Indian Ocean

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Indian Ocean 1390_A8-A13 11/4/08 5:11 PM Page 123 330-383/B428-S/40005 Indian Ocean 37. Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs (Sisco) to Secretary of State Rogers1 Washington, June 24, 1969. SUBJECT Congressional Hearings on Diego Garcia Information Memorandum Representatives of the Defense Department will testify before the House Armed Services Committee on June 30 regarding plans to con- struct communications and refueling facilities on the island of Diego Garcia in the Chagos Archipelago in the Indian Ocean. Because of cur- rent debate on Capitol Hill regarding bases and overseas commitments, the Pentagon is concerned that during congressional hearings on the Diego Garcia project a leak from foreign sources might prove prejudi- cial to approval. Diego Garcia is one of a number of Indian Ocean islands included in the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT). We have an agreement (1966) in principle with the British to construct facilities in these is- lands.2 Diego is attractive because of its location in the middle of the Indian Ocean, it is British territory, and the only inhabitants are non- indigenous copra workers imported from Mauritius and the Seychelles. In the event of U.S. Government approval of the project, the British are obligated at our request to remove these workers. Their repatriation to Mauritius and the Seychelles could cause political problems for the British because of unemployment in those areas. The Pentagon is proposing the construction of a dredged anchor- age, fuel storage, an 8,000 foot runway, and a communications facility 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1967–69, DEF 15 IND–US. Secret. Drafted by Grant E. Mouser (NEA/INC); cleared in draft in J/PM and AF/AFI; and cleared in H, EUR/BMI, NEA/INC, and NEA. 2 The Anglo-American BIOT Agreement of December 30, 1966; 18 UST 28. Its salient points were summarized as follows. “Purpose: BIOT available for defense purposes of both governments. Terms: BIOT remains UK territory; agreement in principle on each undertaking; detailed agreement between designated administrative authorities (i.e., USN and RN); each government bears cost of its own sites; and initial period of agree- ment 50 years—provision for 20 year extension.” (Attachment to a memorandum from Spiers to Irwin, January 3; Department of State, INR/IL Historical Files, Unfiled Mater- ial, Country “Cy–E” 1953–1977, Diego Garcia) 123 1390_A8-A13 11/4/08 5:11 PM Page 124 330-383/B428-S/40005 124 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXIV at an estimated cost of $26 million. Equipment for the communications facility will eventually raise the price by $11 million. NEA has supported this project from the beginning—despite some potential problems with the Indians who say they are opposed to great power activity in the Indian Ocean—because of Diego’s obvious value to the United States and the absence of many of the political liabilities which afflict other bases and facilities. We and the British feel that there is a good chance to contain negative Indian reaction if New Delhi is informed in timely fashion of our plans. The Indians know already of our general agreement with the British and they also know that some progress towards a decision has been made. We have stressed to them that no base is envisaged and the Indian Government has taken this line effectively in reply to Parliamentary questions. We had originally planned to tell the Indians, Mauritians and oth- ers on the same day we went to the Congress. This has now slipped to July 3 per agreement with the British. (The Mauritian Prime Minis- ter will be in London on that date.) We have felt that neither the Indi- ans nor the Congress should first hear of Diego through a leak from the other. We still feel that we have a good chance to mitigate Indian reaction, though the Government may feel compelled to state its for- mal opposition. However, Indian reaction would probably be much harsher if they heard indirectly through a leak which resulted in press stories. This bureau believes that while the decision is difficult, the bal- ance seems to lie in favor of July 3 notification. Pentagon concern over Congressional reaction has led to increas- ing nervousness there, including some talk of deferring notification fur- ther. We now await confirmation from the British that they still are firm regarding notification on July 3.3 3 The British notified regional governments, such as Mauritius and India, of the BIOT agreement on July 3. (Telegram 5310 from London, July 4, and telegram 9494 from New Delhi, July 4; National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1967–69, DEF 15 IND–US) 1390_A8-A13 11/4/08 5:11 PM Page 125 330-383/B428-S/40005 Indian Ocean 125 38. Telegram From the Embassy in the United Kingdom to the Departments of State and Defense1 London, July 9, 1969, 1546Z. 5406. DOD for OSD/ISA. Subj: Diego Garcia: Stewart/Singh Discussion. 