Turkey's New Regional Security Role
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Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Curup, Indonesia ISSN 2775-8621 volume 1, number 1, 2021 Academic Journal DOI: http://doi.org/10.29240/negrei.v1i1.2561 of Law and Governance Waves and Reverse Waves: Turkey Democratization After the Coup of 1960 Fathur Rizki Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University, Turkey [email protected] Abstract. As the country that has been experiencing several changes of governmental system, especially after the coup of 1960, made Turkey as an attractive country to look at how they implement democracy. Democracy, which is the most widely used system in the world, has ups and downs in its application especially within Turkey that has long been ruled under the monarchy of Ottoman empire and republic party system, that considered as authoritarian before it leads to the coup of military. These cases refer to the development of democratization’s implementation within the country, and this paper will discuss how the waves and reverse waves of Turkey's democratization in the context of political parties’ participation in Turkish state's political stage, after the military coup in 1960 by implementing the theory of world’s democratization waves by Samuel P. Huntington. This paper also aims to analyze the development of Turkey democratization by observing several events that happened started after the military coup in 1960 and the rest until the it comes to contemporary issues by the rise of AKP party in 2002. Keyword: Democratization, Political Party, Waves and Reverse waves. 23 2424 NEGREI : Academic Journal of Law and Govenance Volume 1 Nomor 1, 20201 Introduction Before going further to the step how the democratization falls into the waves and reverse waves in Turkey after the military coup in 1960, there must be a definition that explain the basic meaning of democratization itself. -
Turkey's Deep State
#1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. -
Turkey's Slide Into Authoritarianism
Turkey’s Slide into Authoritarianism by Burak Bekdil n the evening of July 15, 2016, the inhabitants of OAnkara and Istanbul left their dinner tables in panic and rushed to their windows and balconies. What they saw was shocking and surreal, if not apocalyptic: tanks closing the Bosphorus bridge in Istanbul1 and encircling the parliament;2 rival F-16 raids against government and coup forces;3 military brass Tanks and soldiers closed the Bosphorus bridge and being taken hostage by their surrounded the Turkish parliament in Istanbul as Turkey aides;4 combat between the was plunged into chaos for a few days in July 2016 when an military and the police,5 followed attempted coup threatened to overthrow the Erdoğan by soldiers attacking civilians;6 government. and finally civilians lynching soldiers who had supported the coup.7 even in a country torn by ethnic strife, All of this happened at a time perpetual terror attacks, and deep when no one was expecting a putsch, ideological polarization. Turkish Coups in Brief 1 Hürriyet (Istanbul), July 20, 2016. Turks soon learned that the coup 2 Reuters, July 16, 2016. attempt had not been staged by the military’s 8 3 The Wall Street Journal, July 17, 2016. top brass but by dissident officers. A similar 4 attempt on May 27, 1960, had succeeded, RT TV (Moscow), July 23, 2016. leaving behind the bodies of the executed 5 Hürriyet, July 18, 2016. 6 Ibid., July 29,2016. 7 Ibid., July 17, 2016. 8 CNN News, July 18, 2016. MIDDLE EAST QUARTERLY Winter 2017 Bekdil: Turkey’s Failed Coup / 1 prime minister and foreign minister.9 When a statement on the military’s website, in 1971 the military issued an ultimatum to warning the Islamist government of then- the government of Prime Minister Süleyman prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Demirel, the prime minister resigned.10 against any move that might undermine The military intervened again in Turkey’s secular regime. -
Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O
A7_VAROL.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 4/13/2015 3:47 PM Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O. Varol ABSTRACT: Authoritarianism has been undergoing a metamorphosis. Historically, authoritarians openly repressed opponents by violence and harassment and subverted the rule of law to perpetuate their rule. The post- Cold War crackdown on these transparently authoritarian practices provided significant incentives to avoid them. Instead, the new generation of authoritarians learned to perpetuate their power through the same legal mechanisms that exist in democratic regimes. In so doing, they cloak repressive practices under the mask of law, imbue them with the veneer of legitimacy, and render anti-democratic practices much more difficult to detect and eliminate. This Article offers a comprehensive cross-regional