Exam Unit Number
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
This Thesis Has Been Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for a Postgraduate Degree (E.G
This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. THE STORY BEHIND THE STORIES British and Dominion War Correspondents in the Western Theatres of the Second World War Brian P. D. Hannon Ph.D. Dissertation The University of Edinburgh School of History, Classics and Archaeology March 2015 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ………………………………………………………………………….. 4 Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………… 5 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………… 6 The Media Environment ……………...……………….……………………….. 28 What Made a Correspondent? ……………...……………………………..……. 42 Supporting the Correspondent …………………………………….………........ 83 The Correspondent and Censorship …………………………………….…….. 121 Correspondent Techniques and Tools ………………………..………….......... 172 Correspondent Travel, Peril and Plunder ………………………………..……. 202 The Correspondents’ Stories ……………………………….………………..... 241 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………. 273 Bibliography ………………………………………………………………...... 281 Appendix …………………………………………...………………………… 300 3 ABSTRACT British and Dominion armed forces operations during the Second World War were followed closely by a journalistic army of correspondents employed by various media outlets including news agencies, newspapers and, for the first time on a large scale in a war, radio broadcasters. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU
The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU Foreign Policy towards a ‘Pariah’ State: Consensus on Sanctions in EU Foreign Policy towards Myanmar Arthur Minsat A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 97,547 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Dr. Joe Hoover. 2 Abstract This thesis seeks to explain why the European Union ratcheted up restrictive measures on Myanmar from 1991 until 2010, despite divergent interests of EU member states and the apparent inability of sanctions to quickly achieve the primary objectives of EU policy. This empirical puzzle applies the ‘sanctions paradox’ to the issue of joint action in the EU. -
Download (515Kb)
European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits. -
Activity Pack
HOME LEARNING ACTIVITY PACK THE NAZIS FOR YOUNG PEOPLE AGED YEARS OLD 1 HOME LEARNING ACTIVITY PACK 2 THE NAZIS GERMANY AFTER WORLD WAR 1 fter 4 long years of war, Germany waved the white flag and admitted A defeat on 11th November 1918. Many of the German troops couldn’t believe it – they believed they were winning the war. The only explanation to many of these soldiers is that the Otto Frank (left) and his brother government had ‘stabbed them in the back.’ Robert (right) both fought for Germany in WW1 The loss of the war meant that Germany had to sign the Treaty of Versailles. One of the clauses in this treaty was that they accepted the blame for the war. Many people thought this was deeply unfair. Germany had no choice but to sign, leaving them to pay huge reparations— A protest about the Treaty of Versailles in Berlin in 1932. £6.6 BILLION. This bankrupted Germany, leading to hyperinflation (money becoming worthless), huge unemployment and starvation of people. More and more Germans began to believe the ‘Stab in the Back’ theory, which blamed the Jews for the loss in the war. Children playing with worthless banknotes in 1923 2 HOME LEARNING ACTIVITY PACK 2 THE NAZIS HOW DID HITLER RISE TO POWER? Although Germany did begin to recover in the 1920s with the help of the Dawes Plan (where America loaned Germany $45million and gave them longer to repay the war debt) many former soldiers especially still believed they’d been betrayed. In 1923 Adolf Hitler tried to overthrow the government in the Munich Putsch. -
Cairncross Review a Sustainable Future for Journalism
THE CAIRNCROSS REVIEW A SUSTAINABLE FUTURE FOR JOURNALISM 12 TH FEBRUARY 2019 Contents Executive Summary 5 Chapter 1 – Why should we care about the future of journalism? 