Les Boulevards De 1840-1870 (4E Éd.) / Par Gustave Claudin
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Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Aloysius Huber and May 15, 1848 New Insights Into an Old Mystery
LOWELL L. BLAISDELL ALOYSIUS HUBER AND MAY 15, 1848 NEW INSIGHTS INTO AN OLD MYSTERY I One of the memorable days in the French revolution of 1848 occurred on May 15. Several extraordinary events happened on that date. The first was the overrunning of the legislative chamber by an unruly crowd. Next, and most important, a person named Aloysius Huber, after several hours had elapsed, unilaterally declared the National Assembly dissolved. In the resultant confusion, the legislators and the crowd dispersed. Third, shortly afterwards, an attempt took place at the City Hall to set up a new revo- lutionary government. It failed completely. As the result of these happen- ings, a number of people thought to be, or actually, implicated in them were imprisoned on charges of sedition. Damaging consequences followed. Even before that day, a conservative pattern had started to emerge, as revealed by the late-April national election returns and the squelching of working-class unrest at Limoges and Rouen. Paris' day of turmoil sharply escalated the trend. Even though no lives were lost, the dissolution of the legislature and the attempt, no matter how feeble, to launch a new regime, amounted to a violation of the national sovereignty. This greatly offended many in the legislature and among the general public. The anti-working-class current that had started to emerge, but which it might have been possible to absorb, quickly expanded into an ultra-conservative torrent. Very soon after May 15 the authorities began the systematic harassment of the clubs. Only a month later the National Workshops were shut down. -
Chapter 6: Bonaparte, the Press, and "Passive" Propaganda the Nature
The Genesis of Napoleonic Propaganda: Chapter 5 4/25/03 10:57 AM Chapter 6: Bonaparte, the Press, and "Passive" Propaganda The Nature of "Passive" Propaganda 1 That Napoleon Bonaparte actively fostered the creation of his public image can hardly be doubted. From the manipulation of the French press through his carefully crafted dispatches, to the founding of newspapers that promoted his public image, to the innovative use of medals and medallions, he thoroughly mastered virtually every public medium of his day. Although other figures in history had manipulated these various media-Louis XIV, for example, employed painters, medal-makers, and journalists to promote his regal glory 1-Bonaparte was the first private citizen in modern history to realize the limitless possibilities open to a master propagandist. One question remains: How can we judge the effectiveness of his image-making campaign? Most historians agree that this self-promotion was a resounding success, but there is no direct method by which to measure its impact on the French populace. One way to attempt to evaluate the impact of Napoleon's efforts, however, is through what I will call "passive" propaganda, or secondary sources of media exposure initiated by others who sought to "cash in" on Napoleon's growing popularity. In the realm of "passive propaganda," Bonaparte's own efforts created a public demand for news about his achievements, which the French press, street-hawkers, engravers, and artists hurried to satisfy. This passive propaganda, unsought but not unwelcome, complemented and amplified Bonaparte's earlier image-making efforts. During the first few months of Bonaparte's command in Italy, the French press paid scant attention to the Italian campaign. -
49 Exposition Napoléon N'est Plus
#49 8 2 7 14 Dossier Actualités Saison musicale Coulisses Exposition Parcours Deux Des mystères Napoléon contemporain compositeurs révélés ? n’est plus Napoléon ? en résidence Le Musée enquête… jan. -- juin 2021 Encore ! 2 ACTUALITÉS Couverture : De Rossi d’après Horace Vernet (1789-1863). Napoléon sortant de son tombeau, 1869. Micromosaïque d’émaux © Paris, musée de l’Armée, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais / Émilie Cambier Kapwani Kiwanga, Nations, Snake Gully, 1802 [Nations, La Ravine à couleuvres, 1802], 2018, coll. part. © Adagp, Paris, 2020 / Photo Aurélien Mole Courtesy Galerie Poggi, Paris Napoléon ? Encore ! Un parcours contemporain En écho aux commémorations du bicentenaire de la mort de l’Empereur, le Musée propose, pour la première fois de son histoire, un parcours d’art contemporain aux Invalides. La présentation de commandes originales ou d’œuvres Emmanuel de Las Cases, 8 janvier 1816) et dont on a pu existantes confiées à des artistes, soit de renom, soit émergents, dire qu’il avait construit une « épopée faite pour l’image et français et étrangers, évoquera la figure de Napoléon, par l’image. » (Jean Tulard, préface, in cat. expo. Napoléon, ainsi que l’empreinte de son action sur le monde actuel. images de légende, Épinal, Musée de l’image, p. 13). Des œuvres d’art du XXIe siècle, réalisées par des artistes Pendant deux siècles, la figure de Napoléon a dominé l’histoire issus de contextes et de pays très différents, seront ainsi européenne, mais aussi la perception générale que les peuples montrées dans les salles napoléoniennes du musée de l’Armée, pouvaient se faire de cette dernière, non seulement en France comme des intrus ou des partenaires parmi les objets et les mais aussi dans le reste du monde. -