account of that phenomenon, which I term “stealth authoritarianism.” Drawing on rational- choice theory, the Article explains the expansion of stealth authoritarianism across different case studies. The Article fills a void in the literature, which has left undertheorized the authoritarian learning that occurred after the Cold War and the emerging reliance on legal, particularly sub-constitutional, mechanisms to perpetuate political power. Although stealth authoritarian practices are more prevalent in nondemocracies, the Article illustrates that they can also surface in regimes with favorable democratic credentials, including the United States. In so doing, the Article aims to orient the scholarly debate towards regime practices, rather than regime -
Determination of the Most Charismatic Leader Using Analytic Hierarchy Process and Fuzzy TOPSIS: an Application in Turkey
International Business Research; Vol. 9, No. 7; 2016 ISSN 1913-9004 E-ISSN 1913-9012 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Determination of the Most Charismatic Leader Using Analytic Hierarchy Process and Fuzzy TOPSIS: An Application in Turkey Derya Gul1, Ahmet Serhat Uludag2 1Department of Business, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Ondokuz Mayıs University, Turkey 2Department of International Trade and Logistics, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Ondokuz Mayıs University, Turkey Correspondence: Ahmet Serhat Uludag, Department of International Trade and Logistics, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Ondokuz Mayis University, Samsun, Turkey. E-mail: [email protected] Received: April 21, 2016 Accepted: May 6, 2016 Online Published: May 23, 2016 doi:10.5539/ibr.v9n7p80 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v9n7p80 Abstract The concepts of leaders and leadership have been dealt with by many different disciplines, such as psychology and sociology, with the fields of management and political science being foremost, and have become frequent subject matter of academic discussions and research. The first studies in this field took place at the beginning of the 20th century, with analysis of important personalities that changed the course of the history and shaped societies‟ futures with their extraordinary abilities and characteristics. It was predominantly these characteristics, as well as behavioral and situational approaches, that formed the basis of these first studies. The objective of this study is to determine which of the six presidents of the Republic of Turkey, who have served or are serving as Head of State, has more of the charismatic leadership characteristics, employing an interdisciplinary methodology in which multi-criteria decision-making methods and techniques are used. -
Who's Who in Politics in Turkey
WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY Sarıdemir Mah. Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad. No: 10 34134 Eminönü/İstanbul Tel: (0212) 522 02 02 - Faks: (0212) 513 54 00 www.tarihvakfi.org.tr - [email protected] © Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 2019 WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY PROJECT Project Coordinators İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Editors İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Authors Süreyya Algül, Aslı Aydemir, Gökhan Demir, Ali Yalçın Göymen, Erhan Keleşoğlu, Canan Özbey, Baran Alp Uncu Translation Bilge Güler Proofreading in English Mark David Wyers Book Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Cover Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Printing Yıkılmazlar Basın Yayın Prom. ve Kağıt San. Tic. Ltd. Şti. Evren Mahallesi, Gülbahar Cd. 62/C, 34212 Bağcılar/İstanbull Tel: (0212) 630 64 73 Registered Publisher: 12102 Registered Printer: 11965 First Edition: İstanbul, 2019 ISBN Who’s Who in Politics in Turkey Project has been carried out with the coordination by the History Foundation and the contribution of Heinrich Böll Foundation Turkey Representation. WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY —EDITORS İSMET AKÇA - BARIŞ ALP ÖZDEN AUTHORS SÜREYYA ALGÜL - ASLI AYDEMİR - GÖKHAN DEMİR ALİ YALÇIN GÖYMEN - ERHAN KELEŞOĞLU CANAN ÖZBEY - BARAN ALP UNCU TARİH VAKFI YAYINLARI Table of Contents i Foreword 1 Abdi İpekçi 3 Abdülkadir Aksu 6 Abdullah Çatlı 8 Abdullah Gül 11 Abdullah Öcalan 14 Abdüllatif Şener 16 Adnan Menderes 19 Ahmet Altan 21 Ahmet Davutoğlu 24 Ahmet Necdet Sezer 26 Ahmet Şık 28 Ahmet Taner Kışlalı 30 Ahmet Türk 32 Akın Birdal 34 Alaattin Çakıcı 36 Ali Babacan 38 Alparslan Türkeş 41 Arzu Çerkezoğlu -
DFAT Country Information Report