14 Introduction 14 1.1 What kinds of journalism matter most? 16 1.2 The wider landscape of news provision 17 1.3 Investigative journalism 18 1.4 Reporting on democracy 21 Chapter 2 – The changing market for news 24 Introduction 24 2.1 Readers have moved online, and print has declined 25 2.2 Online news distribution has changed the ways people consume news 27 2.3 What could be done? 34 Chapter 3 – News publishers’ response to the shift online and falling revenues 39 Introduction 39 3.1 The pursuit of digital advertising revenue 40 Case Study: A Contemporary Newsroom 43 3.2 Direct payment by consumers 48 3.3 What could be done 53 Chapter 4 – The role of the online platforms in the markets for news and advertising 57 Introduction 57 4.1 The online advertising market 58 4.2 The distribution of news publishers’ content online 65 4.3 What could be done? 72 Cairncross Review | 2 Chapter 5 – A future for public interest news 76 5.1 The digital transition has undermined the provision of public-interest journalism 77 5.2 What are publishers already doing to sustain the provision of public-interest news? 78 5.3 The challenges to public-interest journalism are most acute at the local level 79 5.4 What could be done? 82 Conclusion 88 Chapter 6 – What should be done? 90 Endnotes 103 Appendix A: Terms of Reference 114 Appendix B: Advisory Panel 116 Appendix C: Review Methodology 120 Appendix D: List of organisations met during the Review 121 Appendix E: Review Glossary 123 Appendix F: Summary of the Call for Evidence 128 Introduction 128 Appendix G: Acknowledgements 157 Cairncross Review | 3 Executive Summary Executive Summary “The full importance of an epoch-making idea is But the evidence also showed the difficulties with often not perceived in the generation in which it recommending general measures to support is made.. -
The Conservative Party & Perceptions of the Middle
THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY & PERCEPTIONS OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES TITLE: THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE BRITISH MIDDLE CLASSES, 1951 - 1974 By LEANNA FONG, B.A., M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Leanna Fong, August 2016 Ph.D. Thesis – Leanna Fong McMaster University - Department of History Descriptive Note McMaster University DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (2016) Hamilton, Ontario (History) TITLE: The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 - 1974 AUTHOR: Leanna Fong, B.A., M.A (York University) SUPERVISOR: Professor Stephen Heathorn PAGES: vi, 307 ii Ph.D. Thesis – Leanna Fong McMaster University - Department of History Abstract “The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 – 1974,” explores conceptions of middle-class voters at various levels of the party organization after the Second World War. Since Benjamin Disraeli, Conservatives have endeavoured to represent national rather than sectional interests and appeal widely to a growing electorate. Yet, the middle classes and their interests have also enjoyed a special position in the Conservative political imagination often because the group insists they receive special consideration. It proved especially difficult to juggle these priorities after 1951 when Conservatives encountered two colliding challenges: the middle classes growing at a rapid rate, failing to form a unified outlook or identity, and the limited appeal of consumer rhetoric and interests owing to the uneven experience of affluence and prosperity. Conservative ideas and policies failed to acknowledge and resonate with the changing nature of their core supporters and antiquated local party organization reinforced feelings of alienation from and mistrust of new members of the middle classes as well as affluent workers. -
20Entrepreneurial Journalism
Journalism: New Challenges Karen Fowler-Watt and Stuart Allan (eds) Journalism: New Challenges Edited by: Karen Fowler-Watt and Stuart Allan Published by: Centre for Journalism & Communication Research Bournemouth University BIC Subject Classification Codes: GTC Communication Studies JFD Media Studies KNTD Radio and television industry KNTJ Press and journalism JNM Higher and further education, tertiary education First published 2013, this version 1.02 ISBN: 978-1-910042-01-4 [paperback] ISBN: 978-1-910042-00-7 [ebook-PDF] ISBN: 978-1-910042-02-1 [ebook-epub] http://microsites.bournemouth.ac.uk/cjcr/ Copyright © 2013 Acknowledgements Our first thank you is to the contributors who made Journalism: New Challenges possible, not least for so generously sharing their expertise, insights and enthusiasm for this approach to academic e-publishing. This endeavour was supported by the Centre for Journalism and Communication Research (CJCR), here in the Media School at Bournemouth University, UK. With regard to the production and distribution of this book, we are grateful to Einar Thorsen and Ann Luce for their stellar efforts. They would like to thank, in turn, Carrie Ka Mok for setting its design and layout, and Ana Alania for contributing ideas for the cover. Many thanks as well to Mary Evans, Emma Scattergood and Chindu Sreedharan for their helpful sugges- tions on how to develop this publishing venture. Karen Fowler-Watt and Stuart Allan, editors Table of contents Introduction i Karen Fowler-Watt and Stuart Allan Section One: New Directions -
