DOCSLIB.ORG

Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations /name redacted/ Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs October 5, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R41368 Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Several Turkish domestic and foreign policy issues have significant relevance for U.S. interests, and Congress plays an active role in shaping and overseeing U.S. relations with Turkey. This report provides background information on Turkey and discusses possible policy questions and considerations for Members of Congress. U.S. relations with Turkey—a longtime North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) ally—have evolved over time. Turkey’s economic dynamism and geopolitical importance have increased its influence regionally and globally. Although Turkey still depends on the United States and other NATO allies for political and strategic support, and has close economic links with the European Union, its increased economic and military self- reliance since the Cold War allows Turkey relatively greater opportunity for an assertive role in foreign policy. The record of U.S.-Turkey cooperation during the Obama Administration has been mixed. To some extent it mirrors the complexities that past U.S. Administrations faced with Turkey in reconciling alignment on general foreign policy objectives with substantive points of disagreement. Greater Turkish independence of action and continuing political transformation appear to have been mutually reinforcing—with both led for more than a decade by President (previously Prime Minister) Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party (AKP). However, it remains unclear how Turkey might reconcile majoritarian views favoring Turkish nationalism and Sunni Muslim values with secular governance and protection of individual freedoms and minority rights, including with regard to Turkey’s Kurdish citizens. Since the United States assembled an international coalition in 2014 to counter the Islamic State organization in both Iraq and Syria, Turkey’s role vis-à-vis its two southern neighbors became more consequential. Congress has shown considerable interest in the nature and level of Turkey’s cooperation, including with respect to flows of foreign fighters, supplies, and oil to and from Syria. In the summer of 2015, the United States and Turkey began coordinating airstrikes against the Islamic State from Turkish territory, as part of a larger arrangement that may contemplate clearing the Islamic State from a specific area in northwestern Syria near the Turkish border. Such an arrangement, however, appears to face political and operational obstacles. The United States faces challenges in simultaneously partnering with Turkey and with Syrian Kurdish fighters who have proven to be effective against the Islamic State, but are affiliated with the Kurdish militant group PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party), which recently resumed hostilities with the Turkish government. Congress also focuses on the following subjects regarding Turkey, among others: Turkey’s domestic politics and stability, particularly in anticipation of November 2015 elections amid significant political and economic uncertainty and Turkey- PKK violence. Difficulties in Turkey’s relations with Israel, how they might affect U.S.-Turkey relations, and prospects of their improvement. Long-standing grievances against Turkey among Christians in Turkey and in other countries—such as Armenia and Cyprus—dating back to various 20th Century events. Congressional action to influence arms sales to and trade with Turkey, efforts to counter the Islamic State and to shape political outcomes in Syria and Iraq, and the U.S. relationship with Iran and with various Kurdish groups could have implications for the bilateral alliance, as could any linkage of these issues with U.S.-Turkey dealings on matters regarding Israel, Armenia, Cyprus, and non-NATO countries such as China and Russia. Congressional Research Service Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Contents Introduction and Issues for Congress .............................................................................................. 1 Country Overview ........................................................................................................................... 3 Domestic Politics and Stability ................................................................................................. 4 The Kurdish Issue ..................................................................................................................... 8 Background ......................................................................................................................... 8 Recent Resumption of Violence and Future Prospects ....................................................... 9 Economy .................................................................................................................................. 11 General Overview .............................................................................................................. 11 Energy ............................................................................................................................... 12 U.S.