Protectionism As Internationalist Liberalism Birth and Spread, 1789-1914
Protectionism as Internationalist Liberalism Birth and Spread, 1789-1914 David Todd Protectionism does not date from the 1930s; in fact it was invented in the nineteenth century by German, French and American theorists wary of British commercial power. The historian David Todd thinks that this genealogy – which is often ignored – reduces the taint of nationalism that can cling to the idea of protectionism. Since the acceleration of the economic and financial crisis in September 2008, a fear has been haunting the western political and media classes: the return of “protectionism.” From G7 summit to G20 summit, they reiterate that raising trade barriers turned the Crash of 1929 into a depression, and that to respond effectively to the crisis, we must first of all resist the “nationalist demon” of protectionism, which inevitably leads to the collapse of international trade and eventually to war. Argument by analogy has been a wonderful source of inspiration in the history of science, including in the human science of economics. It has been used by Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes as well as Isaac Newton and Albert Einstein. In less skilful hands, analogy – especially historical analogy from a single example – is more often than not a facile shortcut inspired by laziness or intellectual dishonesty. A striking instance of this is the current hue and cry against the protectionist temptation, which draws on the 1929 example. The use of protectionism in the 1930s – promoted by Keynes himself,1 among others – was not the main cause of the Great Depression, which was triggered by financial speculation and made dramatic by the deflationary policies of Heinrich Brüning in Germany and Pierre Laval in France. -
Le Romantisme Dans La Littérature Française
Le romantisme dans la littérature française Voir: http://www.etudes-litteraires.com/romantisme.php http://www.site-magister.com/romantis.htm http://romantis.free.fr/index.html http://www.clioetcalliope.com/cont/romantisme/romantisme.htm#reven - le mouvement littéraire du romantisme apparaît comme la réaction contre le rationnalisme et le classicisme du 17 e et du 18 e s. - c´est une nouvelle esthétique littéraire, elle arrive sur la scène surtout au 19 e s. - le 19 e s. est plein de révolutions (conséquences de la Révolution fr. du 1789, guerres de Napoléon, rév. de 1830, de 1848, guerre prussienne 1870-71) - au 19 e s., on voit le grand développement de l´instruction scolaire – le livre devient plus accessible à un public plus large - le romantisme commence à apparaître déjà dans l´oeuvre de Rousseau (ou dans le sensualisme du 18 e s.) – on parle du 1er romantisme ou dans une autre terminologie (plutot tchèque) du préromantisme ou bien des représentants entre 1800 et 1820 comme des précurseurs du romantisme - c´est un phénomène culturel et spirituel, il commence en Allemagne comme la réaction contre l´expansion européenne de l´art classique français - c´est le 1 er courant littéraire de l´époque moderne, il se développe aussi dans la peinture - on demande la liberté de l´art (après la liberté de la parole obtenue pendant la Révolution) qui libère l´artiste des normes classiques et souligne le génie de l´individu - les traits typiques en comparaison avec le classicisme: o classicisme X romantisme o les règles le hasard et la liberté de l´imagination créatrice o le général l´unique o la composition logique la spontanéïté et l´originalité o la raison les sentiments o l´objectivité la subjectivité, l´individualisme o les héros « noirs ou blancs » les héros subjectifs, déchirés, déçus o l´épique le lyrique (la nature), les éléments fantastiques et oniriques - l´atmosphère sortant des oeuvres romantiques est pleine d´incertitude , d´inquiétude , de soif absolue , de rêve , d´angoisse et d´autres émotions (il existe beaucoup d´oeuvres à la 1 ère personne du sg. -
Bourbon Restoration 1 Bourbon Restoration