1999 Election Candidates | European Parliament Information Office in the United Kin
1999 Election Candidates | European Parliament Information Office in the United Kin ... Page 1 of 10 UK Office of the European Parliament Home > 1999 > 1999 Election Candidates Candidates The list of candidates was based on the information supplied by Regional Returning Officers at the close of nominations on 13 May 2004. Whilst every care was taken to ensure that this information is accurate, we cannot accept responsibility for any omissions or inaccuracies or for any consequences that may result. Voters in the UK's twelve EU constituencies will elect 78 MEPs. The distribution of seats is as follows: Eastern: 7 East Midlands: 6 London: 9 North East: 3 North West: 9 South East: 10 South West: 7 West Midlands: 7 Yorkshire and the Humber: 6 Scotland: 7 Wales: 4 Northern Ireland: 3 Eastern LABOUR CONSERVATIVE 1. Eryl McNally, MEP 1. Robert Sturdy, MEP 2. Richard Howitt, MEP 2. Christopher Beazley 3. Clive Needle, MEP 3. Bashir Khanbhai 4. Peter Truscott, MEP 4. Geoffrey Van Orden 5. David Thomas, MEP 5. Robert Gordon 6. Virginia Bucknor 6. Kay Twitchen 7. Beth Kelly 7. Sir Graham Bright 8. Ruth Bagnall 8. Charles Rose LIBERAL DEMOCRAT GREEN 1. Andrew Duff 1. Margaret Elizabeth Wright 2. Rosalind Scott 2. Marc Scheimann 3. Robert Browne 3. Eleanor Jessy Burgess 4. Lorna Spenceley 4. Malcolm Powell 5. Chris White 5. James Abbott 6. Charlotte Cane 6. Jennifer Berry 7. Paul Burall 7. Angela Joan Thomson 8. Rosalind Gill 8. Adrian Holmes UK INDEPENDENCE PRO EURO CONSERVATIVE PARTY 1. Jeffrey Titford 1. Paul Howell 2. Bryan Smalley 2. -
Let Them Eat Cake
Freedom May 2013_Freedom 09/07/2013 23:11 Page 1 £2 www.freedompress.org.uk Vol 74 • MAY 2013 EDL VIOLENCE English Defence League kicks LENS CAP USA off over ‘terrorist’ murder Despite continually insisting that they are not racist – but rather “an inclusive movement dedicated to peacefully protesting against Islamic extremism” – the EDL responded to the death of soldier Lee Rigby with a deluge of rioting, vandalism and shouting of offensive slogans. Rigby was run over and then hacked to death by two men of Nigerian heritage as he reTurned To his barracks in Woolwich in souTh east London on 22nd May. One of the men who killed him were recorded on a passer- by’s mobile phone saying ThaT iT was a revenge attack for the British army’s actions in Iraq and Afghanistan. Various witnesses allege that the men shouted ‘Allah Akbar’ through- out the attack. The EDL swiftly leapt into action after the news broke, organising get-togethers across the country. In Woolwich, over a hundred demonstrators clashed with police, before heading off to The pub via a local mosque – which they treated to a brick through the window. In Newcastle, EDL leader Tommy Robinson inTroduced a key organiser on-sTage, May Day march for immigrant rights in Seattle. The march itself was peaceful but the police and where he proceeded to announce that Britain protesters clashed in the evening, with police using pepper spray and ‘flash bang’ grenades on should “send the black cunts home”. the crowds. page 38 LET THEM EAT CAKE 8 Degrading, Dickensian and definitely not As chariTies bear The brunT of This enormous INSIDE the way to solve the UK’s current poverty demand, loc al councils’ attempts at helping 998… Police! page 3 crisis. -
The Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism
The Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism The Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism is the first major interdisciplinary centre in the UK to develop a broad, yet focused, interface between law, justice and journalism in society. The centre aims to harness and maximise opportunities for research collaboration, knowledge transfer and teaching to become an international centre of excellence and brings together expertise in the disciplines of Law, Criminology and Journalism at City University London. CLJJ Working Papers Reframing Libel is the fir st set of working papers in a series from the Centre for Law Justice and Journalism at City University London. The papers on Reframing Libel contain articles by leading lawyers, academics and journalists in the field who presented at the symposium organised by the Centre in November 2010 at City University. The papers are edited by Connie St Louis who was instrumental in organizing the symposium. Leadership