1. Singh2 saw Foreign Secretary Stewart this morning and in course of conversation raised question of Diego Garcia. Singh com- plained at some length that the American plans as explained to GOI threatened to introduce big power competition into the Indian Ocean area, and his govt was “very unhappy” at the prospect. Singh men- tioned that the Chinese were already showing interest in the Indian Ocean, and that the Russians had been asking for refueling facilities “from certain countries.” Introduction of an American base was certain to result in unwanted rivalry between big powers.3 2. Replying Stewart emphasized the modest nature of the facility en- visaged, denied that the term “base” was accurate description, and stated that US has the right under the BIOT agreement to establish such facil- ity. He said this plan in no way constituted a threat to the area or to GOI. 3. Singh said he questioned that the Americans had any need for the base. Stewart responded that the US has obligations in the Far East and that the Indian Ocean facility was needed for refueling and communica- tions in order to carry out these obligations. Singh retorted that if the USG has Far Eastern obligations then let them use the territory of Far Eastern countries to discharge them. What we were now proposing would bring the US into a new area where it had no present obligations and where competition with other major powers would be the inevitable result. He said the GOI was certain other Asians would also oppose the project. 4. Singh inquired about the present status of the proposal within the USG. Stewart said that it was still being considered on a confiden- tial basis by the Congress, and that his personal estimate was that Con- gressional approval was likely but not certain. 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1967–69, DEF 15 IND–US. Secret; Immediate. It was repeated to New Delhi, Port Louis, Tananarive, CINCPAC, CINCLANT, and CINCSTRIKE. 2 Indian Minister of External Affairs Dinesh Singh. 3 Singh passed on a similar message of concern to Nixon in their July 10 meeting. The memorandum of conversation of their meeting is in Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, volume E–7, Documents on South Asia, 1969–1972, Document 26. Background material for this meeting is in a memorandum from Saunders to Kissinger, July 10. (National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 1236, Saunders Files, Indian Ocean) 1390_A8-A13 11/4/08 5:11 PM Page 126 330-383/B428-S/40005 126 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXIV 5. In closing Stewart reminded Singh that we had notified GOI on confidential basis and hoped that this would be respected. Singh ac- knowledged the point but made no promises. 6. Preceding is summary taken from FonOff telegram to UK Em- bassy in Washington giving full and detailed report of conversation. UK Embassy has been requested to pass complete text to Dept imme- diately upon receipt. Annenberg 39. Paper Prepared in the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations (Moorer)1 Washington, February 11, 1970. Diego Garcia—Background and Status The Navy has long recognized the strategic importance of gaining a modest logistics support capability in the Indian Ocean. In recogni- tion of this need a Navy Strategic Island Concept was developed in 1959 and approved by JCS in 1960. In essence it calls for a stockpiling of islands for contingency use of the U.S. Pursuant to this concept a bi- lateral agreement was signed in December 1966 between HMG and USG which granted the U.S. base rights in the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT). The BIOT was formed in 1965 and comprises the Cha- gos Archipelago (includes Diego Garcia), Aldabra, Isle des Roches and Farquhar. The selection of these islands was based on unquestioned UK sovereignty and a negligible native population. The islands were formerly part of the Mauritian and Seychelles groups. The agreement with the British provides for U.S. use for 50 years with an option for an additional 20 years. The cost of the agreement to the U.S. was one-half of the detachment costs ($14 M) which was funded by offsetting British Polaris R&D charges.2 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1970–73, DEF 15 IND–US. Secret. The paper was submitted to U. Alexis Johnson under a February 1 covering memoran- dum from Moorer. 2 The British Foreign Office expressed considerable doubt about making informa- tion on the details of BIOT financing available to the U.S. Congress. The Foreign Office felt that “having well and truly cooked its books vis-à-vis Parliament on BIOT financ- ing,” it was vulnerable to any exposure.