Bourbon Restoration 1 Bourbon Restoration Royaume de France Kingdom of France 1814–1815 ← 1815–1830 → Flag Royal Coat of arms Anthem Le Retour des Princes Français à Paris "The return of the French Princes in Paris" The Kingdom of France in 1815. Capital Not specified Language(s) French [1] Religion Roman Catholicism Government Constitutional Monarchy King - 1814–1824 Louis XVIII - 1824–1830 Charles X President of the Council - 1815 Charles de Talleyrand-Périgord (first) - 1829–1830 Jules de Polignac (last) Bourbon Restoration 2 Legislature Parliament - Upper house Chamber of Peers - Lower house Chamber of Deputies History - Louis XVIII restored 6 April 1814 - Hundred Days 1815 - Second Restoration 1815 - France invades Spain 1823 - July Revolution July 1830 - Louis-Philippe I declared the King of the French 9 August 1830 Currency French Franc The Bourbon Restoration is the name given to the period following the successive events of the French Revolution (1789–1799), the end of the First French Republic (1792–1804), and then the forcible end of the First French Empire under Napoleon (1804-1814/1815) — when a coalition of European powers restored by arms the monarchy to the heirs of the House of Bourbon who once again became possessors of the Kingdom of France. The Bourbon restoration existed from (about) April 6th, 1814 until the popular uprisings of the July Revolution of 1830, excepting the interval of the "Hundred Days"[2] less than a full year into the restoration when the Bourbon monarchy again had made themselves so unpopular with the general population of France that the family had to once more flee Paris and France to Ghent ahead of exploding civil disorders and collapsing civil authority. -
Political Conspiracy in Napoleonic France Kelly Diane Jernigan Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2015 Political Conspiracy in Napoleonic France Kelly Diane Jernigan Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Jernigan, Kelly Diane, "Political Conspiracy in Napoleonic France" (2015). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1198. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1198 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. POLITICAL CONSPIRACY IN NAPOLEONIC FRANCE A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Kelly D. Jernigan B.A., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2002 M.A., Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, 2007 May 2015 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The research and writing that went into this dissertation may have been my own personal projects, but throughout the process, I recognized that I had a whole team of people working alongside me. Without them, I never would have pushed myself so hard and I probably would not have finished my degree. I will be eternally grateful for their support. To start, I want to recognize the contributions of my two-year-old daughter Mileena. I will always remember you sitting with me so you could “help Mommy work.” When you took over my laptop, you never deleted any chapters, for which I am grateful. -
Uniting 'Good' Citizens in Thermidorian France
Chapter 5 Uniting ‘good’ Citizens in Thermidorian France On September 20, 1794, a little less than two months after the fall of Robespierre on 9 Thermidor Year ii (July 27, 1794), representative Jean-Baptiste Robert Lin- det presented to the National Convention on behalf of the committees of Pub- lic Safety and General Security a report ‘On the internal situation of the Republic’.1 It was a strained report. How else could it be? Having gone through the experience of what has come to be known as the Jacobin Terror of 1793– 1794, France was still gasping for breath and was only beginning to ‘recollect the events the memory of which ought never to be effaced’, as the report put it. These events, Lindet purported, ‘will be a useful lesson for us and for posterity’. For ‘[t]he representatives of the people ought not only to pass on to posterity their actions, their glory and their success; they ought to pass on to them the knowledge of dangers, misfortunes, and errors’.2 What were these dangers, misfortunes, and errors? And could the Terror represent all these things at once? For weeks the streets had been flooded with anti-Jacobin pamphlets, as the freedom of press was re-established. Gradually, more and more atrocities came to light; Jacobins were denounced everywhere; Robespierre was portrayed as a ‘tyrant’ and bloodthirsty monster; militias of vengeful anti-Jacobin groups of young men scoured the streets of Paris, while thousands of often equally vengeful prisoners were released within less than a month. The downfall of Robespierre set in motion a process of public exor- cism that could hardly be kept under control by the National Convention that eagerly tried to re-establish its status as the supreme political authority above that of the committees and the Jacobin Club.3 It was an extremely vexed and complex process. -
