GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

~ Story of the c(,ast Years of Spain in cr'exas

'By

JULIA KATHRYN GARRETT, PH. D.

Chairman of the Social Science Department P~chal High School, Fort Worth, Texas

THE CORDOVA PRESS INC. New York and Dallas 1939 Copyright 1939 by

THE CORDOVA PRESS INC.

All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in any part or parts, in any form what­ ever, without written permission from the publisher, except that brief passages may be quoted in reviews of it intended to be printed in a news­ paper or magazine.

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA To my mother

LILLIE LONGINOTTI GARRETT

FOREWORD

Dr. Garrett has turned a veritable flood of new light on a dramatic episode in Southwestern history. Her book admir­ ably illustrates the fact that the story of the early develop­ ment of the area now constituting the United States cannot be confined within present-day boundaries. Many currents of Western Hemisphere history have been common to all parts of the continent, not stopping suddenly at the geogra­ phic lines which now make up the political map. The Rio Grande and the forty-ninth parallel did not become interna­ tional boundary lines until the nineteenth century was well on its course. Numerous Borderland areas have shifted back and forth from one allegiance to another, and their history consequently reflects the unmistakable impress of various streams of influence and culture. This is notably true of Texas, which in itself was long a shifting and uncertain territorial entity. Until 1822 the region now included under that impressive name consisted of various fragments of the Spanish-American empire. Always a borderland, its early history is inextricably interwoven on the one hand with that of Mexico and on the other with that of Greater Louisiana, an area which in turn belonged to France, then to Spain, and later to the United States. This complex and therefore intriguing character of early Texas history is nowhere better illustrated than in the story of the struggle for Texan independence from Spain between 1810 and 1813. vu VIII FOREWORD

The American Revolution was not confined to thirteen English colonies, nor did it end in 1783. It spread in the­ early nineteenth century to Hispanic America, and ended with the liberation of all the mainland colonies of Portugal and Spain. Washington freed from European rule the eastern third of the territory now comprised within the United States, that is to say, the region east of the Mississippi River. The middle third was given its independence from European control by Napoleon Bonaparte, when in 1803 he "tossed into the lap of the United States" the western half of the Mississippi Basin. All the rest of America from Cape Horn to Oregon was freed by revolution in the years between 1810 and 1826. Brazil was separated from Portugal almost with­ out bloodshed. Miranda, Bolivar, and San Martin led the :fierce and protracted struggle for the independence of Span­ ish South America. Hidalgo, Morelos, and Iturbide played the most conspicuous parts in the movement which liberated from Spain all the country between Panama on the south and Oregon on the north. It was the Mexicans who liberated from European domination the southwestern third of the United States. Texas, as a Spanish province, was inevitably involved in these revolutionary movements begun in Mexico by Hidalgo in 1810. In that province the struggle was greatly compli­ cated by proximity to the United States. The government in Washington welcomed the revolution in Spanish-America through interest in the spread of democracy, the expansion of commerce, and the enlargement of national b.oundaries. Government interest was warmly seconded by restless border men who embraced the opportunity for adventure a-nd pro­ fit at the same time that they promoted these ambitions of the government. Dr. Garrett graphically portrays this kaleodoscopic and colorful story-the spread of the revolutionary struggle from central Mexico into the nQrther.n border provinces1 the speedy FOREWORD TX crushing of the Casas uprising in Texas, the capture of Hidalgo and 4is associates at the Wells of Bajan and their execution at Chihuahua, the appeal of the border revolu­ tionists for help in the United States, the eager interest in the movement manifested by the government in Washington, the organizing of the Gutierrez-Magee expedition in No­ Man,s-Land, and its crushing defeat near San Antonio in 1813 by the royal forces of Spain led by Arredondo. The author's exhaustive research in the archives of Texas, Mexico, Washington, and elsewhere was in itself a personal adventure not lacking in those thrills known only to the historical discoverer, and it gave her command of a large, varied, and illuminating body of fresh materials from which to weave her vivacious narrative. She has given us the only account in English which carries the story of the War of Independence northward to and across the Rio Grande. She has made vivid the details of the Casas uprising, its suppres­ sion at San Antonio, and the assembling and operations of the Anglo-American forces. She has shed new light on the agents interested in giving a "French direction" to the re­ volution in the Spanish provinces; and even more on the etf orts of Anglo-American agents working in the interest of the United States to give "proper direction" to the struggle in Texas. As a result Qf her excellent work numerou.s :figures in Southwestern history now stand out in bolder relief: Casas, the two Salcedos, Elizondo, Arredondo, Gutierrez, Toledo, Magee, Claiborne, Sibley, Wilkinson, Davenport, and me,st especially, William Shaler. Her :findings illuminate Madi­ son's policy as exemplified by his interest in the revolutionary movements in Texas and the Floridas. She has brought out of the fog of obscurity a hitherto little-known emblem, the "Green Flag over Texas." HERBERT E. BOLTON The University of California, Berkeley, September 11, 1939.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

FOREWORD VII ACKNOWLEDGMENT XIIl

SPAIN STRUGGLES TO FORTIFY TEXAS AGAINST INVASION AND REVOLT I. "TEXAS, THE KEY TO ALL NEW SPAIN" 3 II. BUFFER-BUILDING 11 III. AN IMPERILED BULWARK 18 IV. AN INCOMPLETED TASK 23

REVOLUTION TRIUMPHS AND FAILS V. MEXICO ASSERTS HER MATURITY 31 VI. SPARKS 36 VII. FIRE 40 VIII. A PRECARIOUS SITUATION 46 IX. MEXICAN ENVOYS 50 X. DUPLICITY SUCCEEDS 55 XI. SCHEMES 61

XII. THE WELLS OF BAJAN 67 XIII. THE PENALTY OF DEFEAT 71

XIV. DISCOURAGEMENT 76

REVOLUTIONISTS RENEW THEIR STRENGTH xv. GUTIERREZ 83 XVI. A JOURNEY INTO A STRANGE COUNTRY 89 XVII. DUBIOUS DIPLOMACY 92 XVIII. TOLEDO 97 XIX. SHALER 104 xx. NEWCOMERS TO NATCHITOCHES 109 XI XII TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

XXI. EXPLANATIONS 113 XXII. ENTICING PROPOSALS 117 XXIII. INSUPERABLE DIFFICU1. TIES 121 XXIV. LIBERTY PROPAGANDA 126 XXV. l\ RIDDLE 133

XXVI. A. YOUTH AND A REBEL 140

REVOLUTION REOPENS IN TEXAS

;"::XVII. SEIZURE OF THE GATEWAY 149 XXVIII. FIN AL PREENING 156 XXIX. DELAY 163 XXX. A CRY FoR HELP 170 XXXI. THE FuLFILLMENT OF SALCEDo's PROPHECY 175 XXXII. TEXAS A REPUBLIC 180 XXXIII. A MAN OF TALENT 187

XXXIV. MALICIOUS FORCES 192

XXXV. INTRIGUE AND A PRINTING PRESS 198

A SHADOW OF SPANISH POWER RETURNS

XXXVI. A MAN OF ACTION 205 XXXVII. ELIZONDO BLUNDERS 211 xv-x·vTTI~ • J.l . SHALER ENTHRONES A LEADER 217 XXXIX. THE GREEN FLAG VANISHES 222 XL. PESSIMISTIC PROPHECIES 230 XLI. A HOWLING WILDERNESS 233 EPILOGUE 236 NOTES 241 BIBLIOGRAPHY 261 ACKNOWLEDGMENT The world is so full of books-books born of one or more of the many feelings which drive men. This story was born of a sentiment kindled by Doctor Herbert Eugene Bolton, master teacher, eminent American historian, ex­ plorer, and cartographer, but most of all an artist in the un­ derstanding and appreciation of men. The search fQr the material for this book was a fruitful adventure, starting in Mexico, D. F. Diligent weeks were spent in the former palace of the viceroys of Mexico, which now houses the national archives, Archivo General Publico de la Nacion de MexicQ-a mine of documents, chiefly of the history of the western half of North America from the days of Cortes to the middle nineteenth century. The di­ rector, Senor Rafael Lopez, extended many courtesies and valuable aid in the gallant manner of a Latin gentleman. Then many days of exploration were spent in the national library, Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico. There it was my privilege to use many rare books, among them the first his­ tory to be published on the revolution for Mexican inde­ pendence, Historia de la Revolucion de Nueva Espaiill Antiguamente Anahuac, 0 V erdadero Orig en y Causas de ella con la relacion de sus progresos has ta el presente ano de 1813. This history in two volumes was written by Jose Servando Teresa de Guerra y Noriega Mier, a clerical fugitive from Mexico, and published in London in 1813. It contained an account of the revolution in Texas from which were pub- XIII XIV ACKNOWLEDGMENT

lished articles in the London papers. It is said that there are fewer than six copies in existence. Adventure did not end, however, in Mexico. Like the characters in this story, I found a trip to Washington, D. C., was necessary. In the Library of Congress, an architectural jewel and historical storehouse of our nation, an abundance of material was made accessible by the kind attention of the di­ rector of the Manuscript Division, Doctor J. Franklin Jame­ son. Acknowledgment is also due to my Mother, who at the same time ably and thoroughly searched the Periodical Divi­ sion of the Library of Congress. In the archives of the De­ partment of State several engaging volumes were found after a prompt and thorough search, made possible by the archivist, Doctor Ernest Wynne, and assistant archivist, Mrs.. Natalia Summers. Here a great reward was reaped when I found the first newspaper of Texas, Gaceta de Texas, published in May, 1813. Now Texans could move the date of the first published Texas newspaper back six years, the accepted date for the first Texas newspaper having been 1819. After this discovery, a dusty and exciting experience followed. Colonel John P. Wade of the Old Records Division of the Adjutant General's office, the Department of War, per­ mitted me to search freely the uncatalogued files with the assistance of Mr. Alfred Hannan. There I found in dust­ covered boxes seventy-five hitherto unknown letters (1808- 1814) of Doctor John Sibley, United States Indian Agent. Sibley's letters reveal him to be the most lusty Texas real estate dealer of all time, and in his age he was an advocate of the incorporation of Texas with the United States. In Texas this search continued. Many valuable documents in the archives of the Texas State Library were found with the efficient assistance and earnest attention of Miss Har­ riett Smither, archivist, who continued her gracious aid by correspondence. In the Bexar Archives of the University of Texas, another historical storehouse of international recog- ACKNOWLEDGMENT xv nition, Mrs. Mattie Austin Hatcher, archivist, author, and scholar of Texas history, for whose contributions Texans owe a debt, made many an hour rich with her friendly ad­ vice and helpful attention. This adventure in research was completed in the world­ £amous Bancroft Library of the University of California, Berkeley, a place to delight scholars. It is a treasure house of documents, manuscripts, and first editions. It is enriched with the hospitality of the Lib~ary Staff, whose generous assistance is always available. Its halls are frequented by a galaxy of eminent historians-Bolton, Paxson, Priestley, Mc­ Cormac, Thompson, Palm, and Kerner. And also linger there the memories of scholars who have explored and discovered. For designing the pictorial maps and other art work in the book I am indebted to Miss Creola Searcy of the Art Department of Pascal High School and her students, Betty D'Fiels, Kenneth Pense and Gib Reid. To Mr. Thomas Nichols I owe thanks for the pictorial map used as end sheets in the book.

JULIA KATHRYN GARRETT.

SPAIN STRUGGLES TO FORTIFY TEXAS AGAINST INVASION AND REVOLUTION

CHAPTER I "TEXAS, THE KEY TO ALL NEW SPAIN" For Spain the nineteenth century might well have been tolled in. Revolutions were to strip the Spanish monarch of his glory and take from his head the crown: of the greatest empire of the day. Rebellions from Patagonia in South America to the Sabine River in Texas were to rout him from his tabernacle in the Americas. And Texas the "key to all New Spain"1 was to stand against him. New Spain was the name given. the territory of His Bourbon Monarchy in North America. Beginning at Panama, New Spain stretched across the mysterious jungles of Central America, paradise of modern archaeologists, extended across wondrous Mexico, which has ever amazed Latins and Teutons, swept across the great expanses of geographical marvels of New Mexico, Arizona, and California far north to the Redwood Empire on the Pacific coast, spanned half of the North American continent from the Pacific to the Mississippi, and in the south spread across the river and, from the Floridas, surveyed Spain's possessions in the Caribbean. 2 Over these "precious Dominions of the King in North America,"3 of which Mexico was the chief treasure, the limitless miles of Texas wilderness and loneliness had for over a century stOQd guard successively against the French, the British, and the United States. And Mexico was a realm to guard. It boasted of mines abounding in silver; of cattle ranches the like of which had never been seen; of planta­ tions possessed of almost :fantastic fertility; of churches and

3 4 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS monasteries that were veritable treasure houses Qf art; of colleges and a university which claimed the distinction of being the first in North America; of numerous cities which bespoke wealth, culture, and financial power; and of the largest municipality in North America (until the nineteenth century), Mexico City, which was famous for mansions, fashion, and the finest cathedral. Spain by her lusty energy had wrested treasure from mines extending from the center of Mexico northward to Monterrey, had planted cattle ranches on this northern frontier, and had erected villages and missions near and along the banks of the Rio Grande.'· Such riches needed an outer fortress. 4 Texas became such a fortress. A fortress was needed against the advance of the French, who, under the leadership of La Salle, had appeared in Mata­ gorda Bay in 1685 and erected Fort St. Louis. To check the advance of the French from Louisiana, Franciscan friars and Spanish soldiers in 1690 had gone over the Rio Grande and, in the name of God and the cause of defense, had erected in the land of the Texas Indians a spiritual outpost and a bulwark. Within three years, the French menace having vanished and the Indians having become hostile, Spain aban­ doned Texas. This attempt on the part of Spain, however, was only a flare in empire building. Again there came a day, in 1714, when France. evinced interest in New Spain. She established Natchitoches on Red River, and the Frenchman, St. Denis, an adroit Indian trader, reached San Juan Bautista on the Rio Grande to negotiate opening trade across Texas between Louisiana and Mexico. He even: talked of French missionary activities planned for Texas. In alarm, Spainish soldiers, priests, and colonists scur­ ried into Texas in 1716 to restore the Texas bulwark. Thus on the roster of Spanish colonies in the Americas, Texas as­ sumed the role of a bu£fer province, a borderland guarding the colonies of the Spanish Bourbons in North America. This role Texas was destined henceforward to play, except for a ''TEXAS, THE KEY TO ALL NEW SPAIN" J

short periQd after France, at the end of the Seven Years War, had ceded Louisiana to Spain. Then Louisiana with the west bank of the Mississippi as its boundary became the outer fortress safeguarding New Spain from the British and later from the "upstart republic," the United States of America.' For thirty-seven years, because the Spanish officials were preoccupied with defense of Louisiana, Texas as an interior province experienced only neglect. But Napoleonic ambi­ tion restored Texas to her former role. In 1800 Napoleon maneuvered the -retrocession Qf Louisiana from Spain to France. Three years later he sold this territory with unde­ fined limits to the United States.6 What a calamity for His Spanish Majesty! So Spaniards believed. Now the United States, the coveter of Spanish treasures, had moved closer. And no longer was the United States the upstart republic but, as the defender of the fantastic principles of liberty, democracy, and republicanism, had become a power to be reckoned with. Moreover, the United States had territorial ambitions. From Louisiana she would threaten Spanish monarchy. 7 Above all, her frontiersmen, promoters of revo­ lution, with greedy eyes for Spanish riches, had a way of crashing every barrier into Spanish Louisiana, roaming and trading there. Now skirting the Texas border in their un­ restrained existence, they would soon be upon :M.exico. Texas, neglected for a third of a century, suddenly became again in 1803 the outer bulwark. Would her wilderness be an effective barrier? .This was a question. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, dilapidated missions, a few presidios, three settlements, and two roads were the memorials of Spain's early imperial enterprises in this primeval kingdom. The limits of Texas were indef­ inite. Tentatively its eastern boundary was set at :the Sabine River. This eastern border was flanked by pine and oak forests which dwindled into open prairies toward the Trinity River. Rolling lands covered with nourishing grasses both winter and s\llllmer? adorAeg w.jth riotoqs wild flowers 6 GB F.F.N FT--'\~ OVF-R. '!'E~ ~S in spring, made £at the buffaloes, mustangs, longhorns, and turkeys grazing over them. Numerous rivers and creeks teeming in fish and fringed with timber intersected these fertile prairies between the Trinity and the Medina rivers. From there to the southwestern border formed by the Nueces, the river of nuts, were treeless prairies, chaparral, short grasses, and clumps of mesquites. The Gulf of Mexico on the south and the Red River on the north formed the southern and northern boundaries of this rich land, 8 ~ land which out of its abundance served countless Indians and four thousand other Spanish subjects. 9 Located on the fertile banks of the San Antonio River was the capital of the province, Villa de San Antonio de Bexar, an adobe town in which two thousand five hundred inhabi­ tants and soldiers leisurely lived amid barracks, an imposing governor's house, the omnipresent church, and the royal plaza, which nightly resounded with laughter and the shuf­ fle of dancing f eet.10 Like a lacy fringe, fields made pro­ ductive by a network of irrigation ditches shadowed by trees, encircled the town. From afar the bell towers of five decay­ ing missions, located about a league apart along the river, adorned the sky line with their architectural beauty. This modest center of Spanish civilization in the midst of prairie wilderness allured intruders from the United States. Forty leagues down the San Antonio River from Bexar was located the coastal presidio La Bahia. Military logic explained its existence. A stone fort a hundred yards square with bastions, a long building for official quarters, and a guard house, gave warning to invaders from the outer world. A well-built stone church struck a spiritual note. Nearby were three rapidly crumbling missions, one of which housed about two hundred Indians. The third settlement was the pueblo of Nacogdoches, situated far to the northeast in the forested area, twenty leagues west of the Sabine. Facing the United States, it stood a sentinel of Spanish... ~overeignty.. It ~on.t~ine4 ~ ~~9~~ UTEXAS, T.HE KEY TO ALL Nh w SPAINji, 7 fortress, a credit to its day, under whose strength nestled a village of log houses sheltering six hundred souls, most of whom were indifferent soldiers and traders of doubtful lQyalty who flouted Spanish law, traded stock, hides, and wool in Louisiana. 11 These life centers of Spanish imperialism were connected by a trail which bore the impressive title of CaminQ Real or King's Highway. Today it is Federal and State Highways 21, 81, 90, and 96. Coming out of Monclova it crossed the Rio Grande at Presidio del Rio Grande, from where pack trains and wheels of official carriages etched its course across Texas\ in a northeastern direction through Bexar, on to Nacogdoches, and across to the United States outpost of Natchitoches, LQuisiana. A less traveled road left the Pre­ sidio of Laredo on the Rio Grande, cut a direct trail to La Bahia, then turned northeast to join the Camino Real where it crossed the Trinity• 12 The Camino Real served as a line of civilization with the chief life centers located along it or near it. Beyond the road to the north and west was stark wilderness, the abode of countless Indians who engaged in tribal warfare, fre­ quently raided Bexar, plundered travelers along the road, and would not suffer missionaries among them. Bitter had been Spain's missionary activities on the San Saba and the San Xavier.18 South of the King's Highway Indian dwellers along the coast were approachable, since many had known the benefits of monks and missions and welcomed traders, and on the eastern frontier Indians could be neigh­ bored with. They were tillers of the soil, builders of perma­ nent homes, and traders.14 Although far away in Madrid, a mysterious personage with whom it . took a year to communicate, the Spanish monarch was a power in the Texas wilderness. His flag of brilliant red and gold was a daily reminder of his sov­ ereignty. His authority emanated from a governor whose accouterments and dwelling in Bexar symbolized the om- 8 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

nipotence of His Majesty in Spain. The military affairs, Indian relations, Indian trade, judicial functions, and civil government were vested in this Texas governor. The spiritual welfare of the province he did not touch; this was the con­ cern of the bishop of Nuevo Leon. Clergy ministered to the spiritual needs of San Antonio de Bexar and La Bahia, while Franciscan friars cared for those of Nacogdoches and for the missions in the jurisdiction of La Bahia. The government was a military despotism. The governor appointed military commandants, one for each of the settle­ ments of La Bahia and Nacogdoches, who with all the pre­ rogatives of government rigidly regulat~ the lives of the king's subjects.15 Bexar with its town council had a different form of government. There aristocrats dwelled, the de­ scendants of the colonists the king had sent out from the Canary Islands at his own expense in 1731. To these there had been accorded the privilege of forming a town council which aided the governor in administering affairs of the capital. Sanitation, hospitals, charity, schools, and policing the villa were the chief concern of this council. But its power was only nominal, as its every act must be approved by the governor.18 In like manner the governor's authority was overshadowed by that of a remote ruler, several hun­ dred leagues17 distant in Chihuahua, to whom he was solely responsible. This ruler was the representative of His Imperial Majesty of Spain, who had bestowed upon him the title of com­ mandant-general and had made him supreme ruler over fifty-nine thousand three hundred and seventy-five square leagues of prairies, deserts, and mountain vasmess, an ex­ pan~e extending from the Sabine River into the great Pacific, which was known as the Interior Provinces.18 These were Texas, California, New Mexico, Coahuila, N ueva Viz­ caya, Sonora, and Sinaloa. From Chihuahua, Nemesio Sal­ cedo, the comma,ndant-general during this period, supervised the governors of these six provinces. He planned defense, ll «TEXAS, Tim KEY TO ALI. NF-W SP.A!N" 7 studied the unconquerable problem of Indian hostilities and Indian trade, and pondered over the dangers to his realm arising from intruding American traders and the greed of the United States. He wrote letters full of instructions for the six governors; kept couriers laboriously riding the hun­ dreds of leagues from Chihuahua to the capitals of the pro­ vinces; prepared detailed reports for His Majesty; and sent information to Mexico City, a journey of several months, to another of the king's represen~atives-the viceroy of New Spain. He was obligated to send information to the viceroy and was privileged to ask help of him when in need.19 And during the last twenty years of the existence of the com­ mandancy-general it was pleas for help that the couriers carried from Chihuahua to Mexico City. Don Nemesio's task was stupendous, and his earnestness and conscientious­ ness matched his task, as is evidenced today by over ten bulky volumes of his correspondence on the shelves of the national archives in Mexico, D. F., the province of Texas being the theme of this correspondence. From 1803 Don Nemesio clamored without ceasing to every source of authority that Texas must be held. A pro­ vince nurturing Indians without number and homing in three settlements four thousand inhabitants and soldiers deserved Spain's attention. A development program for Texas should be launched to remove certain economic evils. The larders of her vassals who were engaged in a meager agriculture were never full and overflowing. Each year the fields were planted with corn, beans, and chile peppers in only sufficient quantities for a year's rations. Around Bexar where the irrigation system was superb some sugar cane .was cultivated. Cotton fields were few. Wool was scarce. La Bahia, be­ cause of the lack of irrigation, experienced many crop fail­ ures, necessitating the sending of corn supplies from Bexar, while Nacogdoches suf£ ered destruction of crops by floods. Indeed, the people would have been hunger bitten had not 10 their provisiQns been increased by the slaughter of wild stock and fowl at the proper seasons. 20 Industry and manufacturing did not exist. Manufac­ tured wares and surplus agricultural products were useless, because Texans were denied a commercial fair in the province or the right to trade through any of the numerous ports of Texas, or with NatchitQches, the nearby United States outpost. Instead, Texans were forced to sell raw materials in the Saltillo Fair in Coahuila about four hundred miles southward, receiving them again manufactured .at 1 four times their value. All goods were entered through Vera Cruz, the only free port of New Spain, and were trans­ ported over a tedious journey to the ·wretched consumer of Texas, who bore the burden of the freights, duties, and profits of the merchants of Cadiz, Vera Cruz, Saltillo, and of the local Texas retailer. Hence excessive prices and dis­ tant markets made industry impossible and limited profitable agriculture to the production of only necessities. 21 Thus we see that Texas was not a flourishing province, and hence it was not an effective guardian for Spanish dominions. Suddenly recalled in 1803 to its difficult task of a bu££er province, it once again guarded the cc precious dominions" of the Spanish monarch in North America against empire builders and commercial greed. However, Texas, up to this time, had never been called upon to serve also as the bulwark against the greatest evil to monarchy, the rising plague of the nineteenth century-ideas of liberty -theories of popular sovereignty-and revolution. With the sale of Louisiana to the United States Texas had become the most vulnerable and valuable province of His Majesty. In fear Spanish functionaries declared that for Spain the "greatest question of all times" was the holding of Texas, the uKey to all New Spain."22 CHAPTER II BUFFER - BUILDING The glory of Spain was nearly spent, and the sale of Louisiana tQ the United States hurled in its wake disquieting problems and imperative changes for Spanish officials. The Mississippi was no longer the boundary of His Majesty's dominions in North America. The great Mississippi valley and pine forests no longer guarded the Mexican treasure. "Texas, the key to all New Spain," must be made an effec­ tive bulwark. And it could not be a leisurely enterprise. Such were the anxious meditations of colonial administrators. In Madrid elaborate plans for Texas were formulated. Texas should be girded against invasion by the United States. In­ dians should be guarded from the dazzle of American trad­ ers. Colonists should be rooted in the wilderness. Virgin lands should be put to the plow. Industry should be devel­ oped. The port of Matagorda should be given the right to harbor the boats of merchants, for Texas should have a trading mart.1 Texas thus developed would be a fortress in which Spain could trust. These projects of the Spanish court were never fulfilled. Napoleon involved Europe in war, and Spain was drawn in. But buffer-building plans for Texas formulated in Chi­ huahua fared better. Spanish subjects of Louisiana to whom the American Government was hateful were not left to their discomfort when the United States purchased Louisiana. By royal order Don Nemesio, the commandant-general, an­ nounced that they were to be permitted to immigrate into 11 12 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

Texas with their possessions free Qf duty, that is, if they could produce evidence of their loyalty to the crown and their faithfulness to the church. However, Don Nemesio was fearful lest some immigrants of double allegiance might enter. To forestall evils that might arise by their settling near the United States, he denied them both the eastern piney woods and the desirable coast. He ordered all immigrants to found their new homes in the center of Texas and west­ ward toward Chihuahua. Indians were in greater favor. Six tribes unfriendly to Americans left Louisiana to settle on the lands forbidden to Spanish vassals. It was planned that between the Sabine and Trinity rivers they would form a rampart against in­ vaders. Instead of a rampart they became a portal for dreaded Americans. In this manner Don Nemesio had arranged for Spanish subjects and Indians. Anglo-Americans he would not toler­ ate; he forbade them entrance. As colonists they should not deface Texas; not even the shadow of their traders should darken it.2 Texas was a problem to wrestle with, and a man failing in health, as Governor Elguezabal was, could not meet it. He surrendered his post to a stalwart, Don Antonio Cordero, the governor of Coahuila, who hurried to Texas in 1805 with troops to place it in a state of defense. There was need of alertness. The United States was increasing its military strength in Louisiana,3 while at the court of Madrid, it was pressing its claims to Texas as a part of Louisiana.• Cordero was a strategist. He distributed his hundreds of soldiers to do the work of a thousand. The greatest number he placed at Nacogdoches. Others occupied the abandoned presidios of Orcoquisac and Atascocito to prevent smugglers along the coast. Some were stationed at La Bahia. N earl;?y the Camino Real where it crossed the Trinity, Brazos, and Colorado he placed guards to control Indians. Not satisfied, he fearlessly quartered troops beyond the Sabine at Los BUFFER - BUILDING 13

