P. Magdalino, “Court and Capital in Byzantium”, J. Duindam sive earlier bibliography. Note printing errors, on 195 for Manuel – T. Artan – M. Kunt (eds),

VIII read Michael VIII. The final print setter confused labels in , Leiden 2011, 131-144, especially Patmos, treasures of the monastery composing the technical diagram on 182. The wrong labels were 143. On the Patriarchate of Constantinople, see , 1, 520-523 applied to each figure within the diagram. The correct labels are with60 bibliography (A. Kazhdan – A.-M. Talbot). For the Epana- Byz- gogue and the definition of the roles of Emperor and Patriarch, antine Court culture from 829-1204 A.D. amygdalo56 (with oval not diamond compartments); for kotsakia , 1, 703-704 with bibliography (A. Schminck). DChAE read bakladota; for amygdalo read kotsaki. The label as printed - for kotsaki should read kotsakia. chelion with the Great Deesis, at St. John’s monastery, Patmos, 57 These silks were discussed in, A. Muthesius, “Silk culture and see M. Theocharis, “Church gold embroideries”, A. D. Kominis ΔΧΑΕbeing in Byzantium”, op.cit. (n. 1), 345-348, with bibliography in (ed.), , Athens 1988, 192-193, notes 2-12. figs 8, 9. The whole of the silk treasury of the monastery of St. See H. Maguire, “The heavenly court”, H. Maguire (ed.), John, Patmos has been catalogued and analysed by the present , Washington, D.C. author, for publication at a future date. For the iconography, see 1995, 247-258. As background to the concept it is interesting to T. Papamastorakis, “The Christ High Priest”, 17 (1993- ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddconsider 345 the perception of heaven in Late Antiquity. See R. S. 1994), 67-76. 8/5/2017 12:12:34 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 345 ANNA MUTHESIUS

with precious silks and these received public display silks could also be awarded to the military aristocracy in court and across the City after successful military campaigns and some of these responsible for the production and for the public display were later presented to private religious foundations of precious cloths; the clergy were vested in precious Lower down the social hierarchy by the eleventh century silk dresses could be purchased on the open market in

61 Constantinople and households would have had access

veiled with silk 65 of parade and for distribution to prisoners of rank on campaign form part of Mediterranean wedding dowry tradition . The silk guilds were . ceremonial dress62 for court and civic displays in a material sense in relation both to worship of God

