DOCSLIB.ORG

Towards Europe?!

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Towards Europe?! Band 23 / 2014 Band 23 / 2014 The creation of the Russian Customs Union and the Eurasian Union has created new power paradigms between Russia and her neighbours. Given Russia’s new political self-confidence, questions arise on the nature and purpose of these unions as non-military tools of persuasion. Which implications for Towards Europe?! Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan might an expanding Eurasi- an Union have versus the – currently stalling – enlargement of the EU? Does joining the Eurasian Union automatically Straddling Fault Lines and Choosing Sides mean re-attachment to Russia (or Armenia, as the case may in the South Caucasus be) for breakaway regions? Is the South Caucasus at a new fault line separating two civilizations, is it merely located in a difficult geopolitical area and can these fault lines be erased to enhance reaching a minimal level of stability? Towards Europe?! Towards Lines and Choosing Sides in the South Caucasus Straddling Fault ISBN: 978-3-902944-51-1 Ernst M. Felberbauer and Frederic Labarre (Eds.) 23/14 10th Workshop of the PfP Consortium Study Group Regional Stability in the South Caucasus (Eds.) Labarre Felberbauer, Study Group Information Study Group Information Ernst M. Felberbauer, Frederic Labarre (Eds.) Towards Europe?! Straddling Fault Lines and Choosing Sides in the South Caucasus 10th Workshop of the PfP Consortium Study Group Regional Stability in the South Caucasus 23/2014 Vienna, December 2014 Imprint: Copyright, Production, Publisher: Republic of Austria / Federal Ministry of Defence and Sports Rossauer Lände 1 1090 Vienna, Austria Edited by: National Defence Academy Command Stiftgasse 2a 1070 Vienna, Austria in co-operation with: PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany Study Group Information Copyright: © Republic of Austria / Federal Ministry of Defence and Sports All rights reserved December 2014 ISBN 978-3-902944-51-1 Printing: HDruckZ-ASt Stift 1506/15 Stiftgasse 2a 1070 Wien Table of Contents Foreword 7 Ernst M Felberbauer and Frederic Labarre Abstract 13 PART I: THE EUROASIAN UNION AND CUSTOMS UNION IN QUESTION 15 Geopolitical Development Aspects of the Customs Union and the Eurasian Economic Union: Relationship with the European Union 17 Ivan Babin The Eurasian Union and the Challenges of Russia’s Search for Regional Hegemony in the Post-Soviet Space 25 Oktay F. Tanrisever The Civilizational Choice of the Ukrainian People and its Regional Impact 37 Oleksandr Sadovskiy PART II: RECONCILING THE EU WITH THE EURASIAN UNION 49 Reconciling the EU with the Eurasian Union: A Pragmatic Approach 51 Gayane Novikova Russia, the EU and the South Caucasus: Towards a More Efficient Over-arching Cooperative Regional Security Framework 61 Elkhan Nuriyev 3 PART III: GEORGIA, ARMENIA AND AZERBAIJAN AT THE FAULT LINE: WHAT CHOICES FOR WHAT CONSEQUENCES? 77 Heading in Any Direction or Just Holding the Ground: Analysing the Case of Azerbaijan from the Perspective of EU and Eurasian Integration 79 Elchin Karimov Armenia Confronted with a Choice Between two Integration Projects 89 Emma Margaryan The Russian-Abkhazian Agreement on Strategic Partnership and Alliance – A New Geopolitical Threat to Georgia 105 Vakhtang Maisaia PART IV: THE IMPACT ON THE BREAKAWAY REGIONS 109 Armenia-Azerbaijan and the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict 111 Orkhan Akbarov Self-Determination, Independence and Recognition: Real and Imagined Choices in the South Caucasus 117 Jonathan Lis Abkhazia and the Changing International Context 129 Astanda Pataraya Why does Putin Need an Eurasian Economic Union? 135 Inver Alshundba Epilogue 143 Frederic Labarre 4 PART V: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS 147 Policy Recommendations 149 List of Authors and Editors 161 5 Foreword Ernst M Felberbauer and Frederic Labarre The 10th workshop of the Study Group “Regional Stability in the South Caucasus” was convened from 6-8 November 2014 in Reichenau, Austria, against the background of the worsening conflict in Ukraine. It seemed fitting to speak of the role of the two major political-economic integration projects in Europe – the European Union and the Eurasian Union – as of competing models of regional integration as forcing a choice upon “un- committed” countries in the South Caucasus. The workshop title “Towards Europe?! Straddling Fault Lines and Choosing Sides in the South Caucasus” is evoc- ative of the integration dilemma for Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. This is also true of breakaway regions of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno- Karabakh. The timeliness of the topic is not only due to the increasing tensions be- tween Russia and the Western powers. Recently, scholars have begun to treat the South Caucasus as a “settlement fringe”, a borderland between massive competing blocks which are intent on pressing certain socio- economic values upon the countries that are caught in between. This has been, to a certain extent, validated by two key events. One is the foreign policy