-Turkey Relations ................................................................................................................... 14 Overview ................................................................................................................................. 14 Bilateral and NATO Defense Cooperation .............................................................................. 16 Background ....................................................................................................................... 16 U.S./NATO Presence in Turkey ........................................................................................ 16 U.S. Arms Sales and Aid to Turkey .................................................................................. 18 U.S. and International Views on Turkish Domestic Developments ........................................ 19 Bilateral Trade ......................................................................................................................... 19 Syria and Iraq: Specific Considerations .................................................................................. 20 U.S.-Turkey Coordination Against the Islamic State ........................................................ 20 Syria: Foreign Fighters and Smuggling ............................................................................ 24 Iraq: Turkey’s Conflicting Priorities Regarding Kurds ..................................................... 27 Key U.S. Policy Questions ................................................................................................ 28 Turkish Foreign Policy: Other Issues with Import for U.S. Relations .................................... 28 Israel.................................................................................................................................. 28 Iran .................................................................................................................................... 30 Armenia ............................................................................................................................ 31 Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean ............................................................................. 32 Other International Relationships ..................................................................................... 33 Status of Religious Minorities in Turkey ................................................................................ 34 Christians and Jews ........................................................................................................... 34 Alevis ................................................................................................................................ 35 Turkey’s Strategic Orientation: Past, Present, Future .................................................................... 36 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 37 Figures Figure 1. Turkey: Map and Basic Facts ........................................................................................... 3 Figure 2. Turkish Parliamentary Election Results, June 2015 ......................................................... 7 Figure 3. Major Pipelines Traversing Turkey and Possible Nuclear Power Plants ....................... 13 Figure 4. Map of U.S. and NATO Military Presence in Turkey .................................................... 17 Figure 5. Area of Possible U.S.-Turkey Cooperation in Syria ...................................................... 22 Figure 6. Timeline of Selected Events Regarding Turkey, Kurds, and the Islamic State .............. 23 Congressional Research Service Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Tables Table 1. Trends in the Turkish Economy: 1975-2013..................................................................... 11 Appendixes Appendix A. Profiles of Key Figures in Turkey ............................................................................ 38 Appendix B. List of Selected Turkish-Related Organizations in the United States ...................... 41 Appendix C. Significant U.S.-Origin Arms Transfers or Possible Arms Transfers to Turkey .......................................................................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O
    A7_VAROL.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 4/13/2015 3:47 PM Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O. Varol ABSTRACT: Authoritarianism has been undergoing a metamorphosis. Historically, authoritarians openly repressed opponents by violence and harassment and subverted the rule of law to perpetuate their rule. The post- Cold War crackdown on these transparently authoritarian practices provided significant incentives to avoid them. Instead, the new generation of authoritarians learned to perpetuate their power through the same legal mechanisms that exist in democratic regimes. In so doing, they cloak repressive practices under the mask of law, imbue them with the veneer of legitimacy, and render anti-democratic practices much more difficult to detect and eliminate. This Article offers a comprehensive cross-regional account of that phenomenon, which I term “stealth authoritarianism.” Drawing on rational- choice theory, the Article explains the expansion of stealth authoritarianism across different case studies. The Article fills a void in the literature, which has left undertheorized the authoritarian learning that occurred after the Cold War and the emerging reliance on legal, particularly sub-constitutional, mechanisms to perpetuate political power. Although stealth authoritarian practices are more prevalent in nondemocracies, the Article illustrates that they can also surface in regimes with favorable democratic credentials, including the United States. In so doing, the Article aims to orient the scholarly debate towards regime practices, rather than regime