silks and their churches were furnished with them, and 63 66 even the Church relics were clad in silk, and the icons . Silk was used for military uniforms to Byzantine domestic furnishings of silk: bedcovers, di- 64 vans of silk, silk cushions and carpets, which also could Silk in with Christian narrative were read in a special manner . Officials appointed to Imperial office were . 61Byzantium that involved the viewer emotionally and heightened the awarded Imperial silk uniforms, and these were worn as sensesThus, preciousto meanings cloth beyond in Constantinople the narrative enriched of the images‘being’ . Imperial viewed and to the reality of urban existence, across all levels Discussed in three papers as follows: A. Muthesius, “Silk in such as the lamentation with angels weeping over the Byzantium: Cultural Imperialism, identity and value”; “The ‘cult’ of society, whether it was enjoyed directly as personal Studies in Byzantine, Islamic and Near Eastern Silk of Imperial and ecclesiastical silks in Byzantium”, and “Courtly personallyexperience, relate or as their indirect sorrow experience at the thought perceived of Christ’s only Weaving and aristocratic silk patronage”, all three in Muthesius, through the visual senses. In addition, religious silks crucifixion67 , op.cit. (n. 39), chapter 1, 1-22, chapter 2, 23-35, and Byzantine Dress chapter 5, 85-108, respectively. Further consider three more relevant papers: A. Muthesius, “Silk as politics in Byzantium”; “Silk- Codex en dress codes, gender and power in Byzantium” and “The impor- Kleidung und . This led toSilk the in Byzantium development of iconography tance of textiles to the understanding of Byzantine civilisation”, 68 Repräsentation in Antike und Mittelalter Muthesius, Imported Syrian and Cilician silk garments were on sale in , op.cit. (n. 39), 14-30, chapter 2, 294-315, and chapter dead Christ, and with and to whom the viewer could Constantinople at the beginning of the tenth century according 17, respectively. All three studies include extensive further biblio 65 Byzantine, Islamic and Near Eastern silk weaving to the Book of the Prefect Eparchenbuch graphy. Further note, J. Ball, . New York 2005, . This empathetic exercise found parallels chapter 2, 37-56. For the earlier sumptuary regulation of dress in Book of Byzantium,62 see J. Arce, “Dress control in Late Antiquity. 66 Discussed in A. Muthesius, “Precious cloths and Byzantine mo- the Eparch Theodosianus 14.10. 1-4”, A. Köb – P. Riedel (eds), nasticism”, Muthesius, , op.cit. (n. 39), 143-155, In the tenth century Book of Ceremonies there are numerous A Mediterrane- , München 2005, 33-44. in chapter 9, with further bibliography. references to the Imperial distribution of silk uniforms to court of an Society For discussion of the widespread uses of silks in Byzantium, refer to, A. Muthesius, “A millennium of Byzantine silks”, Muthe Constantini Porphyrogenita De Cerimoniis aulae By- sius,63 , op.cit. (n. , see Koder, , op.cit. (n. zantinae 39),64 1-13, chapter 1. For the operation of the silk guilds see refer- 38), 95, chapter 5.1. Silk garments made in Constantinople were GRBS ence in note 39 above. also on sale see 93, for chapter 4.8. For the dating of the Philotheos Kleterologion See Haldon reference in note 42 above. to 911-912 A.D., see 31-32. For silk furnishings in- For Imperial cluding67 Byzantine bed covers consult, S. Goitein, Le vêtements impériaux dans le cérémo- BMGS - , 4, London 1983. Refer to 105-137, together with ap- nial. Mélanges d’histoire d’archéologie byzantine mate things and enter secret places: ekphrasis and art in Byzan ficials and to their use during court ceremonies. For example, see pendix C297-309, especially C303 for Byzantine silk bed covers. Art History Imperatoris, On ekphrasis as applied to the description of works of art, see Court Culture Le cos- (ed. I. I. Reiske), 1-2, Bonn 1829-1831, v. 2 chapters 40-41, A. Kaldellis, “Christodoros on the statues of the Zeuxippos Baths: tume official des dignitaries byzantins à l’époque paléologue DOP Art and Eloquence in p. 637-641, and v. 2, chapter 15, p. 566-598. Appended to 2, see a new reading of the ekphrasis”, 47 (2007), 361-383. R. Ma Le système Byzantium chapter 52 (702-783), , with descriptions crides – P. Magdalino, “The architecture of ekphrasis: construc- vestimentaire à Byzance du 4ème jusqu’au 11ème siècle of robes as part of the Imperial household insignia. tion and context of Paul the Silentiary’s poem on Haghia Sophia”, vestiture, see J. Ebersolt, 12 (1988), 47-82. L. James – R. Webb, “To understand ulti- , Paris 1951, part 2, ΔΧΑΕ - 50-69, chapter 6. E. Piltz, “Middle Byzantine Court Costume”, Ma- tium”, 14 (1991), 1-17. Earlier refer to, H. Maguire, guire, , op. cit. in (n. 57), 39-51 and E. Piltz, “Truth68 and convention in Byzantine descriptions of works of art”, , Uppsa- 28 (1974), 111-140, and H. Maguire, la 1994. Further on Byzantine dress note, P. Kalamara, , Princeton 1981. ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.indd 346 , Lille 1997. See reference in note 55 above for the Thessaloniki epitaphios8/5/2017 12:12:35 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 346 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

Fig. 9. Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture. The Thessaloniki epitaphios, detail, 13th-14th century, Byzantine.

in the way preachers presented their sermons to the well depicted on the Thessaloniki epitaphios with la

the Biblical narrative designed to arouse the emotions and to remind the congregation of their ‘being’ in and through God