concept of the Russian Federation which perceives the order of in- ternational relations at the beginning of the 21st century as a civilizational contest. The foreign relations concept of Russia does not clearly describe or denote what are the components of each “civilization” which may be taken to be the Euro-Atlantic (Western) civilization and the Slavic (East- ern) civilization. Another feature that makes this dichotomy all the more evident is the insistence by the European Union that participation in inte- gration initiatives such as the Association Agreements are exclusive to the European Union, meaning that a country such as Georgia, for example, could not also participate to the Russian Customs Union or eventual Eura- sian Union. The workshop addressed the issue of exclusivity as one that deepens the cleavage between the two trading blocs at a moment when the rationale for 7 trading and engaging in commerce – the production and increase of wealth as driven by free-market principles – are actually common to both blocs. It would therefore seem inaccurate to speak of two different blocs, or ideolo- gies, or even civilizations. Because of this, many believe that the Russian initiative is in fact a mask to hide the true meaning of the Eurasian Union; that of a re-created Soviet Union. Opinions on this subject are divided, as the reader can tell from the 10th workshop contributions. Some of the key issues discussed were: What is the nature of the Russian Customs Union, and the Eurasian Union? To what extent is the Eurasian Union an attempt by Russia to develop non-military tools of persuasion? What are the implications of an expanding Eurasian Union for Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan? Does joining the Eurasian Union automatically mean re-attachment to Russia (or Armenia, as the case may be) for breaka- way regions? Is the South Caucasus really at a fault line separating two civi- lizations, or is it merely located in a difficult geopolitical area? What impact has the Eurasian Union on regional stability in the South Caucasus? Can fault lines be erased to enhance the South Caucasus chances of reaching a minimal level of stability? To what extent does the Eurasian Union reflect the Eurasianist tendencies of the Kremlin? How can a commerce and trad- ing project so closely correspond to an integrative political project? Why aren’t the EU and the Eurasian Union incompatible? These are some of the questions that the workshop has addressed. Some of the answers are found in the contributions of this booklet. The most difficult knot to untie is the relationship of the South Caucasus countries relative to Russia and the EU on the one hand, and the prevalent security dilemma in the region on the other. Azerbaijan, which prides itself on being non-aligned, would have certain manifest interests in linking its trading and commerce future with Russia, owing to the potential for eco- nomic diversification that it carries, but the more lucrative market for its oil and gas is in Europe. Because of the tensions it faces with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh, and Russia’s commitment to the security of Armenia, Azerbaijan can move towards Europe only with great difficulty. There is a certain balancing act taking place here. Armenia is certainly among the most Europeanized countries in the South Caucasus, but the security relationship it enjoys with Russia definitely limits 8 the scope and depth of any integration project. As a matter of fact, Arme- nia was seen as keen on joining the Eurasian Union. Contributors to the workshop were again of a divided opinion as to how “free” this acceptance was. There are material benefits to be had with joining in on the Russian project. For one, it facilitates the travel of labour between Russia and Ar- menia. This is an important point for the latter, which depends much on remittances for its operating budget. Second, there is a form of loyalty at play, where the security of Armenia is in fact guaranteed by Russia. Like- mindedness often leads to commonality of integrative goals. Armenia and Russia might “naturally” attract one another in matters not only of security, but commerce as well. Georgia’s case is not any easier. Since 2013, the Georgian government has proven a certain degree of openness in relation to its Russian neighbour. This has allowed the re-opening of the Russian border to Georgian prod- ucts. Without formally joining in on the Russian Customs Union or Eura- sian Union project, Georgia has nevertheless managed to salvage some of its trading relationship with Russia despite its engagement with the EU through the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA), which remains stillborn to a certain extent. As Georgia continues on the path of normative integration with the EU (and to some extent NATO), it has manoeuvred itself in such a position that the EU-Eurasian Union ex- clusivity clause seem not to operate. On the other hand, the fate of its breakaway regions seems to become clearer as time goes by.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Should Ukraine Aim to Join the EU's Customs Union?