    [Show full text]
  • DFAT Country Information Report
    DFAT Country Information Report Turkey 5 September 2016 Contents Contents 2 Acronyms 3 1. Purpose and Scope 4 2. Update following July 2016 coup attempt 5 Background 5 Groups of Interest 6 Security Situation 7 3. Background Information 8 Recent History 8 Demography 8 Economic Overview 9 Political System 10 Human Rights Framework 11 Security Situation 12 4. Refugee Convention Claims 14 Race/Nationality 14 Religion 16 Political Opinion (Actual or Imputed) 22 Groups of Interest 24 5. Complementary Protection Claims 29 Arbitrary Deprivation of Life 29 Torture 29 Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment 29 6. Other Considerations 31 State Protection 31 Internal Relocation 33 Documentation 34 DFAT Country Information Report – Turkey 2 Acronyms AKP the Justice and Development Party (Turkish: Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) BDP the Peace and Democracy Party (Turkish: Bariş ve Demokrasi PartisiI) CHP The Republican People’s Party (Turkish: Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) DBP the Democratic Regions Party - formerly the BDP (Turkish: Demokratik Bölgeler PartisiI) DHKP-C the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front (Turkish: Devrimci Halk Kurtuluş Partisi- CephesiI) Diyanet the Turkish State Directorate of Religious Affairs ECHR European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ECrtHR the European Court of Human Rights ESP the Socialist Party of the Oppressed (Turkish: Ezilenlerin Sosyalist Partisi) GBTS The General Information Gathering System (Turkish: Genel Bilgi Toplama Sistemi) HDP The People’s Democratic Party
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey | Freedom House Page 1 of 8
    Turkey | Freedom House Page 1 of 8 Turkey freedomhouse.org Türkiye Conditions for media freedom in Turkey continued to deteriorate in 2014 after several years of decline. The government enacted new laws that expanded both the state’s power to block websites and the surveillance capability of the National Intelligence Organization (MİT). Journalists faced unprecedented legal obstacles as the courts restricted reporting on corruption and national security issues. The authorities also continued to aggressively use the penal code, criminal defamation laws, and the antiterrorism law to crack down on journalists and media outlets. Verbal attacks on journalists by senior politicians—including Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the incumbent prime minister who was elected president in August—were often followed by harassment and even death threats against the targeted journalists on social media. Meanwhile, the government continued to use the financial and other leverage it holds over media owners to influence coverage of politically sensitive issues. Several dozen journalists, including prominent columnists, lost their jobs as a result of such pressure during the year, and those who remained had to operate in a climate of increasing self-censorship and media polarization. Legal Environment Constitutional guarantees of press freedom and freedom of expression are only partially upheld in practice. They are generally undermined by provisions in the penal code, the criminal procedure code, and the harsh, broadly worded antiterrorism law that effectively leave punishment of normal journalistic activity to the discretion of prosecutors and judges. The constitutional protections are also subverted by hostile public rhetoric against critical journalists and outlets from Erdoğan and other government officials, which is often echoed in the progovernment press.
    [Show full text]
  • 7 Militants Killed in Ghazni Raid
    Eye on the News [email protected] Truthful, Factual and Unbiased Vol:XI Issue No:255 Price: Afs.20 www.afghanistantimes.af www.facebook.com/ afghanistantimeswww.twitter.com/ afghanistantimes TUESDAY . APRIL 18. 2017 -Hamal 29, 1396 HS Dubbed the “Mother Of All they continue this militant ap- Bombs”, the device can devastate proach, this heavy-handed military the area around its landing of a ra- approach in Afghanistan, then of dius of more than one mile (1.6km). course I want them out of the coun- “This was an inhuman act, a try.” The massive bomb was brutal act against an innocent coun- dropped after fighting intensified try, against innocent people, over the past week and US-backed against our land, against our sov- ground forces struggled to advance ereignty, against our soil and against on the area. A US soldier was killed our future,” Karzai said in Kabul. on April 8 in Nangarhar while con- “A bomb of that magnitude has ducting operations against ISIL, consequences for the environment, which stands for Islamic State of for our lives, for our plants, for Iraq and the Levant, and is also our water, for our soil - this is poi- known as ISIS. Karzai said he was son.”At least 90 ISIL fighters were speaking up because many Afghan killed in the attack, according to officials - some of whom were part the US and Afghan armies. For the of his own cabinet - had endorsed most part, Afghan officials wel- the bombing. “I considered it a comed the bombing, saying it was treason and I stood up against a step towards security.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's New Foreign Policy: Becoming a Regional Power During EU Accession