Preacher and Audience

- 69 public, with interjections and imaginative additionsByzan to- menting angels (Fig. 9). tine, Islamic and Near Eastern Silk Weaving In Byzantine Constantinople, the ‘reality of being’ involving the use of precious cloths, as described, Experiencing Byzantium . The heightened emotional atmosphere is , Leiden 1998. Here the relationship be- ΔΧΑΕwith lamenting angels. Further for a discussion of religious ico- tween genre/subject matter/context/audience, and exegesis/evo- nography on silk embroideries note, A. Muthesius, “Silken em- cation of emotional response, are explored within the field of broidery69 and Orthodox Faith in Byzantium”, Muthesius, homiletic literature. For an understanding of how emotion was , op.cit. (n. 61), 52- processed in Byzantium consult, V. Manolopoulou, “Processing 69, especially 64-66, with further bibliography on 49 in note 65. emotion; Litanies in Byzantine Constantinople”, L. James (ed.), ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.indd Useful 347 in this respect is, M. B. Cunningham – P. Allen (eds), , Farnham 2013, 153-171. 8/5/2017 12:12:51 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 347 ANNA MUTHESIUS

Fig. 10. “Being” and the “Reality of Being” in Constantinople, chart.

could either take the form of ‘performed reality’ expe cepts encompassed topics which ranged from: use of

of the Emperor and as expression of duty or favour; to by historical tradition and literary conventions true to say that the operation of many concepts under part of representation of political authority in urban lined the ‘mentality’ involved in the operation of the public space; or as a form of public control to encour

- system of precious cloth display described. These con- 70 rienced first hand, or it could assume the form of a literary presentation, ‘incorporating use of imagination, precious cloth as legitimisation and self-representation and presenting an interpretative reality’, and shaped ‘Being’ and the ‘Reality of Being’ in Constantinople in . It is their use to project and regulate power systems; or as 70 - - JÖB ‘Performance’ of and ‘use’ of precious cloth could age stability; or for confirmation of cultural meaning, ‘Being’ as a concept is considered in, A. Muthesius, “Silk, Cul maintenance of solidarity in society, and as medium ture and Being”, op.cit. (n. 1), 348 and notes 6-11 with further for communication with God/the supernatural, or more bibliography. Rituals within diplomacy intended to expose emo generally for embodiment of messagesΔΧΑΕ across society. tion, to make visible decisions and goals, to reveal hostile or friendly intentions, to expose personal relations or to symbolise rank are fully explored in, A. Beihammer, “Die Kraft der Zeichen: relation to these concepts are shown on a chart (Fig. symbolische Diplomatie des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts”, 54 10). ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.indd(2004), 159-189. 348 8/5/2017 12:12:58 πμ be non-transcendental or transcendental in nature, as ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 348 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

Fig. 11. Imperial “Performance of Precious Cloths”, chart.

Book of Ceremonies ation of distinct specialisations within the manufactur and the Book of the Eparch present the realities of uses of the textile guild members ber of the guilds represented performing ones practical

ing the silk guilds of Constantinople71 reveal an advanced textile duties alongside duties owed to Emperor and to

member was under the control of the Prefect as head of It was a ‘being’ within ‘precious72 cloth production and

shown on a chart (Fig. 11) . The - ing process, of prices, and of guild and civic obligations of precious cloth across the City. For example, on a pri- as shown on the chart of . ‘Actual being’ as a mem- vate citizen of the Capital level, the regulations govern-

approach to guild formation and operation. The guild the City, and to God, and to ones fellow guildODB members. 71

Το 73 Βυζάντιοweights, measures,κατά τον 12 standardsο αιώνα of production and of oper- distribution’, as shownJÖB on a chart (Fig. 12). Equally swamped in non-transcendental perfor- 72 For example, see P. Magdalino, “Court and Capital in Byzan- mance of precious cloth were the Emperor and his court, ΔΧΑΕtium”, op.cit. (n. 59), 131-144. Magdalino, 143, argues that by the 73 Fig. 11 . This performance fourteenth century, the Patriarch and not the Emperor stood as figurehead of the Capital. This was not so in the 12 century, see On the office of Eparch of Constantinople, see , 1, 705 with G. Dagron, “Le caractère sacerdotal de la royauté d’après les com- further bibliography (A. Kazhdan). mentaries canoniques du XIIe siècle”, N. Oikonomides (ed.), M. G. Parani, “Cultural Identity and Dress: the case of late ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.indd 349 , Athens 1991, 165-178. Byzantine costume”, 57 (2007), 95-134. The use of ceremonial8/5/2017 12:13:05 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 349 ANNA MUTHESIUS

Fig. 12. Organisation of the Byzantine Silk Industry, chart.