Recommended publications
  • USMA the War with Japan.Pt.1 1941-12 1942.08.Pdf
    THE COMMAND AND GENERAL STAFF COLLEGE LIBRARY 940.542 U57w 1950 Call Number CGSC Form 154 (Rev) 22 Oct 52 USACGSC—PO-3396—1 Apr 60—5M RCftfRICTED THE WAR WITH JAPAN PART 1 (December 1941 to August 1942) mnn urn mt BY TAG m mmu DEPARTMENT OP MILITARY ART AND ENGINEERING UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY WEST POINT, NEW YORK 195O REQTIUOTHD THE WAR WITH JAPAN PART 1 (December 1941 to August 1942) DEPARTMENT OF MILITARY ART AND ENGINEERING UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY WEST POINT, NEW YORK 195O %\ (\ \! REOTRIOTBD PREFACE This account of the war with Japan has been written for use in the instruction of cadets at the United States Military Academy. It is based for the most part on material furnished by the Historical Division, Department of the Army. Much valuable information has been obtained from the publications of the United States Stra­ tegic Bombing Survey and the Office of Naval Intelligence. How­ ever, in acknowledging indebtedness to others it is not desired to place on them the responsibility for any factual errors or for any conclusions drawn. This and other pamphlets on World War II are constantly being revised as additional information becomes available. It will be ap­ preciated if military personnel who note any apparent errors or dis­ crepancies, or who have comments or suggestions for the improve­ ment of the subject matter, will communicate them to: The Professor of Military Art and Engineering U. S. Military Academy West Point, N. Y. August 1947 ARMY-USMA. WEST PDINT. N.Y. 225O 4-3-5O CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 STRATEGIC CONSIDERATIONS 2 JAPANESE WAR PLAN 8 JAPANESE STRATEGIC OFFENSIVE y 10 InitiaLPlaris and Preparations 10 Central Pacific Operations 14 Pearl.
    [Show full text]
  • 6 Balkanism in Political Context
    Balkanism in Political Context: From the Ottoman Empire to the EU Andrew Hammond Swansea Institute, University of Wales Keywords: Balkanism, Eastern Europe, Travel Writing, European Union, Ottoman Empire Abstract This article investigates the British tradition of balkanism, paying particular attention to the forms of power that representation of South-East Europe has supported. Using travel writing as a source material, I shall exemplify the tradition through the study of two periods in which balkanist discourse – with its motifs of discord, savagery, backwardness and obfuscation – has been especially powerful. During the nineteenth century, firstly, such discourse legitimised British assistance for the Ottoman Empire against the threat of Russian expansion. In contemporary times, secondly, the denigration of the entire Central and Eastern European region has worked to endorse the systematic interference of the European Union. For the Balkans, this has entailed wide-ranging EU control of economic structures and political frameworks, repeating the nineteenth-century concept of the peninsula as a borderland available for Western intervention and control. Introduction The debate about what the term ‘Europe’ signifies has acquired increasing urgency in recent years. Since the end of the Cold War, questions about the nature and constitution of European civilisation – what it believes, what its borders are, what you need to get in – have become a staple ingredient of political speeches, newspaper editorials and academic publications. Far from reassuring Western European populations, the defeat of communism seems to have initiated a profound crisis of identity. On the one hand, commentators have outlined the difficulties of defining this small, multifarious, expansionist region that is, after all, merely an appendage to the vast continental landmass of Eurasia.
    [Show full text]
  • Gunboat Diplomacy: Political Bias, Trade Policy, And
    Gunboat Diplomacy Political Bias, Trade Policy, and War∗ Brendan Cooley† 13 November 2019 Abstract Countries with deep trading relationships rarely ght wars with one another. Here, I develop a theory of trade, war, and political bias, in which both trade and war are endogenous objects. Governments can rectify poor market access conditions abroad through war and subsequent regime change, in which the victorious country installs a liberal “puppet” government abroad. Trade policy bargaining is therefore conducted “in the shadow of power,” with counterfactual wars shaping the policy choices that prevail in times of peace. When peace prevails, militarily weak countries are more open to trade than powerful ones, all else equal. Equilibrium trade policies balance domestic interests against military threats from abroad. War is less likely between liberal governments because they prefer less protectionist trade policies. As a result, trade ows and the probability of peace are positively correlated in equilibrium, even though trade does not cause peace. JEL Classication Codes: D72, D74, F13, F51, F52, F54 ∗Ph.D. candidate, Department of Politics, Princeton University. Previous versions of this paper were circulated under the titles “Trade Wars, Hot Wars, and the Commercial Peace” and “Trade Policy in the Shadow of Power.” For helpful comments and discussions on earlier drafts of this paper, I thank Timm Betz, Adrien Bilal, Tyson Chatagnier, Rob Carroll, Andrew Coe, Noel Foster, Erik Gartzke, Kishore Gawande, Dan Gibbs, Joanne Gowa, Gene Grossman,