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2013 Turkey's New Foreign Policy: Becoming a Regional Power During EU Accession Tristan Karyl Hicks West Virginia University Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Hicks, Tristan Karyl, "Turkey's New Foreign Policy: Becoming a Regional Power During EU Accession" (2013). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 415. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/415 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Turkey’s New Foreign Policy: Becoming a Regional Power During EU Accession Tristan Karyl Hicks Thesis submitted to the College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Robert Blobaum, Ph.D., Chair Joshua Arthurs, Ph.D. Elizabeth Fones-Wolf, Ph.D. Department of History Morgantown, West Virginia, United States 2013 Keywords: Turkey, Regional Power, Foreign Policy, European Union, Iran, Iraq, Russia Funding for this thesis and my MA studies at West Virginia University, Collegium Civitas, and the University of Tartu was made possible by the Transatlantic MA Program in East-Central European Studies, an “Atlantis” project sponsored by the Fund for the Improvement of Secondary Education of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkish Government's New Strategy: Request Extradition of Hizmet Sympathizers Using Fabricated Documents and False Claims
    An Advocates of Silenced Turkey Special Report March, 2018 REPORT: TURKISH GOVERNMENT'S NEW STRATEGY: REQUEST EXTRADITION OF HIZMET SYMPATHIZERS USING FABRICATED DOCUMENTS AND FALSE CLAIMS Since the corruption allegations in 2013, the existence of Mr. Erdogan’s government is 1 maintained by means of polarization and controlled political crises . By those crises Mr. Erdogan opens way to himself and, planning to create the new Turkey he incubated, is moving the game a step forward by doing this; otherwise there’d be a huge probability of someone stepping forward and saying “The king is naked!”. But what is the problem; in this process, lasting for years and including the illegal executions by the authority, there must be a critical point in terms of law and democracy – no matter how flexible they would be. And right at that point the attempted coup of June 15, 2016, qualified by 2 Mr. Erdogan as the blessing of Allah, took place, resembling the planned game ever since . In this way Mr. Erdogan, by declaring the State of Emergency (“OHAL” in Turkish), got himself a chance to change everything in the country and re-build it according to his own models3. And the impact was so that, Turkey, being ruled by means of OHAL for nearly 2 years, tends to become a country where not law but “the crushing power of state”, limitlessly controlled by the 4 authority, rules . In Turkey, where half of the judicial organizations were demoted and thousands of judges and prosecutors were put behind bars, it is impossible to take a single decision, which 5 is not what the authority wants .
    [Show full text]
  • Diminishing Press Freedom in Turkey
    DIMINISHING PRESS FREEDOM IN TURKEY TURKEY TASK FORCE 750 First St., NE, Suite 1125 Washington, DC 20002 [email protected] Phone: 202-842-2026 RETHINK PAPER 18 www.retthinkinstitute.org NOVEMBER 2014 DIMINISHING PRESS FREEDOM IN TURKEY TURKEY TASK FORCE RETHINK PAPER 18 November 2014 The Rethink Institute is an independent, not-for-profit, nonpartisan research institution devoted to deepen our understanding of contemporary political and cultural challenges facing communities and societies around the world, in realizing peace and justice, broadly defined. The Institute pursues this mission by facilitating research on public policies and civic initiatives centering on dispute resolution, peace building, dialogue development, and education. Toward these goals, the Institute sponsors rigorous research and analysis, supports visiting scholar programs, and organizes workshops and conferences. © Rethink Institute. All rights reserved ISBN: 978-1-938300-24-0 Printed in the USA Rethink Institute 750 First St., NE, Suite 1125 Washington, DC 20002 Phone: (202) 842-2026 [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.rethinkinstitute.org CONTENTS 1 Summary 3 The Turkish Media Sector 5 Erdogan’s Media 5 Media in Loyal Hands 7 “Hello Fatih” Hotline 9 Pressure through Financial Auditing 10 Advertisements by Publicly Owned Companies 11 Penalties against Broadcasters 12 Internet and Social Media Censorship 13 Targeting Journalists 15 Presidential Elections and Public Television 16 Conclusions and Recommendations 17 Appendix A: Ownership of Major Media Outlets 18 Appendix B: Turkey’s Dailies Share of Ads by Publicly Owned Companies 19 Appendix C: Distribution of Penalties by RTUK 20 Appendix D: Journalists Fired or Forced to Resign 25 Appendix E: Selective Cases of Government Interference in the media, January-March 2014 27 Appendix F: Turkey’s Media Landscape Today Diminishing Press Freedom in Turkey Summary In the last couple of years, criticism of the government in the media has become a risky business in Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • Press Censorship and Self-Censorship