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ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 350 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

was based on the public and symbolic use of Imperial

so forth created the impression of an Emperor and court as re sponsive and accommodating rather than as remote and

of authenticity of Imperial status and authority and as iting merchants77 ceremonially dressed, to include rites of Adventus, Tri- oftopography Imperial ideologyand civic and space, virtue on andthe usewas ofused ceremonial to draw umphal Entry, Raising on the shield, the perfomance of parallelsrobes, and between the use earthlyof oral presentationand heavenly of hierarchies rhetorical conas a- the Silention (public address of the Emperor at Lent) and vention with symbolic gestures and expressions. This . The Imperial ideology couched in silken fab- 78 - ric Transcendentalwas also exported performance abroad, through served audiences, to evoke recep the- Emperor was important to promote the stability of the tions, embassies, via visits of envoys to Haghia Sophia, aloof. The traditional ceremonial robes acted as a mark and through the witness of pilgrims, travellers and vis- . Less public were non-transcendental dental performance served to celebrate79 the Emperor as a legitimising agent. Rhetoric enabled the expression performed acts involving use of precious textiles, such Emperor drew the nobility close to him and this process as services before battle, hymns for the fallen, death rites for repatriated bodies, rituals of campaign performed in laterform toof be social worn control on ceremonial mechanism. occasions in honour of the outsidetents, and court regime and changeImperial on reception campaign audiences. The legitimisation of the self- representation of the blessings of God. Just as non-transcendental perfor- State. The Emperor dressed in precious robes drew the mance was used to elevate the Emperor,Arta si Archaeologia so transcen- approval of God, the army, the Senate, and the citizens of Byzantine Court Culture80 Constantinople. Through the distribution of honours the image of God. The Christmas and Easter celebrations at Haghia Sophia, for instance, emphasised the Emperor’s celebratedinvolved the in distribution literary form of toprecious display garments the power of office,of the divine sanction and these occasions drew in officialsRoyal Emperor Courts, . ruler. The propagation of the ascendancy of the Emperor l’origine et l’évolution du loros imperial”, 11- Imperial garments and complimented74 the use of loros reinforced hierarchy and strengthened community. The 1277 (1935-1936), 11-12, 37-45. See also, E. Piltz, “Middle Byzantine and crown For court display and diplomatic relations at the Byzantine precious cloths were medium for this. Formulas, titles court costume”, Maguire (ed.), , op.cit. Staatsempfänge im Kaiserpalast von (n. 57), 39-51. and epithets of the Emperor were both chanted, and wo- Konstantinopel um die Mitte des 10 Jahrhunderts Beobachtun- 75 For example, refer to, M. Mullett, “Tented ceremony: ephemera dressven onfor clothlegitimisation (see Fig. and 7) for. purposesImperial of imagerycontinuity including of the Ro gen zu kapitel 11’s des sogenannten Zeremonienbuches performances under the Komnenoi”, Duindam et al. (eds), eagle, griffin and lion symbols were woven on cloth and 78 76 op.cit. (n. 71), 489-513, chapter 18. In the same publica- De Cerimoniis tion see also, C. Angelidi, “Designing rites in the Palace”, 465-486, For the Imperial Lion and Elephant silks and their use of Impe The Material and the Ideal: essays in medieval art and ar- . These were used on diplomatic silks and on chapter 17. chaeology in honour of J.-M. Spieser s Court . Special rites were performed with Emperor court refer to, O. Kresten, Byzantine Constantinople: Monuments, topography and Ceremonies and Rituals of power in Byzantium and the Eastern . . everyday life Mediterranean 74 - , Vienna man Imperial tradition is highlighted here. The use of ceremonial 2000. J. M. Featherstone, “δι’ ἔνδειξιν: Display in Court Ceremo- Tented Ceremony dress also forged inter-dependence between ruler and ruling class. nial ( 11, 15)”, A. Cutler – A. Papaconstantinou De Cerimoniis - (eds), Silk in Byzantium rial epithets see references in note 45 above. A. Berger, “Imperial , Leiden 2008, 75-110. Note and ecclesiastical processions in Constantinople”, N. Necipoglu also, A. Beihammer – S. Constantinou – M. Parani (ed ), The forms and evolution of the dress and regalia of (ed.),75 79 the Byzantine court c. 900 - c. 1400 A.D. , Leiden 2001, 73-87, discusses processions and the 80 [Medieval Mediterranean peoples, economies and use of public space. cultures (400-1500), 98], Leiden 2013. For Imperial use of symbolic imagery including eagle, griffin, Mullet, , op.cit. (n. 77), 508-510. 76 ΔΧΑΕand lion, see A. Muthesius, “The Byzantine Eagle”, Muthesius, See for example, , op.cit. (n. 64), Book 2, chapter , op.cit. (n. 39), 227-236, with extensive further 40, p. 637-641, where the symbolism of the use of Imperial loroi on bibliography. Easter Sunday by the Emperor, magistroi, proconsuls and patri- T. Dawson, cians, is described. Book 1, chapter 23 (op.cit., 128-136), describes (doctoral dissertation), the special ceremonial costumes including purple silks, which ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddUniversity 351 of New England, Melbourne 2002. E. Condurachi, “Sur were worn by the Emperor and his court at Christmas. 8/5/2017 12:13:09 πμ

ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 351 ANNA MUTHESIUS

Within this sphere of Imperial activity in the Capital

for the Emperor alluding to his special relationship more respected public celebration was the Feast of Ag

Public outreach was further strengthened through performance of worship bathed in precious textiles out tion of weaving as a literary metaphor for the incarna

the public and dressing for the part, and undesirable be- 81 of the Saviour of mankind and it echoed the religious fell public religious Festivals and Feasts, acclamations haviour, which led to condemnation from the Church. A - with God, and the Feast of the Foundation of Constan- athe, which involved textile workers staging re-enact- tinople (11 May, 330 A.D.) . Conclusionments of weaving at different public stations in the city as a celebration of their art. This tied in with the celebra- - In the space of a short paper it is not possible to cite all- side the confines of the Palace. For example, there was tion, where the Virgin acted as the loom for the creation ty that clerics and monks would remember82 the Emperor the many uses of precious cloth in Constantinople as indistribution their institutional of alms onevery Maundy day prayers Thursday, to God visits to old age Inhomes, a category and the of takingtheir own of the and Imperial eventually bath banished associ- commentaries, which spoke of weaving as a divine art. byated the with Church acclamations was the paganfrom the based Blues Feast and ofGreens, the Nota fac- ment of the Capital and its rich Roman Heritage and riestions and of the the City, celebration at the Blachernae of Brumalia. On the other hand there must have been also, moments involving precious 83 determined to express State as performed cultural prac textiles patronage, whether to individuals or to monastic In and De Cerimoniisother religious foundations, which acted as sure- describes an elaborate reception for ambassadors from Tarsos es were the perfect medium for presentation of State

84 Circus Factions.. ofthese precious uses affected textiles ‘being’enable theexperienced State to ‘goacross public’ the butCity. However, what is clear is that the theo-centric govern- 81Blues and Greens at Rome and Byzantium it also emphasised the Polis as a reflection of Imperial - As witness to the widespread Imperial patronage. These and involved donation use of urban civic space, played in to the hands of those 82 , op.cit. (n. 64), Book 2, chapter 15, p. 566-598, ensured that in appearance if not always as matter of- tice. The precious textiles with their embedded messag- the negative evidence of documented silk Imperial gifts once at with display of many silks. 83 For the Blues and Greens, see A. Cameron, tinopolitanpower and or Religious not came authority. from and Not was only dependent did the upon use , Oxford 1976, London but also the many lost silks detailed in the monastic inventory ²1999. Patmos, Treasures of the In answer to the question posed at the beginning of Monastery and by association of Divine good order. Whilst God of precious objects including silks to Imperial monasteries, there this paper on the definition of ‘being’ in Constantinople exists the positive evidence of the extant silks themselves, and andassured the thatpart allplayed ran smoothlyby precious in heaven,textiles soin thethis Emperor sense of