    Understanding the EU’s Association Agreements and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia Should Ukraine aim to join the EU’s customs union?1 Michael Emerson and Veronika Movchan 8 September 2017 1 This paper was prepared at the invitation of Rasmussen Global. Michael Emerson is Associate Senior Research Fellow at CEPS, Brussels. Veronika Movchan is Academic Director at the Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting, Kyiv. Available for free downloading at http://www.3dcftas.eu/ Research and policy advice project supported by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). Contents Executive summary .................................................................................................................... 1 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 2 2. The customs union in economic theory and integration models ....................................... 3 3. Current political context for customs unions in the wider European and Eurasian space 5 4. More on economic and political costs and benefits for Ukraine ........................................ 7 5. The other DCFTA cases – Georgia and Moldova ............................................................... 10 6. Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 11 List of Tables Table 1. Different stages of economic integration ...................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Eiropas Savienība Kā Tiesību Subjekts: Problēmas Un Risinājumi
    Renāte Fila EIROPAS SAVIENĪBA KĀ TIESĪBU SUBJEKTS: PROBLĒMAS UN RISINĀJUMI Promocijas darbs tiesību doktora zinātniskā grāda iegūšanai Specialitāte – juridiskās zinātnes Apakšnozare – starptautiskās tiesības Darba zinātniskais vadītājs: Dr. iur., asociētais profesors Jānis Grasis Promocijas darbs izstrādāts ar ESF līdzfinansēta projekta “Atbalsts doktorantiem studiju programmas apguvei un zinātniskā grāda ieguvei Rīgas Stradiņa universitātē”, vienošanās Nr.2009/0147/1DP/ 1.1.2.1.2/09/ IPIA/VIAA/009, atbalstu. Rīga, 2014 ANOTĀCIJA Promocijas darba mērķis ir izpētīt Eiropas Savienībā esošo starptautisko līgumattiecību administratīvi tiesiskos aspektus, kompleksi ar administratīvo tiesību avotu piemērošanas teorētisko un praktisko jautājumu izpēti, apzināt Eiropas Savienības jurisdikcijas apjomu, robežas un ar noteikto jurisdikciju saistītās problēmas un izstrādāt priekšlikumus, kas dotu iespēju precīzi norobežot valsts konstitūtiem piemītošās administratīvās tiesības no administratīvajām tiesībām, kuras starptautiskajās attiecībās pilnvarota īstenot starptautiska organizācija un tās konstitūti. Promocijas darbā ir ievads, piecas pamatdaļas, kuras ir sadalītās vairākās apakšnodaļās, secinājumi un priekšlikumi un izmantotās literatūras saraksts. Teorētisko un praktisko atziņu analīzes rezultāti ir atspoguļoti 8 (astoņos) attēlos. Darba ievadā tiek aplūkota pētāmās tēmas aktualitāte, tiek izskaidrots pētījuma mērķis, uzdevumi, pētījuma objekts un priekšmets, kā arī pētījumā izmantoto zinātnisko metožu pamatojums. Darba pirmo daļu veido administratīvi
    [Show full text]
  • The Eurasian Union
    No. 51–52 17 June 2013 Abkhazia South Ossetia caucasus Adjara analytical digest Nagorno- Karabakh resourcesecurityinstitute.org www.laender-analysen.de www.css.ethz.ch/cad www.crrccenters.org THE SOUTH CAUCASUS BETWEEN THE EU AND THE EURASIAN UNION Special Editor: Iris Kempe ■■ The Eurasian Union and the European Union Redefining their Neighborhood: The Case of the South Caucasus 2 Iris Kempe, Berlin ■■ Is the South Caucasus a Region? 