An Early Concept of the Modern Police State in Nineteenth Century France Howard C
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 43 | Issue 3 Article 18 1952 An Early Concept of the Modern Police State in Nineteenth Century France Howard C. Payne Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Howard C. Payne, An Early Concept of the Modern Police State in Nineteenth Century France, 43 J. Crim. L. Criminology & Police Sci. 377 (1952-1953) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. POLICE SCIENCE AN EARLY CONCEPT OF THE MODERN POLICE STATE IN NINETEENTH CENTURY FRANCE1 Howard C. Payne Howard C. Payne, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of History, the State College of Washington, Pullman. French history of the Second Empire and the Third Republic constitutes his chief fields of interest, and he is engaged at present in preparing a book length study on the police of the Second Empire. Professor Payne is Acting Editor of the Research Studies of the State College of Washington.-EDITOR. From the ruins of Napoleonic rule in 1815, nineteenth century France retained, in only partly modified form, a highly-centralized administra- tive machine, with its pyramided hierarchy of officials. As developed by Napoleon for dictatorial control over the French Empire, the admin- istration was interwoven with a national police structure for purposes of political surveillance and repression. -
The Official Word: Justifying Sensitive Napoleonic Policies, 1804-1815 Richard J
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2015 The Official Word: Justifying Sensitive Napoleonic Policies, 1804-1815 Richard J. Siegler Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES THE OFFICIAL WORD: JUSTIFYING SENSITIVE NAPOLEONIC POLICIES, 1804-1815 BY RICHARD J SIEGLER A Thesis submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2015 Richard Siegler defended this thesis on April 13, 2015. The members of the supervisory committee were: Rafe Blaufarb Professor Directing Thesis G. Kurt Piehler Committee Member Jonathan Grant Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Rafe Blaufarb for his invaluable advice and support throughout the completion of this thesis. Equal thanks are due to G. Kurt Piehler and Jonathan Grant for providing me with critique and bringing vastly different perspectives that have improved my thesis tremendously. All three of these professors have constantly challenged me to develop and hone my skills as a young historian both inside and outside the classroom. I am also immensely grateful to the Institute on Napoleon and the French Revolution and Department of History for providing me with funding and assistance during my time at Florida State University. Much of the research for this thesis has come out of the stellar Special Collections housed at Florida State’s Strozier Library. -
United in Division: the Polarized Nation in Restoration France
United in Division: The Polarized French Nation, 1814-1830 Maximilian Paul Owre A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Dr. Lloyd Kramer Dr. Jay M. Smith Dr. Donald Reid Dr. Karen Hagemann Dr. Steven Vincent @2008 Maximilian Paul Owre ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii Abstract Maximilian Paul Owre: United in Division: The Polarized French Nation, 1814-1830 (Under the direction of Dr. Lloyd Kramer) This dissertation analyzes the political culture of the Bourbon Restoration (1814-1830), the first stable post-revolutionary, post-Napoleonic regime in France. It uses recent theoretical developments in cognitive linguistics and frame analysis to examine the impact of a polarized political conflict between liberals and ultraroyalists, the era’s two main factions, on French society. Drawing on published and archival sources such as formal political treatises, pamphlets, poems, popular songs, and state administrative and police records, this dissertation shows how polarized frames for understanding and participating in political life made the division between Left and Right a pervasive social metaphor. Each chapter outlines the frameworks that liberals and ultras used to understand the nation and conduct politics in a polarized public sphere. These ideas spread to diverse locations in France and among varied social classes, triggering further polarization in society. Specific case studies focus on events such as the expulsions of the Abbé Grégoire (1819) and Jacques-Antoine Manuel (1823) from the Chamber of Deputies and the 1823 military intervention in Spain to illustrate the political struggles that grew out of two mutually exclusive conceptions of the French nation.