    [Show full text]
  • Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire
    Journal of International Eastern European Studies/Uluslararası Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol./Yıl. 2, No/Sayı. 2, Winter/Kış 2020) ISSN: 2687-3346 Araştırma Makalesi Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire: With Particular Reference to the Salonika Incident (1876) and Armenian Reform Demands (1879-80) Fikrettin Yavuz* (ORCID ID: 0000-0002-3161-457X) Makale Gönderim Tarihi Makale Kabul Tarihi 01.12.2020 08.12.2020 Abstract Throughout history, gunboat, a small vessel of a naval force, has been turned into a term of coercive diplomacy. Gunboat diplomacy, associated with chiefly the activities of the Great Powers, means the use of naval power directly or indirectly as an aggressive diplomatic instrument. It seems highly probable to see many examples of this coercive diplomacy in the world history, particularly after the French Revolution. Naturally, the Ottoman Empire, always attracted attention of the Great Powers, was exposed to this policy of the Powers. During the nineteen century, the rivalry among the European Powers on the Ottoman territorial integrity became a common characteristic that led them to implement gunboat diplomacy on all occasions. In this context, this article firstly offers a critical analysis of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire within the dimension of two specific examples: The Salonika Incident and Armenian reform demands. In addition, it aims to contribute to the understanding of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers and Ottoman response by evaluating it from native and foreign literatures. Keywords: European Powers, Ottomans, Gunboat Diplomacy, Salonika, Armenian, Reform * Assoc. Prof. Dr., Sakarya University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Department of History, Turkey, [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Trade and Commerce at Sepphoris, Israel
    Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU Honors Projects Sociology and Anthropology 1998 Trade and Commerce at Sepphoris, Israel Sarah VanSickle '98 Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/socanth_honproj Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation VanSickle '98, Sarah, "Trade and Commerce at Sepphoris, Israel" (1998). Honors Projects. 19. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/socanth_honproj/19 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by Faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Trade and Commerce At Sepphoris, Israel Sarah VanSickle 1998 Honors Research Dr. Dennis E. Groh, Advisor I Introduction Trade patterns in the Near East are the subject of conflicting interpretations. Researchers debate whether Galilean cities utilized trade routes along the Sea of Galilee and the Mediterranean or were self-sufficient, with little access to trade. An analysis of material culture found at specific sites can most efficiently determine the extent of trade in the region. If commerce is extensive, a significant assemblage of foreign goods will be found; an overwhelming majority of provincial artifacts will suggest minimal trade.
    [Show full text]
  • Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881
    China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 The East India Company’s steamship Nemesis and other British ships engaging Chinese junks in the Second Battle of Chuenpi, 7 January 1841, during the first opium war. (British Library) ABOUT THE ARCHIVE China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 is digitised from the FO 17 series of British Foreign Office Files—Foreign Office: Political and Other Departments: General Correspondence before 1906, China— held at the National Archives, UK, providing a vast and significant primary source for researching every aspect of Chinese-British relations during the nineteenth century, ranging from diplomacy to trade, economics, politics, warfare, emigration, translation and law. This first part includes all content from FO 17 volumes 1–872. Source Library Number of Images The National Archives, UK Approximately 532,000 CONTENT From Lord Amherst’s mission at the start of the nineteenth century, through the trading monopoly of the Canton System, and the Opium Wars of 1839–1842 and 1856–1860, Britain and other foreign powers gradually gained commercial, legal, and territorial rights in China. Imperial China and the West provides correspondence from the Factories of Canton (modern Guangzhou) and from the missionaries and diplomats who entered China in the early nineteenth century, as well as from the envoys and missions sent to China from Britain and the later legation and consulates. The documents comprising this collection include communications to and from the British legation, first at Hong Kong and later at Peking, and British consuls at Shanghai, Amoy (Xiamen), Swatow (Shantou), Hankow (Hankou), Newchwang (Yingkou), Chefoo (Yantai), Formosa (Taiwan), and more.