Adaes, the first capital of the Texas province, and at Bayou Pierre. This was a bold stroke, for the United States claimed the territory.5 Like the court of Spain, he believed in the power of col­ onists as defensive measures. Extensive schemes he sent Don Nemesio. Two materialized. In February, 1806, ninety-one colonists from Louisiana and Bexar were estab­ lished on the Trinity. The place was named for Don Nemesio -Villa Santisima Trinidad de Salcedo. The following year eighty-one persons established the Villa de San Marcos on the river of that name. But colonizing was interrupted and immigration re­ stricted, because border friction between the United States and Spain was the keynote of the years 1805 and 1806. Nemesio forbade communication across the Sabine and fixed death as a penalty for the violation of his order.6 Only fugi­ tive slaves from Louisiana, he instructed~ should pass over the border from Louisiana. In spite of his anxious watching, manifestations of United States aggressiveness multiplied. 7 Doctor John Sibley had been appointed United States Indian agent at Natchitoches, the furthest outpost of the United States facing Spanish dominions. Nemesio had railed at the appointment of this ''revolutionist."8 Indeed Sibley was a danger to Spanish rule. He had successfully tampered with the Indians to the northwest of Natchitoches, had secured a description of territory from Red River to Santa Fe, and had even become acquainted with the Indians along the Texas coast as far as Matagorda Bay. Also an Indian factory had been established at Natchitoches drawing to it Spanish Indian trade.9 Other provoking acts of the United States were the frequent entrance of official exploring par­ ties into Spanish territory to gather geographical data.10 Then President Madison and Governor Claiborne of Mis­ sissippi Territory manifested startling audacity when they expressed objections to Spain's buffer-building enterprises. Claiborne informed the Spanish minister in Louisiana that 14 the United States regarded the founding of the colony on the Trinity and the proposed project of opening the Bay of Matagorda as hostile acts affecting territory claimed by the American Government.11 The king's decree of 1805 opening the port had been proclaimed by Don Nemesio in February of 1806. And that same month the United States dealt a forceful blow by driving Spanish soldiers from Los Adaes. War threatened between the United States and Spain. Both feared an invasion of their dominions. The United States ordered reenforcements for Orleans Territory and sent General Wilkinson of the United States Army to take command. Citizens of the West spoke confidently of the impending war and the spread of liberty in New Spain. Don Nemesio knew no quietude. To a threat of war was added the news that a horde of plunderers led by Aaron Burr were gathering beyond the Sabine for the invasion of Texas and that Mexico was their destination.12 Cordero needed a co-worker. Don Nemesio instructed Simon Herrera, Governor of N uevo Leon, a man inured to frontier tribulations, to take command of forces in east Texas. He was to take with him the militia of two provinces -Nuevo Le6a and Nuevo Santander. In alarm he departed. When he reached Texas, the province displayed more troops of His Majesty than at any other time in its history. By midsummer United States troops in great numbers, commanded by General Wilkinson, and Spanish forces led by Herrera were glaring at one another across the Sabine. Suddenly the tension of the troops massed for action was dispelled by an agreement. Without instructions from their superiors, Wilkinson and Herrera terminated the crisis by fixing a temporary boundary in which both governments acquiesced. Between the Sabine and a tributary of the Red, the Arroyo Hondo, a neutral ground was established upon which each party promised not to encroach. A zone which knew no sovereign law immediately became the shelter of banditti and revolutionists ·seeking the liberation of the Span- 1(... .,

ish West. For Texas authorities this Neutral Ground in the years that followed became a source of tormenting dangers to Spanish sway in Texas. However, the threat of war had been removed with the Neutral Ground Agreement, and the Burr conspiracy had vanish~ from the Texas frontier into United States courts.13 Then colQnial authorities turned to face another threat, which also increased the need for Texas defense. Napoleon. by a treaty of cession with the Spanish king had gained the throne of Spain and the Indies. He had invaded Spain and had sent emissaries to the Americas to announce his sov­ ereignty. The Peninsulars rejected Napoleon. They declared allegiance to their king, Ferdinand VII, organized a Supreme Governmental Junta of Spain and the Indies to govern for him, declared war on France, sent agents to England, which soon became their ally, and directed emissaries to New Spain to secure aid for the mother country at war with Napoleon. The viceroyalty of Mexico, emulating Spain, likewise pro­ claimed allegiance to Ferdinand VIl.14 Meanwhile agents reached Vera Cruz with dispatches from Bonaparte. They were seditious papers intended to arouse hatred for Spanish domination and to furnish plans for Napoleon's control of Spanish America. And Texas did not escape the tread of such an agent.16 Octaviano D'Alvimar, in the uniform of a French dragoon, appeared in August. He had created considerable enthusiasm among Frenchman as he traveled through Louisiana. Instead of diplomatic reticence his journey was marked by gusty assertions which informed colonials he had come to promise them a new order in Spanish dominions. His f anfaronades ended on the Texas border. Not even the populace of Nacogdoches heard his flamboyant promises. There he was arrested, conducted to Bexar and eventually to Mexico City.18 The Supreme Junta of Spain decreed to thwart Napoleon. Entrance of Frenchmen into Spanish America was forbidden. Arrest of those on Spanish territory was ordered. Of course, 16 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

Texas was not overlooked. Its guardians were warned to vigilance against French intrigue from Louisiana.17 These events provoked the question in the United States­ if Spain be destroyed, what can the colonists do? It was quickly answered by talk of independence. Governqr Clai­ borne informed Secretary of State Madison of whisperings in Louisiana of a separate government in Mexico. From the bqrder fortress of Natchitoches, Sibley wrote Secretary of War Dearborn that several persons had secretly come from Texas. They reported that there was in that province and toward Mexico ua disposition of the people to throw off the Spanish Yoke. " 18 Sibley and Claiborne both asserted to their superiors that late events in Spain changed prospects on that border for the United States.19 Sibley prophesied in Septem­ ber of 1808 that New Spain was prepared to declare inde­ pendence, that they would seek the friendship of the United States, and that he believed the new governor of Texas, Manuel Salcedo, who had recently dined with him on his way to assume the governorship, was ''entirely favorable ... 20 to our government." · Secretary Qf War Dearborn, incited by this information, ordered General Wilkinson to send a "discreet officer" into the Interior Provinces primarily to observe the attitude of those people toward affairs in Europe and to determine whether the rumored revolutionary spirit existed. Dear­ born's reason was that uthe state of things in Europe af­ fected events in our neighborhood which would be highly interesting to the United States and will demand our strict attention. " 21 Wilkinson obeyed. The "discreet officer" was promptly on his way. He carried to Don Nemesio a message written by Wilkinson. Much could be read between the lines. It stated that because of events in Spain,22 "the bonds of friend­ ship which naturally connect the inhabitants of the Western Hemisphere, may be braced and strengthened by sympathy and interest. " 23 BUFFER - BUILDING 17

Certainly such an emissary and message only intensified Don NemesiQ's suspicion of the United States, a suspicion further stimulated by a dispatch from Don Manuel Salcedo, his nephew, the newly appointed governor of Texas. Gov­ ernor Salcedo, accompanied by his wife, child, a priest, and domestics, had disembarked in Boston from Europe, had visited the eastern cities of the United States, had traveled through the west, had sailed down the Ohio and Mississippi to Natchez, had dined with Sibley in Natchitoches, and, since his family was indisposed, had left them under Sibley's care, while he hastened into Texas in September, 1808, be­ cause of news of D'Alvimar's arrival in Te~as.24 Immediately upon crossing into Texas he sent a message from Nacogdoches telling of the rebirth of a Burr conspiracy to be carried out in October. Another faithful subject, Clovet by name, sent the same report.25 In a mood of exasperation, Don Nemesio wrote the vice­ roy. To give emphasis to his plea he enclosed copies of the two reports. He explained to His Excellency that ccthe United States would seize the opportunity of disorder in Spanish dominions to seek aggression." Therefore he de­ sired that the viceroy send him with the greatest prompt­ ness the equipment for which he had repeatedly begged since 1804. His appeal for aid he further justified by stating that "the greedy ... restless Anglo-Americans, the anarchical vacillating United States Government, with a weak consti­ tution and a country of rebellious men make it impossible to trust their pledge and word." Texas he asserted must be "placed in active and sure de­ fense,"26 CHAPTER ill AN IMPERILED BULWARK As the year 1809 troubled its way in, Spanish borderlands became the particular objective for the propaganda of liberty. According to rumor, the United States, Napoleon, and American frontiersmen were soon to exercise their am­ bition in these Spanish fringes. Rumor found its source in French and American intrigue which swirled around the Texas borders. Since Bonaparte's sovereignty had been rejected by New Spain, he adopted another means to power. He planned to destroy Spain in America by propaganda which would foment revolution. For this hostile campaign the United States became a base. His emissaries in great numbers dis­ embarked at Atlantic ports and went forth without restric­ tion toward the borderlands of Texas and Florida. An im­ portant lair was New Orleans, where agents made liberal use of its newspapers. Flaming articles were printed to discredit Spanish sovereignty, and to advance means for the creation of a new life in Spanish colonies. Emissaries were ready with Napoleon's messages addressed to all colo­ nials, which presented him as the instrument of God's will who offered to aid the people in severing the bonds of Spanish tyranny. As reward for his benevolent assistance in win11ing Mexican independence he asked only commercial privileges.1 Of such activities Spain had a faithful informer in Luis de Onis. He had been rejected in the autumn of 1809 by 1$ AN TMT>~.R TT ~n RT TT WT A "R Tl' 10 --- .. -·------~ ... ~ ..... ~ ... A ✓ the United States as minister to the American Government from the Supreme Junta of Spain. Nevertheless, he remained near the capital of the Republic to brood over the interests of His Monarch.2 Unbelievable enterprises of French emis­ saries and "the vacillating United States Government" drove him to warn, to alarm, and to cry out to Spain and to His Majesty's officials in North America. He declared that the United States and Napoleon had struck a bargain. What else could he conclude from events? The United States, he explained, sheltered Napoleon's agents in exchange for Napoleon's support of their claim to Texas. Napoleon needed an ally in promotipg his cause in Spanish-America, while the United States, he was confiden.t, would use Spain's adversity as her opportunity to push her boundaries far into Spanish territory.3 Prior to the arrival of Onis, other Spanish officials sta­ tioned in the United States had been directing alarming reports to the commandant-general and the viceroy. It was a day of suspicion. Military affairs were receiving much attention in the United States in 1808 a11d 1809.4 Increasing armaments and fleets destined for Ne·w Orleans and Natchez, these officers concluded, were for aggression upon Spanish territory. To augment further their suspi­ cion were the persistent whisperings of an American invasion of New Spain.5 Even Spain's ally, Great Britain, began to accept the belief. The British minister in Washington ques­ tioned the State Department as to their true design.6 The United States, too, had its agents. They were the emissaries of Jefferson's Pan-Americanism, and withal men of position-Claiborne and Wilkinson. They approached Spc1;_nish authorities of Cuba and the Floridas expounding the theory that the interests of the United States and of Spanish colonies were the ·same; therefore their objective should be the exclusion of all European influence from the Western Hemisphere, particularly the British and the French, and that the U nit~d States favored an alliance with Spanish 20 colonies. 7 Accounts of these intriguing pronouncements were forwarded ~o the viceroy and Don Nemesio with the warn­ ings that Texas and the Floridas should be placed in a state of defense.8 Indeed, the thinking of some American statesmen was tinged with intrigue. In 1809 Jefferson wrote President Madison and General Armstrong of the United States Army expressing the opinion that if Napoleon extended his rule over Spanish America, he would sanction the acquisition of Cuba and Florida by the United States in order to prevent the American Government from aiding Mexico. Jefferson's next statement was consoling. The United States, he_ said, need not worry about the "adjacent territories" of New Spain because ''they are ours the first moment that any war is forced upon us .... We are at hand to anticipate their possession if attempted by any other power."9 Spanish administrators had not imagined vain things. They knew that the Interior Provinces were in danger. The Supreme Central Junta of Spain and the Indies had in­ structed Don N emesio to speed to Texas a special guardian. Bernardo Bonavia, the governor of Durango, was commis­ sioned. He was a Spaniard whose excellency the frontier had proved. Bonavia's orders were definite. He was to prevent the entrance of French emissaries into Texas. Revo­ lutionary disorders, of course, born of French and American intrigue, he was to ferret out. However, the essence of his mission was to plan defense for imperiled Texas. In this he was to have the cooperation of three royal protectors already in Texas-Cordero, Herrera, and the new governor, Manuel Salcedo. Bonavia did not delay. On April 17, 1809, he approached the capital of Texas. It was a day of destiny. Of this, four servants of the king were conscious. Although in the wilder­ ness on the edge of an empire, they marked the occasion with proper ceremony. Beyond the west portal of Bexar impressive preparation was made for Bonavia's entrance into AN IMPERILED BULWARK 21

the capital. Soldiers stood in military array, enhanced in pomp by the splendid presence of Cordero, Herrera, and Salcedo in formal trappings. They awaited the moment. When Bonavia with his party was sighted in the distance moving along the Camino Real, they rode forth to meet him. Then followed a military reception worthy of the event. Formalities over, the new guardian without rest from his journey began work the next morning. On the third day the four governors held a junta to read dispatches from Don N emesio and to consider the defense of the province. Bonavia requested that each submit a plan. They complied with lengthy reports which paraded the dangers of the Spanish borderland. Designs of these monarchical zealots were in accord. The logic of their plans was found in their assertion that the "defense of Texas was the welfare of all New Spain," because it alone "held the security of the Dominions of the King in North America.'' Their reports first presented a need to preserve the dignity and honor of Spanish arms. Additional military forces and a leader with complete authority should be provided. The traditional presidia! system should be abandoned and the companies organized into regiments completely equipped. Then they could move with speed and dash through the province and smite the first attempt of an invasion by the United States or a bursting inroad of frontiersmen from Louisiana. Next, Nacogdoches, which stood alone in the eastern woods, should present unassailable strength against the ag­ gressiveness of the United States. To acquire unassailable strength there were only two means-establishing there a larger military force and many more industrious colonists. The port of Matagorda should be opened immediately. If Texans had access to the sea, the governors believed, they would be given an incentive to engage in extensive agri­ culture and industry. Their surplus products could be easily exported to market. Needed goods from Spain and Vera Gll F.F.N FLAG OVER TEXAS

Cruz could be imported at reasonable prices. Prosperous and industrious people, the governors concluded, were not susceptible to revolutionary ideas. Then, too, with an open port, ammunition and troops could be hurriedly transported from Vera Cruz in a crisis. With impressive earnestness the governors continued their economic logic. A certain pernicious activity, they declared, must be ended, the mercantile activity of Americans among Indians, a trade growing like Jonah's gourd tree. Spanish trading houses must be established in numerous places. If Indians became independent of Spanish trinkets, they pre­ dicted, they would defy Spain and become tools in the hands of foreigners. However, the essential means of saving Texas was the immediate and extensive colonization of the land between the Sabine and Bexar. This, they emphasized, was a dire necessity. In affectionate terms they described Texas as "prodigious and beautiful land ... capable of producing everything sown" but at the present an impoverished province inhabited by unfaithful Indians and sparsely popu­ lated by subjects who led a hand-to-mouth existence because denied economic liberties. Texas, they visioned, under the loving care of numerous colonists would flourish and become an effective buffer province worthy of its task. The key­ note of their program to save Texas for Spain was defense, extensive colonization, and economic development. The de­ signs of these royal architects would arouse the admiration of any twentieth-century Texas promoter.10 Bonavia forwarded the drafts of a future Texas to Don Nemesio. To these he affixed his approval and concluded his report with poetic advice that "faithful servants of the King not dream but act" upon this program, "because the Anglo-Americans had the materials and were working at their designs, while Spaniards only planned." CHAPTER IV AN INCOMPLETED TASK Don Nemesio viewed the preparedness program of Texas governors as fantastic. In response to their expansive plans he hurled back a retrenchment program. It provided for the future abandonment of Nacogdoches; the massing of immigrants at Salcedo on the Trinity, and the Strengthen­ ing of Bexar as a final rallying point for Texans. He pro­ posed the opening of a port for the one purpose of securing military supplies from Vera Cruz. The presidia! system was to remain, and he declared impractical the distribution of 1 gifts among Indians. · An inpouring of immigrants he would not have. He commanded that the entrance of Spanish subjects from Louisiana cease, because Napoleonic agents in the role of immigrants might steal in. He would end the coming of the faithless. He decreed that in the future the only en­ trance of immigrants into Texas was to be by way of Vera Cruz and across the Rio Grande. As a further precaution they must have the approval of the viceroy. And the un­ desirable settlers posing as loyal subjects who had entered since 18 0 3 he ordered expelled from Texas. Don N emesio was fearful. Liberal policies were unthinkable. Exclusion, expulsion, defense, not development, were his designs for saving the "Key to-all New Spain." Bonavia was a bold spirit. Not disheartened by defeat, he appealed to the Supreme Junta of Spain and the Indies, seeking power to colonize Texas with immigrants from 23 24 GREEN FLAG O\t tR TEXAS

Louisiana. And by continual pleas with Don Nemesio 4e secured the revocation of his expulsion decree. Thereby, not a single inhabitant was lost of which Texas was in need.2 While Bonavia's supplications went west to Chihuahua, menaces to monarchical authority multiplied in the east. In­ dians with whom Spain had intended to form a rampart in Texas had become an open door for the enemy. Salcedo was alarmed because Spanish trade had practically ceased among them and Indian raids were frequent. This condition was brought about, he explained, by the activities of Amer­ ican traders. 3 Salcedo would have found verification for his explanation in Sibley's repqrt to the Secretary of War. He wrote that the Indian factory at Natchitoches enjoyed consid~rable increase in trade. Without rhetorical subtlety he recorded in a later letter another breach of faith with Spain. The War Department learned that forty Indians with chiefs from the Texas coast had enjoyed a noisy celebration of July fourth in Natchitoches, had received gifts, and had accepted United States flags. Joyously impressed, they had departed with the promise to welcome vessels approac):i­ ing their coast flying that flag. Sibley believed that frequent feasting was a requisite for Indian friendship. So early in 1810 he requested that he be permitted to bring the prin­ cipal chiefs to visit the President. Sibley believed that it was necessary at this time to win Indian allies, because if the French were successful in Spain, French agents would soon appear among Texas Indians.4 Even the United States was apparently wary of Frenchmen. Dangers from contraband traders were multiple, for their work did not end among the Indians. Officials of the bor­ derlands prophesied that other evils would arise, because traders carried fables of Texas to revolutionists in the United States, even boasting of its easy conquest by those who dared. Salcedo sent troops to apprehend such a trader, a Captain Glass, who had started from Natchitoches in the summer AN INCOMPLETED TASK 25 heat of 1810 on a second trading expedition among Texas Indians of the north.5 Onis had sent word of another expedition which was on its way from St. Louis to Santa Fe and members of which had the makings qf revolution as well as the materials of trade wrapped in their packs. Don Nemesio made ready to seize this expedition, and captured these traders in March of 1810.6 After keeping them imprisoned in Chihuahua for two years he sent them across Texas to Nacogdoches and liberated them. But, as Spanish guardians predicted and as we shall see later, these men in Louisiana talked much of the weakness of Texas and of the certainty of a ready conquest by any expedition.7 There was no surcease from disturbing news. Onis wrote in November of 1809 of an organization in New Orleans planning a revolution in Mexico.8 In the files of General Wilkinson's letters there is even evidence that Captain Newman of the United States Army, stationed at Natchi­ toches, had been sent to New Orleans for trial for such a crime.9 Claiborne informed the Secretary of State that ''utmost vigilance" was needed in New Orleans, a city of intriguing individuals, into which men of desperate fortune were daily arriving.10 In December Onis reported that Napoleonic emissaries in large numbers had disembarked at Norfolk and were on their way to Texas and Florida.11 In the spring of 1810 news came from within New Spain that Frenchmen were in their very midst. The bishop of Nuevo Santander wrote of three French agents who were working in that province. One, he said, had come from the United States to Monterrey. They journeyed to and fro in the province. One traveled by way of San Fernando and Refugio toward Tex·as. The other traveled between Refugio and the coast. Don Nemesio also heard that a French ship with agents had appeared on the coast of Nuevo Santander. He requested the commandant of Vera Cruz to send coast guards.12 Poor Don N emesio ! Hazards arose on every side. Meanwhile Bonavia labored for Texas. He sent supplica­ tions for necessary equipment almost daily as a ritual to the founts of power. In January of 1810 he wrote Don N emesio that the rejection of Onis by the United States was sufficient reason alone for putting Texas in a state of defense. He mourned the fact that after a year of service in Texas no tools, no troops, no equipment, no colonists had arrived. Hence he confessed that up to the present he had been able to maintain only a weak vigilance. Also to the viceroy he directed an appeal. Another entreaty to these two superiors followed in March. 13 In response to his January petition the viceroy from his palace in Mexico City summoned a junta of war to consider the Texas emergency. Bonavia was requested to submit a plan. In April he sent his final program. The junta rejected as unnecessary the sending of aid to Texas from the viceroyalty, since war was not imminent.14 Bonavia gave vent to his disappointment and defiance in a dispatch to Don Nemesio. He stated that he would appeal to the supreme authorities. He did. Never, he declared tQ Don Nemesio, would he cease to beg for troops and to proclaim the needs of Texas. He professed that he was of the same opinion as Onis that, "it was urgent, very urgent, to place Texas in a state of defense."15 Troubled thoughts ruled these defenders of the borderland. They reasoned thus. The United States was an ever-present danger. Had not Herrera reported in 1809 to the supreme authorities that Texas in time of peace or war should be de­ fended against the United States? Without a declaration of war, Herrera said, they had invaded Spanish territory in 1806 with a large army; they had sent exploring parties into Spain's realm, attempting to enforce their claim to Texas; and their people "surrep~itiously introduced themselves'' among Indians. Now the United States seemed to enjoy J.1'! !NCOMPLETED TASK 27 the discqrd in Spanish dominions, seeing in it a promise of territorial gains, to which end they were magnifying their military strength. Spanish officials visioned the Louisiana-Texas frontier as teeming with irritated men. Prospective immigrants and American traders, frustrated by the policy of exclusion, bided their time. French agents and American insurrec­ tionists waited to revolutionize Spanish provinces. Texas facing such threats was ua province steeped in misery"; so Governor Salcedo described it in late August of 18 09. uAn interesting province," he declared, ''le£ t without defense, with few inhabitants, barbarous Indians, and threatened with invasion." "Texas," he reiterated, "de­ served all consideration of the Superior Government." Such were the conditions faced by disheartened Texas administra­ tors, whose plans had not materialized by 1810.16 What could be expected? Mother Spain, harassed at home by revolutionary turmoil, was unable to heed warnings from across the Atlantic. Her treasury could not be thrown open to equip colonizing expeditions for Texas as during the hey­ days of her empire. Nor could the viceroyalty of Mexico, from which might come some equipment for Texas, be of any assistance, be­ cause revolution threatened Mexico. There the defenders of Spanish monarchy were struggling to uphold Bourbon rule in the face of a rising tide of Mexican nationalism. Re­ sources were rapidly diminishing at the centers of authority. Lack of essentials for the Interior Provinces was Don Nemesio's constant report to the paternal government. It was not to be questioned that "Texas, the Key to all New Spain," was engulfed in danger by enemies from the United States and ~y revolution from Mexico.

REVOLUTION TRIUMPHS AND FAILS ,u.....

~'?

s CHAPTER. V MEXICO ASSERTS HER MATURITY War and politics in Spain and Europe had steadily grown more complicated. By 1810 these complications had moved Spanish colonies tQ discouragement. Their dispiritment bred an anxious question: If Mother Spain were thrust out of her dominions, would France or Britain rule them? When the third year of Spain's uncertain political status came, independent thinkers in the colonies prepared to seize the administration of government from European adminis­ trators. They would promote their own welfare. They would liberate themselves from the rule of Spaniards and would prevent their territory from becoming a part of the French or British dominions. The uSupreme Central Junta" of Spain, now given way to a regency of five governing in the name of Ferdinand VII, a prisoner of Napoleon, should never administer their affairs. They had grown up. They WQuld govern themselves as Spain did and preserve them­ selves for Ferdinand VII. In the beginning they did not seek independence of monarchy but independence of the rule of Europeans-Spaniards, French, and British.1 Leaders in the colonies had grown into maturity, stim­ ulated by those ideas of endless fascination gleaned from the philosophical writers and liberal documents of the American and French Revolutions. These ideas permitted no com­ promise with the colonial administration, which the king of Spain had entrusted to the capable hands of his nobles of the Spanish Peninsula, who controlled in the colonies the wealth of the land and every phase of man's existence. Not 31 ~ 'D 'C 'C 1\.T 'CT A ~ A"'\ ro 1) 'r"C' V A (! '-'...... _ - ' ...... '- ...... £:a.A..L.., even an American-born Spaniard (creole) had been anointed with the privilege. For three centuries the Indians and creoles· had obeyed. In a spirit of humility, under the superb guidance of Spanish administrators, they had wrought beauty and developed riches almost to the extent of fantasies. At the end of three centuries the time had come for creoles and Indians to control the affairs of New Spain. 2 A new order of these independent thinkers arose in every Spanish colony. Naturally, the Spanish administrators in the colonies desired to crush this new faction, declaring that they would obey only government emanating from Spain. Never­ theless, independents made progress, and revolution opened in 1810. It swept from Buenos Aires to the Isthmus of Panama and from the centers of New Spain to Texas and to the outer fringes of the Floridas. On September 16 of that year Mexico was called to assert her maturity. The priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, a mem­ ber of a conspiracy against the old order, rang the bell of his parish church in the village of Dolores. It was a historic moment. The peals summoned Mexicans to a revolutionary struggle of eleven years' duration which wrought a nation. This day was designated as Mexico's independence day; and this bell consecrated as Mexico's Liberty Bell, today rings every September from the National Palace in Mexico City. This bell, it is interesting to note, is also the Liberty Bell of Texas, as explained in the epilogue. When Hidalgo's parishioners had assembled at the sound of the sacred summons, they were told that they must defend their country and religion for their king; they must free themselves from the rule of Spaniards, who, Hidalgo an­ nounced, were preparing to surrender New Spain to the French. Patriotism's reward, he promised, would be the estab­ lishment of a government controlled by Mexicans ruling in the interest of themselves and their king. Armed mobs re­ sponded. The battle cry arose: ''Long live our Lady of Guadalupe!" (The patron saint of Indians.) "Perish bad gov- ernment ! Perish the Spaniards!" Thus, Spaniards, their prop­ erty, and the chief cities of Mexico became the prizes of rebels as they plundered southward. Success rapidly carried Hidalgo with his angry rabble from the inconspicuous Indian town of Dolores to Mexico City. But there the awe inspired by the sight of the great capital of the viceroyalty of Mexico extinguished his courage. Without striking a blow Hidalgo retreated northward. The armed mob had now become the "Army of America." It had assumed military dignity, in name only, by crude organization and by the use of titles. Hidalgo was generalissimo. His other colleagues had high sounding appellations. They were ex-officers of the king's army: Ignacio Allende, Juan Aldama, and Mariano Jimenez. Loyalists to Spain's authority in the _viceroyalty of Mexico had strength in General Felix Maria Calleja. When Hidalgo fled before the sight of the capital, Calleja drove the army of revolutionists northward with decisive defeats. Fortun­ ately for the rebels the path before them led into revolution­ ized provinces-Nueva Galicia, Zacatecas, and San Luis Po­ tosi. Far to the East, Guadalajara beckoned as a safe haven for Hidalgo. In November of 1810 he entered there to perfect plans for the furtherance of the revolution, while Jimenez took command of San Luis Potosi and adjoining provinces for the purpose of extending the revolution into the re­ maining northern provinces of Mexico, even into the two Interior Provinces of Coahuila and Texas.3 Calleja had beaten out the revolution in the center of Mexico. In the north it leaped into fury. Jimenez had a flair for propaganda. The first northern province, N uevo Santander, shortly fell under the lure. In Aguayo, the capital of the province, troops and inhabitants abandoned their governor, who fled to the coast with a few faithful. Spaniards were dragged from their homes. Property was confiscated. And m~ny loyalists fled to Governor Cordero i:1 Coahuila, v.rho had returned to his duties from Texas.4 34 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