BZ the monastery but since lost. Consider for example, the surviving fact,• ‘Being’all was aswell part on ofEarth. human The existence Heavenly in hierarchy Constantino was Imperial gold embroideries at the monastery of St. John, Patmos, TM mirrored on Earth, where all ‘being’ whether Constan-

of 1200 A.D. See A. D. Kominis (ed.), Byzantine Silk Weaving God as supreme, intangible, ruler of the world. , Athens 1988, and especially, M. Theocharis, “Church Gold Embroideries”, 185-217. For the inventory with descrip- ODB tions of silks once at the monastery, see C. Diehl, “Le trésor et la bibliothèque de Patmos au commencement du XIIIe siècle”, • ‘Being’ as part of human sensory experience denot 1 (1892), 488-525. C. Astruc, “L’inventaire dressé en septembre ‘being’, two points stand out. Gender, Society and Economic Life in Byzantium ed direct and or second hand participation in a silk lad 1200”, 8 (1981), 15-30. Imperial monastic silk patronage is - 84 discussed further in, A. Muthesius, “Precious cloths and Byzan- ple denoted living life in relation to God. First hand par- tine monasticism”, Muthesius, , op.cit. (n. ticipation in silk laden eucharist centred ritual re-en- 1), 143-155, with extensive further bibliography. actment, as expression of communionΔΧΑΕ with God within For the Brumalia, see , 1, 327-328, with bibliography (F. R. Trombley). On the Festival of ‘Agathe’, see A. Laiou, “The Festival Orthodox faith, served as accepted publicly performed of ‘Agathe’: comments on the life of Constantinopolitan Women”, cultural practice. A. E. Laiou, , - ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddLondon 1992, 352 111-122, chapter 3. 8/5/2017- 12:13:09 πμ en ceremonial expression of State, which again served ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 352 ‘BEING’ IN CONSTANTINOPLE (4TH-15TH CENTURIES)

as an acknowledged aspect of publicly performed cul

This paper proposes that these symbolic ritual and

Provenance of the figures tegral to human spiritual and sensory experience across

- all social levels in Constantinople, as indeed, to render tural practice. their use ‘synonymous’ with Byzantine ‘Being’.

ceremonial applications of precious cloth (4th-15th centuries), had become so embedded, indispensable, and in- © Archive of A. Muthesius.

Anna Muthesius

τάξεως ΟΣ ΟΣ

Η «ΥΠΑΡΞΗ» ΣΤΗΝ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥΠΟΛΗ (4 -15 ΑΙΩΝΑΣ) ο άρθροΜΕ εξετάζει ΒΑΣΗ την έννοιαΤΙΣ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΙΕΣ της «ύπαρξης στην ΠΟΛΥΤΙΜΩΝΑναλύονται οι έννοιες ΥΦΑΣΜΑΤΩΝ και οι νοοτροπίες που σχη- Κωνσταντινούπολη» μεταξύ 4ου και 15ου αιώνα, μάτισαν την τελετουργική και λειτουργική χρήση των όπως αντανακλάται στην παραγωγή, στη χρήση και πολύτιμων υφασμάτων ως αντανάκλαση της στην εφαρμογή πολύτιμων υφασμάτων στην ανάπτυ- του Κράτους και της Εκκλησίας εντός του πλαισίου ξη της πολιτικής ιδεολογίας και των θρησκευτικών της ευνομούμενης πόλης της Κωνσταντινούπολης. και κοινωνικών πεποιθήσεων στο Βυζάντιο. Ο ορι- Ερευνάται, επίσης, η εναλλαγή στις τύχες της Πόλης σε σμός της «ύπαρξης» ως πολλά διαφορετικά πράγματα σχέση με τη διακύμανση της εξουσίας μεταξύ Εκκλη- ανιχνεύεται στο γενικό πεδίο της «ύπαρξης» ως σχέ- σίας και Κράτους, καθώς και αλλαγές στο είδος των σης του ανθρώπου (σώμα και ψυχή) με τη φύση και με μηνυμάτων που διαχέονται μέσω των πολύτιμων υφα- τον• Θεό. Το άρθρο θέτει το ερώτημα του πώς μπορεί σμάτων. Τα υφάσματα εξετάζονται ως καταλύτης τόσο να ορίζεται• η «ύπαρξη στην Κωνσταντινούπολη» και για τη δημόσια τελετουργική παρουσίαση της κρατι- ποιον ρόλο έπαιξαν τα πολύτιμα υφάσματα στη δημι- κής εξουσίας, όσο και για τη συμβολική τελετουργι- ουργία• της έννοιας της «ύπαρξης». κή αναπαράσταση της πνευματικής εκκλησιαστικής Εξετάζεται η χρήση του πολύτιμου υφάσματος ως εξουσίας. Οι πολίτες της Κωνσταντινούπολης μπορού- κεντρικού μέρους της αστικής πολιτισμικής απεικόνι- σαν να συμμετέχουν στις τελετουργικές και λειτουρ- σης. Ερευνώνται τρεις αλληλοσυνδεόμενες έννοιες της γικές πράξεις είτε πρωτογενώς, ως μέρος της «αναπα- «ύπαρξης»: ριστώμενης πραγματικότητας της ύπαρξης», είτε δευ- Η «ύπαρξη» ως ανθρώπινη παρουσία· τερογενώς, μέσω της «κυριολεκτικής παρουσίασης» ΔΧΑΕΗ «ύπαρξη» ως φυσική και ιστορική πραγματι- της αρχικής «αναπαριστώμενης πραγματικότητας της κότητα της ζωής στην Κωνσταντινούπολη· ύπαρξης». Η δευτερογενής εμπειρία θα αμβλυνόταν Η «ύπαρξη στην Κωνσταντινούπολη» ως εμπει- από τις συμβάσεις της κυριολεκτικής παρουσίασης ρία στη συλλογική μνήμη της πρωτεύουσας ως «Νέας αλλά και από τους κανόνες της ιστορικής παράδοσης. ΔΧΑΕ_38_17_Muthesius.inddΡώμης», 353 ένα χαρμάνι του παγανιστικού παρελθόντος Οι συσχετισμοί με τα πολύτιμα υφάσματα μπορού8/5/2017 12:13:10 πμ και του θεοκρατικού χριστιανικού παρόντος. σαν να είναι είτε μη υπερβατικοί είτε υπερβατικοί. ΛΗ΄ (2017), 333-354 353 ANNA MUTHESIUS