    [Show full text]
  • Canadian Infantry Combat Training During the Second World War
    SHARPENING THE SABRE: CANADIAN INFANTRY COMBAT TRAINING DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR By R. DANIEL PELLERIN BBA (Honours), Wilfrid Laurier University, 2007 BA (Honours), Wilfrid Laurier University, 2008 MA, University of Waterloo, 2009 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in History University of Ottawa Ottawa, Ontario, Canada © Raymond Daniel Ryan Pellerin, Ottawa, Canada, 2016 ii ABSTRACT “Sharpening the Sabre: Canadian Infantry Combat Training during the Second World War” Author: R. Daniel Pellerin Supervisor: Serge Marc Durflinger 2016 During the Second World War, training was the Canadian Army’s longest sustained activity. Aside from isolated engagements at Hong Kong and Dieppe, the Canadians did not fight in a protracted campaign until the invasion of Sicily in July 1943. The years that Canadian infantry units spent training in the United Kingdom were formative in the history of the Canadian Army. Despite what much of the historical literature has suggested, training succeeded in making the Canadian infantry capable of succeeding in battle against German forces. Canadian infantry training showed a definite progression towards professionalism and away from a pervasive prewar mentality that the infantry was a largely unskilled arm and that training infantrymen did not require special expertise. From 1939 to 1941, Canadian infantry training suffered from problems ranging from equipment shortages to poor senior leadership. In late 1941, the Canadians were introduced to a new method of training called “battle drill,” which broke tactical manoeuvres into simple movements, encouraged initiative among junior leaders, and greatly boosted the men’s morale.
    [Show full text]
  • A Historiography of C Force
    Canadian Military History Volume 24 Issue 2 Article 10 2015 A Historiography of C Force Tony Banham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/cmh Part of the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tony Banham "A Historiography of C Force." Canadian Military History 24, 2 (2015) This Feature is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Canadian Military History by an authorized editor of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. : A Historiography of C Force FEATURE A Historiography of C Force TONY BANHAM Abstract: Following the Japanese invasion of Hong Kong in 1941, a small number of books covering the then Colony’s war experiences were published. Although swamped by larger and more significant battles, the volume of work has expanded in the years since and is no longer insignificant. This historiography documents that body of literature, examining trends and possible future directions for further study with particular respect to the coverage of C Force. h e f a t e o f the 1,975 men and two women of C Force, sent T to Hong Kong just before the Japanese invaded, has generated a surprising volume of literature. It was fate too that a Canadian, Major General Arthur Edward Grasett, was the outgoing commander of British troops in China— including the Hong Kong garrison— in mid-1941 (being replaced that August by Major General Christopher M altby of the Indian army), and fate that his determination that the garrison be reinforced would see a Briton, Brigadier John Kelburne Lawson, arrive from Canada in November 1941 as commander of this small force sent to bolster the colony’s defences.
    [Show full text]
  • International Relations in a Changing World: a New Diplomacy? Edward Finn
    INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN A CHANGING WORLD: A NEW DIPLOMACY? EDWARD FINN Edward Finn is studying Comparative Literature in Latin and French at Princeton University. INTRODUCTION The revolutionary power of technology to change reality forces us to re-examine our understanding of the international political system. On a fundamental level, we must begin with the classic international relations debate between realism and liberalism, well summarised by Stephen Walt.1 The third paradigm of constructivism provides the key for combining aspects of both liberalism and realism into a cohesive prediction for the political future. The erosion of sovereignty goes hand in hand with the burgeoning Information Age’s seemingly unstoppable mechanism for breaking down physical boundaries and the conceptual systems grounded upon them. Classical realism fails because of its fundamental assumption of the traditional sovereignty of the actors in its system. Liberalism cannot adequately quantify the nebulous connection between prosperity and freedom, which it assumes as an inherent truth, in a world with lucrative autocracies like Singapore and China. Instead, we have to accept the transformative power of ideas or, more directly, the technological, social, economic and political changes they bring about. From an American perspective, it is crucial to examine these changes, not only to understand their relevance as they transform the US, but also their effects in our evolving global relationships.Every development in international relations can be linked to some event that happened in the past, but never before has so much changed so quickly at such an expansive global level. In the first section of this article, I will examine the nature of recent technological changes in diplomacy and the larger derivative effects in society, which relate to the future of international politics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Canadian Militia in the Interwar Years, 1919-39
    THE POLICY OF NEGLECT: THE CANADIAN MILITIA IN THE INTERWAR YEARS, 1919-39 ___________________________________________________________ A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board ___________________________________________________________ in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY __________________________________________________________ by Britton Wade MacDonald January, 2009 iii © Copyright 2008 by Britton W. MacDonald iv ABSTRACT The Policy of Neglect: The Canadian Militia in the Interwar Years, 1919-1939 Britton W. MacDonald Doctor of Philosophy Temple University, 2008 Dr. Gregory J. W. Urwin The Canadian Militia, since its beginning, has been underfunded and under-supported by the government, no matter which political party was in power. This trend continued throughout the interwar years of 1919 to 1939. During these years, the Militia’s members had to improvise a great deal of the time in their efforts to attain military effectiveness. This included much of their training, which they often funded with their own pay. They created their own training apparatuses, such as mock tanks, so that their preparations had a hint of realism. Officers designed interesting and unique exercises to challenge their personnel. All these actions helped create esprit de corps in the Militia, particularly the half composed of citizen soldiers, the Non- Permanent Active Militia. The regulars, the Permanent Active Militia (or Permanent Force), also relied on their own efforts to improve themselves as soldiers. They found intellectual nourishment in an excellent service journal, the Canadian Defence Quarterly, and British schools. The Militia learned to endure in these years because of all the trials its members faced. The interwar years are important for their impact on how the Canadian Army (as it was known after 1940) would fight the Second World War.