A native of Nuevo Santander, Jose Bernardo Maximiliano Gutierrez de Lara aided in effecting this revolution. Ac­ cording to his account, he was a power in propelling the revolution northward, opening the way for Jimenez. Gutierrez was no ordinary personage. He was the son of a respected pioneer family which, faithful to the monarch, had founded Revilla on the Rio Grande in 1750. Up­ holding ancestral tradition he had acquired a family, property, and a business as merchant and blacksmith. But his inherited monarchical loyalty deserted him when the news of Hidalgo's revolution reached the distant village on the Rio Grande. He embraced its revolutionary doctrines. Then he converted his clerical brother, Father Jose Antonio Gutierrez to be of like mind. But opportunity to become an active insurgent was not presented until word was brought that Jimenez was marching northward.5 Gutierrez knew that the governor of his province was assembling large forces in the capital. Hoping that the revolution would suc­ ceed, Gutierrez made many convincing proclamations which couriers hastening to Aguayo, the capital, scattered among the troops and inhabitants. To Benavides, Captain of royal troops, he wrote a very persuasive message. It was effective. Benavides executed the proposed undertaking. Revolution achieved in Nuevo Santander, messengers sped with Gutierrez's proclamations and news of their victories to the troops in Coahuila; and two lieutenants hurried to Texas to continue the work.8 Governor Cordero of Coahuila was in Saltillo with a force of two thousand augmented by fugitives from Nuevo San­ tander. Calleja had ordered Cordero to move south against Jimenez while he moved northward. But propaganda worked more rapidly than Cordero. Jimenez shortly re­ ceived reports from Cordero's troops that they were ready to denounce Spanish rule upon his arrival. This made Jimenez bold. He directed a dispatch to the king's governor, which attempted to convince Cordero of the right course. MEXICO ASSERTS HER MA TUR.ITY 3 S

Cordero's loyalty was unassailable. However, Jimenez's letter addressed to five of Cordero's captains did not miss its mark. When Jimenez met the army of Coahuila near Saltillo, it passed over into his ranks with comic facility, and staunch Cordero was made a prisoner. After the easy conquest of Coahuila, the adjoining pro­ vince, Nu.evo Leon declared its independence. In Monterrey, the capital, the declaration was issued by the governor, who had also rebelled. Now Jimenez held the provinces of Nuevo Santander, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon. He made Saltillo his headquarters, then directed his attention to winning the set­ tlements of the Rio Grande and Texa5 .., Jimenez's chaplain wrote several papers full of revolu­ tionary suggestions which were sent to various individuals. In this work of conversion to the cause of the independents he had a co-worker in Father Gutierrez, who at this time offered his services. Jimenez knew that the persuasive power of priestly personality easily reaped money aid and conviction for a cause. Therefore he instructed Father Gutierrez to incite to revolution the five cities of the Rio Grande: Laredo, Revilla, Mier, Camargo, and Reynosa.8 These instructions were evidently executed with success, because the fugitive governor of Nuevo Santander, fearfully awaiting aid on the coast of Nuevo Santander, wrote in Feb­ ruary, 1811, to the viceroy that revolution and terror raged in the settlements on the Rio Grande.9 All events were working to the good of the independents. They had almost achieved their goal. Only Texas had not yet raised the standard of the new order. But revolutionary doctrines had reached that province. There was excitement in Bexar. Governor Salcedo arrested in the capital the couriers of Gutierrez, Lieutenants Antonio Saenz and Fran­ cisco Escanilla, who had left Nuevo Santander with litera­ ture after the success of the revolution there. These daring agents carried astounding plans for the seizure of the king's administrators in Texa$, 10 CHAPTER VI SPARKS Texas stood between two revolutionary fires. In Sep­ tember, 1810, revolution had broken out simultaneously in Mexico and Florida. Governor Salcedo was distressed. To Don Nemesio he penned his anxiety. The ''sparks" of these "two revolutionary fires" he asserted might "cause a Texas conflagration in spite of his constant watch and care."1 When news of the uprisings in Baton Rouge and in the viceroyalty of Mexico reached Chihuahua, Don Nemesio as master of the Interior Provinces speedily charged Salcedo to guard Texas. Any conspiracy arising there, he instructed, must be crushed in the embryo, and most certainly attention should be given to prevent an invasion from the Louisiana frontier. Useless orders were these, when Salcedo lacked the wherewith to execute them. Salcedo and Herrera had been left in charge of difficult Texas. Unfortunately they had lost their co-workers. Cordero, we have seen, had returned in 1809 to the governor­ ship of Coahuila, and late the following year Bonavia had been recalled to Durango to combat the revolution there. All too well the two remaining Texas guardians, well-versed in Texas needs, knew that valiant work was needed to pre­ vent the spread of revolution from Florida or Mexico.2 Throughout the fall and winter of 1810 Salcedo repeat­ edly sent urgent pleas for Texas defense to Don Nemesio and the viceroy. To his superiors Salcedo represented the revolution as the work of Napoleon supported by the United ,6 SPARKS 37

States. D'Alvimar he believed had had his influence. And Aaron Burr, he reported, was in Paris promoting his schemes. This latter statement was true. Burr had been expelled from England in 1809 because of his revolutionary intrigues and was seeking audiences with men of importance in Paris.3 In consequence of these conditions, Salcedo emphatically declared that Texas must be guarded with extreme care and supplied with every need. He further warned that if arms were taken up in Texas he would be unable to restrain the insurgents or dislodge them from the province. From the viceroy he requested money, artillery, aids for the people, and a schooner with military detachments for Matagorda Bay, to secure the coast against seizure by insurgents who would sever communication with the viceroyalty. The usual letter was sent to Don Nemesio, including a most emphatic request that guns be sent quickly to relieve the scarcity in Bexar.4 Observant Onis joined Salcedo in requesting the two colonial governors to give "respectful attention" to the Texas frontier. Three messages were sent from Philadelphia between September, 1810, and January, 1811, with the alarming news that fifteen French soldiers equipped for an overland journey had boldly departed in broad daylight from Baltimore for Spanish terrtory; and that in Washington the French minister was promoting the seizure of the Floridas by the United States in case of war with Spain. Texas and Florida, he advised, must be reenforced since the United States "shamefully manifested a desire for both." Onis had earnestly done his part to save His Majesty's dominions.5 Soon he would be able to say, "I warned you." Texas, unprepared, stood before the revolution sweeping upon it. Herrera and Salcedo would stand fast. Herrera had informed Don Nemesio of this fact, when late in Sep­ tember, 1810, he so exactly described their situation "as a thorny mission," which they would carry out in spite of difficulties and dangers which threatened their lives. He 38 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS bitterly arraigned conditions by stating that up to the present in spite of efforts their sole reward had been to see their «honor compromised, aggrieved, and persecuted."6 Herrera and Salcedo understood the bitterness of lack due to unanswered petitions; Calleja in Mexico fighting Hidalgo must not suffer in like manner, for he was the one power that could prevent the spread of revolution into Texas from Mexico. In November they worked to such good pur­ pose among Texas soldiers that the troops sent contributions from their meagre wages to Calleja. Captain Arcos exhibited his fidelity by assigning half of his pay to the cause. Salcedo convinced the soldiers that Hidalgo was in alliance with Napoleon to destroy Spaniards, the king, and the holy religion.7 Meanwhi~e, Salcedo awaited a response to his petitions. Words and instructions were his only reward. The new year of 1811 dawned. The situation had not changed for Salcedo and Herrera. Dangers had been heaped upon them. Not only did insurgents rule in northern Mexico, but even their insurgent emissaries, Saenz and Escanilla, had flaunted plans within Bexar. Nor did Salcedo, wise administrator, think that those were the only messengers of ill from the neigh­ boring insurgents. If his subjects had not received definite instructions for insurrection, he believed they had most cer­ tainly heard the reasons and principles of the revolution. Hence, Salcedo must thwart propaganda. On January 6, 1811, he issued an appeal calling Texas subjects to their allegiance. He exhorted them not to depart from the path­ way of truth because of the false charges of Hidalgo and the words of Napoleonic agents. It was not true, he as­ serted, that the present government was attempting to sur­ render them to the French. This, he declared, was a false­ hood of Hidalgo's; no greater falsehood, however, he said, than the lies of French agents who were arousing hatred for European-born Spaniards, because, as they declared, the Peninsulars ruled in the interest of themselves and not of SPARKS 39

Mexicans. Following those warnings, Salcedo enumerated for his children the benefits of Spanish rule. Would they not, he queried, remain loyal to their king and their religion?8 A few days later the privileged few of Bexar in a town council gave careful consideration to the words of Salcedo. They made a declaration of allegiance to the king and his provincial authorities in Texas and recommended that the troops of the province be sent against the insurgents in Coahuila. Previous to the above recommendation, Salcedo on the second day of the unfortunate new year had publicly announced to the soldiers in the plaza that the companies would soon leave for an important mission on the Rio Grande.9 Although exemplary conduct characterized the Town Council of Bexar and officials, a brooding spirit was mani­ fest among a less distinguished group. Disgruntled talk had been circulated by a few leaders among the troops since the day the contemplated march to the Rio Grande had been announced. CHAPTER VII FIRE The inhabitants of Bexar were enmeshed in perplexity. Taking advantage of this emotion, certain rebels, who had recently received word from the revolutionists beyond the Rio Grande, could, in the name of Hidalgo, arrange a panic and manage a revolution. The soldiers had been in a grum­ bling mood since Salcedo's formal announcement on January 2 that all troops would soon depart for the Rio Grande. Dis­ pleasure at leaving established homes and families for uncer­ tain camps on the Rio Grande had grown apace. Disconcert­ ing rumors went the round of the troops. And by mid­ January disgruntled soldiers had been bullied into a panic. They were told that Herrera and Salcedo were to abandon Texas, taking away all their possessions, even the provincial treasury; that Texas and its inhabitants were to be left de­ fenseless; that a few soldiers were to be left behind to behead the two emissaries from Nuevo Santander-Saenz and Es­ canilla-after the departure of the troops; that Salcedo's wife had gone to Nacogdoches and the furniture of Her­ rera's house was packed for removal; and that Salcedo and Herrera had ordered the burning of the barracks of the troops of the Alamo.1 The revolutionary spirit was not confined to military ranks. According to Sibley, United States Indian agent, such a spirit had been current in Bexar since the opening of the revolution in Mexico. In a letter of November, 1810, to Secretary of War Eustis; he stated that he had learned 40 FTRR .....d. 1 from two very reliable people that a group of citizens, in Bexar, among them notables, had declared in favor of inde­ pendence, going so far as to elect a priest as their repre­ sentative, ready to answer a summons tq the proposed Mexi­ can congress. 2 On the evening of January 21 the mood of the inhabi­ tants had reached a proper pitch. Juan Bautista Casas, re­ tired captain who had assumed leadership, prepared to strike. That evening after roll call of troops and the sounding of retreat, Casas stood at the door of the barracks observing activities within. A leader among the troops was moving about exchanging pleasantries with the soldiers, pleasantries with added news. Previously they had been told that if they followed instructions when the word was given, they would not witness a fire in Bexar nor be forced to leave es­ tablished homes. This evening the word was passed that next morning at reveille they were to accept Casas as leader and to seize all Spanish officials. As the exchange of pleasantries went about, the soldiers glanced at Casas in the doorway with a knowing look. Frequently he made assuring nods. When the troops were finally settled for the night, all was well for Casas. Plans for the coup d' etat were completed in the house of Casas, where he retired with other leaders. Don Travieso, the first alcalde of the governing council of Bexar, and Lieutenant Flores of the Texas militia were convinced that it was the obligation of citizens to act with the troops to prevent Salcedo and Herrera from abandoning Texas. At sunrise Casas, Flores, and Travieso were at the bar­ racks. When the last note of reveille sounded, the troops seized their commanders and accepted the leadership of Casas. Then in military array they marched to the chief plaza to seize Salcedo and Herrera. They were not there. These monarchical guardians had gone to the barracks, where the soldiers followed. When Salcedo and Herrera met the traitorous troops, not a soldier went to their defense. The 4i day of adversity they had so long prophesied had come. Bound in chains, each was placed a prisoner in his separate· house to grieve over the ills which he felt would surely follow for New Spain. The strong men in chains, Casas hurried to the prison. Saenz and Escani11a, with all other victims of Spanish in­ justice, were freed. Six captains, five lieutenants, and all loyal Spaniards in Bexar except the barber and one wayward lieutenant became the prisoners of the day. Their property and possessions were seized and a committee made ready to sell them at public auction. The day still young, Casas set to work to revolutionize the entire province. Saenz was ordered with eighty mounted troops to Nacogdoches to protect ttthe holy religion, king, and country." He was accompanied by Gabino Delgado and Francisco Travieso, two of Bexar's aristocrats, descendants of the thirty £amilies sent by the king from the Canary islands to Texas in 1730. Saenz, with the mounted revolutionists, departed that same day for Nacogdoches. To La Bahia Casas sent a messenger to direct her com­ mander, Captain Garcia, to proclaim the new order. But loyalty still dominated this captain of the king, who upon receiving the treasonable instructions, fled from his com­ tnand at La Bahia toward Coahuila. A few days later, Casas sent a captain from Bexar to the coastal presidio, where he quickly proclaimed the new government, espousing the cause of Hidalgo. The day following the revolution in Bexar, Casas addressed an account of the event to Hidalgo. He stated that the troops under his leadership had ccdemonstrated the loftiest patriotism and loyalty to our religion, king, and country," and had saved Texas from Spaniards. Casas further in­ formed Hidalgo that officials and troops had elected him governor ad interim of Texas and commander of the army. He expressed the hope that Hidalgo would approve of his "CTn"' .I. . .1..1.'\..I.:, 43 office, and added that he would gladly receive any honor Hidalgo bestowed upon him. Meanwhile, Saenz, Travieso, and Delgado were marching to Nacogdoches to complete the revolution. On their way they passed through Villa Trinidad de Salcedo, which upon hearing recent events likewise proclaimed in favor of Casas. Continuing their march eastward, on the tenth day of the journey from Bexar they entered the frontier outpost. Quick blows inaugurated the new regime. Dominguez, whom Salcedo had placed as special guardian of Nacog­ doches in 1810 because of his superior ability, was im­ prisoned in irons. The public archives and treasury were seized. Spaniards were arrested and their property seques­ trated. Prisoners were freed. A provisional government was established by appointing magistrates who ruled Nacogdoches in the name of a free and independent government of the people. After six days of successful revolution, Saenz on February 7 began the return march to Bexar with six pris­ oners. The entire province of Texas had renounced the rule of Spaniards, and the Casas regime shortly gained recognition from Jimenez, the revolutionary chieftain of the North­ eastern provinces, and from Brigadier Aranda, the new in­ surgent governor of Coahuila, who had supplanted Cor­ dero. Casas addressed a proclamation dated February 3 to the people and troops of Texas informing them of this recognition and also that he had received from Jimenez the title of brigadier and the power to act as political and military governor of Texas uwith all the powers which his judgment might dictate." This last phrase, which Casas accepted at full value, later brought his undoing. To cre­ ate a feeling of well-being he also instructed the people to give thanks for the tranquil enjoyment of homes and fami­ lies, a reward for their wise foresight and action. That same day Casas addressed an apologetic message to Jimenez stating that when he took over the government of A.A.. . GRP.Pl\f FT.A~ OVP.R TF.YA~ Texas he was without knowledge of the rank of his superior chiefs. Therefore, he had sent the account of his opera­ tions to Hidalgo. This indicates that Casas had followed the revolutionary instructions which reached Bexar with­ out knowing their origin, supposing them to be from Hi­ dalgo and further proves that Jimenez was an expert propa­ gandist. In the ensuing days Casas gave account of all his actions to Jimenez and issued daily in the plaza orders and proclamations in his name. Casas wished to clinch the achievements of the revolu­ tion and to free Texas from the dangers which might arise from the propinquity of Spanish officials. He prepared to send Salcedo and Herrera with the twelve army officers to Governor Aranda in Coahuila, who was more strongly en­ trenched than he. On February 12 Captain Flores, with a troop of thirty soldiers, led from Bexar the former Spanish officials. Governor Salcedo and Captain Arcos, who, it is to be remembered, had given half of his pay to crush revolution in Mexico, rode from the capital bound in iron chains. Seven captains, five lieutenants, and Herrera were fastened with handcuffs. Their destination was the presidio on the Rio Grande fifty-one leagues distant. This miserable band pursued a relentless march of seven days, during which time they were not allowed to tarry for rest. Texas must be quickly liberated from the dangerous presence of Spaniards. The people of Texas called themselves Americans and rejoiced that they were now ruled by a government of Americans. They would not allow themselves to be re­ ferred to as Spaniards and spoke contemptuously of French­ men. This, the Indian agent, Sibley, reported to the Secre­ tary of War, also informing him of the joy of the inhabi­ tants of the United States outpost of Natchitoches over would prosper because an independent Texas would mean free commerce with Nacogdoches.3 Articles of similar tont appeared in two prominent· newspapers of the United States, FIRE the National Intelligencer, WashingtQn, and the Federal Gazette and Ba/,timore Daily Advertiser. In these newspa­ pers United States citizens read that the revolution in Mexico and Texas umay change men and things"; tiiat it was the Qpinion of some that by autumn of 1811 self-government would be exercised by t4e people from Texas to the Gulf of Darien; and that the profitable results of the revolution for United States citizens would be the establishing of a free and profitable commerce with Texas and Mexico.4 Then it is not surprising, from such publicized senti­ ments, that th\ insurgents hoped to safeguard the revolu­ tion by keeping-an open road through Texas to the United States; while the loyalists knew they must crush the revo­ lution in Texas, the border province, in order to crush it ultimately in the center of New Spain. Aid from the Re­ public of the North must not cross the Sabine. The issue between loyalists and insurgents became-Texas an op~n road or Texas the closed road. CHAPTER. VIII A PRECARIOUS SITUATION The portion of His Majesty's dominions which extended from San Luis Potosi to the United States frontier was in possessiQn of revolutionists. For them, however, it became a problem of how to hold it. Hidalgo and Allende, stationed in Guadalajara since De­ cember, 1810, with 80,000 poorly disciplined and scantily equipped troops, were defeated by Calleja in mid-January. The revolutionists retreated to Zacatecas and Calleja moved intQ Guadalajara. In Zacatecas a change was made. Hi­ dalgo was deposed of command. His title of generalissimo passed to Allende. Jimenez in Saltillo was threatened with an attack by loy­ alists. He sent word to Allende in Zacatecas to march speedily to hold Saltillo so that they would not be cut off from ccour Anglo-American Allies." Jimenez proposed that together they should plan operations for holding the north­ eastern provinces. He stated that they must fortify the Port of Altamira in Nuevo Santander to prevent the de­ barkation of loyalists who would thereby secure a base of operation in the northeastern provinces. Communication, he said, must at all hazards be maintained with the United States, since it was expected that in the near future Anglo­ Americans with reenforcements and arms would advance to the capital of Texas.1 He explained that Marshall Ignacio Aldama and Father Juan Salazar, who had been com.mis­ sioned early in February to· the United States to secure aid, 46 A "7 ""Tr wquld soon meet with the Anglo-Americans, and he be­ lieved that they were then near Bexar.2 Allende heeded Jimenez. He marched directly northward to save Saltillo. Before his arrival Jimenez defeated the loyalists and remained entrenched in Saltillo. Nevertheless, their victory did not relieve their precarious situation. When Allende evacuated Zacatecas, the loyalists occupied it, while Calleja entered San Luis Potosi ready to advance north­ ward. To endanger further the situation of revolutionists, the officials of the viceroyalty of Mexico and Interior Pro­ vinces at last were working together, with Texas as their absorbing problem.3 Texas, the portal to New Spain now opened by revolu­ tion, must be barred against insurgent communication with the United States, against possible aid from that govern­ ment, and against almost certain aid from Anglo-Ameri­ can adventurers. The insurgent chiefs must not escape from the northern provinces into Texas or pass into Lou­ isiana. In either place they could so easily recuperate their strength. Texas should not be the source of material aids for a prolonged rebellion. This was the issue of a cam­ paign planned through correspondence between Calleja, the viceroy, Don Nemesio, and Bonavia. The latter part of February the viceroy received word. of the Texas revolution. To avert the calamity which a revo­ lutionized Texas would bring upon New Spain, the vice­ roy, contrary to his customary procrastination, acted with extraordinary promptness. He ordered an expedition assembled, of two hundred picked artillery men equipped with two cannon, sufficient ammunition, provisions for four months, and three thousand pesos for ex­ penses. His fright had made him liberal. The expedition was to sail from· Vera Cruz with Colonel Jose Joaquin Arredondo in command. He was ~o disembark in the Bay of Espiritu Santo and march upon Bexar. He was to pre­ vent revolutionary chieftains from escaping to the United -roAO