    PRESS CENSORSHIP AND SELF-CENSORSHIP: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF 28TH FEBRUARY AND AKP PERIODS ÖZGÜR FIRAT YUMUŞAK 111680014 ISTANBUL BILGI UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES MEDIA AND COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS MA PROGRAM ASSOC. PROF. ESRA ARSAN 2014 Abstract In this study, the recent history of censorship policies over mainstream media in Turkey is researched. Two contradictory periods in media- 28th February and AKP periods; provide vast amounts of examples on censorship that can be compared under a theoretical framework which discuss the relations of freedom of press, democracy, state and market. The study provides a structural analysis that would present “power relations” as a main determinant of censorship within the media industry. Despite there are several articles and books that present distinct narratives of censorship in Turkey, an academic paper that try to link those narratives with the terminology on power bloc would be meaningful to de-construct the discourse on the “independence” of media. Keywords: censorship, self-censorship, power bloc, democracy, state, market, freedom of press, military I Özet Bu çalışmada, Türkiye’nin yakın tarihinde ortaya konulan sansür politikalarının ana akım medyadaki etkileri tartışılmaktadır. 28 Şubat ve AKP iktidarı dönemleri, bu konuda barındırdığı sayısız örnek sebebiyle; basın özgürlüğü, demokrasi, devlet ve pazar gibi kavramlar temelinde teorik bir çerçeveye oturtularak karşılaştırılmıştır. Çalışma, yapısal bir analizle, sansürün ortaya çıkmasında başlıca belirleyenin “güç ilişkileri”
    [Show full text]
  • Turkish Government Policy Towards Independent Media After the Failed July 2016 Coup D'état
    Securitologia No 1/2018 Monika Samborowska An Independent Author Andrzej Dawidczyk Police Academy in Szczytno, Poland Turkish Government Policy towards Independent Media after the Failed July 2016 Coup d’État Abstract The article presents the state of the Turkish media, as well as the actions taken by them before and after the failed attempt of the coup d’état in 2016. Pointing to the issue of freedom of speech in Turkey, the article highlights the numerous violations of the right to freedom of expression, which have repeatedly become part of the ac- tions of central government authorities. Keywords: freedom of speech, free media, authoritarianism Creating the English-language version of the journal “Securitologia” is financed under contract No. 724/P- DUN/2018 from the funds allocated by the Minister of Science and Higher Education for dissemination of science. DOI: 10.4467/24497436SCU.18.005.9928 ISSN: 1898-4509 e-ISSN: 2449-7436 online pdf E-mail contact to the Authors: [email protected], [email protected] 48 Monika Samborowska, Andrzej Dawidczyk Introduction The subject of this article is dictated by the need to identify the current state of media functioning in the Republic of Turkey due to the political situation created after the attempt of the coup d’état in 2016. The indirect motivation for the creation of this article is the shortage of scientific publications concerning the presented situation, illustrating and addressing the problem of the state of the media in question, both in Polish and foreign scientific literature.
    [Show full text]
  • The Flawed Strategic Debate on Syria
    January 2014 STRATEGIC FORUM National Defense University The Flawed Strategic About the Author Colonel Richard Outzen, USA, is a Debate on Syria Senior Military Fellow in the Center for Strategic Research, Institute for by Richard Outzen National Strategic Studies, at the National Defense University. ating from Bashar al-Asad’s first suppression of mass demonstrations in April 2011, the war in Syria is now 3 years old, has killed more than Key Points 130,000 Syrians, and displaced nine million Syrians, two million as refu- ◆◆ Opponents of forceful U.S. action gees into neighboring countries.1 Foreign intervention has increasingly shaped the in Syria have warned of dire D course of the fighting and will continue to have substantial regional consequences. consequences, but have generally failed to address the costs of The complexity of this bitter, nominally internal struggle has dampened American inaction. The results of episodic and enthusiasm for joining the fray or even paying much attention to Syria, notwith- ambivalent action are also dire. standing the chemical weapon attacks on Gouta, east of Damascus, last August, ◆◆ Those arguing against robust assistance to the opposition have which captured the attention of the American people, media, and policy community. used Afghanistan and other With an international taboo broken and a Presidential redline crossed, public debate historical analogies to support their positions, but the arguments spiked in August–September 2013 over U.S. interests in Syria and the limits on what frequently employ faulty history we will do to secure them. Debate did not result in a consensus for action. and faulty reasoning.