5 Temuri Yakobashvili, Tbilisi ■■ The Eurasian Union: An Experiment in Finding a Place in the New World 8 Fyodor Lukyanov, Moscow ■■ The Eurasian Union: A View from Armenia 11 Richard Giragosian, Yerevan ■■ Considering Accession to the Eurasian Economic Union: For Azerbaijan, Disadvantages Outweigh Advantages 14 Vugar Bayramov, Azerbaijan ■■ Azerbaijan and the Eurasian Union: Costs and Benefits 17 Anar Valiyev, Baku ■■ OPINION POLL Friends and Enemies. How the Population of the Three South Caucasus States Perceives Other Countries 20 ■■ CHRONICLE From 8 May to 24 June 2013 25 Institute for European, Russian, Research Centre Center Caucasus Research German Association for and Eurasian Studies for East European Studies for Security Studies The George Washington Resource Centers East European Studies University of Bremen ETH Zurich University The Caucasus Analytical Digest is supported by: CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 51–52, 17 June 2013 2 The Eurasian Union and the European Union Redefining their Neighborhood: The Case of the South Caucasus Iris Kempe, Berlin Abstract The European Union and the Eurasian Union both are having an impact on the future strategic development of Wider Europe. The three states of the South Caucasus are indicating low interest in joining the Eurasian Union, but at the same time it is not clear if the EU is able to offer a strategic alternative.
    [Show full text]
  • International Students' Scientific Conference
    International Students’ Scientific Conference Prospects for European Integration of the Southern Caucasus Tbilisi, October 25-26, 2014 International Students’ Scientific Conference Prospects for European Integration of the Southern Caucasus Tbilisi, October 25-26, 2014 ISSN – 1987 – 5703 UDC 330/34(479) (063) Tbilisi, 2014 ს-279 D-49 კრებული შედგენილია ”სამხრეთ კავკასიის ევროპულ სივრცეში ინტეგრაციის პერსპექტივები” დევიზით გამართულ მეექვსე სტუდენტთა საერთაშორისო სამეცნიერო კონფერენციაზე წარმოდგენილი საუკეთესო ნაშრომებით. The collection contains the best scientific works of the Internationals Students’ Scientific Conference “ The Pros- pects for European Integration of the Southern Caucasus’’. სარედაქციო საბჭო: პროფ. შალვა მაჭავარიანი (თავმჯდომარე), პროფ. გურამ ლეჟავა, პროფ. თეიმურაზ ხუციშვილი, პროფ. სერგი კაპანაძე, პროფ. ინდრეკ იაკობსონი, პროფ. გიორგი ღაღანიძე, პროფ. ტანელ კერიკმაე, თათია ღერკენაშვილი (მდივანი). Editing Board: Prof. Shalva Machavariani (head), Prof. Guram Lezhava, Prof. Teimuraz Khutsishvili, Prof. Sergi Kapanadze, Prof. Indrek Jakobson, Prof. Giorgi Gaganidze, Prof. Tanel Kerikmae, Tatia Gherkenashvili (secretary) გამომცემელი: კავკასიის უნივერსიტეტი, ფრიდრიხ ებერტის ფონდი, გამომცემლობა ”სი-ჯი-ეს”-თან თანამშრომლობით. Published by Caucasus University, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, by the collaboartion with CSG. პროექტი განხორციელდა ფრიდრიხ ებერტის ფონდისა და ბავშვთა და ახალგაზრდობის განვითარების ფონდის ხელშეწყობით. პუბლიკაციაში წარმოდგენილია ავტორთა პირადი მოსაზრებები. დაუშვებელია ფრიდრიხ ებერტის ფონდის მიერ გამოცემული მასალების
    [Show full text]
  • Eurasian Economic Union (EEU)
    Briefing April 2017 Eurasian Economic Union The rocky road to integration SUMMARY Since the 1991 breakup of the Soviet Union, various attempts have been made to re- integrate the economies of its former republics. However, little progress was made until Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan launched a Customs Union in 2010. In 2015, this was upgraded to a Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Modelled in part on the EU, this bloc aims to create an EU-style Eurasian internal market, with free movement of goods, services, persons and capital. So far, the EEU's performance has been poor. Trade has slumped; this has more to do with Russia's economic downturn than the effects of economic integration, but there are signs that the new bloc is favouring protectionism over openness to global trade, which in the long term could harm competitiveness. Especially following the showdown between the EU and Russia over Ukraine, the EEU is widely seen in the West as a geopolitical instrument to consolidate Russia's post- Soviet sphere of influence. Fear of Russian domination and trade disputes between EEU member states