States Qr from receiving aid from that country by way of Texas! In a fury of activity the expedition was made ready. Meanwhile attempts were made to Qbtain hydrographical knowledge of the Texas coast. Their findings were· that the coast from Tampico to the Mississippi was little known, that great gales blew along it, that it was utterly unpro­ tected, that it was not often frequented by sailors, and that the exact location Qf the Bay of Espiritu Santo was un­ known. Therefore, when the expedition embarked March 13, 1811, their orders were changed. Instead of being Texas bound they were to disembark at Tampico, penetrate the province of Nuevo Santander, and quell rebellion there.5 At the same time Don Nemesio in Chihuahua and Bo­ navia in Durango were executing on paper ~ vigorous campaign £or the defense of Coahuila, Bonavia, it is to be remembered, was good at plans. He advised Don Nemesio to assemble all the forces Qf the Interior Provinces on the borders of Coahuila, and in conjunction with Calleja's forces in the south they would begin a concerted drive from their separate positions. They would strike the enemy on all sides with continuous blows until the insurgent army and its leaders were made prisoners, and the revolution in the northeastern provinces would collapse. Simultaneously the rebellion in Texas should be crushed 1,y troops sent by ships from Vera Cruz. Only troops en­ tering by sea wQuld be effective, because, as Bonavia said, troops marching from any part of the Interior Provinces across the long stretches of desert and prairie to Texas would desert on the way. Don Nemesio accepted Bonavia's plan, unusual behavior for Don Nemesio, but he, like the viceroy, was frightened. Don Nemesio wrote the viceroy in February stating that His Excellency was not aware of the perversity of Texas in­ habitants, of the strength of the insurgent party there, and of the great danger Texas· offered. In March he sent Bo- A PRECARIOUS SITlJA.TION 49 navia's plans to the viceroy and notified him that he had issued orders for the gathering of the best troops on the frontier of Coahuila in fact, that by his order he had stripped Sonora of all her forces, leaving the inhabitants of the province tQ protect themselves 'against the dreaded Apache. Calleja, too, approved Bonavia's plan and made ready to act with Don Nemesio. Texas, the buffer province, em­ bracing the revolution, had cast a dangerous weight in the scale against the security of royal authority in the vice­ royalty of Mexico and the Interior Provinces. The recon­ quest of Texas would end revolution. Texas, "the Key to New Spain" guarding the Spanish treasure in the past, now should be the most potent means of crushing the revolution in His Majesty's dominions.6 Texas did occupy an important place in Spain's colonial history. CHAPTER IX MEXICAN ENVOYS Plans and preparations of the viceroy, Don Nemesio, Calleja, and Bonavia to save New Spain did not become controlling factors in the situation. Salcedo and Herrera, imprisoned beyond the Rio Grande, and ambitious men and loyal souls in Texas were to crack the insurgent order from top to bottom, tumbling it from power. A revolution can not be profitable unto all its support­ ers. So blinding was victory that Casas, with a few col­ leagues, enjoying revolutionary fruits, could see in neither the stinging jealousy of designing men nor in the wavering minds of others, torn between traditio11al loyalty and revo­ lutionary principles, the seed of future misfortune. Con­ fiscatiens, offensive disorders, and the withholding of po­ litical rewards for patriotic services in the insurgent cause drove wavering loyalists and politically ambitious ones, de­ feated by Casas, to plot for their deliverance. Prominent among these were Delgado and Captain Saenz. Delgado had used his prestige to overturn Spanish government. Promenading with Casas the morning of the revolution, his presence as a leading member of the town council of Bexar had encouraged the troops and inhabitants before whom he passed to support the revolution. The in­ justice of Casas now drove Delgado and Captain Saenz to mend their mistake.1 Saenz had been imprisoned upon his return from Nacog­ doches to Bexar for a misdemeanor which obliterated in $0 MEXTCA N F.NVOVS 51 the mind of Casas his success in revolutionizing the frontier outpost Qf Nacogdoches. Casas accused Saenz of attempting personally to squander property, for when Saenz returned to Bexar, a man of consequence, he had with him a belt filled with silver, the property of the royal com­ mander of Nacogdoches, also 500 pesos taken: from other loyalists. His imprisonment for this alleged theft was brief, but his days of freedom were humiliating. Casas ig­ nored him. Saenz's indignation was unrestrained. He vo­ ciferously threatened to send Jimenez his diary, which re­ counted his heroism, his hardships, his courage iri bringing to Bexar from N uevo Santander instructions for the Texas revolution, his suffering of imprisonment and of threat­ ened execution at the hands of Salcedo, and above all his victory at Nacogdoches. He threatened, he blustered, he boasted-however, always in the proper places-that the government of Texas would not long be in the hands of Casas. Soon, his discontent produced a harvest of conspira­ tors against Casas's tyranny. Opponents of Casas began to set affairs aright in Texas. They found a leader in Father Juan Manuel Zambrano, formerly of Monclova, living in retirement at Bexar. His contemporaries described him as a man of spirit, enter­ prise, and adventure, whose clerical dignity and refined po­ litical skill were needed to execute their scheme. And indeed it was refined duplicity that Father Zam­ brano, with a few confidants, practiced. Among themselves they declared their true purpose to be the restoration of the legitimate Spanish government. To other leaders of the conspiracy who were insurgents, but disappointed ones, and to dissatisfied soldiers and inhabitants they feigned their design as being ~irected against the despotism of Casas, most emphatically not against the new order of independence from the rule of Spaniards. What hyp<;>crites Zambrano and his confidants were! For the new government they professed favor, because it ruled in the interest of Americans and their 52 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS sovereign. They declared it had saved their religion, king, and country from becoming the victims of foreign powers. These facts, as well as remedies for the disorders of Casas, were earnestly expounded among the principal inhabitants by Father Zambrano and Delgado, a true insurgent, while another real insurgent, Saenz, with a vengeance aroused the troops.3 And out of the western pr;airies was coming an influence which would aid in the realization of their scheme. At a time of day when the business of living seemed to drag, there entered Bexar a band of men whose manners and equipment suggested weighty business. They were the insurgent envoys who had left the camp of Jimenez some­ time after February 8. Ignacio Aldama, a member of the chief staff of Mexican insurgents, headed the embassy. He was commissioned to the United States to sect;tre troops and munitions, for which his coffers were made heavy with silver. Father Salazar, a chaplain in Jimenez's army and an author of revolutionary pamphlets, was the secre­ tary. He was accompanied by two Franciscan friars, and several soldiers completed the embassy. As the embassy journeyed from Saltillo, they had spread favorable news of revolutionary achievements. It appears from their activities that they had definite instructions to strengthen by propaganda the highway to Texas for Jimenez's army of revolutionists. In Laredo, the strategic pre­ sidio of the Rio Grande, they remained four days, during which time citizens and soldiers heard many revolutionary truths. Father Salazar, not happy over conditions in this garrison, wrote to Jimenez that the situation was "not fav­ orable to the American cause," that the people were indif­ ferent, troops discontented, and the commander of the pre­ sidio, Captain Jose Diaz de Bustamante, indecisive. He told Jimenez to act quickly and in a second message urged Jime­ nez to remove Captain Bustamante from command. Busta­ mante had rejected Father Salazar's proposals, stating that he preferred to hand over the· district under his command tQ the French, the English, or the barbarous Indians, rather than embrace the cause of the revolution.4 Father Salazar's judg­ ment was keen; Bustamante would become problematic to revolutionists and loyalists alike. I If citizens were indifferent and leaders indecisive in La- redo, conditions were different in Bexar. Counter-revolu­ tionists saw in the embassy an excellent means of removing Casas. Father Zambrano, leader of the scheme, waited only until darkness fell over Bexar to present his cause to Father Salazar. Father Zambrano did not go directly to Aldama, the chief of the embassy, but to Father Salazar, because Father Zam­ brano believed the bond of clerical brotherhood would be a guarantee for the success of his scheme. Father Zambrano, pretending to be a devout insurgent and grieving because of Casas's failure to practice the principles of the revolu­ tion, .reported to Father Salazar that citizens of Bexar were much displeased with Casas as governor and military com­ mandant; that many individuals superior to Casas in capa­ bilities, who had risked all in the nation's cause, had been ignored by Casas; that Saenz, whose gross mistreatment was commonly known, was only one of several men who had been treated unfairly; and that Casas unjustly omitted from his report of the Texas revolution to Hidalgo the names of these men, assigning all credit to his own bravery. As a means of ameliorating the situation, Father Zam­ brano suggested to Father Salazar, the envoy, the formation of a governing council composed of citizens who would de­ clare Casas unfit for governing because of his notorious stupidity. To this proposal Father Salazar answered that he would present the complaints to Aldama, the chief of the embassy, but. that neither he nor Aldama could inter­ fere with the plans of Jimenez. He further stated that he knew that any new movement in Bexar would bring disas­ trous results for the revolutionary cause. 5 Next morning Captain. Saenz tried his persuasive pow- ers. As an earnest insurgent, he enumerated Ito Father Salazar the grievances against Casas and presented his diary. He availed nothing. Father Salazar regretted that he could not rectify injustice. Then Saenz importuned Aldama, the chief of the embassy, who did yield to the extent of agree­ ing to send the much-talked-of diary of Saenz to Jimenez.6 Although Envoys Aldama and Father Sal~zar had not bent under persuasion, this defeat did not thwart a deter­ mined being like Father Zambrano. With malicious adroit­ ness he began to employ another method whereby he could make use of these envoys. Playing upon the fear of French domination, a fear which would turn Texas against their most beloved leaders, Father Zambrano cunningly circu­ lated among the troops and populace the report that Casas was in league with the emissaries, who were agents of Bona­ parte. Aldama's elaborate uniform, with epaulettes like those of a French field marshal, caused many to believe the rumor. The inhabitants had come to know a French uni­ form since the day when Napoleonic agent D'Alvimar had created intense excitement upon his entrance into Bexar as a prisoner. TQ the well-informed inhabitants Zambrano depicted the dangers which would impend if the envoys were allowed to pass to the United States. There they might secure auxiliaries and munitions. In exchange for aid the United States would· seize the opportunity of taking Texas, which they shamelessly claimed." This artifice was effective. CHAPTER X DUPLICITY SUCCEEDS On the night of March 1, 1811, Bexar became a city of mysterious shadows. Ten men sped secretly through the darkness in search of justice and formed a government. Meeting in the house of Father Zambrano, they completed in haste designs for the restoration of the old regime, the undoing of Casas, and the destruction of the envoys. Toward midnight events began to occur. The junta of ten silently appeared before General Headquarters to take command of the guards. The officer in charge of night watch, supported by many of his soldiers, had accepted the reasoning of these counter-revolutionists. Therefore, an ex­ change of words made the scheming ten masters. Then the first hour of the new day struck as leading citizens hurried through the darkness to an appointed meeting. They elected by plurality vote a governing junta of twelve, com­ posed of citizens and militarists under the presidency of Father Zambrano. Observing every formality, Zambrano and the junta individually took a solemn oath of fidelity to Ferdinand VII and to the holy religion, swearing also to obey only officials whose powers emanated from Spain. This final oath must have been a surprise to the insurgent leaders, Delgado and Saenz, but they knew how to follow when necessary. Casas, no doubt, was a sound sleeper. Not until daybreak of March 2, when four hundred soldiers demanded his sur­ render, did he know that he had lost distinction. At morn- JJ 56 ing reveille these soldiers had met new masters, to whom they shifted their allegiance, without hesitancy obeying orders to march to the governor's house. Casas surrendered, hand­ ing over his papers from Jimenez--documents which were to seal his £ate. Counter-revolution hurried on and Saenz was no mere spectator. He had made captive to be guarded, but not to be prisoners, the entire embassy because they could not pro­ duce proper credentials, railing at them for their lack of documents. Father Salazar and Aldama pledged their word of honor that they possessed no credentials, only verbal in­ structions.1 Their pledged word however, was prevarica­ tion as well as truth, for today official records reveal a written certificate for their mission dated Saltillo, February 8. Moreover, in the trial, Father Salazar testified that he had a paper of identification and verbal instructions. Jiine­ nez, he declared, had verbally ordered him to aid Aldama in securing ten thousand men from the United States to aid in the revolution. For the ten thousand men Jimenez promised to pay ten million pesos and in addition individual salaries for each soldier. Further, Salazar was to assure Americans in the United States that Jimenez possessed forty million pesos and an abundant quantity of bar silver. Salazar testified that he deplored the fact that he had to make these promises, knowing them to be false. 2 Praise the name of counter-revolutionists, for they thwarted Jimenez's mission and thereby spared gullible Americans an expensive experience. Now Ferdinand's crown of authority rested upon new brows. Zambrano and his followers, who had reasoned and intrigued their way into ascendency, proceeded before the sun was high to convince the masses of their wisdom. Cour­ iers rode to the chief settlements with written proclamations, while in Bexar was posted a written oath, signed by all mem­ bers of the junta. It promised a government in the interest of "the king, country, and religion."32 News of these events spread abroad. Citizens gathered. They read the posted proclamation. Some citizens, doubting that the days of tyranny had passed and suspecting that Zam­ brano would bring a return of Spanish rulers, prepared a petition well affixed with signatures. They presented it to Zambrano, stating that it represented the general voice of the capital. It requested Zambrano to establish "a model republic," to guarantee frequent meetings of the junta, as well as make public the measures of the government.4 Revo­ tionary principles which had seeped through into Texas could not be removed as a tree might be uprooted. Next day, to soothe troubled minds, the junta posted another proclamation. It commended the valiant troops and noble inhabitants of Bexar and told them to rejoice over the restored government which would not act in secrecy as Casas's government had done, because all measures favor­ able or adverse would be manifested. As a further assur­ ance, it announced that a town council would be given Bexar. This promise was carried out on March 4, the or­ ganization being the same as the one granted by His Majesty in 1735.5 To keep before the people the fact that a momentous event had occurred £or them, the junta was unremitting in its persecution of revolution. Warnings were dispatched to presidios and towns, traitors imprisoned, men deprived of offices con£erred by Jimenez and Casas, loyalists freed and their propertfy restored, and assuring notices posted.8 Although constantly reminded of their safety, inhabitants were not allQwed to forget lurking dangers. They were startled from their composure by a public warning not to acknowledge a government arising from envoys Aldama and Father Salazar, who, they learned, had attempted to seduce the troops with an offer of 10,000 pesQs if they would follow them to Mexico. A soldier, bribed with eight ounces of silver, was captured leaving the environs of Bexar with a message from Father Salazar addressed to Jimenez, begging him to bring his forces to Bexar'l Certainly the gQvernment of Texas was on a merry-go­ round. One day Salcedo and Herrera ruled, the next it was the revolutionist Casas, today it was Father Zambrano the loyalist, and tomorrow there was a possibility of the return of a revolutionary government under the envoys. Excitement did not subside with time. The Envoys Al­ dama and Father Salazar were now placed behind prison bars, but they remained adamant in their purpose. They would turn the people against Zambrano and restore revo­ lutionists to power. Confined in the Alamo prison, they plied their seduction among the soldiers. They wrote public letters declaring Ferdinand VII dead and advising that Texas be surrendered to Napoleon. They, too, it seemed could make use of the French to create confusion and thereby achieve their purpose. Because of these acts of sedition Zam­ brano threatened to drag Father Salazar to torture and death unless he abandoned these iniquities. 8 Members of the loyalist junta, not being stupid, realized that security at home was not sufficient. They were conscious of insecurity arising from Texas' position of isolation and frQm a potential invasion by Jimenez from across the Rio Grande. Their work was insufficient unless they received aid from Don Nemesio or the viceroy. They decided upon two steps: to send deputies to Don Nemesio and to fortify Bexar. The town council was summoned to deliberate. They rejected the junta's proposal to fortify Bexar. Instead they resolved that if the occasion arose, they would march to meet the insurgents before they advanced upon the capital. The plan to send two deputies was discussed by the town council with the aid of the chaplain, the curate and other notable citizens. They decided to send the deputies with instructions to ascertain t'1e disposition of the people of Coahuila, to inquire about the state of affairs in Chihuahua, S9 and to learn the attitude of troops under the command of Calleja, the loyalist general. 9 These instructions strike a note of deception. Appar­ ently some of these select citizens were excellent actors giving lip service to the restored government of loyalists and at the same time harboring insurgent beliefs. The revolutionary road beckoned them if only they knew whether it were safe to venture. Their day was to come again, as we shall see. Captains Jose Maria Munoz and Luis Galan were com­ missioned as deputies from the loyalist government in Texas to Don Nemesio in Chihuahua. The junta knew that nothing but stratagem could take the deputies safely across the great expanse of rebel country to Chihuahua. There£ore, if cap­ tured by insurgents they were to pose as insurgent messengers from Texas with a dispatch for Jimenez. The dispatch to Jimenez explained that the activities in Texas were in per­ fect accord with Jimenez but that they could not sanction his embassy to the United States, because the junta of Texas had resolved µ.ot to permit the passage of an armed force from the United States through Texas to Mexico. Their reason for this action was that Texans too well understood the territorial aim of that government. Their true message was verbal and for Don Nemesio's ears alone. The deputies were to pledge the loyal support of Texans to legitimate authority of Spanish rulers, even their readiness to rise in mass to sustain the commandant-general. March 8 the populace assembled on the plaza. It was the day of departure of the deputies. One can believe that silent solemnity pervaded the crowd when Father Zambrano, the junta, and deputies Munoz and Galan walked in proces­ sion from the Government House to the center of the plaza. Munoz and Galan stood before the junta. Zambrano gave them their commissions, reciting in impressive tones the orders. The written message to Jimenez was to be used only in case they were captured by insurgents. The verbal pledge to Don Nemesio was solely to govern their conduct. He ~:ll'F.F.N FI~AG OVER TEXAS climaxed his speech with the fearful admonition that if they valued their lives, they were not to embrace the revolution.10 In the presence of the populace Munoz and Galan took their departure. Neither this crQwd nor the deputies as they stood there that day realized that this mission would bind Coahuila and Texas in a mutual achievement, an event which would place a stumbling blqck in the progress of the Mexican nation and which would greatly affeet the history of Mexico. CHAPTER XI SCHEMES Beyond the Rio Grande ten leagues, Galan and Munoz, commissioned to Don N emesio, journeyed across stretches of cactus and brush, rimmed in the distance by barren moun­ tains. It was the thirteenth day of March. They had been assiduous wayfarers, having traveled the first lap of the way from Texas to distant Chihuahua. Before them stood San Fernando. There within its presidio a momentous event was in the making, which the message of Texas deputies would strengthen. Three men were conferring. Upon this important conference hinges a good story. Since Salcedo and Herrera with their twelve officers had been led in chains from Texas two months prior they had been prisoners at the hacienda of Lieutenant Colonel Ignacio Elizondo of the insurgent army, three leagues from Santa Rosa in Coahuilao Salcedo's strivings for his monarch did not cease with his captivity. Like the biblical faith which would move mountains, so was Salcedo's faith in monarchical government, and such faith converted Elizondo, his jailer. Undefeated by his two months imprisonment, undaunted by the danger invQlved, Salcedo insistently urged Elizondo to abandon the insurgent cause, declaring his place was in the fold of the loyalists. Salcedo's reiteration of the glories and benefits of Spanish rule brought Elizondo to the verge of decision. A disappointment completed his conversion to the loyalist cause. Elizondo had j taken offense because General Allende of the insurgent Army of America had re- 61 62 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS fused to reward him for his services with a title of greater prestige. A redeemed loyalist, Elizondo accepted Salcedo's pro­ posal to aid in promoting a counter-revolution in Coahuila to destroy the insurgent government of Aranda. Elizondo's activities extended from Monclova, the capital of Coahuila, to the Rio Grande. He began planning with the adminis­ trator of royal rents, several military officers, and affluent citizens of Monclova. With his troops Elizondo had great success. They swore to a man that they would prevent the insurgent Army of America gathering in Saltillo from entering their capital Monclova to unite with insurgent Governor Aranda who then ruled there. From Bustamante in command, at Laredo, of all Rio Grande presidios, Elizondo secured a promise of speedy aid for the project. Elizondo had determined to make use of every man and gun. At San Fernando the captain had ,special strength not only in a company of veteran troops but also in a dependable alliance with 3 00 Lipan Indians. Elizondo had ridden to San Fernando to confer with this captain.1 He had been accompanied there by Captain Arcos~£ Texas fame. Arcos, devoted servant of Salcedo and Herrera, was noted, it is to be remembered, for his liberal purse in the loyalist cause. While Elizondo and Arcos were revealing to the captain the plans of the counter-revolution in Coahuila, · the Texas deputies Mufi.oz and Gala·n were presented. To these three men Munoz and Galan made a heartening report. They stated that Texas had had a counter-revolution; that they were representatives from the restored loyalist government of Texas; that Texans were preparing to send •troops to the Rio Grande to prevent an insurgent invasion of Texas; and that they were on their way to Don Nemesio to avow the fidelity of Texans. Out of the exuberance that followed evolved the pledge that Texas would unite with Coahuila in annihilating insurgents.2 SCHEMES

This was stimulating news to dispatch to the Texas junta. Upon receipt of this message from the deputies, it is said, there was great rejoicing in Bexar. Oppressive fear in Texas of an invading insurgent ·army was lifted.3 The junta also received a dispatch from the captain of San Fernando, who told of the arrival of Galan and Mufi.oz. He praised the Texas junta. He praised Texas inhabitants. Then he in­ structed Texans that the two hundred troops they were pre­ paring to send to the Rio Grande should be well equipped and ready to march at his first word of the approach of the insurgents. 4 Copies of this dispatch the junta posted not only in Bexar, but in Nacogdoches, La Bahia, and Trinidad.5 At San Fernando it was agreed that Galan and Munoz should not continue their journey to Don Nemesio in Chi­ huahua, but instead should proceed with Elizondo and Arcos to the hacienda where Salcedo and Herrera were abiding. They journeyed fourteen leagues to meet their former masters and to report the fortunate events in Texas. Salcedo, now a deft schemer, guarded every act. It appears he had sent Captain Arcos with Elizondo to San Fernando to hold Eli­ zondo to the right course. Now he applied the same caution in regard to the Texas deputies. The news that the insurgent government had been overthrown in Texas must reach Don Nemesio. Salcedo kept Muiioz and Galan at the hacienda, while two trusty couriers on short notice rode north to Don Nemesio. The next day after the arrival of the deputies, Salcedo and Herrera left with Elizondo for Santa Rosa to conclude preparations for the counter - revolution in Coahuila.8 While Salcedo, Herrera, and Elizondo planned extirpation of revolution, the revolutionary army, self-styled the Army of America, looked into their future. The spectacle was not dazzling. Since February, Allende, the commander-in-chief of the Army of America, and Hidalgo with their forces had been encamped with Jimenez at Saltillo. They could not muster a force exceeding five thousand poorly equipped soldiers. The loyalists occupied Zacatecas with superior num­ bers. Loyalist Ge~ral Calleja threatened to advance north­ ward. The revolutionists took inventory of their assets. Texas, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Nuevo Santander, the four nqrtheastern provinces were in their possession-so they mistakenly believed. Therefore, they would unite all the forces of these provinces with the Army of America quar­ tered in. Saltillo, and under a newly appointed commander they would oppose Calleja. In the meantime, Con1mander-in-chief Allende with Jimenez and Hidalgo and about a thousand troops would proceed with their riches to the United States, where they would purchase arms and auxiliaries. Perhaps fortune would be with them. Fortune would come in the form of troops and munitions pouring into Bexar from the United States. If this happened, Allende and his party would not need to continue their journey to the United States, but could enjoy a respite in Bexar. This good fortune was very probable, the chieftains reckoned, because the envoys Aldama and Father Salazar by this time had reache4 the United States; and troops and munitions which they were to send would soon reach Bexar. After the chieftains rested in Bexar and re­ organized with the new forces and equipment, they would return; and it was not to be doubted that they would defeat Calleja. Upon these deliberations the anxious chiefs began to work. A military council was held on March 16. It bestowed chief COl11lnand of the Army of America during Allende's absence in Texas upon Ignacio Rayon.7 Another commission be­ stowed that day, like that of Rayon's, would plough deep the revolutionary furrows. Before this council, uninvited, appeared Gutierrez, the propagandist. It is to be recalled he had aided in revolutionizing the northern borders. His words were impressive-"My services, my hacienda, my life" were offered to save t;he cause. Such ardent loyalty was not to be spurned. The council appointed him lieutenant- srHP.~-S

colonel to preserve independence in the north. He was or­ dered to return to N uevo Santander, to organize forces, and to bring them to a Rio Grande garrison which would be designated as the rendezvous. Before his departure, how­ ever, word came from Texas that the government of Casas had been overturned and the envoys to the United States were captives. Gutierrez, affected by Allende's sorrow, of­ fered to fulfill the envoys' commission. The title of am­ bassador was conferred, but first Gutierrez must fulfill the previous commission. So the zealous one returned home. 8 And the chiefs, ignorant of the counter-revolution about to be executed by Salcedo, Herrera, and Elizondo in Coa­ huila, began their journey toward the Rio Grande. Jimenez sent fast-riding couriers to the northern settle­ ments with circulars announcing the transference of chief­ command of the Army of America to Rayon with Aranda, insurgent governor of Coahuila, as his assistant. A courier adept in speed carried special instructions to Aranda in Mon­ clova. Also, Jimenez sent Aranda a detailed account of the purpose of the mission to the United States and of their route to the Rio Grande. 9 In this, Jimenez grievously erred. Success had not directed Aranda's energies to stricter vigilance. They had taken to the way of merriment. While Aranda in Monclova, on the night of March 17, reveled in hilarious entertainment, Elizondo seized command of his troops, then made him captive in the festal hall. Most sig­ nificant, Elizondo gained possession of Aranda's papers, among them the revealing message of Jimenez. Within three hours, without a shot being fired, Spanish government was restored.10 Elizondo did not wait for the sun of a new day. That night he sent a rider to Texas with the good news of the fall of the insurgent government in Coahuila. The rider also carried a plea for help. The enemy, Elizondo said, was marching toward Bexar. He entreated the Texas junta to send by forced marches to th~ R.iQ Gran~e every settler that r,-n ,...,...,T r-T .11. ~ r-..-..rr.n '"rl:'V Ac 66 \J ~.C, J. "I r L.n. \.:J V 'V LJ.'\.. .l .L,,0,. .c:,..-.1 could be armed and mounted. Upon Texas, he declared, depended the complete destruction of the revolution. On March 20 a similar request was sent to Texas by the cap­ tain of the presidio of San Fernando.11 Town criers proclaimed the news in Bexar. The junta believed that such tidings would frighten any insurgents under cover among them and at the same time encourage loyalists.12 CHAPTER XII THE WELLS OF BAJ.AN Aware of the day's new gifts and of the preciousness of a single moment, a council of counter-revolutionists who now ruled Coahuila from Monclova spread Jimenez's plans of retreat before them. According to the directions of Jimenez, the insurgent chiefs traveling to Texas on their way to the United States would reach the Wells of Bajan to refresh thirsty horses and famished men on March 21. The council decided to smite them there. Elizondo was placed in com­ mand, but by Salcedo's sagacity Elizondo's most intimate companions were excluded from the expedition.1 Elizondo departed with three hundred and forty-two troops. Traitor that he was, he had written Jimenez that he would meet him at the wells. 2 Meanwhile, Galan and Muiioz, who had been awaiting Sal­ cedo's order at the hacienda of Elizondo, were riding, as instructed, to Monclova. On their arrival there March 21, is representatives from Texas, they met with the new junta of Coahuila. A resolution was passed that Texas and Coa­ huila unite their forces against the advancing insurgents. Straightway Salcedo, representing Texas, acted upon the resolution. With ifufioz, whom now he had appointed as his adjutant, Salcedo left Monclova for the wells that after­ noon at four o'clock commanding a division of troops. Salcedo's band covered the leagues that lay between Mon­ clova and Bajan by midnight. Unfortunately, Salcedo missed the sensational event of the year 1811, which had occurred 67 ,,,,,....-n "l"'IT"'"II..T T.'T A ,r, r"'-"(T'CD "T"'l:'V AC 68 ~.1'.LL1"1 r .L.l'l.U V V .L:,.1.'- .1. J,.;,.n.,n._, that morning.3 This event became international news, was deplored in the United States by ardent liberals, discussed in England, counted in France as another check for Napoleon, applauded in Spain by loyalists, and preserved as historic by Mexican patriots. This historic event had a perfect setting for the loyalists waiting on a treeless rocky hill that rolled down into a desert plain of sand and chaparral. Across the expanse many lines of carriages and horsemen moved along through the white sand. Wagons followed, creaking with their loads of neces­ sary equipment for living, even with treasure, and money. An army of fifteen hundred trailed the rear. The morning sun transformed the clouds of dust into alluring veils through which the entire spectacle gleamed. They were not moving in military array, but carelessly unguarded. Perhaps they were thinking of the leagues that stretched ahead to fertile Texas prairies where they could rest in green pastures, where troops and provisions would be supplied them. They were within a few days of their goal. Elizondo and his troops, conceaJed in a recess forming an ambush, watched this illustrious array. What feelings were surging through Elizondo's traitorous soul? Revenge? Future honors and reward? When the first groups of horsemen and carriages came upon Elizondo's troops, they saluted Elizondo and passed unaware into the ambush. Other car­ riages followed before they discovered Elizondo's treachery. Hidalgo, Allende, Jimenez, the most notorious offenders of Spanish authority, were seized. Only one leader of note escaped. Soldiers attempted flight, but eight hundred were made prisoners, and every wagon of booty became a prize. The devastation Elizondo inflicted was thorough. Excitement. Confusion. The clash of frenzied voices. Exchange of threats. The sound of frightened horses. Chaos was complete. The stupendousness of the feat drove Eli­ zondo and his three hu11:dred to impulsive and disorderly

action. Int~ t~ 1?e4l~!n. ~al~ed~ r<;> - - U~- - .ISAJAN- a - , - -- 69 however, his military skill established order throughout the prison camp.4 And that night he guarded the most treasured captives of the loyalists of New Spain. Next morning he marched insurgents to Monclova, where Herrera, who had been left in charge, had arranged for their confinement. In Herrera's opinion, his Texas co-worker, Salcedo, had saved the situation. He had been the master of the event. With untiring quill and in many words he expressed his opinion to Don Nemesio. Salcedo's action, he wrote, was to be praised and proclaimed, being as brilliant as that of Elizondo. Now one more feat was to be accomplished. Insurgents were to be delivered to Don Nemesio in Chihuahua. It was decided Salcedo should be in command, while Herrera re­ mained behind as provisional governor of Coahuila. Two hundred leagues of valleys, hills, great sloping barren moun­ tains, sand, rock, chapparal grasses, widely interspersed water holes, and hot sun led to Chihuahua. Day long and night long through this dreary desert the prisoners suffered pain from their never-loosened fetters. A month's journey brought them to their destination on April 23.5 This route of torture and despair is today marked by the cities of Jimenez, Allende, and Hidalgo del Parral. Loyalists had said that the capture of insurgent chieftains and the destruction of revolution in northeastern pro­ vinces would end revolution in New Spain. Who had cap­ tured the chieftains? Who by intrigue had restored Spanish power in Texas and Coahuila? Who had closed the road to the United States against American aid? It was not the loyalist General Calleja, Bonavia, the viceroy, or Don Nemesio. It was Salcedo and Herrera of Texas. It was counter-revolutionists in Texas and Coahuila acting together. But loyalists did not extol them. Nor have the Mexican historians in their annals explained the marked significance of their work. Leaders of Texas and Coahuila ended the first period of the Mexican revolution and prolonged its --_._., • ,....., a ,.., -"'"lrr,'D "r'"C'V AC 70 li.Kt..t.1~ .t'L.fl..U VVJ.:,.1'- .J..IJ.of~.LV struggle. If Hidalgo, Allende, and Jimenez had reached a revolutionized Texas, how different, it may be surmised, would have been the struggle for Mexican independence. Texas played a consequential role in the colonial history of Spain and left an ineffaceable mark on the history of the Mexican nation. CHAPTER XIII THE PENALTY OF DEFEAT Texans were not permitted to forget their importance. From the presidia of the Rio Grande went the news of the capture of the chieftains at the Wells of Bajan along with an urgent request for aid. The message, couched in appealing literary style, was to the effect that the Rio Grande presidio was exposed, as well as Laredo, because Bustamante had taken all troops to strengthen Monclova. Upon Texas rested the responsibility for holding fast recent victories. This would be met by sending troops in haste to the Rio Grande. The message flattering Texans with statements that Texas alone could save the victory had effect.1 Immediately Zambrano, accompanied by all members of the junta and five hundred soldiers, left Bexar on March 26 for Laredo. Stationed in this presidio they awaited action, and in their enforced leisure some members of the junta became excellent scribes. To Don Nemesio they wrote several epistles. They recounted to His Excellency each event of the counter-revolution in Texas. One most re­ munerative event was the seizure of thirty-three and one­ half loads of silver sent by Jimenez to Casas in Bexar. They had deposited the bountiful treasure for His Excellency's use. 2 With the exception of letter writing the Texans en­ dured days bare of happenings. By April 1, there was a feeling that danger from insurgents had passed, and the Texans returned home. 71 72 GREEN 14LAu uv"'ER TEXAS