and Expertise The Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism (CLJJ) is directed by three of City University London’s leading academics, as well as being supported by a number of specialists from the university. Professor Professor Professor Howard Tumber, Lorna Woods, Eugene McLaughlin, CLJJ Director CLJJ Director CLJJ Director (Journalism) (Law) (Justice) Howard Tumber, Professor Associate Dean of Eugene McLaughlin, of Journalism and Research at The City Law Professor of Criminology at Communication within School, City University the School of Social the Graduate School of London, Lorna Woods has Sciences, City University Journalism, City University research interests in London, has written London, has published broadcasting law and extensively on policing, widely in the field of the policy, regulation of the criminal justice and public sociology of news and media and the related policy and criminological journalism. -
Of Political Communications in a Mass Media Democracy Ivor Gaber* Media and Politics, University of Bedfordshire, UK
Journal of Public Affairs J Public Affairs 7: 219-234 (2007) ..*";• ®w)l£Y Published online in Wiley InterScience %^ (www.interscicnce.wiley.com) DOI: 10.1002/pa.266 ^** Too much of a good thing: the 'problem' of political communications in a mass media democracy Ivor Gaber* Media and Politics, University of Bedfordshire, UK • Francis Fukuyama asks: '.. .is liberal democracy prey to serious internal contradictions, contradictions so serious tbat they will eventually undermine it as a political system?' Tfjis paper argues that one of tbese internal contradictions' is tbe political communications process and it can be sufficiently serious to undermine the democratic system—but such an undermining is not inevitable. Tbe problem can be described as follows: Democratic systems require tbat citizens are kept fully informed by governments (and others) iti the interests of transparency and ultimately accountability. Hence, all political communi- cations have, as tbeir final objective, tbe accountability of politicians at the ballot box. Wus all political communications bave wbat can be described as 'above' and 'below' tbe line content We above-the-line is tbe actual content of tbe message, tbe below-tbe-line is the implicit one of think better of me and my colleagues think worse of my opponents'. Consequently, no tnatter bow personally honest and open ati individual politician might be, the democratic system requires her or him to be always thinking about securing a successful result at tbe ballot box. Thus we bave tbe 'political communications paradox'. Voters tvatit politicians to be botiest atid accountable but this very demand tneans that politicians, implicitly, always bave to have another agenda in operation wben they are communicating witb tbe public, i.e. -
Politics, Policy and the Internet:Charity 5/2/08 15:39 Page 1
Politics, policy and the internet:Charity 5/2/08 15:39 Page 1 CENTRE FOR POLICY STUDIES “In January 2007, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama launched their bids for the most powerful position in the world. But there was no bunting or cheering crowds. Instead, both candidates for the US Presidency made their announcements in a manner inconceivable just a few years ago: they released videos on their websites.” Politics, Policy and Television and radio transformed the way politics operated in the twentieth century. And, predicts the Internet Robert Colvile, the internet could do the same in the twenty-first. Yet the main British political parties are failing to exploit its potential. The BNP website has the ROBERT COLVILE same market share as all of the other major political parties combined. The internet will bring a far greater openness to politics, helping the activist and the citizen hold politicians to account. The web could also re-empower MPs, by linking them far more directly to the concerns of their constituents. And for policy development, the internet will revolutionise the way policy-making works. The most subtle, but perhaps most powerful, change, may be to the public’s mindset. As we grow used to the instant availability of information online, we will no longer tolerate delay and obfuscation in getting similar information from government. The individual, and not the state, will be the master in the digital age. Price: £5.00 Politics, Policy and the Internet ROBERT COLVILE CENTRE FOR POLICY STUDIES 57 Tufton Street, London SW1P 3QL 2008 THE AUTHOR ROBERT COLVILE is a features editor and leader writer at The Daily Telegraph, where he also writes extensively about technology.