are hindering progress towards the EEU's economic objectives. However, prospects may improve when Russia comes out of recession. The EEU is developing relations with third countries, such as Vietnam, which in 2015 became the first to sign a free-trade agreement with the bloc. For its part, the EU has declined to recognise the EEU as a legitimate partner until Russia meets its commitments under the Minsk agreements to help end the conflict in eastern Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eurasian Customs Union: the Economics and the Politics by Iana Dreyer and Nicu Popescu
    11 2014 Alexei Druzhinin/AP/SIPA Druzhinin/AP/SIPA Alexei The Eurasian Customs Union: The economics and the politics by Iana Dreyer and Nicu Popescu Long ignored by the West, the Eurasian Customs the customs union, Russia at least abides by World Union (consisting of Russia, Belarus and Trade Organisation (WTO) rules and respects its Kazakhstan) has recently been brought into the in- members’ and neighbours’ political sovereignty. ternational limelight. The project – an attempt by the Kremlin to create a rival to the European Union and its Eastern Partnership project – attracted at- The contours of the plan tention when Moscow, with its characteristic blunt- ness, began to pressure Armenia, Georgia, Moldova The Eurasian Union is still work in progress, but its and Ukraine to join the grouping and drop their template – at first glance – looks strikingly similar plans to sign Association Agreements with the EU. to that of the European Union. Within the customs Although Russia has not succeeded in convincing union, most internal trade has been liberalised (bar all these states to join, it managed to do so with certain sectors like sugar, tobacco, alcohol or rice) Armenia in September 2013, and the political tus- and since July 2011, border controls between its sle over the issue with Ukraine played a central role members have largely disappeared. Conversely, in triggering the country’s current crisis. controls were stepped up on the borders with di- rect neighbours in the CIS which opted to stay out The Eurasian Customs Union came into force in of the union. 2010 and is expected to become a fully-fledged ‘Eurasian Union’ in 2015.
    [Show full text]
  • Trilateral Meeting
    TRILATERAL MEETING Dialogue with Members of the U.S. Congress, The Russian Duma and the German Bundestag: Addressing Mutual Foreign Policy Challenges April 30-May 4, 2016 Briesen, Germany TRILATERAL MEETING Dialogue with Members of the U.S. Congress, The Russian Duma and the German Bundestag: Addressing Mutual Foreign Policy Challenges April 30-May 4, 2016 Vol. 31, No. 2 Dan Glickman Vice President, Aspen Institute Executive Director, Congressional Program Washington, DC This project was made possible by grants from the Carnegie Corporation of New York with supplemental support from the Democracy Fund, the Ford Foundation, the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, the Holthues Family Trust, the Henry Luce Foundation, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and the Rockefeller Foundation. Copyright @ 2016 by The Aspen Institute The Aspen Institute One Dupont Circle, NW Washington, DC 20036-1133 Published in the United States of America in 2016 by The Aspen Institute All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 0-89843-648-6 Pub # 16/011 Table of Contents Rapporteur’s Summary ............................................................................................................................... 1 Peter Eitel Ukraine’s Impasse: Beyond a Protracted Frozen Conflict, Searching for a Viable Security Structure ..... 9 Sharyl Cross Helsinki Plus or Helsinki Minus? .............................................................................................................. 17 Alexey
    [Show full text]
  • Avoiding a New 'Cold War': the Future of EU-Russia Relations in the Context Of