Meanwhile Mwioz and Galan, still in Monclova, notified Don N emesio that they were with Herrera until otherwise instructed. On May 21 they were in Chihuahua, repre­ senting to Don Nemesio the wish that he restore his nephew Salcedo as governor of Texas, and as deputies of Texas they pledged that the people of their province would receive him with acclaim. 3 At that time Salcedo was in Chihuahua serving as president of the military tribunal, be£ ore which depositions taken from insurgent captives were placed for pronouncement of a verdict. Trials were conducted with quick dispatch. Execution of insurgents began on May 10. Days that fol­ lowed were colored by the loyalists' fu.ry. However, it was not until June 26 that distinguished executions occurred. That day Allende and Jimenez with other prominent ones were shot by the firing squad. Hidalgo's execution was delayed until July.. A lengthy trial convicted him of high treason, and degraded him from priesthood with exhausting formalities. On July 31 four months of imprisonment ended .for him as he died with serenity before a firing squad.4 Heroic strain had kept the soul of Hidalgo immune from the degradation his body had suffered. He became an immortal spirit symbolic of Mexican liberty which forged a Mexican nation. Today Mexican youths are held to his noble example by cities, statues, avenues, and holidays which commemorate his name. Two other chief offenders, Salazar and Ignacio Aldama, were sent from Texas to Monclova for trial. Conducted from Bexar on May 2, they were subjected throughout th~ journey to extreme hardship. The council condemned Salazar to death for high treason, and was so successful in manifesting the treason of Aldama that before his death he made a declaration asking publicly to be for given, de­ claring the revolution to be iniquitous, and peace and obedience to the authorities of the king the only sources of happiness.5 In Texas, also, defeated insurgents received their penalty. Don Nemesio had ordered Casas to be tried in Bexar. After Zambrano and members of the junta with the troops re­ turned from their emergency defense on the Rio Grande, legal proceedings were begun. In late May, Casas, whom defeat had not disarmed, was summoned before a tribunal. When questioned, he refused to give testimony, asserting that justice would not be given him, because, he parried, the judge and secretary of the court were friends of Herrera. When Don Nemesio received account of such audacious de­ fiance, Casas's trial was transferred to Monclova. On June 2 the recalcitrant Casas left Bexar in shackles, guarded by ten soldiers. Twenty-seven days later his testimony began in Monclova. With well-measured speed a war coun­ cil composed of five notables, tWQ of whom were Elizondo and Cordero, who had been deposed from the governorship of Coahuila by insurgents, convicted Casas of high treason. On August 3 he was degraded from office, shot, and be­ headed. Thereupon two soldiers departed with the head of Casas for Bexar, where it was ordered to be publicly dis­ played.6 The war council intended to impress Texans with the disagreeable ending of an insurgent. Unluckily Casas, the man, did not become an heroic figure in the epic tales of Texas. Unlike Hidalgo, the Texan insurgent has received only a few lines in historical annals. Some modern historians have even stated that Texas had no part in Mexico's struggle for independence. Fury of loyalists vengeance spent, Don Nemesio turned to honor supporters of Spanish government in Texas. A roll of honor had been compiled by the Texas junta and sent to Don Nemesio. To each honored one Don Nemesio sent a note of praise for his meritorious service. The names of Delgado and Saenz, the turncoats of the Casas revolution, occupied prominent places on this roster. Loyalists said of them that they were men who knew how to mend their mistakes. But were they? Was it not more of a case of GF...EEN FLAG OVF.R TEXAS

events making them loyalists? Anyway, they had been artful. Citizens of Bexar read in public places the posted roll of honor and Don Nemesio's message prolix with praise. How­ ever, these recent demonstrations of vengeance and reward were to be a fleeting lesson. 7 By June, quiet had been restored in Texas. In July, Herrera returned as governor ad interim to his so-called "thorny mission/' while Don Ne1nesio, fettered with anxiety, penned pleas from Chihuahua to Viceroy Venegas, c

counter - revolution had received official statements of thanks; still others had received promotions or titles, Her­ rera being given the rank of colonel.' He continued that even leaders in the Casas revolution, who had sent him a prisoner in irons to the Rio Grande, but who later became turncoats and prominent in the counter-revolution, had re­ ceived honors. He stated that it would be harmful to the service of the king to assume office when he had been treated with contempt and abuse. His orders, he added, would not be obeyed with confidence. What opinion would the in­ habitants and troops of Texas have of him, he questioned.' In a determined tone Don Nemesio responded in Novem­ ber, ordering Salcedo to take command immediately of the province of Texas. To soothe Salcedo's injured spirit, he concluded with a spice of his philosophy that Salcedo uquiet his anxieties, knowing that justice would never fail." Sal­ cedo, resigned to his uncle's will, sent a message expressive of respect and obedience informing Don Nemesio that he would resume the governorship of Texas on December 19.6 With morbid accuracy Salcedo had depicted dangers to Texas arising from the frontier of the United States. One need only turn to documents in the archives of the United States to see that he did not mistake the facts. In April the junta of Texas had received from Father Huerta of Nacogdoches information regarding an obliging Mr. Smith, who had offered to bring a thousand soldiers from the United States to aid Texas rebels.6 United States Indian agent Sibley wrote from the outpost of Natchitoches to Sec­ retary of War Eustis that the rumors of invasion into Spanish dominions in the cause of revolution were true. He stated that in the towns of Rapides and Opelousas, Louisiana, efforts had been made to engage men for pre­ cisely that service. In fact, correspondence concerning such a project had been carried on between persons in N atchi­ toches and Texas. 78 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

Throughout the summer and winter Sibley's monthly letters to the Secretary of War read like boys' choice adven­ ture stories. He described the Neutral Ground as brimming over with banditti. They erected many cabins and planted patches of corn. They even sent emissaries to Rapides, Opelousas, and Natchitoches for recruits. Their prosperity was promoted by plundering the increasing number of caravans between Natchitoches and Texas. This stimulat­ ing trade began when the government of Casas proclaimed free commerce between the United States and Texas. Al­ though no longer free since the restoration of Spanish gov­ ernment, the authorities purchased needed supplies. The Texas government had acquired purchasing power with the. seizure of the treasury of the Mexican envoys, Aldama and Father Salazar. In Sibley's June report he recorded that five Texans from Bexar purchased, with silver, mer­ chandise valued at $20,000. In July he told of the arrival of fifteen men with large sums, who were accompanied by armed troops across the Neutral Ground. The troops halted at the frontier to await the return of the agents from Natchitoches with the purchases. In December he wrote that trade was bountiful, that mule trains were con­ tinually arriving in Natchitoches packed with silver and returning to Texas freighted with merchandise; and that carts carried their share along the carriage road that ex­ tended from Nacogdoches to Bexar. News of Indians was not omitted from Sibley's account. He stated in his December letter that the revolution had greatly affected them, that they "ravered between the two political factions, each of which had made proposals. The Panis, he heard, had joined the loyalists of Bexar. Indians adjacent to the United States frontier, he was happy to report, refused aid to both factions, remaining faithful to the United States. '1 Salcedo' s reports to his superior, Don N emesio, were in like vein. He wrote of how vexatious the Indians were since the revolution. To remedy matters, Don Nemesio 19 granted a great concession: he permitted the Spanish Indian agent at Nacogdoches-Samuel Davenport, an Irishman­ the right to buy goods in Natchitoches. Gifts had such a soothing effect.8 What a panorama of difficulties Texas presented in the closing days of 1811. Salcedo, wounded in spirit, assumed of£ice, doubtful of his own authority, fearful lest his orders would not command obedience; forseeing dangers from troublesome Indians, dangerous Americans, intriguing Frenchmen, and apprehensive of insubordination among the inhabitants. Nevertheless, he informed Don Nemesio he would face everything with the aid of Divine Providence and the prudent instructions from him. By these means, he be­ lieved, Spanish authority would be carried triumphantly through. Such conditions in Texas could mean only revolution, and the ashes of the old revolution were to shelter the sparks of the new.

REVOLUTIONISTS RENEW THEIR STRENGTH GREEN FLAG OVER ;-r.EXAS

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s CHAPTER xv GUTIERREZ Death of insurgent chiefs did not subdue the courage of Mexican revolutionists. There were still valiant men in purple. Rayon and Jose Maria Morelos would· carry on in Mexico, and the commission of Aldama and Father Salazar to the United States would be fulfilled.1 This commission had been entrusted to Gutierrez, a descendant of pioneers who had dared to forsake the certain and push on beyond into the uncertain. The victory of restored Spanish authority in northern provinces did not check Gutierrez's ardor. Gutierrez had espoused the Mexican cause and he could not retreat. From his forced retirement in Revilla, he recklessly voiced his opinions of Spain's policies in such expressions as would endanger his2 life at the coming of General Arredondo, who had saiied from Vera Cruz for Texas. Arredondo led a splendid expedition, too fine to be gambled with along the Texas coast, about which the hydrography was unknown or at least for which the officials of the harbor of Vera Cruz could not find records.3 Hence, Arredondo's instructions had been countermanded. Instead of coming to Texas in June, 1811, he had disembarked at Tampico and was march­ ing through Nuevo Santander, ferreting out all insurgents! Gutierrez began to fear for his safety. He faced his problem. If he remained in Revilla to be imprisoned, he argued, he would perish without gain. If he faced the un­ certain, perhaps he would realize the mission given him $3 ,-. n -r.-r.'1'. T -r.T A ,-. "~ TT.' n "rT.'"'V' " C' U'.1'.LL.1.~ r.a...n.u V V LA .1..L:,A.n.,:J by the insurgent chiefs in the war council at Saltillo. At this point an event thrust him into the Texas epic. It was midsummer when Captain Don Miguel Menchaca, fleeing from persecution of loyalists in Texas, knocked at Gutierrez's door. There he found refuge. Freed from anxiety within the sheltering walls of Gutierrez's house, Menchaca rested from his torturous ride and talked fluently of Texas. As his conversation progressed, it may be imagined that the mental clouds of obscurity and remoteness which clothed Texas and the American Republic beyond vanished for Gutierrez. He abandoned his doubts. He arrived at a supreme resolution. Like his ancestors, he would venture into the untried. With what haste Gutierrez and Menchaci must have prepared to escape to the United States. It was the latter part of July when they left Revilla with twelve men equipped with arms, munitions, horses, pack animals, and with all the silver, Gutierrez boasted, that he could muster. He was thirty-seven years old-in the prime of life. He had taken a daring leap into the future.- This band had been equipped from his own treasure box. He had left behind his all-family, home, properties, and business-and ridden into the unknown. 5 These insurgents journeyed into Texas, trailing far into the north beyond the settlements along the Camino Real. Menchaca knew what routes to avoid. For over a month they rode across the least known and least traveled region~, so Gutierrez records, and not until they reached the north­ eastern boundary of Texas did they approach permanent habitations. There, in Indian villages, Gutierrez began to prepare for his future undertaking by circulating tales among the Indians to the effect that he was to free them from Spanish shackles, that he was then on his way to the United States to secure large forces and that if the Indians would join him1 he would destroy Spanish power. Having GUTIERREZ 8S sown this propaganda, they turned southward toward Nat­ chitoches, the outpost of the United States. Although Gutierrez and Menchaca traveled by unknown paths, loyalists of Bexar knew of their presence. Word had reached there about August 16 from Governor Cordero of Coahuila. He advised Salcedo to apprehend Gutierrez, who, with a band of rebels, was somewhere in Texas bound for the United States. Salcedo followed the advice. Several patrolling parties were sent out. However, it was mid­ September before Gutierrez realized that (in Texas) he was a hunted man. On the evening of the seventeenth he was one day's journey beyond the Sabine. Not many weary miles lay between his wish land the fulfillment-safety within the United States. For the night he sought food and lodging for his party in the house of a Frenchman in the Bayou Pierre district. As these were well-frequented areas, news reached Nacogdoches of the presence of these long-searched-for rebels. Spanish soldiers hurried to Bayou Pierre. They attacked the Frenchman's house. All but two members of the band escaped into the woods. Gutierrez lost his papers and three hundred of his five hundred pesos. Fortunately, a deserter from the barracks in Bexar, who was also hiding in Bayou Pierre, hearing of the attack fled to Natchitoches. There he recounted the frontier excitement which had not yet subsided, because Gutierrez's party was still hiding while the Spaniards were scouring the piney woods for them. Some inhabitants of Natchitoches had ready ears for such information. Fifteen armed volunteers set out to bring these bold patriots within the shelter of the United States outpost. They found them on the banks of the Arroyo Hondo in United States territory six miles from Natchi­ toches. Several days had elapsed since the attack. Their condition was miserable but was quickly mended by the liberality Qf the inhabitants. When they reached Natchi- 86 Giili.EN ¥LAG Ov .t.R TEXAS

toehes, clothing, food, and lodging were provided, and their sojourn extended from days into weeks.6 An explanation of this bountiful hospitality may be found today in the papers of personages important in the outpost at that early period. Since 1808, Sibley, United States In­ dian agent, in his correspondence with the Secretary of War, had many times written of the impending revolution in Spanish provinces. When the revolution broke, he reported with enthusiasm every word and every rumor that reached Natchitoches from Texas, even advising an active policy on the frontier on the part of the United States.7 If Don Nemesio had read these letters, he would have been,'convinced that he had not misnamed Sibley "the revolutionist." Nor was Sibley alone in his interest in the revolution. Sibley and Governor Claiborne of Louisiana corresponded. In their letters both expressed the need of "the revolution's assuming a proper direction," a startling statement with subtle connotations. Claiborne believed in the revolution assuming "a proper direction" to the extent of instructing Judge John C. Carr of Natchitoches to keep him informed of the "progress and views of the Revolutionists" in adjoining Spanish country, since it was important to the interests of the United States "that the secretary of state receive early and correct information.. " 8 Now a revolutionist with ideas had arrived. Gutierrez confided to the notables of Natchitoches his purpose. Plans unfolded. Gutierrez, in his account to the Mexican Congress, states that at Natchitoches he made known a plan to Men­ chaca, who had adopted it in its entirety and with a goodly number of American volunteers was to return to Bexar, where the discontented people and soldiers awaited him to overturn the government of Spaniards. When the new gov­ ernment was established, Menchaca was to send to Gutierrez, in the capital of the United States, credentials, letters of credit, and funds for his mission. Meanwhile, Gutierrez was to be on his way to Washington.9 87

The magic power of revolution seemed to take hold of the citizens of positiQn in Natchitoches. They played their part in seeing that the revolution took uthe proper direc­ tion." In mid-October Gutierrez and Menchaca parted. What had occurred during the month's sojourn may be surmised-conversations, encouragement, plans, and visions of benefits pouring from an independent Texas. Certainly the faith of Gutierrez in his mission had been strengthened. Gutierrez left for the capital of the United States, ac­ companied by a young man as interpreter, and fortified with two letters of import. One was from Sibley to Eustis, the Secretary of War of the United States. Another was from Captain Overton to General Overton, who lived twelve miles from Nashville, Tennessee. General Overton, a scarred hero of the American Revolution, was requested to lodge Gutier­ rez and provide him with directions and assistance for the remainder of his journey to Washington. 10 Captain Overton had been liberal with Gutierrez, giving him a letter which inferred much, for Overton had caught the mood of frontier visionaries peering into the Spanish west. His attitude was that of an earnest revolutionist as shown in a letter he wrote his superior, General Wilkinson, after Gutierrez's departure. To Wilkinson, who was also a sympathizer with revolution, Overton expressed disapproval for the present trend of affairs in the adjoining Spanish provinces because he believed the Spaniards would exert their strength: to _hold all territory between Coahuila and the Louisiana border. This act would close to Mexican revolutionists communication with the United States and would prevent Americans "from joining the cause of liberty and giving a vital stab to the old government."11 Activities had also marked the days of sojourn for Men­ chaca, as is evidenced in official papers of both Sibley and Overton. Three hundred American volunteers had assem­ bled beyond the jurisdiction of the United States in the Neutral Ground. On October 15 they crossed the Sabine prepared to seize Nacogdoches as the first hurdie in their conquest. The attempt was frustrated by a sudden surge of fear. Upon the approach of the loyalist troops, Menchaca joined them. Americans in chagrin returned to Natchitoc4es to await another day for their much-visioned undertaking. Claiborne attempted to explain this humiliating escapade to Monroe, Secretary of State. He stated that he did not know "how to accredit the news-particularly after his positive orders" to frontier officials to put down any enter­ prise of such nature.12 Claiborne might have found a ready explanation in the fact that it was a time of revolutionary impulse and the men of the Louisiana frontier had suc­ cumbed to this spirit abroad in the world. CHAPTER XVI AJOURNEYINTOASTRANGECOUNTRY Gutierrez was steadfast. He went on eastward. Week after week he rode along strange roads with his interpreter, a change of mounts for each, and a pack mule, a dazzled man in a wondrous world, relishing each new sight. His diary tells us that on November 5 he arrived at the banks of the Tennessee River. On the ninth he reached Nashville, remained there several days; by the fourteenth Nashville was behind him, and late that afternoon he came to the house of General Overton. Presentation of the letter from the cap­ tain of Natchitoches brought a courteous exchange of com­ pliments, a "sumptuous bed," and an "ostentatious table." Next morning Gutierrez departed. General Overton was tremendously impressed by the letter from Natchitoches, which for him had covert sigmficance. The remainder of the journey for Gutierrez was assured. The general gave him three letters. One was to General Winchester, who lived twenty-five miles beyond and with whom Gutierrez was instructed to spend the night. A second was to General Overton's brother in Knoxville, judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee. Another was addressed to farmers along the route who were to care for his mules and show him the way. Furthermore the general did not bid him farewell at the door, but rode with him three leagues, in order to put him on the right road. Revived in spirits, Gutierrez jogged along toward Knox­ ville, alone now, as his interpreter, who had proved a ras- 89 90 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS cally fellow, had deserted him at the house of the general. That evening he entered the ttmansion of General Win.. chester," where he remained on the sixteenth because of rain and cold weather. His diary tells of perfect hospitality, also that Winchester gave him a guide, who accompanied him a league, and a note of introduction to farmers along the way. After leaving the splendid comforts of the Winchester mansion, there followed days of riding, sometimes through snow, always in cold, and frequently through drizzling rain. Gutierrez complained of the cold, to which he was unaccus­ tomed. On November 26 he reached Knoxville, Tennessee. Judge Overton received him in his home, where he udined with brilliant company." Governor Blount was one of the dinner guests. He likewise extended an encouraging hand. He entertained Gutierrez. He, too, gave him a letter of introduction. Gutierrez said it was to the president of Congress. Since no such of£ice existed, the conjecture may be that it was to Henry Clay, Speaker of the House, an earnest advocate of Spanish-American independence. Gutierrez must have delighted in the hospitality of the judge and the governor, for he remained seven days in Knoxville. There he sold his mules for one hundred and thirty pesos and prepared to complete the trip by stage coach. On December 3 he rolled away on a nine-day jour­ ney by coach. He was in high spirits, as his dairy reveals. He describes the stage coach drivers as boys of twenty, "their faces like roses and their bodies as if they were painted." He marvelled at the unaccustomed sights-large towns and factories. He was amazed how diligently men worked there and what good fortune they enjoyed. His conclusion was that good government produced these wonders. The mQrning of December 11, 1811, Gutier..rez, the tradesman and blacksmith from the remote village of Revilla on the sun-baked, sandy banks of the Rio Grande, entered A JOURNEY INTO A STRANGE COUNTRY 91 the capital of the great American Republic. Without sar­ torial equipment or credentials other than the letter from Sibley to Eustis, he entered the offices of the State and War Departments of the United States. Gutierrez was the first ambassador from the 1'Icxican people to the United States and he would attempt to write the initial pages in the his­ tory of Mexican diplomacy. Gutierrez records he was "received with the greatest cor­ diality" by Secretary of War Eustis and the chief clerk of the State Department, John Graham. Two hours were spent in conversation, which brought an appointment for the next day, when he was to be presented to Honorable Secretary of State, James Monroe. Gutierrez also obtained from this conference a valuable guardian in Graham, who assumed responsibility for Gutierrez's physical welfare. He lodged Gutierrez in the chief hostelry of Washington. In no wise did Graham exercise petty economy. He financed Gutierrez's every need.1 During the ensuing days of Decem­ ber Gutierrez, inspired to extraordinary deeds, became a figure in great affairs. CHAPTER. XVII DUBIOUS DIPLOMACY Official Washington was not unprepared for the unan­ nounced arrival of Gutierrez. The State Department in November, 1811, had sent instructions to its ministers at the courts of Great Britain, France, Russia, and Denmark to avail themselves of opportunities to promote on the part of the powers of Europe the recognition of independence of Spanish-American colonies. It was explained that the United States could not be indifferent to a just claim of their 1 cc southern brethren." Then on December 10 the House of Representatives had passed a resolution that Congress view with friendly interest the establishment of independent sovereignties by the Spanish provinces, since as neighbors of the same hemisphere, the United States was interested in their welfare. As soon as they attained nationhood, the United States would grant them recognition.2 Prior to these favorable expressions, from South America came representatives of Venezuela in April of 1810, seeking aid for their revolution against Spain. Early in 1811, Tele­ foro de Orea, who was later to figure in Texas diplomacy, became head of the Venezuelan embassy in Washington. Also, two agents had come from Buenos Aires with cre­ dentials dated June, 1811.3 Now in December of the same year Gutierrez was opening up another vista to this gov­ ernment which looked with "favorable eyes" upon the revolution in Spanish provinces. The term ufavorable eyes" 92 DUBIOUS DIPLOMACY 93 was used by Monroe in a note to John Quincy Adams, min­ ister to Russia. 4 Perhaps to Monroe, Gutierrez's plan to aid in the inde­ pendence of New Spain appeared as a potential solution to the Louisiana boundary question with which, 'as special minister for President Jefferson, he had labored without profit and which in 1811 was still a problem. At any rate, these agents, although denied official recognition, were creating public interest within the United States. Further, they were arousing the fear of Spain and disturbing British calm, since they were receiving from the United States Government, unofficially of course, no little encouragement and stimulating promises. The day after the arrival of Gutierrez, his enigmatical dealings with the State Department formally began. Of what occurred in the scheduled conference with Monroe on De­ cember 12 and in later con£erences we find an account in the diary of Gutierrez, another in his report to the Mexi­ can Congress made in 1823, and also in a ten-page manuscript which he addressed to the Secretary of War. In these ten pages Gutierrez presented his cause to the American Government. The manuscript reveals diplomatic skill, a knowledge of the meddling of European powers in Spanish colonies, and an understanding of the Anglo­ American mind in terms of Mexican commerce. Whether it was the masterpiece of Gutierrez or written with a coun­ selor at his elbow is of little consequence here. This was his plea: As "Lieutenant Colonel, an American of the King­ dom of Mexico, Province of Neuvo Santander," he came without formalities to implore aid. He hoped that the government would ignore his lack of credentials, only giving attention to the supplication of Mexicans. He proposed that, with Menchaca established in a republican government in Texas, a free passage would be provided for pack trains de­ livering arms, munitions, and merchandise from the United States to the Rio Grande or nearby. For these aids Mexi- 94 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS can provinces would exchange silver, wool, and other pro­ ducts. Gutierrez sagaciously reasoned that such action would be the beginning not only of close friendship but of a prosperous commerce which would make both Americas in­ dependent of European trade. In view of these benefits, Gutierrez expressed his opinion that the United States would resent any European power taking possession of New Spain. Therefore, he sought aid from the United States in order to strengthen his country u:against any malignant effort that might come from Europe."5 Monroe reacted agreeably, Gutierrez said, to almost every­ thing. Monroe assented to the reasons for aid from the United States which would prevent foreign intervention in New Spain and promote commerce between the two gov­ ernments. The scheme of Menchaca he approved. He ad­ vised Gutierrez to remain in Washington until Menchaca sent word of the new government in Texas or of one established in any other part of New Spain. But there unanimous agree­ ment ended. In response to his request for military aid, Gutierrez said, the United States Government placed before him ua great difficulty, namely,- the taking possession of the borders of Louisiana." Monroe proposed that the United States send an army to the Rio Grande, from which point they could aid the revolutionists in the interior of Mexico, the United States acting under the pretext of taking pos­ session of Texas as a part of the Louisiana purchase. Although convinced that Monroe's proposal was the only way that the United States could aid Mexico and at the same time keep peace with Spain, nevertheless Gutierrez refused Monroe's offer, declaring that he could not treat of territorial adjustments, as that was a matter that rested with the future Mexican state. Gutierrez secretly prided himself on this prudent reply, as his diary indicates, and was much pleased when Monroe was not offended at his refusal to give consent to the United States' possessing Texas in exchange for aid. Monroe, he writes, was very affable. 95

In responding to his refusal, Monroe stated that the cause of independence was favored by the United States, that the gov­ ernment would aid him and would provide him with money for personal needs, even for his return journey. The boundary question was discussed in two other meetings, occasions which Gutierrez regretted, as the question of the boundary limits blocked the realization of his mission. Encouragement, however, was the fruit of the final con­ ference with Monroe on December 17. Monroe, whose diplomacy now reached an audacious peak, stated that in the event of war with Great Britain the United States would immediately place an army of 50,000 men in New Spain, aiding in the struggle for Mexican independence. Eagerly Gutierrez requested Monroe to place this promise in writing in order that he might show it to the leaders of independence. Monroe refused. Other minds were likewise harboring Monroe's plan. Governor Claiborne of Louisiana had made the same suggestion tQ the Secretary of Navy in a letter in December and another in January of 1812. One can but wonder whether Monroe had accepted Jefferson's advocated policy that territories adjacent to the United States be an­ nexed in the event of another war.8 Monroe terminated this final interview by expressing admiration for Gutierrez, who deserved ccgreat credit for having opened communication between two nations hitherto separated." He advised Gutierrez to return to his country in order that he might express to republican leaders the £avorable disposition of the United States, it being most necessary that he secure credentials with which to return and purchase arms. What is so stimulating as approbation and encouragement in things hoped for? Gutierrez had been spurred to a zealous pursuance of the business of state. Important conferences did not end with Monroe. He received a call from Foster, the British minister, and in his diary he records meeting the Russian and Danish ministers and notables of other powers. 96 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

He was almost a daily visitor in the office Qf the State De­ partment, where Graham,· the intermediary of this dubious diplomacy, received him. It was from Graham that he learned that Menchaca's cowardice had turned a winning expedition into a fiasco at the first opposition of the loyal­ ists after crossing into Texas, and that there was no republi­ can government in Texas as he and Menchaca had planned. Graham also coached Gutierrez in matters of diplomacy, showed him papers from Cadiz, instructed him in affairs of Spain, informed him of Great Britain's policies, and told him of Orea, the envoy from Venezuela.7 Eager, expectant, Gutierrez accepted every courtesy, be­ lieving they led to Mexican liberty. CHAPTER XVIII TOLEDO Gutierrez had dared, had gone forth to speak with ·Ameri­ cans, the champions of liberty, and swiftly other sons of Spanish-American liberty entered his adventure. Three members of Congress "in a showy carriage," to quote Gutier­ rez, took him to call on Orea of Venezuela, who had the­ honor of being the first representative, although unofficially recognized, from a Spanish-American state to the United States. Orea's haughty and arrogant spirit displeased Gutier­ rez; however, his diary tells us that he made several calls upon Orea during which times the Venezuelan made him many proposals. Although perilously prone to enthusiasm, Gutierrez remained impervious to Orea's fervent proposi­ tions; therefore the acquaintance was brief.1 Gutierrez ceased to call; nevertheless Orea did not discard his schemes but boldly presented the cause of Mexican liberty to the loyalist Herrera, military commandant of Texas.2 Jose Alvarez de Toledo, another son of liberty, had more influence than Orea in the affairs of Gutierrez. Toledo, a native of Cuba, was a representative of the City of Santo Domingo in the newly representative assembly of Spain and her colonies meeting in Cadiz. There his utterances in behalf of the colonies and his intercepted letter to his con­ stituents in Cuba, advising them to promote their own se­ curity and happiness independent of Spain, brought an order for his arrest. He fled to America through the assistance 97 98 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS of the United States Consul Meade, arriving in September 3 of 1811. . From Philadelphia, Toledo sent an explanatory document of his conduct to the cabildo of Santo Domingo. This ad­ dress abusive of the Spanish government, was published in the Aurora, a daily newspaper of Philadelphia, also in the Federal Gazette and Baltimore Daily Advertiser.4 Accom­ panying the published article was a note to the editor which was a declaration of Toledo's willingness to sacrifice life for the regeneration of Spanish colonies, as well as an advertise­ ment of his recent publication, A Mani/esto, dealing with the details of his experiences as deputy in Spain, which was for sale in a Philadelphian bookshop. Gutierrez read in the Gazette the professions of this pa­ triot. In an outburst of elation he hastened to show the article to Graham. A few days later, ever faithful to his diary, he recorded exuberant joy. He had met Toledo. He described him as "a man of great talents passionately de­ voted to the cause of Mexican liberty" with an added gift for writing admirable discourses. His enthusiasm carried him into a discussion of Toledo's merits with haughty Orea, who agreed that patriotic fire burned in Toledo's writings. And so abounding was Gutierrez's admiration that he avows in his diary that Toledo was uworthy of recompense at the hands of the Mexican nation. " 1 The meeting between Gutierrez and Toledo had come about when Toledo, too, had come to Washington to whisper in Monroe's ear. Toledo had written Monroe from Phila­ delphia that he possessed important information which pru­ dence prevented him from confiding to writing. If Monroe would provide funds for a visit to Washington he would bring news of great good to the United States, Cuba, and New Spain. To this end Monroe arranged for Toledo's trip. Accordingly, Toledo left for Washington the day before Christmas and was back in Philadelphia on January 4, 1812.' From Toledo, Monroe. hea.rd Qf i Briti$h design to seize "'r.ot""T Y:'T""" J. VJ..LUV 99