DFAT Country Information Report Turkey 5 September 2016 Contents Contents 2 Acronyms 3 1. Purpose and Scope 4 2. Update following July 2016 coup attempt 5 Background 5 Groups of Interest 6 Security Situation 7 3. Background Information 8 Recent History 8 Demography 8 Economic Overview 9 Political System 10 Human Rights Framework 11 Security Situation 12 4. Refugee Convention Claims 14 Race/Nationality 14 Religion 16 Political Opinion (Actual or Imputed) 22 Groups of Interest 24 5. Complementary Protection Claims 29 Arbitrary Deprivation of Life 29 Torture 29 Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment 29 6. Other Considerations 31 State Protection 31 Internal Relocation 33 Documentation 34 DFAT Country Information Report – Turkey 2 Acronyms AKP the Justice and Development Party (Turkish: Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) BDP the Peace and Democracy Party (Turkish: Bariş ve Demokrasi PartisiI) CHP The Republican People’s Party (Turkish: Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) DBP the Democratic Regions Party - formerly the BDP (Turkish: Demokratik Bölgeler PartisiI) DHKP-C the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front (Turkish: Devrimci Halk Kurtuluş Partisi- CephesiI) Diyanet the Turkish State Directorate of Religious Affairs ECHR European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ECrtHR the European Court of Human Rights ESP the Socialist Party of the Oppressed (Turkish: Ezilenlerin Sosyalist Partisi) GBTS The General Information Gathering System (Turkish: Genel Bilgi Toplama Sistemi) HDP The People’s Democratic Party -
Anatomy of a Civil War
Revised Pages Anatomy of a Civil War Anatomy of a Civil War demonstrates the destructive nature of war, rang- ing from the physical destruction to a range of psychosocial problems to the detrimental effects on the environment. Despite such horrific aspects of war, evidence suggests that civil war is likely to generate multilayered outcomes. To examine the transformative aspects of civil war, Mehmet Gurses draws on an original survey conducted in Turkey, where a Kurdish armed group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has been waging an intermittent insurgency for Kurdish self- rule since 1984. Findings from a probability sample of 2,100 individuals randomly selected from three major Kurdish- populated provinces in the eastern part of Turkey, coupled with insights from face-to- face in- depth inter- views with dozens of individuals affected by violence, provide evidence for the multifaceted nature of exposure to violence during civil war. Just as the destructive nature of war manifests itself in various forms and shapes, wartime experiences can engender positive attitudes toward women, create a culture of political activism, and develop secular values at the individual level. Nonetheless, changes in gender relations and the rise of a secular political culture appear to be primarily shaped by wartime experiences interacting with insurgent ideology. Mehmet Gurses is Associate Professor of Political Science at Florida Atlantic University. Revised Pages Revised Pages ANATOMY OF A CIVIL WAR Sociopolitical Impacts of the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey Mehmet Gurses University of Michigan Press Ann Arbor Revised Pages Copyright © 2018 by Mehmet Gurses All rights reserved This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. -
The History of Military Coups in Turkey 1. Introduction
International Journal of Social and Economic Sciences Uluslararası Sosyal ve Ekonomik Bilimler Dergisi E-ISSN: 2667-4904, 9(2): 49-56, 2019 The History of Military Coups In Turkey Furkan KAYA Yeditepe University, İstanbul, TURKEY *Corresponding Author Received: November 12, 2019 E-mail: [email protected] Accepted:December 23, 2019 Abstract The history of military coups has a considerable place in Turkish political life. The Janissary revolts in the Ottoman period are accepted as the beginning of the military coup tradition and interventions in Turkish political life. The founder of the Turkish Republic, Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, took off his military uniform and wore his civilian attire when the War of Independence started. This is because Atatürk believed that real and powerful democracy could only be achieved by civilian governments. However, the military juntas argued that the soldiers were permanent guards of the Republic and had the right to protect the integrity and interests of the country under all circumstances. These are the May 27, 1960 military coup, March 12, 1971 military memorandum, September 12, 1980 military coup, February 28, 1997 Post-Modern coup and the July 15, 2016 military coup attempt. All military coups inevitably destroyed the Turkish democracy. In fact, in every military coup, traces of foreign powers, the US being in the first place, can be seen. That’s why this study aims to enlighten the history of coups in Turkey in order to prevent possible future military coup attempts in Turkey. During this study, important newspapers and magazines, as well as archival documents, books, and articles were benefited from. -
Turkey | Freedom House Page 1 of 8