    SPECIALREPORT SR020 March 2016 Avoiding a New 'Cold War' The Future of EU-Russia Relations in the Context of the Ukraine Crisis Editor LSE IDEAS is an Institute of Global Affairs Centre Dr Cristian Nitoiu that acts as the School’s foreign policy think tank. Through sustained engagement with policymakers and opinion-formers, IDEAS provides a forum that IDEAS Reports Editor informs policy debate and connects academic research Joseph Barnsley with the practice of diplomacy and strategy. IDEAS hosts interdisciplinary research projects, produces working papers and reports, holds public Creative Director and off-the-record events, and delivers cutting-edge Indira Endaya executive training programmes for government, business and third-sector organisations. Cover image source The ‘Dahrendorf Forum - Debating Europe’ is a joint www.istockphoto.com initiative by the Hertie School of Governance, the London School of Economics and Political Science and Stiftung Mercator. Under the title “Europe and the World” the project cycle 2015-2016 fosters research and open debate on Europe’s relations with five major regions. lse.ac.uk/IDEAS Contents SPECIALREPORT SR020 March 2016 Avoiding A New ‘Cold War’: The Future of EU-Russia Relations in the Context of the Ukraine Crisis EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 Cristian Nitoiu PRefaCE 3 Vladislav Zubok CONTRIBUTORS 6 PART I. EU-RUSSIA RelaTIONS: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE Could it have been Different? 8 The Evolution of the EU-Russia Conflict and its Alternatives Tuomas Forsberg and Hiski Haukkala Russia and the EU: A New Future Requested 15 Fyodor Lukyanov Why the EU-Russia Strategic Partnership Could Not Prevent 20 a Confrontation Over Ukraine Tom Casier Security Policy, Geopolitics and International Order 26 in EU-Russia Relations during the Ukraine Crisis Roy Allison Member States’ Relations with Russia: Solidarity and Spoilers 33 Maxine David PART II.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eurasian Economic Union: a Case of Reproductive Integration?
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Portsmouth University Research Portal (Pure) 1 The Eurasian Economic Union: A case of reproductive integration? Sean P. Roberts School of Social, Historical and Literary Studies, University of Portsmouth, Portsmouth, United Kingdom Address: Milldam, Burnaby Road, Portsmouth, Hants PO1 3AS Email: [email protected] Arkady Moshes The EU's Eastern Neighbourhood and Russia research programme, The Finnish Institute of International Affairs, Helsinki, Finland Address: The Finnish Institute of International Affairs, P.O. Box 400, FI-00161, Helsinki, Finland Email: [email protected] 2 The Eurasian Economic Union: A case of reproductive integration? The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) appeared in January 2015 as the latest and most ambitious attempt at reconnecting the post-Soviet space. Building on the Customs Union between Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan (2010), and successfully extending membership to Armenia and Kyrgyzstan (2015), the EAEU not only connects a market of over 182 million people, but has the stated aim of utilising European Union (EU) experience to achieve deep integration in a fraction of the time. Based on original fieldwork conducted in Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia, this article examines the kind of integration project currently under construction, as well as the EAEU’s ability to make a significant impact in the region. As argued, despite early achievements, the EAEU is very much limited to reproducing sovereignty rather than transforming it, marking a clear disconnect between rhetoric and reality. Moreover, when viewed from the perspective of the three ‘I’s – institutions, identity and international context – even this modest reality faces significant barriers.