Cuba, Porto Rico, and Santo Domingo, a plan to which the Spanish Cortes seemed willing to accede; but to· offset this design, Toledo explained there was a party in those islands planning to form an independent confederation and to seek United States aid. Possibly, Monroe looked upon Toledo as a directing force to promote the independence movement in those islands of the Caribbean which would defeat British designs and prevent British commercial supremacy. Monroe's actions arouse conjecture, for Toledo left Wash­ ington with money for a journey to Cuba and, more sig­ nificant of potential diplomacy, with a letter of introduction to William Shaler, United States Special Agent, who was supposed to be in Havana.8 At every turn fortune was with Toledo. While in Wash­ ington he had leisure for sightseeing with Gutierrez as his companion. They visited the "halls of Congress," wandered through other government buildings, praising the architec­ ture and enjoying the beauty of many places of interest while discussing the problems of Spanish-America. A fas­ cinating friendship took form which soon drew Gutierrez to join Toledo in Philadelphia. Days of high diplomacy in Washington ended for Gutier­ rez with more of future promise and less of actualities. One may continue to wonder what motive controlled his conduct in the months which followed-perhaps instructions from Graham, possibly an understanding. On the last day of the year of 1811 he called at the State Department, prepara­ tory to his departure. Graham received him. Gutierrez's wallet was enriched with a loan of two hundred dollars. In addition Graham gave him a letter to Governor Claiborne of Louisiana, who was requested to facilitate the return of Gutierrez to the Texas frontier. Then he was ready and records that he bade farewell to Monroe and other high officials. When the whip cracked for the departure of the stage­ coach for Baltimore on the early morning of January 4, 100 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

Gutierrez was abroad. How different he was from the man who entered Washington in early December. His imagina­ tion surged with wonder, swelled with desire. Newly gained knowledge beckoned him to achievement. One cannot read Gutierrez>s narrative without admiring this patriot>s highly appreciative nature. He had enjoyed the ''marvelous capital." The buildings, the workings of Congress had inspired him. The beauties of the statues in the park filled many lines in his diary. After a visit to the arsenal where gunboats and vessels were being made and to the harbor where frigates mounted with cannon were docked, he wondered at "seeing such great cannon and admirable machines." He went to the "Palace of the President," where President Madison re­ ceived him with "great courtesy." The "Palace" with over a hundred glass windows, rich furniture, and many crystal and gold lamps caused him to record that it was "a delight to see so many admirable things." He returned to his early con­ clusion that a good government made a happy nation. Gutierrez had been inspired; he would not lapse into apathy. At sunset on the same day in which he left Washington, he arrived in Baltimore. There for two days he enjoyed the sights. On January 7 Philadelphia was reached. Straightway he went to the house of Ira Allen, to whom he had a letter of introduction, probably from Toledo, who also lodged there. Allen, an: earnest liberal, had fought in the American Revo­ lution. Interested in Spanish-American commerce, he was consequently desirous of Spanish-American independence. He corresponded with Monroe concerning the activities of these envoys of independence. And his house was the center of intrigue.9 Here, Gutierrez met Toledo, who, contrary to plans with Monroe, had not proceeded on his mission to Cuba. Toledo notified Monroe in a letter dated January 4 that he "could not immediately execute the project agreed upon," as not a single boat was available. He ·sug~ested ~hr:1t 1v{Qnxoe give him TOLEDO !01

passage to New Orleans on a war vessel ready for service. Only in this way, Toledo wrote, the "project" would be quickly carried out and it was necessary to "make minutes count," since recent news revealed that Spain was in revolu­ tion. The vessel was not provided. Toledo remained in Philadelphia to plan with Gutierrez.10 Boats and weather delayed these missionaries of revolution. Gutierrez penned letters to Graham on January 18 and 28, explaining his delay in Philadelphia. He, too, had been un­ able to continue his commission because of bad weather and because no ships were sailing. The secretary, he en­ treated, must riot lose faith. He promised he would embark on the first vessel leaving, as he had put aside eighty pesos for his return passage and would work before spending this sum. An assured passage, he said, would enable him very shortly to present himself before his commander-in-chief, General Rayon, to inspire the troops of New Spain with his message and to establish a government, if one were not already _effected. Another obstacle, he stated, to his de­ parture were Spanish agents, who made it dangerous for him to venture forth unless he wished to risk being captured, thereby ''spoiling everything.'> These last two words had meaning. He requested Graham to contrive some means of protecting him in Philadelphia and during his journey on the high sea. Astonishing are the significant intimations in these letters.11 If Spanish agents were dangerous, we learn from his diary that French agents were the "very devil." He tells us that a naval officer of Napoleon, speaking Spanish, was with him on the stage-coach from Washington. In Philadelphia, Frenchmen being very friendly to him, he returned the compliment, whereupon they offered an aide of Napoleon to accompany him to New Spain. What a ruse! He ac­ cepted with the understanding that the aide serve him upon his return to the United States from Mexico. By this de­ ception, as Gutierrez explains, he hoped to discover any plot ...... r,n "C'"C'11o..T 'OT A. r -""'"tTU'D ~v AC l\1, u J.~.1:,J. "I .I. . .IJ.£'1. u '-.J y .Lt.I."\. .I. .a.;,.o..ci..,

they might have against Mexico. Graham had instructed Gutierrez well in the diplomacy of the moment. True to his word, early on the morning of February 12, Gutierrez was on board a sloop sailing down the Delaware to New Castle. That evening he boarded an ocean-going vessel for New Orleans. Ice floes and snow storms held it in the channel six days. At dawn of February 19 the vessel set sail, and by evening Gutierrez was on the high sea. Toledo remained in Philadelphia, postponing his mission to Cuba. According to some of his letters, it seems that he and Gutierrez had reached an understanding before the de­ parture of the latter for the frontier that Toledo should remain near the United States Government in: the interest of Mexican independence, while Gutierrez agreed to put into operation Toledo's plan of defense for Mexico, his pro­ ject of establishing a government there like that of the United States, and to distribute in the Interior Provinces some of Toledo's pamphlets, of which a thousand copies were printed.12 In February, however, Toled~ notified an independent of Havana of his prospective arrival in Cuba. In response, Toledo received a letter in March advising him not to come, because the loyalists in Cuba were prepared to take the severest measures against him and that since affairs in Mex­ ico were favorable, Toledo should aid Mexican patriots and use the money they had sent him for Mexican independence.13 Toledo replied that he had received the funds, with which he would purchase arms for Mexico, go to the frontier, and organize an army. In this activity he also received encour - agement from Caballero, an independent leader of Santo Domingo, and from Arizpe in Spain, who was the representa­ tive from Coahuila and Texas to the Spanish Cortes. They urged Toledo to concentrate all his efforts and talents in the Interior Provinces, as the independence ·of these pro­ vinces and Mexico woul<;l assure the independence of the Caribbean islands.14 Toledo had changed his course; he remained temporarily near the United States Government. In the house of Allen he was joined by another revolutionary agent, Juan Mariano Picornell, a refugee from Caracas. With Allen, the trio at­ tempted throughout 1812 to influence officials of the United States in the interest of New Spain and to direct affairs on the Texas frontier. CHAPTER XIX SHALER March 23 was a day of good fortune in the fluctuating world of Gutierrez. In the early morning he reached New Orleans, the second portal to the haven of his hope. He did not tarry. Inexpensive lodging was found at once in the house of an Italian. Then he hurried on his way with the letter of introduction from Graham to present himself to Governor Claiborne. The governor received him, Gutier­ rez discloses, with ucourtesy and regard." Since he counted on the advancement of money, he informed Claiborne that he was destitute of funds.1 Claiborne replied that he would provide expenses to the frontier~ Thereupon, he introduced Gutierrez to another one of his morning callers, Captain William Shaler, United States Special Agent, who was to depart for Natchitoches by the next boat. In recounting this eve.nt to Monroe and Graham, Clai­ borne stated that since he was "without knowledge as to the degree of deference,, to show Gutierrez, he followed only the information from Graham that the uGovernment wished his return to Mexico to be expedited."2 His reason for not supplying Gutierrez with money, but instead, requesting Shaler to provide Gutierrez passage in the boat he was tak­ ing to Natchitoches, as well as accommodations during the voyage, was due to his opinion that the Government would allow Shaler this sum in his accounts. He convincingly ex­ plained that the return of Gutierrez would not otherwise have been facilitated, because without funds he would have 104 become "the victim of numerous foreign and domestic in­ triguers in New Orleans."3 Shaler was a Special United States Agent. Since June, 1810, he had served in Cuba.4 He had been instructed to proceed from Havana to Mexico to obtain information concerning the revolution and to assure the inhabitants of the good will of the United States Government. U,nable to enter Mexico through the port of Vera Cruz, he left Ha­ vana in December, 1811, for New Orleans. From there he expected to proceed to Natchitoches. Through this gate­ way he would enter Mexico by way of Texas. In January of 1812 he was in New Orleans. On the ninth he notified Monroe that he would proceed to Natchitoches by a Qarge in about ten days.5 March had come, but no river boat had departed for that outpost. However, Shaler was not idle. He was busy sending information to the State Department concerning Florida, Natchitoches, and Mexico. According to Claiborne, Shaler even wrote pamphlets but not with the view of pub­ lication. His subject was Spain in America. In these writ­ ings Shaler stressed the importance of Cuba to the United States and the advantages which would be derived from an independent Mexico. Claiborne sent three of these pam­ phlets to the Secretary of the Navy for his perusal. 6 The meeting of Shaler and Gutierrez had been mutually gratifying. Before Gutierrez took leave from the gover­ nor's house, Shaler had persuaded him to abandon his lodg­ ing and share quarters with him. Shaler said he acted at Claiborne's request. In a pleasant mood, Shaler wrote Mon­ roe that since the arrival of Gutierrez, he no longer regretted his forced delay, since now they would journey together to Natchitoches and through Gutierrez, •no doubt, he would be able to communicate with the "interior,'' and obtain use­ ful information. Shaler described Gutierrez to Monroe as a prudent man, ardent in the cause, and possessing a great deal of plain good sense. A demonstration of this fact was 106 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

that Gutierrez had been visited by several intriguing per­ sons but had refused to communicate with anyone who was not introduced to him by either Claiborne or himself." In the same manner, Gutierrez confided his pleasure in a letter to Graham. He said Shaler's friendship would en­ able him with more propriety to give information through Graham to the Secretary of State and the Secretary of War concerning conditions in his country. It appears that Gutierrez believed that he was to hasten to the frontier, there to receive assistance in promoting revolution, for he continued,_ in this same letter, that he would send from Natchitoches news of all events. In return he expected Graham to send orders which he would "obey with re­ spect as his steadfast servant." He concluded that he looked to the day when the aid his people requested would be given and when he could "reveal to his country the favors the Great American Government had bestowed upon him in its name. " 8 The admiration of Gutierrez for Shaler was expressed elsewhere in his documents. He described Shaler as a man in his late forties, of pleasing aspect that inspired confi­ dence, and possessing knowledge of diplomatic art and many languages. 9 According to the diary of Gutierrez, pleasantries rather than wearisome problems of state filled his days in New Orleans. Governor Claiborne seemed to be no longer in doubt as to what "degree of deference" should be shown him. The very next day the governor invited Gutierrez and Shaler to his house where "all the military officers" were gathered. On March 25 Claiborne called upon him. The next day Gutierrez walked over the city, viewing the beau­ tiful gardens, the very straight streets, the wharves, and admiring "a never-before-seen device"-a great ship moved by steam. On March 27 he attended a banquet at the governor's mansion. "The Governor gave many toasts in SHALER 107 fine wines to General Rayon, to the union of the two Americas, and to the health of my family." At the dinner party Gutierrez met a rich merchant, Ben­ jamin Morgan, at whose house he dined the next day with Claiborne and Shaler. On April 1 Governor Claiborne visited Gutierrez. The following day Gutierrez returned the call and together they walked over the city. Two days later the governor again called to see him. In the early morning hours of April 7 Claiborne, Shaler, and Gutierrez break­ fasted at the house of the opulent Mr. Morgan, and after­ wards Gutierrez and Shaler were taken in Morgan's car­ riage to the boat which sailed up the Mississippi and the Red rivers to Natchitoches. 10 The Governor of Louisiana would not for days have taken walks with, or feted a stranger, unless he were of special significance. Morgan's hospitality may be interpreted as an expression of his support of the struggle for independence in Spanish provinces, a movement which would bring westward com­ mercial expansion, and in Gutierrez perhaps Morgan saw potentialities. Nor had Morgan been indifferent to affairs in Texas. Claiborne in a letter to Secretary of State Smith, in February of 1811, enclosed an extract of a letter addressed to Morgan from a very credible commercial correspondent living in Texas. The message concerned the Casas revolu­ tion. Claiborne advised the Secretary of State to give entire credence to the contents of the letter, adding that, "the revolution now commenced should take a proper direction."11 The explanation of Claiborne's hospitality toward Gutier­ rez may be found in a letter to Graham in which he stated that as soon as the arrival of Gutierrez in New Orleans was known, several intriguers under foreign influence made ap­ proaches to him which Gutierrez cleverly evaded. He, how­ ever, saw the dangers which might arise if Gutierrez were swept within these groups-uthe evil might extend to arous­ ing foreign courts."12 108 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

Did Claiborne think he would save the United States from embarrassment? Was he pursuing his desire that the revolution take the right course? Or was he thinking of his proposal to Secretary of War Hamilton in January of that year, that in the event of war between the United States and Great Britain he be enlisted in the army and because of his knowledge, be placed in the adjoining Spanish provinces? If the United States would send five thousa-nd troops with fifty thousand muskets to the capital of Texas, he advised, they could give such direction to the revolution that results would be in harmony with the interests of the United States, and European influence would be banished from this continent.13 What an aggressive plan! CHAPTER xx NEWCOMERS TO NATCHITOCHES The journey from New Orleans to Natchitoches was a romantic interlude. Gutierrez was leaving behind him weeks filled with high diplomacy and was moving toward years to be filled with bluster, blood, and tears. Sailing slowly up the Mississippi from April 7 to 18, Gutierrez was enchanted by the gorgeous beauty of the fertile banks, adorned with gardens, and fruit and myrtle trees covered with spring blossoms. He admired the substantial beauty of sugar and rice mills. He was entertained by many flatboats laden with ham, cotton, and flour, drifting by on their way from Kentucky and the Ohio Valley to New Orleans. A respon­ sive soul to the beauties of the universe, he wrote in his diary that everything proclaimed the goodness of nature and the fruitful reward of man's labor. On April 18 they arrived at the mouth of Red River, on which they sailed the first two days. After that they rowed. On the twenty-fourth they reached Rapides, where they disembarked. Here they were entertained by Judge Clai­ borne, to whom Shaler had a letter of introduction from Governor Claiborne.1 The next morning they left Rapides. That evening they lodged at the ranch of Mr. Melor, from which they set out on the morning of the twenty-sixth with horses and an escort of four men. Toward the close of the day they stopped at the house of a Frenchman. They traveled all the next day and in the evening arrived near their goal, where they spent the night. 109 110 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

On the morning of April 28, at ten o'clock, they entered Natchitoches. The daily recordings of Gutierrez in his diary for the ten days which followed are full of meaning. After they were lodged at an inn, immediately all the leading men began to visit them with the ugreatest deference." The next day Gutierrez visited, at Fort Claiborne, Captain Overton, whose letter had brought Gutierrez luxuries and notable ac­ quaintances on his trip to Washington. On the thirtieth Gutierrez and· Shaler were visited by the officers of the fort. On May Day Gutierrez recorded that they had invi­ tations to dine every day, but that this would not continue when it was forgotten that he had come from the United States Government. In Fort Claiborne on May 7 they were served a magnificent banquet. Meanwhile the people of Natchitoches surmised the significance of this generous re­ ception.2 Intrigue permeated the air. The year of 1812 was a time of none too much sensibility, when statesmen, fron­ tiersmen, and even staid citizens, with the daring of buc­ caneers, evaluated events in terms of opportunity. There was evidence of coming events with great possibilities. The strug­ gle for independence consuming New Spain was an ad­ vantageous situation to avaricious visionaries of the South­ west and to champions of Spanish-American independence. The war in sight between the United States and Great Bri­ tain, they conjectured, would bring war with Britain's ally, Spain. People of the Northwest prophesied the seizure of Canada as an event of the coming war, of 1812; those of the South regarded the conquest of Florida as part of the mil­ itary game; and the people of the Southwest were buoyant because of the opportunity they would have, as the de­ f enders of liberty at war with monarchical Spain, to invade the Spanish provinces, to aid in securing Mexican inde­ pendence, and to free Mexico from both Spanish and British tyranny. Perhaps, they reasoned, territory would be their reward. If this was not forthcoming, they were confident NEWCOMERS TO NATCHITOCHES 111 that cqmmercial wealth would be theirs. To Anglo-Ameri­ can frontiersmen, whose laws were based not on a govern­ ment of a nation but upon their own inclinations, the Span­ ish provinces had too long been evocative and disturbing to their visions of sudden wealth. They waited only a de­ pendable revolutionary signal from Texas and certain chaos there to plunge west for Mexico. In the Spring of 1812 they believed the time had come. The frontier vibrated with their talk of new freedom to be won by venturing.3 It was natural, therefore, that unusual importance was attached to the arrival of Gutierrez and Shaler. Six months before, Gutierrez had come from New Spain to Natchitoches as a fugitive in a miserable condition. Now he had returned well-dressed, with the air of an ambassador, and accom­ panied by Shaler, an American of apparent distinction. The frontiersmen saw in him a zealous patriot who could be used to achieve in the name of liberty their own commercial ambitions. Gutierrez wrote Graham of his arrival in the United States outpost. His letter began in the spirit of an encour­ aged leader and ended in the role of a humble servant seek­ ing the favors of the United States. He reported that sev­ eral individuals had come out of Texas with news from the Interior Provinces, declaring to him that the people there had heard of his efforts in the United States and awaited his word to rise and join him. Gutierrez followed this information with a statement which would enable one to conclude that b~tween Graham and Gutierrez there was an understanding of his daily pur­ pose. If these efforts were successfully concluded it was certain, he earnestly wrote, that when he arrived at the Texas frontier, there would be a general uprising against the Spanish government. He would endeavor to work with this belief in his mind and conduct -negotiations with prudence. As an obedient servant he urged Graham to place ·in the hands of the Secretary of State and the Secre- 112 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS tary of War his letter convincing them that any counsel Qffered would be promptly executed, and to inform him of anything in which he could be useful.4 Gutierrez's account of his goodly reception was not the expression of egotism, for Shaler likewise wrote infarming his superior of his arrival in the United States' gateway to Mexico, and of Gutierrez. Monroe read that the coming of the Mexican patriot to Natchitoches had excited a great degree of interest. In consequence three couriers had been dispatched by Spanish agents, who were in Natchitoches purchasing supplies, with the news of his arrival, to the Spanish commandant at Nacogdoches. Monro~ also learned that several persons had come to assure Gutierrez that he was anxiously expected in the Interior Provinces, and that "if he had favorable news to communicate, the whole coun­ try would rise and open communication with the armies" in the interior. 5 Nine days had passed since the coming of Gutierrez and Shaler, and during this time no one had been able to fathom the intentions of Shaler. This was the information that Samuel Davenport, Spanish Indian agent from Nacogdoches, who was in Natchitoches on his way to New Orleans to pur­ chase supplies for the Texas government, sent to Captain Montero in Nacogdoches. Davenport described a situation fraught with conjectures. The people said many things about these men, who were in­ separable. It was presumed that Shaler had a secret com,.. mission from his government. Gutierrez was called the "Am­ bassador of Mexico near the United States," and Davenport added that it appeared to him that Gutierrez had lost no time in the United States in learning utheir laws, govern­ ment, maxims, and customs.:,, In several conversations with these men, he said, he had tried in every way to secure in­ formation but had learned nothing except that Gutierrez was well received :in the United States.8 Davenport knew more .than he communicated. He was on the verge of becoming an unfaithful Spanish subject. CHAPTER· XXI EXPLANATIONS Surmising may be limitless as one reads the May letters of Shaler in which he, as United States agent seeking en­ trance intQ Mexico, unfolded to Monroe his activities, his harbored projects, and the value to be derived from his presence on the Louisiana-Texas frontier. In regard to Gutierrez, he explained to Monroe that in compliance with the request of Claiborne to give Gutierrez aid, and because of the apparent necessity that Gutierrez be cared for to prevent his falling into the hands of persons who would engage him in views "very different from those of the President," he had advanced Gutierrez one hundred and fifty dollars which he greatly needed, had paid his board and lodging bill in New Orleans, and his passage and incidental expenses to Natchitoches, the sum amounting to two hundred and fifty dollars. Conditions were such, Shaler affirmed, that while Gutierrez remained in Natchitoches he would furnish him with the necessary means of living, a sum probably :not exceeding another hundred dollars.1 In this he was acting contrary to the advice of Claiborne, who had suggested to Shaler that "after reaching N atchi­ toches it would not be proper to show any further counte­ nance to this stranger."2 Nevertheless, Shaler thought dif­ ferently. He justified his action by stating that Gutierrez, he had observed, manifested a strong sense of gratitude for the United States Government and was free from trifling or prodigality; further, that Gutierrez was a ~~Q 9£ r~- 113 114 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS spectable character, family, and fortune in his own country. This information had been given him by the Spanish Indian agent, Davenport, who knew Gutierrez through Herrera of Texas. In these activities, Shaler continued, he was con­ fident that he was uconforming to the wishes of the Presi­ dent.''3 Shaler was profuse in crediting his conduct. His letter scintillates with intrigue, and Monroe, as he read it, surely concluded that Shaler had become the mentor of Gutierrez, for Shaler disclosed that he believed he had gained Gutier­ rez's confidence and that Gutierrez would not engage in any scheme without his approval. He further assured Mon­ roe that he had given Gutierrez an understanding of the views and inter~sts of the different cabinets of Europe, the nature of their agencies in the United States, and had shown him "the only system of policy likely to procure the un­ trammelled and honorable independence of his country, with the elevation of his own character." Did he mean that "the only system of policy" was under the guardianship of the United States? Shaler, entertaining the idea that Natchitoches had fu­ ture importance, attempted to convert Monroe to the belief. It was a strategical point, because, with "proper manage­ ment, correct information" could be obtained from the Spanish provinces and at the necessary moment communi­ cation could be easily established with them. The growing importance of Natchitoches was also due, Shaler said, to the commerce of the Interior Provinces now being centered there, since the only open port of New Spain was Vera Cruz and its commerce had been disrupted by revolutionary chaos.4 Indeed ucorrect information" somehow leaked through to Natchitoches. From Mexican sources we learn that in midsummer of 1812 no news had reached Vera Cruz for three months. Sibley had reported to the War Depart­ ment on May 10, 1812, ·that news had come that the re- 1 1 (' F.X'PT.ANATTONS A A., publicans occupied the pass at Tlascala, cutting off all com­ munication between Vera Cruz and Mexico City.5 Then there was a third reason Shaler advanced why Natch­ itoches should become a focus of United States interest. Would-be revolutionists were busy there. The town seethed with political talk. People said that war with England was rapidly approaching and that it was favorable for them, be­ cause the independents of Mexico had everything in their power and were moving toward the capital of Texas. In April there had arrived in Natchitoches three traders of Upper Louisiana, who had gone to Santa Fe in 1809 to open trade but who had been arrested and imprisoned in irons for three years in Chihuahua. They were officious purveyors of the prevalent spirit. They circulated the report that the Com­ mandant-General, Doti Nemesio, had liberated them and given them passports to seek their way to the United States because of conditions in his government. They stated that the Spanish provinces were defenseless and practically all the people were of a revolutionary mind.8 This agreed with a previous report received in Natchi­ toches from Bexar, dated February 8, 1812. It said that the revolutionists were increasing in Texas despite the per­ suasions of Governor Salcedo and Herrera, and that General Rayon was complete master of the principal roads from Mexico and had thereby cut off loyalist aid to Texas. Also, it was said that the Declaration of Independence, made at Cartagena on November 11, 1811, had been circulated in the Interior Provinces and that a desire to shake ioff the yoke of Ferdinand VII was general." While in Natchitoches, the three traders indulged their voluble tongues. Their provocative gossip was followed by noisy boasting. They declared that the neighboring pro­ vinces were in such a state of discontent and turmoil that with a very inconsiderable force, which could be easily as­ sembled for such a popular enterprise from the five hun­ dred hunters and idle men between N~tchitoches and the 116 GREEN FT.AG OVF-:R TEXAS

Mississippi and additional numbers between New Orleans and Natchez, they could easily prostrate the Spanish govern­ ment in Texas and open the Interior Provinces to the com­ merce of the United States. Their boasts were believed, and the people of Natchitoches were convinced of the easy con­ quest which stretched before them. Shaler reveals anxiety in describing this situation to Mon­ roe. The general topic of conversation in Natchitoches, he wrote, was ·the feasibility of such expeditions. The com­ mon opinion there was that Texas would have been com­ pletely revolutionized by frontiersmen in October, 1811, according to Gutierrez's and Menchaca's plan, if Menchaca had not deserted. Shaler expressed the belief that the three traders would soon return to the frontier and enter Texas in arms, making good their boast. He advised Monroe that "if such speculations were inconsistent with the views and policy of the United States, the time had come to take measures to prevent the actuality of these schemes."8 The press had done its bit to extend the radius of cur­ rent conversation. "·A gentleman of high respectability" published in the Natchez Chronicle of May 10, 1812, that the present moment was filled with promising events. Gutier­ rez and some persons with him were in Natchitoches, whence they were communicating with the chiefs of the revolu­ tionary armies in Mexico relative to future operations with them. The writer "hoped within six months to see the citizens of the United States pass and repass as freely throughout the present Spanish Dominions-as in their own country. " 9 CHAPTER XXII ENTICING PROPOSALS In harmony with these popular rumblings came tempt­ ing proposals to Gutierrez, the c:cAmbassador of Mexico, near the United States." Napoleonic agents, like the ambi­ tions of Napoleon, which could not be stilled, were ever alert ori the Louisiana-Texas frontier. To Spanish guardians like Onis and Salcedo, these French agents, along with Ameri­ can frontiersmen, were to be feared above all earthly things. And it appears from events that they were annoying to Shaler. Gutierrez in Philadelphia had not yielded to suggestions of French agents who had been so ingratiating. On the frontier he was again subjected to their propounding. "Sev­ eral times and always with mystery," Shaler related to Mon­ roe, Mr. Paillette, a Frenchman, had visited Gutierrez. Sibley likewise reported the machinations of Paillette to the Secre­ tary of War. Paillette must have been of some significance. One learns from Sibley and Shaler that Paillette, formerly an officer of the engineers in the service of France, had come to Louisiana with the French Prefect in 1803. He had remained, establishing himself on a plantation two leagues below Natchitoches. He had uacquired riches, as well as a reputation for falsehoods, dishonesty, and the dis­ play of a violent enmity for the United States Govern­ ment."1 Although bragging of being a former French of­ ficer, he had acquired the office of justice of the peace in the parish of NatchitQches. 117 118 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

