Political Communication and the Media in Kurdistan
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VIEWED from the OTHER SIDE: Media Coverage and Personal Tales of Migration in Iraqi Kurdistan
VIEWED FROM THE OTHER SIDE: Media Coverage and Personal Tales of Migration in Iraqi Kurdistan Kjersti Thorbjørnsrud, Espen Gran, Mohammed A. Salih, Sareng Aziz Viewed from the other Side: Media Coverage and Personal Tales of Migration in Iraqi Kurdistan Kjersti Thorbjørnsrud, Espen Gran, Mohammed A. Salih and Sareng Aziz IMK Report 2012 Department of Media and Communication Faculty of Humanities University of Oslo Viewed from the other side: Media Coverage and Personal Tales of Migration in Iraqi Kurdistan Contents Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ III Abbreviations..................................................................................................................... IV Executive summary ............................................................................................................. V The coverage of migration in Iraqi Kurdistan ....................................................................VI Why certain frames and stories dominate in the news – findings from elite interviews .... VII The main motivations of migration in Iraqi Kurdistan .......................................................IX The experiences of those who have returned from Europe – expectations and disappointments ................................................................................................................IX Knowledge and evaluation of European immigration and return policies ............................ X Main conclusions .............................................................................................................. -
Gericht Entscheidungsdatum Geschäftszahl Spruch Text
08.11.2019 Gericht BVwG Entscheidungsdatum 08.11.2019 Geschäftszahl I415 2224340-1 Spruch I415 2224340-1/5E IM NAMEN DER REPUBLIK! Das Bundesverwaltungsgericht hat durch den Richter Mag. Hannes LÄSSER über die Beschwerde von XXXX, geb. XXXX, Staatsangehörigkeit Irak, gesetzlich vertreten durch die Mutter XXXX, geb. XXXX, diese vertreten durch Diakonie Flüchtlingsdienst gemeinnützige GmbH und Volkshilfe Flüchtlings- und MigrantInnenbetreuung GmbH als Mitglieder der ARGE Rechtsberatung - Diakonie und Volkshilfe und den MigrantInnenverein St. Marx, gegen den Bescheid des Bundesamtes für Fremdenwesen und Asyl vom 09.09.2019, Zl. XXXX, zu Recht erkannt: A) Die Beschwerde wird als unbegründet abgewiesen. B) Die Revision ist gemäß Art. 133 Abs. 4 B-VG nicht zulässig. Text ENTSCHEIDUNGSGRÜNDE: I. Verfahrensgang: Die Eltern des minderjährigen Beschwerdeführers und zwei minderjährige Brüder und die minderjährige Schwester des Beschwerdeführers stellten am 31.12.2015 nach ihrer schlepperunterstützten unrechtmäßigen Einreise in das Bundesgebiet vor einem Organ des öffentlichen Sicherheitsdienstes einen Antrag auf internationalen Schutz. Die Genannten sind Staatsangehörige des Irak und gehören der kurdischen Volksgruppe an. Im Rahmen der niederschriftlichen Erstbefragung vor Organen des öffentlichen Sicherheitsdienstes der Polizeiinspektion XXXX am Tag der Antragstellung legte der Vater des Beschwerdeführers dar, den Namen XXXX zu führen. Er sei am XXXX1985 in XXXX geboren, Angehöriger der kurdischen Volksgruppe und bekenne sich zum Islam. Zuletzt habe er in Erbil gelebt und als Hilfsarbeiter gearbeitet. Im Hinblick auf den Reiseweg brachte der Vater des Beschwerdeführers zusammengefasst vor, den Irak am 10.12.2015 mit der Mutter des Beschwerdeführers und den gemeinsamen Kindern legal von Erbil ausgehend auf dem Landweg in die Türkei verlassen zu haben. -
Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020
Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020 KurdishLegitimacy Political and and Citizenship Civil Movements in inthe Syria Arab World This publication is also available in Arabic under the title: ُ ف الحركات السياسية والمدنية الكردية ي� سوريا وإشكالية التمثيل This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the author. For questions and communication please email: [email protected] Cover photo: A group of Syrian Kurds celebrate Newroz 2007 in Afrin, source: www.tirejafrin.com The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and the LSE Conflict Research Programme should be credited, with the name and date of the publication. All rights reserved © LSE 2020. About Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World is a project within the Civil Society and Conflict Research Unit at the London School of Economics. The project looks into the gap in understanding legitimacy between external policy-makers, who are more likely to hold a procedural notion of legitimacy, and local citizens who have a more substantive conception, based on their lived experiences. Moreover, external policymakers often assume that conflicts in the Arab world are caused by deep- seated divisions usually expressed in terms of exclusive identities. -
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey's
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Policy Ayşegül Aydin Cem Emrence turkey project policy paper Number 10 • December 2016 policy paper Number 10, December 2016 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-Europe- an dialogue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transforma- tion of the European Union (EU); strategies for engaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging common strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations. -
A Kurdish-Speaking Community of Change: How Social and Political Organising Takes Shape in the PYD-Controlled Areas in Syria