    [Show full text]
  • Business As Usual: the US-Turkey Security Partnership
    MIDDLE EAST POLICY, VOL. XXII, NO. 4, WINTER 2015 BUSINESS AS USUAL: THE U.S.-TURKEY SECURITY PARTNERSHIP Mustafa Kibaroglu and Selim C. Sazak Dr. Kibaroglu is the chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations and director of the Center for International Security Studies and Strategic Research at MEF University in Istanbul. He has held positions at Harvard’s Belfer Center and the Monterey Institute of International Studies. Mr. Sazak is a researcher in the Century Foundation’s foreign-policy program and a non-resident affiliate of the Center for International Security Studies and Strategic Research at MEF University in Istanbul. hilip Robins’s famous question, The direction Turkey’s domestic politics “What on earth is happening in has taken in recent years, Turkey’s aspira- Turkey?” has been echoing around tions for greater latitude in shaping region- the capitals of the Atlantic com- al politics, and the incongruity of Turkey’s Pmunity, uttered variously in exasperation, security interests with the policy objectives in admiration and in wonder.1 The same of its Western allies have all contributed to refrain recently has been repeatedly raised these troubles. Yet, the alarmists accusing around Turkey’s careening towards an Turkey of abandoning the West are em- activist foreign policy in the Middle East, bracing a one-sided and distorted narrative its increased willingness to break with its that further antagonizes Ankara and deep- trans-atlantic allies on critical decisions ens the rift with its Western allies. and over its policies in Syria. A closer look The path to a robust alliance that at the structural dynamics of the U.S.-Tur- can address the myriad challenges in the key security partnership, however, reflects Middle East and beyond is a constructive that the systemic factors underpinning the dialogue between Turkey and its allies alliance are alive and well.
    [Show full text]
  • South Caucasus: More Secure with the New Nato Strategic Concept?
    SOUTH CAUCASUS: MORE SECURE WITH THE NEW NATO STRATEGIC CONCEPT? For many years, the idea that NATO would address the security concerns of the South Caucasus and particularly Georgia vis-à-vis Russia erroneously held sway. Russia has repeatedly stated that it does not want to see any of its neighbors as a NATO member. While Armenia and Azerbaijan largely benefited from NATO military training programs and remained safe, Georgia’s increasing cooperation with NATO worsened its relations with Russia and re- sulted in full-scale armed conflict. The New NATO Strategic Concept report, released by the Group of Experts on 17 May, rules out NATO membership for states in the Caucasus and calls for more cooperation with Russia, heralding a more secure region in the upcoming decade. This paper argues that NATO presence in the South Caucasus increases the likelihood of instability and insecurity. Mahir Zeynalov* * Mahir Zeynalov is a diplomacy correspondent for Today’s Zaman daily based in Istanbul, Turkey. 67 VOLUME 9 NUMBER 1 MAHIR ZEYNALOV decade ago, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) celebrat- ed its 50th anniversary by unveiling a fresh understanding of ever- shifting challenges facing the Alliance at the turn of the last century. The NATO Strategic Concept then announced that it did not foresee what today qualifies as NATO’s largest military operation ever: the war in Afghani- stan. To tailor its resources and capabilities to a constantly changing milieu, NATO has decided to revise its Strategic Concept by tasking a distinguished group of experts, under the aegis of former U.S.
    [Show full text]