Now, in the name of the French minister in the United States, he approached Gutierrez offering to raise and equip four hundred men and to advance one hundred thousand dollars to purchase military stores. With these, Paillette tempt­ ingly pictured for Gutierrez a speedy conquest of the In­ terior Provinces. He urged the immediate acceptance of this proposal and told Gutierrez that not a moment was to be lost, since the British were preparing to enter Mexico and the Spanish provinces would be theirs. Shaler admitted to Monroe that he was disturbed be­ cause the project impressed Gutierrez, but then assured Mon­ roe, uI shall use all my endeavors to keep him firm and quiet."2 Gutierrez passed from one enticing propooal to another. Anglo-Americans, whose identity Gutierrez could not re­ veal, so Shaler stated to Monroe, promised Gutierrez that in about two months they could assemble in the Neutral Ground five hundred men equipped with two cannon and sufficient funds, and under a leader of military skill they could easily march against the capital of Texas. Then, too, Gutierrez was approached by a sergeant and a corporal from the companies of Bexar,· two deserters who had re­ cently come out of Texas. They brought word that great discontent was prevalent among the troops of Bexar, who were neither paid nor properly clothed, and assured Gutier­ rez that if he would only enter Texas all troops would join him. Shaler praised Gutierrez to Monroe, for in spite of the stirring offers Gutierrez was prudent and honorable, listen­ ing to all proposals and communicating them to him, as he had requested. Nevertheless, Shaler admitted that he was apprehensive, because Gutierrez was such a zealot that the prospects of successful expeditions would be too seductive to be resisted.3 If Gutierrez yielded to these proposals, his reason may be found in his letter of· May 16 to Graham. He was in ENTICING PROPOSALS 119 distress. Word had reached him that all his properties had been confiscated, as well as the possessions of his mother, who with his family and brother were prisoners. Driven by these misfortunes he would "try ceaselessly to secure the necessary forces for entrance into my native land." How­ ever, in that same letter is the· revelation that Gutierrez be­ lieved that Shaler was intended to be his mentor. He wrote, "On my arrival in this country, I closely followed the coun­ sel given me by Governor Claiborne and on his recommenda­ tion trusted also in the advice of Mr. Shaler. I have in­ formed him of the various propositions which have been made to me . . . and opinions which I have received."' These propositions did "not comport with the policy or dignity of the United States" and required immediate at­ tention, Shaler frankly informed Monroe. From this observa­ tion it is seen that Shaler changed from a passive observer to a creator of an imperialistic scheme. Shaler offered Monroe advice and presented a plan, a daring plan covering al­ most a score of pages. Shaler explained that it was neces­ sary to remove the post of Natchitoches at once across the Neutral Ground to the Spanish Sabine, reenforcing it to at least five hundred men and a detachment of cav­ alry. Sibley was of the same opinion. He expressed to the Secretary of War that "it would give him great pleasure to see a United States garrison on the Sabine," as it would facilitate commerce between Texas and Natchitoches, en­ courage the patriots of New Spain, and remove the Neutral Ground with its bandits.5 Shaler's reason for removing the post to the Sabine was not flavored with Sibley's commercialism. It was wholly militaristic, his explanation being that "in the event of war with Great Britain, it would be imperative for the United States to open communication with the republicans of the interior of Mexico; to arn1 them; to organize them; and to put them in a state to resist" a British invasion "if possible." To achieve this end, there were needed five thousand volun- 120 QRF.F.N FT.AQ OVF.R TF.XAS teers under the command of army officers and backed by United States reserves on the Sabine. The army of five thousand stationed in the capital Qf Texas would open com­ munication with the republicans in Mexico and give them aid from Bexar. High-handed conduct, this-but then perhaps his policy was half defensive, as set forth in his writings. If the United States ''were not able to effect a complete revolu­ tion in Mexico they would at least offer an asylum in Texas to fugitives from . . . Mexico, organizing and disciplining them"; and they would defend the passage of the Rio Grande, thereby protecting Louisiana from a British in­ vasion by way of Mexico.6 Shaler indicated his faith in the plan by sending Monroe "topographical notes on Texas for convenience in view of such action." The delights of Texas, Shaler's notes set forth, would "treat kindly an invading army." Men and beasts would find fertile pasturage, springs, and streams plentiful in fish, wild game, and firewood. Texas prairies were ideal camp grounds. The area about San Marcos was de­ scribed in detail and suggested as the most ideal site for a United States reserve fort. Shaler was in earnest.7 He re­ ported to Monroe that he had employed two deserters from the Spanish troops in Bexar as his couriers because of their knowledge of Texas, and that Sibley had provided them with rations, listing them on his accounts as Indians.8 Shaler was preparing to secure correct information of events in Spanish provinces and planning to direct affairs on the Louisiana-Texas frontier in the interest of the U ni~ed States. Gutierrez placed himself under the guidance of Shaler, becoming a strenuous propagandist. CHAPTER XXIII INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES Spanish functionaries were well aware of these diplo­ matic adventures of Gutierrez and Toledo. Prognosticator Onis saw to that. In November of 1811 he had requested money from the viceroy because the intrigues of the United States, he said, were so numerous that he was continually engaged in trying to discover and to frustrate their de­ signs.1 This was no idle boast, as he was an earnest worker. He notified the government in Spain of Toledo's arrival in Philadelphia, of his departure for Washington, and of the publication of his articles in the press. In fact, Onis de­ clared that Toledo was a regular recipient of European cor­ respondence which he circulated throughout America, par­ ticularly in Washington, and in this he was assisted by Mon­ roe. Toledo's object, Onis said, was to prove that Spain was lost, and that it was to the interest of the United States to aid the revolutionists. Onis avidly watched the press and searched for the revolutionary pamphlets which he enclosed in three of his letters to Spain in January of 1812.2 Concerning Gutierrez, Onis had informed Viceroy Vene­ gas of his presence in Wiashington. He related that Monroe had promised Gutierrez that the United States would aid Mexico, sustaining it with arms and ammunition, even to sending twenty-seven thousand men. Further, he wrote, Monroe had advised Gutierrez to establish a republican gov­ ernment with a constitution like that of the United States, 121 122 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS and to unite in a confederacy with the northern republic and thus form the most formidable power in the world. This information, Onis reported, he had obtained from Orea, who remarked that the same Qffer had been made to hiro .. 3 On January 1 Onis notified Venegas that Gutierrez had le£ t for Natchitoches with contracts for arms to be de­ livered tQ the Rio Grande, and that the United States was fomenting revQlution in the Interior Provinces with the in­ tention of annexing them. Then he expressed his convic­ tion that the soldiers being recruited in the United States for the approaching war with Great Britain were not des­ tined for the conquest of Canada but were to be used against Mexico and the Interior Provinces to acquire ter­ ritory and aid the independence movement. Onis, like­ wise, dispatched this news to Spain in late January. When Venegas received his dispatch, he ordered copies to be circulated among officials of the provinces, and to the junta of Monterrey he sent special orders for vigilance, since Monterrey would serve as the center of action for the Interior Provinces. By April, Onis believed there was not a place in America where agents of Napoleon and the United States were not working together to promote civil war and independence in Spanish dominions. And the same method was employed by both, seduction, intrigue, emis­ saries, and creation of dissension. Of the large number of emissaries, one had gone to Natchitoches; he referred to Shaler but did not give his name. Spain's only consola­ tion, Onis lamented, was that the threatened war between the United States and England would stop the project. His reasoning was different from that of American frontiers­ men.• Meanwhile, the Spanish consul in New Orleans, Diego Morphi, either because of ignorance or lack of caution treat­ ed the presence of Gutierrez with indifference. It was more than a week after the departure of Gutierrez and Shaler INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES 123 fQr Natchitoches before he notified Onis or Salcedo of Texas. He made no mention of Shaler but said that there was a creole from Philadelphia aboard the barge with the insurgent, who while in New Orleans had been in the company of a rabid Bonapartist, Monsieur Leclerc, editor of the newspaper, L'Ami des Lois. Also, he mentioned that two American boats with arms and ammunition, which had been sent by Gutierrez, were sailing on their way to an ap­ pointed destination.5 Insuperable difficulties were brewing, which neither faith nor wisdom alone could prevent. Herrera and Salcedo enumerated their troubles to high authorities. They told of the swelling spirit of ill will of Texas Indians of the north, of how they had lost their understanding of Spanish benefaction, flouted Spanish authority and moved about threatening disaster. Then, too, they related that among Texas inhabitants there existed seditious persons who showed their infidelity by boldly circulating odious rumors, even criticisms of the army of His Majesty. With incredible velocity, these falsehoods spread through the provinces. In addition, Herrera and Salcedo both lamented the lack of military defense. And to augment domestic discord further was the fact that the United States was attempting to pro­ mote revolution in Spanish provinces, which would not be difficult amid such conditions, a fact confirmed, they as­ serted, by the malicious proposals recently sent to Colonel Herrera. It was an ominous situation, they declared, when plans of rebellion had been proffered even to those in high author­ ity. Herrera received in the official mail of March 5 a letter from a citizen of the United States, Samuel Carr, Justice of the Peace in Natchitoches. Carr wrote Herrera in Bexar that he enclosed a sealed letter addressed to him in compliance to a request of a friend in Washington.8 On December 31 Graham had written Carr from the Depart­ ment of State enclosing a letter addressed to Herrera and 124 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS had instructed Carr to forward it without delay. He did .., The enclqsed letter was from the Venezuelan minister, Orea. Having failed to win Gutierrez, he approached Her­ rera. Orea sent him his address in Washington so that ''if anything happened in Texas," Herrera would "find him of service." An explanation of the republican government of Venezuela, Orea offered as a future model for Herrera's use in Texas. Then he presented several reasons why Herrera should embrace the revolution. He argued that since Her­ rera stood for order and justice, surely he would not permit the Americas to be dominated by England or France, an event certain to follow, he was positive, with the collapse of Spain. The only solution, he said, to avert this catas­ trophe was the independence of New Spain, Bogota, Buenos

Aires, Chile1 the province of Venezuela, and the United States were free and enjoyed liberty, Orea insisted, and why should Herrera not liberate the regions in which he exercised authority. Being a cunning diplomat, Orea added that the United States desired the liberty of New Spain with­ out territorial ambitiQns. A stern loyalist, Herrera in astonishment and fright, wish­ ing to prove his loyalty and aided by Salcedo, sent word of this perfidious intrigue to the viceroy and Don Nemesio. They enclosed the letters from Orea and Carr which we 8 can imagine were read with spluttered rage. · Understanding the vexatious situations which Salcedo and Herrera faced, one knows how bitter must have been the news the latter part of May of the arrival of Gutierrez and Shaler in Natchitoches. Captain Montero of Nacogdoches forwarded all the information he had received from the United States outpost: letters from Davenport; from Mas­ mela, another Spanish agent in Natchitoches to purchase goods; and from the Spanish vice-consul there. An array of shocking information! Gutierrez significantly bore the title of the ambassador of Rayon. He was accompanied by a United States official commissioned to create revolution INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES 125 in the Interior Provinces. They carried revolutionary pam­ phlets to be sent into Texas. Natchitoches, the agents, re­ ported, was an excellent cove from which to work because the people of the district favored a revolution in Texas to promote trade. 9 Salcedo did the usual thing, sent copies of the letters to Don Nemesio and Venegas with request for aid as well as suggestions. Salcedo, cognizant of the existence of a dis­ loyal group, foresaw with keen divination threatening dis­ orders. He suggested to Don Nemesio that one method to suppress the infidelity of Texans was to exchange the vet­ eran troops of Texas with those of the western provinces, since each soldier was a relative of another in the neigh­ borhood and would not act against the local population in case of an uprising. He also suggested that Herrera be placed in command of the frontier, because in title he was of superior rank to him. Salcedo was in mental anguish. Still smarting under the humiliation of Don Nemesio's refusal to reward him for his services in the c9unter-revolution, he now turned from his master to the viceroy. He requested Venegas to reward him £or his work in Coahuila. He gave as his reason that such an acknowledgment would silence the suspicions of in­ habitants arising from the failure of superiors to honor him. Also it would strengthen the respect of soldiers who, he felt, did not have confidence in him, and because of their atti­ tude he admitted that at the present he ordered them to do only what he knew they would obey.10 Unfortunate Sal­ cedo! Propagandists would have an easy victory in this mael­ strom of disloyalty and fear. CHAPTER XXIV LIBERTY PROPAGANDA May, June, July of 1812 Gutierrez spent in Natchitoches under the observant eyes of Shaler. From Natchitoches Gutierrez launched a campaign of propaganda to show the men of the Interior Provinces the pathway to liberty. The general theme of his messages was a promise of greater days if only the people beyond the Sabine would heed his in­ structions. In so doing, they should proclaim liberty, join hands with the revolutionists in Mexico (who now had dropped Ferdinand VII and were struggling for complete independence), and be ever mindful that the United States, favoring their independence, stood by with their mighty re­ sources. These words had been wafted into Texas by In­ dians and deserters from His Majesty's troops.1 In June the campaign to spread the gospel of liberty be­ gan in earnest. Bagenas, a deserter from the presidio of Nacogdoches, now an agent of Gutierrez, returned to his friends in the Spanish post with a heavy bundle of subversive literature. From his hiding in the house of a soldier of his former company, he scattered the messages in Nacogdoches and returned safely to Natchitoches to report that a con­ fidant would shortly come to confer with Gutierrez and that the port of Matagorda was open to foreign commerce. Sibley did not approve of this news. He wrote the Secre­ tary of War that no doubt the port was opened to the British from whom the loyalists expected. to secure supplies and, in case of a forced flight, British assistance.2 126 LIBERTY PROPAGANDA 127

Meanwhile some inhabitants of Nacogdoches read the lit­ erature of Gutierrez. To give gusto to the message of lib­ erty, there was also in the pack of Bagenas an argumentive paper from Despallier, a Frenchman from Louisiana who had posed as a faithful subject of Spain and because of his displeasure caused by the sale of Louisiana to the United States had been permitted to enter Texas in 1804. Later, his riotous conduct and the illegal trade in which he engaged with Louisiana brought his expulsion from Texas. He re­ tired to Natchitoches, becon1ing a prominent insurrection­ ist. Masmela, the Spanish merchant in Natchitoches, said of him that as soon as a ne"rcomer reached Natchitoches Despallier utries to seduce him with tales and lies; he is a confidant of Gutierrez."3 So he was a ready fellow in Gutier­ rez's business, also an asset because of his knowledge of Texas and a following of Texas friends. The message of Despallier, which Bagenas scattered throughout Nacogdoches with the literature of Gutierrez, although addressed to "Captain of the First Company, 1st D of Nacogdoches," was directed to all who wished to be happy. He set forth twelve reasons why creoles should de­ clare independence and follow Gutierrez, who had usacri­ ficed everything for the benefit of the grandest and most just cause in the Hemisphere of Columbus." They were told to declare independence and follow Gutierrez, that he was cordially received in the United States, that Gutierrez was promised aid from both United States and from ministers of powerful rulers in Europe, that troops were marching from the north to join him, and finally that war was to be de­ clared by the United States on Great Britain and her ally, Spain-that in fact, the United States had already declared war on Spain in America by the seizure of West Florida. The United States at war with Spain, troops could safely march through Texas to aid Mexico. Like Orea, he emphasized that the sole object of these troops was independence, not selfish gain or territorial aggrandizement. He revealed his cun- 128 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS ning, for he knew Texans were grounded in fear of an­ nexation by Americans.4 Surpassing in literary style the persuasions of Despallier '1as a booklet that Bagenas left in Nacogdoches as an im­ portant part of the alluring literature. A message to Mex­ ican patriots, it was entitled The Friend of Men and was written by Toledo.5 "Sons of Montezuma" were summoned "to shake off the barbarous and ignominious yoke" which had oppressed them for three hundred years. It explained the theory of popular sovereignty-the Creator had endowed man with liberty and with sufficient reason to make use of it; hence each society should choose its own government. They were told that the government of Spain no longer offered them protection but instead their transference to another European tyranny.6 Obedient soldiers, not mystified by the glamour of these messages, gave the literature which passed into their hands to their officers. Some pamphlets, by artifice, were gathered from other soldiers. In quick order copies were made and sent by special dispatch to Salcedo in Bexar. In the bundle Captain Montero enclosed other distressing news, which indicated that the United States was to give point to this propaganda. It was widely reported in the Bayou Pierre dis­ trict that General Wilkinson was coming with six thousand soldiers to unite with Gutierrez, while in Natchitoches it was circulated that since a declaration of war between Eng­ land and the United States was expected, a number of Amer­ icans were leaving for the conquest of Florida, while Gutier­ rez with his agents would operate in Texas.7 Salcedo was bewildered with such news. It came from the United States frontier and from the Rio Grande. Busta­ mante sent word that the Indians of the Rio Grande ex­ pressed their willingness to follow the cause of the revo­ lution. They talked in strange terms, declaring there was no authority in the king, since authority rested where one wished to place it.- Indians, whether they understood the T lUt;'l) TV 1)1) AD Ar_ J\ 1'.Tn A .&.J.&..1.1.&.J.L'--L .a. .L .l.'-'-J'.&. .L1'-'.L1J.."'I.I.JI.1. theory of popular sovereignty, were voicing the revolutionary principle. Apparently some new teacher was among them who had read The Friend of Men. And others made restive by propaganda were the inhabitants of the villages of Cam­ argo and Reyilla on the Rio Grande. A courier had brought to those parts a notice that Gutierrez, with fifteen thousand men and eight thousand Indians, was coming to seize Cam­ argo within fifteen days. 8 The campaign of spreading propaganda went forward. Gutierrez next decided to communicate directly with Rayon, commander-in-chief of the intlependents in Mexico. With the assistance of Shaler, he drafted a message replete with amazing implications, a translation of which Shaler sent Monroe. In this message, Rayon, the chief of Mexican revolution­ ists, was informed that Gutierrez was at Natchitoches with a United States agent waiting to proceed to Mexico by order of the President, where he would learn the political state of the provinces and would assure the inhabitants of the good will of the United States Government. Rayon was told that Congress had passed a resolution concurring with the President in recognizing new states established in Span­ ish America. Rayon was told that the Secretaries of State and War pursuing this policy had assured Gutierrez that the President would welcome an authorized agent from the Mexican Republic and had urged Gutierrez to return home to make known their interest. Rayon was told that United States citizens of all classes favored Mexican liberty and were only waiting for a signal from their government to fly to Mexican aid. Indeed Shaler had sent encouraging information for the chief of Mexican revolutionists. Continuing this message of implications which Gutier­ rez wrote with Shaler's assistance, Gutierrez strongly recom­ mended to Rayon the immediate appointment of a legation to the United States, provided with ample funds to pur­ chase military supplies. Gutierrez analyzed for Rayon com- 130 GRttN rLAu OVtR TEXAS plications of the intern.ational situation. Rayon was to know that the Americans were preparing for war with Great Britain. Their resources were unlimited, their arsenals were well filled, the army had been increased, and fifty thou­ sand volunteers were at the disposition of the President. Rayon was to know that Great Britain at war with the United States would employ all her resources in America. Rayon was to know that necessity would demand that the British withdraw all troops from Spain which they would use to crush revolution in Mexico. Rayon was to know that France also was trying to play a part, but in the cause of independence, for many liberal offers had been made Gutierrez. However, he had refused them, knowing the op­ position of Rayon to the French.9 With one hundred dollars provided by Shaler, Gutierrez equipped couriers with supplies to bear this message with other materials to Nacogdoches and beyond the Rio Grande. Shaler did not begrudge the sum, he wrote Monroe, as the couriers would return with the news for which he was very desirous. On June 18 three couriers, deserters from the troops of His Majesty in Texas, left Natchitoches. Bage­ nas was on his second mission to Nacogdoches. The other two emissaries were bound for Nuevo Santander. Besides papers for Rayon they stowed away many printed proclama­ tions and letters to friends of Gutierrez in Revilla. Follow­ ing the advice of Shaler, Gutierrez addressed the dispatches to his clerical brother, Father Jose, who would open them, take a batch for distribution, and forward others to the interior by different means.10 Bagenas's activities were thwarted. Montero reported to Salcedo that he had been captured by three loyal soldiers of Nacogdoches with forty-three pamphlets and four book­ lets entitled, The Friend of Men, all signed by Gutierrez. Montero sent copies of the perfidious literature, except the booklet which was too lengthy to he transcribed, and advised Salcedo that scouts be sent to apprehend two other T~.....,._,,.&.J,,a."'- TRP~ 'TV... A "P'RA.._ ... {"')1)...... ,...._ .... A~ .._...... , ... A __ NT) ,_..__ A couriers who, he learned, were traveling with an Indian guide along the Texas coast to Revilla on the Rio Grande and were believed to carry an equal number of messages.11 From Bexar went scouts scurrying to the presidios of the Rio Grande with warning from Salcedo to be wary of these emissaries. Captain Bustamante replied from Camargo that he had stationed troops to apprehend them. Cordero answered from Monclova that he had taken active measures. The commandants of other garrisons of the Rio Grande wrote of their alertness.12 But success eluded these officials. The liberty messages arrived in Revilla. The news of October was that the Indian mayor of Re­ villa had been seen on the road to Saltillo driving a flock of sheep be£ ore him under the pretext of selling them and that he carried numerous proclamations signed by Gutier­ rez to be distributed to all settlements between Revilla and Saltillo. Into the proper ears the mayor conveyed the news that all the people in Revilla were spreading this propaganda while awaiting for the arrival of Gutierrez with American soldiers. 13 Salcedo was sorely troubled. Since he was without supplies with which to bolster the loyalty of his soldiers in N acog­ doches, the only recourse to counteract such virulent pro­ paganda was to resort to rewards for good conduct and to the persuasive power of words. He prepared an address of praise to "The Veteran Troops on Duty in This Province." Commanders of Trinidad and Nacogdoches were ordered to read it to the people and troops. They were reminded that in 1811 they had been pardoned by royal decree for their shameful conduct in the Casas revolution; hence they should display their gratitude by continuing to work to free them­ selves from the stain on their honor by crushing every revo­ lutionary tendril that appeared. To encourage their fidelity the people were shown the awarding of gifts of money and a badge of distinction to the three soldiers of Nacogdoches who had captured r-n T.'T.'1'. T TIT Ar, ~'trcn "'r"C'V AC' U'J.'-.J.:,.L, .1. 'I .I. . .L,.£">.. U' '-" y .L,J.'- .I. .a.:.,~.,

Bagenas. Also they saw the papers of Gutierrez destroyed in the flames, and heard that they soon would see the execution of Bagenas.14 In Bexar, Salcedo pursued different tactics. He hoped to check the evils of propaganda by threats. In a proclamation he promised to execute any traitor found and warned inhabitants not to join revolutionists, who were instruments of foreign powers.15 Salcedo was all fear and pessimism when he informed Don Nemesio and Venegas of the distribution of these se­ ditious papers. Exhibiting his usual fear for Texas, he wrote the viceroy that the ''American Government" had decided as a preliminary to its conquest of Texas to win: over the ruffians and revolutionists of the province by propaganda. The troops, he knew, were better fitted to fight Indians than propaganda. But were they? Indian raids became so se­ vere in July that San Marcos was abandoned. Only one set­ tlement, Salcedo de Trinidad, remained as a remnant of the buffer building program of 1805-1806. Although cast down by gloom, Salcedo wrote almost in­ solently that he wished the viceroy to know that unless aid was given Texas in good time the province would become the victim of American greed, an event which he forewarned would contribute, if not to the loss of the entire kingdom, at least to the prevention of its peaceful possession by Spain.16 Liberty propaganda in divers places had spread the para­ mount idea of the time-liberty by revolution. Officialdom and humble inhabitants alike had been exposed to such pro­ paganda. Herrera had been urged by Orea to bring Texas into the revolutionary fold. Gutierrez guided by Shaler had attempted to lead Texans on to the road of independence. In 1811 revolutionary propaganda had come from beyond the Rio Grande under the banner of Hidalgo, and Texas had heeded the call. In 1812 the words of liberty had been spread across Texas from the frontier of the United States. Would the call be heeded? CHAPTERXXV A RIDDLE It was hot June. The dusty main street of Natchitoches lay pensive in emptiness in the early afternoon heat. But the cool shade was brimming over with life. Conservative citizens, town wags, and traders gathered beneath trees, within the shadow of the blacksmith shop, about the gen­ eral store, on the porch of the inn, or in the well-ordered United States Indian trading house. Hum of speculative talk penetrated the stillness of the June heat. Conversa­ tion was of the long-waited and daily-expected declaration of war between United States and Great Britain. The Brit­ ish would crush the revolution in Mexico and might invade Louisiana by way of Texas. The War of 1812 would be their opportunity, as sons of liberty, to march west to the succor of Mexico a-nd in­ dulge their appetites for Mexican commerce and treasure. Possibly this intention was not voiced. On the other hand, they voiced their belief that the United States would likely follow their entrance into Spanish provinces, or at least sanction it to prevent a British invasion of Louisiana, and if it brought a settlement of the Louisiana boundary, surely the United States Goverpment would approve. Then, too, Texas was defenseless. Her inhabitants only last year had revolted and lost, and today were restive under administrators who were driven by the whip of fear. Revolutionary impulse and spirit of exploration ruled men. Citizens of Natchitoches were in perfect rhythm with their revolutionary Spanish 133 ,..._._..,...... ,...... _T ...... ,-., 6 J""""I .,...... ,.,-T..-,T"',. ,...,...-r--,~r II n 154 \.:r K.t.t l''i .t' Li\\.:r U V .t.. K. 1 tA.t\.:) neighbors, as was also the political group of expansionists in the United States who were goading on the War of 1812. Withal, it was an excellent moment for the nation and the frontiersmen of the Southwest to achieve their ambition. In the first weeks of June the choicest morsel of this speculative talk was the rumor of three expeditions that were planning to enter Texas in the cause of Mexican inde­ pendence. The first would consist of about three hundred idlers on the frontier, the second of about five hundred frontiersmen from the Mississippi territory, and the third would be recruited in upper Louisiana by the three traders recently liberated in Chihuahua. They would all consol­ idate in the Neutral Ground or beyond, and Gutierrez would join the expedition. Speech was pompous and talk was of stupenduous numbers. When late June came, conversation changed from rumors and plans to discussion of the actual preparation of an expedition to Texas. Barter and sale of goods for the enter­ prise was the business of the day. Sibley and Shaler engaged in the town talk. Each related _in lengthy reports what he saw and heard. Their letters were like exciting frontier stories instead of messages weighty with significant busi­ ness of state. Secretary of State Monroe and Secretary of War Eustis read of a burst of human vitality in the throes of ambition and adventure. Hundreds of men were assembling at different points near the Sabine. Some passed through Natchitoches on their way, lingering to express their enthusiasm and hope to the voluble and volatile inhabitants. A printed paper from Mississippi and Louisiana found a wide circulation in Natchitoches. Sibley and Shaler tactfully stated that the circular, it was rumored, was printed at Rapides, the head­ quarters of the expedition. The circular explained the project, invited volunteers to assemble east of the Sabine, boasted of the expedition's possessing several brass field pieces, and stated that the army would number about five • .... ~~'T ..... 1\ Kll.JLJ L.t i35 hundred strong. Many frontiersmen alluded to this business as the rebirth of the Burr conspiracy, since it was publicly mentioned that General Adair, formerly a prominent figure in the Burr expedition, was to be commander-in-chief. He had been at Rapides, from which place he addressed several letters to Gutierrez. It was the general opinion of the best informed persons of the Natchitoches district that the expedition would pro­ ceed into Texas in about a month, would possess all th~ country to the Rio Grande, and would be able to hold it for a time. Very respectable men were engaged in this enterprise, so Shaler and Sibley told their superiors, but as they had no evidence, they said, they must for bear men­ tioning names. What prevaricating diplomats! Evidence was abounding and indications cause us to believe they exchanged daily greetings with the leaders. Sibley followed the narration of these events to the Sec­ retary of War with an astonishing declaration that c:cshould such an enterprise be contrary to the views of the United States there is no force in this quarter to stop them, or should they want the military stores in Fort Claiborne they would probably take them." He said that conservative people of the district viewed the project with fears, but would rejoice at seeing troops authorized by1 the Government going to the aid of their Texas neighbors. He explained to Secretary of War Eustis as well as to Governor Claiborne of Louisiana, that although the leaders declared their plan was solely to aid in winning Mexican independence, he believed they had more extended views. He ~ntimated that they hoped for the liberation of Texas, followed by United States annexation. Shaler expressed to Monroe the same belief, stating that recent affairs in Florida had inspired the leaders with full confidence that the United States would connive in their action.1 In this noisy activity Gutierrez moved about, a magnet of interest. In late June, Shaler and Sibley expressed to 1 '2 L J. JV