A Kurdish-Speaking Community of Change: How Social and Political Organising takes Shape in the PYD-controlled Areas in Syria Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts In Middle Eastern Studies Author: Harriet Ida Rump Advisor: Lory Janelle Dance Examiner: Vittorio Felci Date: 11.12.14 Acknowledgements I devote my deepest gratitude to the brave and engaged participants of this research, without their reflections, insights, and generous will to share ideas, this thesis would never have been realised. In the same breath I sincerely thank Lina Myritz for taking the travel with me to Syria, and for inspiring me continuously. I strongly thank my supervisor Lory Dance, she is an inspirational role model with her critical thoughts and writings, which open up for new methods of research. I am particularly appreciative of all the inputs and perspectives from Farhiya Khalid, Mia Sung Kjaergaard, Søren Rafn, Frederik Johannisson, and Mette Lundsfryd, who all have encouraged me with significant comments. A special thank goes to Lasse Sander for carefully proofreading the thesis in high speed. Finally, for the love and support of all my wonderful friends and family, I am truly thankful. 2 Abstract This thesis explores current trends in social and political organising in Northern Syria, an area controlled by the PYD.1 The research is built on discussions between eight participants from the Syrian Kurdish-speaking community living in the areas. While most discourses on Syria and the Kurdish-speaking community have a macro-political focus and produce racialising descriptions of “Kurdishness” in Syria, less attention is granted to bottom-up organising and the plurality of Kurdishness. -
Iraq 2017 Human Rights Report
IRAQ 2017 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Iraq is a constitutional parliamentary republic. The outcome of the 2014 parliamentary elections generally met international standards of free and fair elections and led to the peaceful transition of power from former prime minister Nuri al-Maliki to Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi. Civilian authorities were not always able to exercise control of all security forces, particularly certain units of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) that were aligned with Iran. Violence continued throughout the year, largely fueled by the actions of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Government forces successfully fought to liberate territory taken earlier by ISIS, including Mosul, while ISIS sought to demonstrate its viability through targeted attacks. Armed clashes between ISIS and government forces caused civilian deaths and hardship. By year’s end Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) had liberated all territory from ISIS, drastically reducing ISIS’s ability to commit abuses and atrocities. The most significant human rights issues included allegations of unlawful killings by some members of the ISF, particularly some elements of the PMF; disappearance and extortion by PMF elements; torture; harsh and life-threatening conditions in detention and prison facilities; arbitrary arrest and detention; arbitrary interference with privacy; criminalization of libel and other limits on freedom of expression, including press freedoms; violence against journalists; widespread official corruption; greatly reduced penalties for so-called “honor killings”; coerced or forced abortions imposed by ISIS on its victims; legal restrictions on freedom of movement of women; and trafficking in persons. Militant groups killed LGBTI persons. There were also limitations on worker rights, including restrictions on formation of independent unions. -
A Study of European, Persian, and Arabic Loans in Standard Sorani
A Study of European, Persian, and Arabic Loans in Standard Sorani Jafar Hasanpoor Doctoral dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Iranian languages presented at Uppsala University 1999. ABSTRACT Hasanpoor, J. 1999: A Study of European, Persian and Arabic Loans in Standard Sorani. Reports on Asian and African Studies (RAAS) 1. XX pp. Uppsala. ISBN 91-506-1353-7. This dissertation examines processes of lexical borrowing in the Sorani standard of the Kurdish language, spoken in Iraq, Iran, and the Kurdish diaspora. Borrowing, a form of language contact, occurs on all levels of language structure. In the pre-standard literary Kurdish (Kirmanci and Sorani) which emerged in the pre-modern period, borrowing from Arabic and Persian was a means of developing a distinct literary and linguistic tradition. By contrast, in standard Sorani and Kirmanci, borrowing from the state languages, Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, is treated as a form of domination, a threat to the language, character, culture, and national distinctness of the Kurdish nation. The response to borrowing is purification through coinage, internal borrowing, and other means of extending the lexical resources of the language. As a subordinate language, Sorani is subjected to varying degrees of linguistic repression, and this has not allowed it to develop freely. Since Sorani speakers have been educated only in Persian (Iran), or predominantly in Arabic, European loans in Sorani are generally indirect borrowings from Persian and Arabic (Iraq). These loans constitute a major source for lexical modernisation. The study provides wordlists of European loanwords used by Hêmin and other codifiers of Sorani. -
Foreign Satellite & Satellite Systems Europe Africa & Middle East Asia
Foreign Satellite & Satellite Systems Europe Africa & Middle East Albania, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bosnia & Algeria, Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Herzegonia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Congo Brazzaville, Congo Kinshasa, Egypt, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Hungary, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Macedonia, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Moldova, Montenegro, The Netherlands, Norway, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Uganda, Western Sahara, Zambia. Armenia, Ukraine, United Kingdom. Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Cyprus, Georgia, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Yemen. Asia & Pacific North & South America Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, Canada, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, China, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Kazakhstan, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Puerto Rico, United Kyrgyzstan, Laos, Macau, Maldives, Myanmar, States of America. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Nepal, Pakistan, Phillipines, South Korea, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Uruguay, Venezuela. Uzbekistan, Vietnam. Australia, French Polynesia, New Zealand. EUROPE Albania Austria Belarus Belgium Bosnia & Herzegovina Bulgaria Croatia Czech Republic France Germany Gibraltar Greece Hungary Iceland Ireland Italy -