    [Show full text]
  • Marten Stol WOMEN in the ANCIENT NEAR EAST
    Marten Stol WOMEN IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST Marten Stol Women in the Ancient Near East Marten Stol Women in the Ancient Near East Translated by Helen and Mervyn Richardson ISBN 978-1-61451-323-0 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-61451-263-9 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0021-3 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 3.0 License. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/3.0/ Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. Original edition: Vrouwen van Babylon. Prinsessen, priesteressen, prostituees in de bakermat van de cultuur. Uitgeverij Kok, Utrecht (2012). Translated by Helen and Mervyn Richardson © 2016 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin Cover Image: Marten Stol Typesetting: Dörlemann Satz GmbH & Co. KG, Lemförde Printing and binding: cpi books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Table of Contents Introduction 1 Map 5 1 Her outward appearance 7 1.1 Phases of life 7 1.2 The girl 10 1.3 The virgin 13 1.4 Women’s clothing 17 1.5 Cosmetics and beauty 47 1.6 The language of women 56 1.7 Women’s names 58 2 Marriage 60 2.1 Preparations 62 2.2 Age for marrying 66 2.3 Regulations 67 2.4 The betrothal 72 2.5 The wedding 93 2.6
    [Show full text]
  • Hearing on China's Military Reforms and Modernization: Implications for the United States Hearing Before the U.S.-China Economic
    HEARING ON CHINA'S MILITARY REFORMS AND MODERNIZATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES HEARING BEFORE THE U.S.-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 2018 Printed for use of the United States-China Economic and Security Review Commission Available via the World Wide Web: www.uscc.gov UNITED STATES-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION WASHINGTON: 2018 U.S.-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION ROBIN CLEVELAND, CHAIRMAN CAROLYN BARTHOLOMEW, VICE CHAIRMAN Commissioners: HON. CARTE P. GOODWIN HON. JAMES TALENT DR. GLENN HUBBARD DR. KATHERINE C. TOBIN HON. DENNIS C. SHEA MICHAEL R. WESSEL HON. JONATHAN N. STIVERS DR. LARRY M. WORTZEL The Commission was created on October 30, 2000 by the Floyd D. Spence National Defense Authorization Act for 2001 § 1238, Public Law No. 106-398, 114 STAT. 1654A-334 (2000) (codified at 22 U.S.C. § 7002 (2001), as amended by the Treasury and General Government Appropriations Act for 2002 § 645 (regarding employment status of staff) & § 648 (regarding changing annual report due date from March to June), Public Law No. 107-67, 115 STAT. 514 (Nov. 12, 2001); as amended by Division P of the “Consolidated Appropriations Resolution, 2003,” Pub L. No. 108-7 (Feb. 20, 2003) (regarding Commission name change, terms of Commissioners, and responsibilities of the Commission); as amended by Public Law No. 109- 108 (H.R. 2862) (Nov. 22, 2005) (regarding responsibilities of Commission and applicability of FACA); as amended by Division J of the “Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2008,” Public Law Nol. 110-161 (December 26, 2007) (regarding responsibilities of the Commission, and changing the Annual Report due date from June to December); as amended by the Carl Levin and Howard P.
    [Show full text]