Αυτοί οι συσχετισμοί θα μπορούσαν να έχουν καθα- της κληρονομιά και τη χρήση του αστικού πολιτικού ρά πρακτική φύση, όπως για παράδειγμα στην επε- χώρου γινόταν υποχείριο όσων ήταν αποφασισμένοι ξεργασία του μεταξιού στις συντεχνίες του μεταξιού να εκφράσουν το κράτος ως παράσταση πολιτισμι- της πρωτεύουσας κατά την παραγωγή των πολύτι- κής πρακτικής. Η «ύπαρξη» ως μέρος της ανθρώπινης μων υφασμάτων, ή θα μπορούσαν να βασίζονται σε αισθητηριακής ύπαρξης στην Κωνσταντινούπολη σή- ισχυρές συμβολικές χρήσεις. Έτσι, για παράδειγμα, η μαινε είτε την Researchπρωτογενή Fellow είτε of τη the δευτερογενή McDonald Institute εμπει- for Archaeological Research έκθεση σε δημόσια θέαση του αυτοκρατορικού τελε- ρία της βαρυφορτωμένης με μετάξι τελετουργικής έκ- Fellow Commoner of Lucy Cavendish College τουργικού ενδύματος θα έφερνε στον νου την εξου- φρασης του κράτους, μια αναγνωρισμένη πολιτισμική University of Cambridge σία του αυτοκράτορα υπό την έγκριση του Θεού, του πρακτική. Τα πολύτιμα υφάσματα [email protected] του 15ου αιώνα στρατού, των αξιωματούχων και των πολιτών της στην Κωνσταντινούπολη ήταν συνώνυμα με το να ζει Κωνσταντινούπολης. Αυτού του είδους η «υπερβατι- κανείς στο Βυζάντιο. κή παρουσίαση» των πολύτιμων υφασμάτων χρησιμο- ποιούνταν αναμφίβολα για να φέρει στον νου τις ευ- λογίες του Θεού και για να ενθαρρύνει τις αναλογίες ανάμεσα στην ουράνια και την επίγεια αυλή. Το άρθρο καταλήγει στο ότι η θεοκεντρική κυβέρ- νηση της Κωνσταντινούπολης με την πλούσια ρωμαϊκή

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