Iraqi Kurds Go to the Polls: Is Change Possible? | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1556 Iraqi Kurds Go to the Polls: Is Change Possible? by J. Scott Carpenter, Ahmed Ali Jul 23, 2009 ABOUT THE AUTHORS J. Scott Carpenter J. Scott Carpenter is an adjunct fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Ahmed Ali Ahmed Ali is a program officer at the National Endowment for Democracy. Brief Analysis n July 25, Iraqi Kurds go to the polls to vote in a joint parliamentary and presidential election. Although a O heated competition in January produced massive change at the provincial level throughout the rest of Iraq, the electoral system produced by the incumbent Iraqi Kurdistan parliament prevents such sweeping changes in the north. Both the current coalition governing the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and the current KRG president, Masoud Barzani, will most likely be reelected. Despite the lack of change, the postelection period will create an opportunity for Baghdad, Washington, and the KRG to resolve outstanding issues that cause increased tension between Arabs and Kurds. Resolution can occur only if all parties take advantage of new political openings, however narrow. Impact of the Electoral Law The KRG's 2009 amended election law combines the three provinces of Iraqi Kurdistan into a single district and presents a closed-list system that requires voters to select only lists, not candidates. This electoral system maximizes support for well-organized, well-disciplined parties; additionally, it prevents independent groups from gaining significant electoral ground, since would-be challengers to the establishment have to field candidates across the entire Kurdish region, even if they are only strong in certain areas. -
6. Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Political opinion in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 1.0 August 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information COI in this note has been researched in accordance with principles set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, namely taking into account its relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability. All information is carefully selected from generally reliable, publicly accessible sources or is information that can be made publicly available. Full publication details of supporting documentation are provided in footnotes. Multiple sourcing is normally used to ensure that the information is accurate, balanced and corroborated, and that a comprehensive and up-to-date picture at the time of publication is provided. Information is compared and contrasted, whenever possible, to provide a range of views and opinions. -
Linup Report
Eutelsat TV Line-Up Channels transmitted by Eutelsat satellites Updated on : Tuesday, 09 June 2015 This document is provided for information purposes. No responsibility is taken for errors or omissions. Please note that most digital set top boxes (satellite receivers) are now fitted with a child protection function to prevent underage viewing of adult content. Features may vary according to manufacturer and model type but most boxes allow you to block unsuitable content. Contact your local dealer or installer to find out more. Freq Beam Analo Diff Fec Symb Acces Lang g ol Rate EUTELSAT 117 WEST A 3.720 V C Edusat package DVB-S 3/4 27.000 C Telesecundaria TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C TV Docencia TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C ILCE Canal 13 TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C UnAD TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C ILCE Canal 15 TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C Canal 22 Nacional TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C Telebachillerato TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C ILCE Canal 18 TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C Tele México TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C TV Universidad TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C Red de las Artes TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C Aprende TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C Canal del Congreso TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C Especiales TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C Transmisiones Especiales 27 TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish C TV UNAM TV DVB-S 3/4 27.000 Spanish 3.744 V C INE TV TV DVB-S2 3/4 2.665 Spanish 3.748 V C Radio Centro radio DVB-S 7/8 2.100 Spanish 3.768 V C Inti Network TV DVB-S2 3/4 4.800 Spanish 3.772 V C Gama TV TV DVB-S 3/4 3.515 BISS Spanish 3.786 V -
Deep State of Crisis
Deep State of Crisis: Re-Assessing Risks to the Turkish State March 2017 Staff Blaise Misztal Director of National Security Nicholas Danforth Senior Policy Analyst Jessica Michek Policy Analyst Contributors Ryan Gingeras Associate Professor, Naval Postgraduate School DISCLAIMER The findings and recommendations expressed herein do not necessarily represent the views or opinions of the Bipartisan Policy Center’s founders or its board of directors. 1 bipartisanpolicy.org Executive Summary The accelerating erosion of Turkish democracy over the past decade has often been described in terms of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s authoritarian ambitions and growing accumulation of personal power. Yet what this undeniably accurate narrative sometimes fails to convey is the extent to which Erdoğan’s authoritarianism has weakened the Turkish state itself. In previous decades, the term deep state was used to describe the secret, usually sinister forces that were operating in conjunction with the Turkish military and bureaucracy to control the country beyond the reach of the elected government. While the deep state was often blamed for acts such as bombings and assassinations that spread chaos, it was always seen to be acting with an intended purpose, such as laying the groundwork for a military coup. In recent years, some observers argued that Erdoğan had at long last vanquished the deep state, while others argued he had simply created a new one under his own control. The reality appears far messier and more dangerous than either of those two alternatives. Beneath the swirling conspiracies that mark political rhetoric in Turkey today there is a profound insecurity about who truly governs the country.