Turkey | Freedom House Page 1 of 8 Turkey freedomhouse.org Türkiye Conditions for media freedom in Turkey continued to deteriorate in 2014 after several years of decline. The government enacted new laws that expanded both the state’s power to block websites and the surveillance capability of the National Intelligence Organization (MİT). Journalists faced unprecedented legal obstacles as the courts restricted reporting on corruption and national security issues. The authorities also continued to aggressively use the penal code, criminal defamation laws, and the antiterrorism law to crack down on journalists and media outlets. Verbal attacks on journalists by senior politicians—including Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the incumbent prime minister who was elected president in August—were often followed by harassment and even death threats against the targeted journalists on social media. Meanwhile, the government continued to use the financial and other leverage it holds over media owners to influence coverage of politically sensitive issues. Several dozen journalists, including prominent columnists, lost their jobs as a result of such pressure during the year, and those who remained had to operate in a climate of increasing self-censorship and media polarization. Legal Environment Constitutional guarantees of press freedom and freedom of expression are only partially upheld in practice. They are generally undermined by provisions in the penal code, the criminal procedure code, and the harsh, broadly worded antiterrorism law that effectively leave punishment of normal journalistic activity to the discretion of prosecutors and judges. The constitutional protections are also subverted by hostile public rhetoric against critical journalists and outlets from Erdoğan and other government officials, which is often echoed in the progovernment press. -
7 Militants Killed in Ghazni Raid
Eye on the News [email protected] Truthful, Factual and Unbiased Vol:XI Issue No:255 Price: Afs.20 www.afghanistantimes.af www.facebook.com/ afghanistantimeswww.twitter.com/ afghanistantimes TUESDAY . APRIL 18. 2017 -Hamal 29, 1396 HS Dubbed the “Mother Of All they continue this militant ap- Bombs”, the device can devastate proach, this heavy-handed military the area around its landing of a ra- approach in Afghanistan, then of dius of more than one mile (1.6km). course I want them out of the coun- “This was an inhuman act, a try.” The massive bomb was brutal act against an innocent coun- dropped after fighting intensified try, against innocent people, over the past week and US-backed against our land, against our sov- ground forces struggled to advance ereignty, against our soil and against on the area. A US soldier was killed our future,” Karzai said in Kabul. on April 8 in Nangarhar while con- “A bomb of that magnitude has ducting operations against ISIL, consequences for the environment, which stands for Islamic State of for our lives, for our plants, for Iraq and the Levant, and is also our water, for our soil - this is poi- known as ISIS. Karzai said he was son.”At least 90 ISIL fighters were speaking up because many Afghan killed in the attack, according to officials - some of whom were part the US and Afghan armies. For the of his own cabinet - had endorsed most part, Afghan officials wel- the bombing. “I considered it a comed the bombing, saying it was treason and I stood up against a step towards security. -
The Case of Iraqi Kurdistan and the PKK
Deconstructing Ethnic Conflict and Sovereignty in Explanatory International Relations: The Case of Iraqi Kurdistan and the PKK Submitted by Johannes Černy to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy in Ethno-Political Studies in September 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: _____Johannes Cerny_____________________ 1 2 Abstract: This study is essentially a critique of how the three dominant paradigms of explanatory international relations theory – (neo-)realism, liberalism, and systemic constructivism – conceive of, analytically deal with, and explain ethnic conflict and sovereignty. By deconstructing their approaches to ethnic identity formation in general and ethnic conflict in particular it argues that all three paradigms, in their epistemologies, ontologies and methodologies through reification and by analytically equating ethnic groups with states, tend to essentialise and substantialise the ethnic lines of division and strategic essentialisms of ethnic and ethno-nationalist elites they set out to describe, and, all too often, even write them into existence. Particular attention, both at the theoretical and empirical level, will be given to the three explanatory frameworks explanatory IR has contributed to the study of ethnic conflict: the ‘ethnic security dilemma’, the ‘ethnic alliance model’, and, drawing on other disciplines, instrumentalist approaches.