    [Show full text]
  • Global and Regional Dimensions
    MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF UKRAINE ODESA MECHNІKOV NATIONAL UNIVERSITY PROSPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT IN EU POLITICS: GLOBAL AND REGIONAL DIMENSIONS MONOGRAPH Editors Olga Brusylovska and Igor Koval ODESA ONU 2019 Brusylovska, Olga, and Koval, Igor (eds.), Prospects of Development in EU Politics: Global and Regional Dimensions (Odesa: Odesa Mechnikov National University Press, 2019. – 188 p.). Odesa Mechnikov National University Press is a department of the Odesa Mechnikov National University. Odesa Mechnikov National University Dvoryanska, 2 65082 Odesa Tel: +38/048/723-52-54 Fax: +38/048/723-35-15 Email: [email protected] http://onu.edu.ua/en/ Published in Ukraine by Odesa Mechnikov National University Press Elisavetynska, 12, Odesa, 65082. Proofread by Lucy Minicozzi-Wheeland All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Odesa Mechnikov National University. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. ISBN 978-617-689-353-0 © Odesa Mechnikov National University DOI: 10.18524/978-617-689-353-0 Press 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 5 (Igor Koval) CHAPTER 1. PECULIARITIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AS INTERNATIONAL ACTOR: CONTEMPORARY SCIENTIFIC DISCOURSE ............................................................................................... 7 (Olga Brusylovska) CHAPTER 2. THE EU’S POLICY OF INTEGRATION IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN REGIONALIZATION ............................... 20 (Sergii Glebov) CHAPTER 3. TYPES OF NATIONALISM AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR GEOPOLITICAL MODELS OF THE EU ........... 33 (Yana Volkova) СHAPTER 4. THE EU INFLUENCE ON THE EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES’ TRANSFORMATION: REALITIES AND PROSPECTS ..............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Negotiations Between the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union? Implications for the ‘Common Neighbourhood’
    Negotiations between the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union? Implications for the ‘Common Neighbourhood’ Joan DeBardeleben Carleton University, Ottawa January 15, 2020 Revised from a contribution prepared for a policy workshop of the BEAR Network (Between Europe and Russia) on “Evaluating the Potential for Cooperation: the EU, the EAEU, and the CSTO,” Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO), Sept. 16-17, 2019. The BEAR Network is supported by a grant from the Erasmus+ Programme of the European Union. The European Commission's support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents, which reflect the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. Negotiations between the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union? Implications for the ‘Common Neighbourhood’1 Joan DeBardeleben2 January 15, 2020 Executive Summary Cooperation, including a possible trade agreement, between the European Union (EU) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) could offer benefits to both sides, at least in the long- term. However, a significant obstacle is reluctance on the part of the EU to embark upon serious negotiations, in part due to the ongoing conflict between Russia and the West over Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and subsequent interference in eastern Ukraine. While negotiations between the EU and the EAEU would potentially provide one avenue to mitigate this conflict by reestablishing an alternate vehicle for restoring otherwise ‘frozen’ relations between the EU and Russia, one obstacle to the EU engaging in such negotiations may be the possible impact any agreement reached could have on countries in the ‘common neighbourhood’ that are not part of the EU or EAEU, particularly those countries that have concluded Association Agreements (AA) and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTA) with the EU since 2014 (i.e., Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia).
    [Show full text]
  • Konsiderasi Pemerintah Amerika Serikat Dalam Kesepakatan Kerjasama Pemanfaatan Energi Nuklir Amerika Serikat-India
    Analisis Perubahan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Armenia terhadap Keanggotaannya dalam Eurasian Customs Union Irfan Adi Prabawa – 071012099 Program Studi S1 Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Airlangga ABSTRACT Until June 2013, Armenia remains a country that had on going negotiation with European Union about the establishment of Deep and Compehensive Free Trade Area Agreement (DCFTA). The European Union has previously cooperated with Armenia. Armenia even expressed his unwillingness to join the Eurasian Customs Union (ECU) together with Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan and preferred to join with EU to form DCFTA on April 2012. However, on January 23 2014, Armenia gave a surprising statement to join ECU by signing the roadmap of ECU membership. This foreign policy change is examined by using model of foreign policy change of Joakim Eidenfalk that try to find the influence of some parties in the process of the making of foreign policy. The hypothesis of this research is that the change of foreign policy of Armenia is influenced by the change of regional factors and non – states actors that become consideration for the key actors to make a decision in foreign policy change. Keywords: Changes in Foreign Policy, Armenia, Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Agreement (DCFTA), the EU, Eurasian Customs Union (ECU), Hingga bulan Juni 2013, Armenia masih menjadi negara yang sedang melakukan negosiasi dengan Uni Eropa mengenai pembentukan Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Agreement (DCFTA). Uni Eropa sebelumnya juga melakukan kerjasama dengan Armenia. Pada April 2012, Armenia cenderung bersikap mengarah pada pembentukan DCFTA dan bahkan menyatakan ketidakinginannya untuk bergabung dengan Eurasian Customs Union (ECU) bersama Rusia, Belarusia, dan Kazakhstan.
    [Show full text]