Monroe and Eustis their anxiety for Gutierrez. Several leaders had held con£erences with him. Sibley wrote that Gutierrez was not disposed to take any steps that would meet the disapprobation of the United States Government. Nevertheless he observed that every message from the Spanish country informed Gutierrez that the blood of his friends was flowing, which disturbed him and made him un­ easy because he could not go to their aid. 2 Shaler related to Monroe his earnest pursuance of correct tactics with Gutierrez. He had repeatedly represented to Gutierrez, he said, that in spite of the desire of the United States to see Mexico independent, even to giving her aid, yet the Government would not sanction ccsuch unauthorized proceedings by men unknown, not under their control, and in no manner possessing their confidence." Gutierrez had replied that if a body of American volunteers assembled on Spanish territory without his connivance and offered to cooperate with him in the cause of independence, "all the world would regard him as a fool not to profit by the cir­ cumstance." 3 In July the position of Gutierrez was no longer doubtful. The world, he thought, would not regard him as foolish. He had cast his lot with an expedition. Shaler wrote Monroe expressing his humiliation at having lost the confidence of Gutierrez, now dominated by others, and declared his future attitude toward him. ((Although Gutierrez has undertaken to act a double part with me-I will not alter my conduct toward the Mexican patriot and intend even to suffer myself to be deceived so far as to advance Gutierrez a sum of money if the latter requires it."4 In reality, however, Shaler does not seem to be cast down by the turn of events. In this same July letter, Shaler's narration was incriminating. It was well known, he wrote, that an expedition in about ten days would rendezvous west of the Sabine in such for~es that all the troops of Fort Claiborne and the militia could not stop them. Several A RIDDLE 157 pieces of artillery from New Orleans had already stirred the dust Qf the main street of Natchitoches on the way to the Sabine. Greater activity had been displayed since the recent news brought from Texas reporting that the troops there would open the way for Gutierrez and his soldiers, that no resistance would be offered at Nacogdoches or Bexar, that Texans impatiently awaited his arrival, and that the country beyond the Rio Grande was in insurrection. Shaler further assured Monroe that the expedition would succeed, that Nacogdoches would be taken in the course of a month unless the expedition was stopped at the frontier, which under present conditions did not seem likely. Suc­ cess beyond the Sabine, he believed, would be complete if the expedition were conducted with common prudence. He stated that he would endeavor to profit by its consequences, proceeding to his destination as soon as it was safe, and that he would act with "discretion wherever the United States could be called into question."5 Apparently officials and frontier revolutionists walked together in perfect step. The State and War Departments had each been repeatedly informed of frontier lawlessness. Governor Claiborne, the chief local official, who could have swept these reckless adventurers from their enterprise into prison, did not interfere. He had positive news of the expe­ dition in June. On July 6 he wrote Monroe that he had been assured by a gentleman connected with the expedition that they would make no movement until it was known from Washington that war existed between the United States and Great Britain (a very condemning statement), and that since a year ago he had given instructions to the civil and military officials of Natchitoches concerning the enforce­ ment of the Neutrality Law, he did not now consider it necessary to interfere. His message to Judge Carr and the colonel of militia at Natchitoches the previous year had been: "It is advisable that you cause to be arrested and bound over to their good 138 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS behavior all persons engaged in-or against whom any well grounded suspicion exists" of their engaging in a military expedition against the dominions of a foreign state "begun or set on foot within the Territory or Jurisdiction of the United States." Any person engaged or concerned in such an expedition was guilty of a high misdemeanor and pun­ ishable by fine not exceeding $3,000-and by imprisonment not exceeding three years. 6 The penalty was severe enough to deter them, but frontiersmen now snapped their fingers in the face of the. law and officials seem to have forgotten the existence of the Neutrality Act passed in 1794. A sequel to Claiborne's questionable conduct occurred in Natchitoches ten days after the noisy celebration of July fourth. Clanging sounds brought the inhabitants hurrying to the scene to see Captain W ollestoncraft, an officer long in the United States service, marching into the town with a company of soldiers from Baton Rouge. He had been ordered to take command of Fort Claiborne, superseding Captain Overton. Sibley wrote Eustis of their arrival, stat­ ing that he expected that they would march on to the Sabine, serving as a preventive force. Sibley's surmise was wrong. Captain W ollestoncraft made no effort to disband the army of men gathering in the Neutral Ground. He established himself in Fort Claiborne and did nothing. Five days after W ollestoncraft had taken quarters in the fort, he received a request for safe conduct across the Neutral ·Ground to Natchitoches from Colonel Zambrano in charge of a pack train of sixty mules laden with wool and specie from Bexar and manned by one hundred armed mule drivers. Since a large band of men were assembled in the Neutral Ground, Zambrano did not dare to venture from Nacog­ doches across it. Therefore, he sent word to Natchitoches that it was the desire of the Governor of Texas that the goods be delivered there and requested of the authorities the assurance of a safe passage to the United States post to trade. " Captain Wollestoncraft through Judge Carr A RIDDLE 139 promised Zambrano security "within" the territory of the United States but replied that no assurance could be given that he would not be molested on the way. Zambrano re­ mained another two weeks at Nacogdoches, hoping that time would open the road. 8 Captain W ollestoncraft's refusal to grant Zambrano an escort across the Neutral Ground is not above suspicion. The United States had entered the Neutral Ground in the spring of that year, clearing it of bandits to protect this very trade. Failure to act in the summer may have been due to the stress of war. It is, certainly, a part of the riddle. The last week of July, news reached Natchitoches of the declaration of war between Great Britain and the United States.9 At last the War of 1812 was on, and men in the Neutral Ground were ready for such an announcement. Everything proclaimed that frontier expansionists had talked their dreams and speculations into reality. By the rattling of a magic sword in its scabbard, in forty brief days an army of liberty had appeared, equipped itself, and was ready to move with the exciting tide. CHAPTER XXVI A YOUTH AND A REBEL Who were the magicians who had brought this revolu­ tionary army out of the hat? A youth, handsome, com­ manding, and twenty-four, Lieutenant Augustus William Magee of the United States Army, and Samuel Davenport, Spanish Indian agent, well seasoned in almost twenty years of frontier experience in Texas, are the answers. With con­ summate skill the Republican Army of the North, the title which dignified the band of revolutionists in the Neutral Ground, had been organized. Since late June these men had worked in Natchitoches, had carried their activities into other parts of Louisiana and Mississippi, yet Sibley and Shaler had not mentioned their names, as they cautiously said in their June reports that they could not, since they lacked evidence. And they did not mention their names until August when the project was in action. Magee, Shaler described as "a very tall, robust Bostonian, handsome of person and countenance, commanding in ap­ pearance, and withal prepossessing in manner," and was credited with being one of the best informed officers of his age in the United States army.1 In 1808 Magee had received an appointment as cadet from Massachusetts to West Point. There he had stood third in his class. The following year he had been made second lieutenant of artillery. Later he had been transferred to Louisiana,2 serving under General Wilkinson at Baton Rouge, who considered him a young man whose "conduct promised to do honor to his profession." 140 A YOUTH AND A REBEL 141

Being interested in his future, Wilkinson requested the Sec­ retary of War in 1811 to promote him to the office of first lieutenant.3 The promotion was not awarded. This was a stab at Magee's youthful ambition, from which he suffered keenly. In the first months of 1812 Magee was at Natchitoches engaged in clearing the Neutral Ground of bandits. They had gathered in alarming numbers since the Casas revo­ lution, which had produced lucrative trade between Texas and Natchitoches. In January Claiborne had forwarded a memorial from the merchants of Natchitoches to Monroe, in which they had objected to the banditti in the Neutral Ground who would destroy their trade with Texas, and requested that the Government remove them.4 The request met quick response. Colonel Pike, with a complete company, moved from Baton Rouge to Natchi­ toches to aid troops of Fort Claiborne under the command of Captain Overton to disband the robbers. Pike addressed a message to the Spanish commandant of Nacogdoches, Montero, stating his purpose and proposed co-operation. Montero forwarded the proposal to Governor Salcedo in Bexar, who replied expressing gratitude for this good will. Montero was instructed to send an officer with ten men to aid in the undertaking. In April Claiborne notified Monroe that safe commerce had been established between Texas and Natchitoches.5 1vlagee, as one of the officers engaged in this project, had achieved success for the United States and had gained among the brigands a reputation for fierce tactics. On one occa­ sion Magee was dispatched to escort Spanish traders across the Neutral Ground. When the party had almost reached safety, they were attacked. The next day ~1agee returned to the Neutral Ground with reenforcements and captured two of the freebooters. Attempting to make them divulge the whereabouts of their companions, he tied them to a tree, whipped them, passed hot coals down their bare 142 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS backs, handed them over for trial to the civil officials of Natchitoches, and burned their houses. 6 Magee, stationed on the brink of Texas, came in contact with westward-gazing adventurers, listened to fabulous descriptions of Texas, talked with Davenport and other knowing inhabitants, and acquired knowledge of the dis­ tracted conditions in 1'1exico. Ambition pounded within him. His heart knew the expansion of hope. He determined that he would make a reality of one of the several schemes which had been brewing on the Louisiana-Texas frontier. Magee passed from a dream of military fame in the United States Army to the dream of a stupendous role as the Anglo­ American liberator of Spanish-provinces. On June 22 he resigned his position in the United States Army because "he felt dissatisfied with the service and personally slighted."7 Magee became a radiant revolutionist. He began to organize the Republican Army of the North destined for liberty, glory, Texas, and Mexico. He visited New Orleans, obtaining supplies and enlisting men of respectable char­ acter. In Gutierrez's name articles were published soliciting recruits. Reward for their services in the cause of Mexican independence was dazzling enough. Each volunteer was promised forty dollars a month and a league of land to be assigned in the future Mexican Republic. Americans, Spaniards, and Frenchmen openly enlisted in New Orleans and Natchez. In companionable groups these vigorous revolutionists journeyed in holiday spirit many a hundred miles to the Neutral Ground.8 It was not an army of rough-shod adventurers. There were three Virginians of respectable standing, Ross, Perry, and Lockett; Joseph Carr, a man of property in Mississippi; a Doctor Forsythe; Gaines, a sheriff of a Louisiana parish; and Owen, a merchant, and Hall, a practicing lawyer, both of Natchitoches. Another prominent American volunteer was Samuel Kemper,9 a brother of Reuben and Nathan Kemper, with whom he.had figured in the violence of the A YOUTH AND A REBEL 143

West Florida revolution against Spain, which terminated in the annexation of West Florida by the United States. He entered the Republican Army, it was said, to enact a similar role.10 This revolutionary army received the full support of Samuel Davenport, who bore the title of quartermaster­ general. Turning against the very government that had made him rich, he used his wealth, his prestige among Texans, and his business acumen to equip it. Since 1794 this Irish­ man had lived at Nacogdoches as a faithful subject on whose tongue was the oath of allegiance to His Spanish Majesty and the church. He had engaged in trade, had amassed land and cattle, and had been entrusted with the of£ice of Spanish Indian Agent.11 While in Natchitoches and New Orleans in May and June of 1812, supposedly gathering needed supplies for the Texas government, he also assembled supplies for the liberty army.12 From his own correspondence one may detect his double dealing. As late as the last week of July he wrote to the Spanish commandant of Nacogdoches that with the opening of the war between England and the United States, Spain would be dragged in and that the Texas frontier would be one of the first places attacked. He expressed the wish that his wagons of supplies would come, in order that he might undertake the return trip to Texas before the storm broke. Evidence indicates that Davenport was fenc­ ing for time, convinced that Texas would cease to be Spanish upon the outbreak of the War of 1812; and that he con­ templated the use of his wagons for the republican cause. The activities of Davenport embraced more than those of furnishing supplies. Inhabitants of Nacogdoches, the greater part of whom depended upon him for sustenance, he brought to the acceptance of the revolution, making them promise to receive the army of liberty when it approached Nacogdoches. Then to secure the march of the army along 144 GREEN FLAG OVER_ TF.X AS the Texas Gulf Coast, he made advances to the Indians, especially the Conchate tribe.13 Gutierrez, no doubt, had some part in the preparation. In mid-July he wrote General Wilkinson from Natchitoches, that his agent, Magee, was in New Orleans to obtain all means for the independent cause and said he knew that Wilkinson favored the glorious liberty of the Spanish pro­ vinces and could be ''relied upon to use his influence and power."14 Wilkinson did believe something should be done. In writ­ ing to the Secretary of War relative to measures for defense Qf New Orleans against the British in the War of 1812, he advocated that proper attention be directed to the "Mexican Provinces" as well as to New Orleans. The policy of Great Britain, he declared, was to gain control directly or indi­ rectly of those provinces. To prevent this, he advocated that "some concert be effected with the native chiefs of the Internal Provinces"; that the United States be· prepared to supply the revolutionists in Mexico with arms, artillery, ammunition, officers to instruct them; that the Gov­ ernment "select corps from the· di£ ferent branches of the service as a nucleus for the revolutionists to rally round"; and that vessels of the United States explore the Gulf from the Mississippi to the Rio Grande and secure nautical knowl­ edge of the entrance to the bay of Espiritu Santo, a most desirable location, he said, for maritime communication with the people of T exas.15 Such thoughts were harbored not by one mind but by many. The press had aided in guiding public thinking into covetous channels. In bold terms the Nashville Clarion published several articles in ..A.pril of 1812, calling attention of the people of the West to their splendid destiny which awaited them in Spanish Provinces. The first article read: "Behold the empire of Mexico, a celestial region whose valiant sons are now struggling for their independence as we strug­ gled for ours thirty years ·ago." Such writings put the ques- A YOU1H AND A REBEL 145 tion squarely up to the people of the West. Surely they would not remain inactive. This outburst of republican fervor was strengthened by descriptions of Mexico's fertility and riches, and by statements suggesting possible accession of Spanish territory and acquisition of personal wealth.16 The Natchez Chronicle, since the return of Gutierrez to Natchitoches, had kept its readers faithfully informed. Like­ wise, citizens of the East read in the Baltimore Daily, the Aurora of Philadelphia, and the National Intelligencer of Washington accounts of consequential events which were swinging in the balance on the Southwestern frontier. An article in August told Washingtonians of the Republican Army of the North, of their plans, and of the location of Natchitoches, uwhere this conspiracy is found." There was no secret of the violation of Spain's goodwill.17 By August 1 the enterprise was on the eve of execution. Parties were hurrying through Natchitoches. Town wags boasted that the Republican Army on the bank of the Sabine numbered five hundred and they were good riflemen well supplied with ammunition. They possessed three pieces of small artillery, but expected six more. In six days they planned to take Nacogdoches because they said the inhabi­ tants and soldiers had promised to receive them. After the gateway to Texas was theirs, they would march along the coast, thereby evading the king's troops which would be sent over the Camino Real from Bexar to regain Nacog­ doches. Meanwhile, republicans would seize La Bahia, the coastal presidio, then march northward to take Bexar. Texas would be free and they would hurry on to unite with the independents of Mexico. Their plans were public knowledge.18 Magee, leading conspirator, left Natchitoches on August 2. Thoughtful citizens realized the import, as handsome Magee turned his mount toward the west and rode from the United States. President Jefferson's expressed desire of 18 07 appeared on tlie verge of realization: ul had rather 146 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS have war against Spain than not, if we go to war against England. Our southern defensive force can take the Floridas, volunteers for a Mexican army will flock to our stand- ard s ...,,19 He had also prophesied in 1809 that the United States need not worry about adjacent Spanish territories because '~they are ours the first moment any war is forced upon us and that we will be at hand to prevent their seizure by any other power."20 A youth had dared to fulfill the desire and the prophecy. 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word of the declaration of the War of 1812 reached Natchi­ toches. He sent by the Caddo and N adaco chiefs talks to all Indian tribes of Texas, west to the Rio Grande, as if the land to the Rio Grande were already under guardianship of the United States. The talks explained causes of the War of 1812 and the probability of its extending to war with Spain. If this occurred, troops of the United States would enter Texas, but the red n1en were entreated to remem­ ber that the troops would not be coming as enemies to Indians or to any people seeking independence. There£ore, Indians were beseeched not to take part in the war if the United States entered Texas.3 However, it was not troops with the American flag, but American volunteers that came upon Texas strong and without fear.4 On August 7 a vanguard of the Republican Army of the North crossed the Sabine and advanced toward Nacogdoches. Plodding through the piney woods, they met Zambrano with his mule train. As time had not brought him assurance of a safe passage to Natchitoches, he had ventured in his own strength. Americans, like terror, struck them on every side. Zambrano turned with troops and treasure and fled toward Nacogdoches. Next day Magee with the entire army crossed the Sabine, pursuing Zambrano on the road to Nacogdoches.5 Gutierrez, having been notified by Magee of the repub­ lican advance, left Natchitoches on August 10 to join the army in Texas. Shaler recounted to Monroe that Gutierrez, in his farewell interview with him, appeared to be under the influence of fear, that he was the only person in Natchi­ toches who doubted the success of the enterprise, and that Gutierrez reluctantly took his departure after many ex­ pressions of gratitude to the United States Government and its agents for their countenance and kindness. Gutierrez expressed the hope that he would be pardoned for his departure from the line of conduct he had pledged himself to follow on his arrival at Natchitoches.8 SEIZURE OF THE GATEWAY 151

Meanwhile, fleeing Zambrano had reached Nacogdoches with his cargo. He left a rear guard of about twenty men, twenty-five miles east of Nacogdoches. When the light of August 11 began to show through the tree tops, the rear guard began their duties. While morning mass, an important preparation for the day of a Spanish soldier, was being said, Kemper, in command of a republican vanguard,. sur­ prised and made captives the soldiers. 7 One sentinel fled to Nacogdoches with the news. He had evidently listened well before his flight, for the news he brought smacked of propaganda. He reported that Gutierrez and Despallier accompanied by seven hundred Americans were coming to Nacogdoches, but not for the purpose of interfering with any individual, or his property, or religiort. Another messenger came out of the woods re­ porting that in a few days one thousand American invaders were coming by way of Matagorda Bay.8 The worst had come. Montero ordered the alarm signals to be sounded for the defense of Nacogdoches. To the roll of drums and the blare of bugles not a citizen responded and ;oldiers were indifferent. Gutierrez's liberty messages had won. Montero Zambrano, seeing this infidelity, ordered the soldiers to mount and to parade, after which order Montero resorted to a brief oration, concluding it with the command to begin immediately the march toward Bexar. The troops obeyed but proceeded only a short distance when a captain of militia shouted halt! Speaking for the soldiers, he declared to Montero that they would not obey; they would remain to seek the safety of themselves and families, as they did not know whether the troops who were approaching were friends or enemies. The militia and all but about ten soldiers deserted. Zambrano and Montero, with the faithful ten, galloped in retreat toward Bexar. This time Zambrano fled without his cargo. With Spanish officials gone from their sight, citizens and soldiers set to work that same day to prepare to receive 152 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS the liberty army. A deputation went to meet Magee sta­ tioned twenty miles from Nacogdoches. They assured Magee that they would welcome the Republican Army of the North provided that no individual or his property be molested. Magee's answer was satisfactory. The following sunrise the people left Nacogdoches in a joyful procession to meet the army. This was triumph. Soldiers and inhabitants escorted Americans into the pueblo. Archives and public property were placed in Magee's charge. Flour, powder, ammunition, spears, lances, 600 mules and horses, silver specie and 80,000 pounds of fine wool-the whole estimated at $60,000-swelled the quartermaster's store. They had counted on Zambrano's riches, even boasted in Natchi­ toches that they would possess them. 9 The flag of the Spanish monarch had retreated before republicans. Nacogdoches, the portal to Spanish Texas, now with a republican government was no longer the for­ bidden city to Americans, but the gateway to Texas and to the riches of Mexico. When the calamitous news that Nacogdoches was now the stronghold of the revolutionists reached Bexar, it was a wail of tragedy which Salcedo dispatched to the viceroy, to Don Nemesio, and to governors of neighboring provinces. Sal­ cedo besought the viceroy to send one thousand soldiers from those recently arrived from Spain to Matagorda Bay within one month counting that day. "If this is not done, Texas faces a more formidable insurrection than that of 1811, since the people," he said, "easily embrace sedition, believing the Americans, who claim they come not to injure the inhabitants but to aid them in winning independence. They do not realize, as I, that the Americans, under the pretext of liberty, arc working to take possession of Texas." Believing that the troops would surely be sent in such a crisis, Salcedo enclosed in his letter a signal to be used by the commander of the vessel when it reached Matagorda Bay.10 Surely guardians of adjoining provinces could not shut "PT7TTRP. OF THF. GATEWAY 153 ------~ ------·. - themselves away from this descending tragedy. Therefore, Salcedo also sent demanding appeals to them. One appeal went to Bustamante in Camargo, who commanded all troops of the Rio Grande presidios. Bustamante must march rapidly to Bexar. Another appeal went to Monterrey and another to Cordero of Coahuila. To Colonel Tovar in San Luis Potosi word was dispatched that immediate aid was the only means of saving Texas from United States aggression.11 Only one loyalist stretched forth a sustaining hand. Cordero answered that he would be sending his most useful company. Refusals and excuses came from the others. The viceroy did not reply until the spring of the next year. Without succor, Salcedo and Herrera would face the crisis with stern Spanish mettle that knew its duty.12 While these men were sorrowing, others were rejoicing. The republican victory was reported to Washington by Shaler and Sibley on August 18. They described joyous ac­ tivities in Natchitoches. Merchants, jubilant over the seizure of Nacogdoches, offered their services to the volunteers, and some were contributing supplies. Parties of men were daily passing through, so that the numbers would soon exceed five hundred. Shaler viewed the victory as a boom for himself. He informed Monroe that in a month the army would be in quiet possession of the capital of Texas and he would begin his journey to Mexico. Sibley, however, was disturbed in the midst of this jubila­ tion. There was no security for Natchitoches, he reported to Eustis, since Captain W ollestoncraft, having received orders from General Wilkinson to move his company with all artillery and arms of the post to Baton Rouge, had departed. Sibley complained to the Secretary of War that there was left for their defense only "an inadequate company of infantry, and the county militia which had neither arms, organization, nor the disposition to act effectively." Surely, he concluded, "only strong motives of necessity could justify such an act. " 13 154 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

Sibley might have discovered the motive in the letter Wollestoncraft wrote Wilkinson upon his arrival at Baton Rouge, relating Magee's success in Nacogdoches. He stated, uyou may depend upon it that Magee's force is now five hundred men. I met at least one hundred on the Red River and Mississippi on their way to join them."14 Clouds of duplicity hung heavy over the frontier. Clai­ borne on August 7 refused to accept the resignation of Carr as judge of the parish of Natchitoches, because the project for the invasion of Texas was "still in agitation at or near Natchitoches." He requested Carr to give "atten­ tion to the neutrality statute which declared unlawful the invasion of the Dominions of Spain, by a state in amity with the United States.'' He notified Wilkinson on August 9 of the contemplated invasion, also of his instructions to Carr, and requested Wilkinson to order the military officer com­ tn.1nding at Natchitoches to aid civil authorities. But not until the eleventh did Claiborne issue a proclama­ tion against the expedition. And not until the twelfth, the day Nacogdoches was occupied by the Republican Army did Claiborne send it to Judge Carr, ordering the arrest of all those who did not abandon such enterprises. A few days later Claiborne notified Carr to act with energy-that many volunteers were leaving Louisiana and Mississippi ter­ ritory to join the army in N acogdoches.15 Wilkinson enclosed Claiborne's proclamation in a letter to Captain Overton, now restored to command of Fort Claiborne after the departure of W ollestoncraft, with in­ structions to aid civil authorities in the enforcement of the neutrality law. However, he gave definite instructions which would indicate that the progress of the Republican Army in Texas beyond United States jurisdiction should not be hampered: "should any armed caravan approach Natchi­ toches from the Spanish provinces for the purpose of com­ merce with the United States, by all means afford them protection;" but he instructed that no armed force be al- SEIZURE OF THE GATEWAY 155 lowed to leave from United States territory or to violate the Neutral Ground. Wilkinson, ever a manipulator of in­ triguing ventures, further instructed Overton to equip the messenger who brought this dispatch with horses and sup­ plies in order that the messenger might join the adventurers in Texas, since he would secure correct information. 16 Overton was puzzled by Claiborne's late proclamation. In a letter to Wilkinson acknowledging the receipt of his instructions, he said in regard to the invasion of Texas, "the business has never been a secret-the very atmosphere has been filled with the plans of the expedition for months." The people of the district were of the opinion that the- United States was not averse to it because the civil authority did not interfere; this thought he said "has become interwoven even with my own thinking." Then as if he believed it was necessary to defend his professional morality, he completed his letter by stating that if he had been in command he would have increased his correspondence with regard to the expe­ dition, but "I was superseded by an older and more expe­ rienced officer (Captain Wollestoncraft), who no doubt has done justice to himself and his country." Certainly Wollestoncraft had given Magee a free hand.17 Nor was Shaler elated over Claiborne's action. Had Shaler's political morality lapsed in the excitement of the frontier? With shrewdness he faced both ways. He wrote 11:onroe that he regretted exceedingly the proclamation not having been issued a month sooner, when the enterprise could have been crushed; now the proclamation ·would only trammel the enterprise for the present, but would not arrest its progress.18 CHAPTER XXVIII FINAL PREENING The Republican Army of the North swept into power, both in numbers and equipment. During August and Sep­ tember within the shelter of Nacogdoches, safe from appre­ hension by the United States, they were tuning up for a full swing into a grand opening movement of liberation. ~Jatchitoches was a noisy mart, crowded with traders from Texas. Pack trains of two hundred mules plied continuously between Natchitoches and Nacogdoches. They brought Zambrano's treasure of wool and silver from Nacogdoches. On the journey west, flour, arms, and other supplies made up their packs. An agent of the army of liberation was stationed in Natchitoches, procuring supplies from Natchez and other points in Mississippi Territory and from Louisiana. Parties of volunteers daily passed through Natchitoches, that is, the bold ones; and the others, fearful of Claiborne's proclamation, encircled the environs of the village.1 Morphi, the Spanish consul, addressed a complaint to Claiborne. It seemed strange to him, he wrote, that in the face of Claiborne's proclamation of the Neutrality Law, men were organizing throughout Louisiana, "even under the eyes of His Excellency" in New Orleans. Also orders for sup­ plies had been filled there, extending to such details as uni­ forms for the banditti-an embroidered one for Gutierrez.2 And strange it was. Claiborne's proclamation was like so much wind that temporarily stirred the air. The press in defiance popularized the expedition. In September the 1~6 PTN AT l>R PP1'.TT1'.Tr- --· , __._ - ...... ,~ ... , ..... , ...... ,.

Nashville Clarion and the W big called for contributions of arms and for recruits to join the uSpanish patriots and Amer­ ican volunteers," assembling in Nacogdoches.3 The Natchez Chronicle never neglected in its columns events in Texas. Volunteering was the fashion for every gallant. Mississippi Territory and the western border of Louisiana were drained of laborers and militiamen, so that inhabitants were anxious concerning their crops and the general welfare of their districts.• President Madison wrote to Monroe on September 10, 1812, "The Western Country is all in motion and confusion. It would be grievous if so much laudable ardor and effort should not be properly concentrated and directed." Madi­ son had previously written Monroe of an illegal enterprise preparing in Tennessee. Monroe informed Governor Blount of the report, and learned from him that no such enterprise was afoot in the state, but that the people were interested in the Magee expedition. 5 Life in Nacogdoches was bustling. Four hundred and fifty Americans and one hundred and fifty Spaniards lived through days of discipline and drill under the stern enthusiast, Magee, until, as Shaler said, utmost harmony and good con­ duct prevailed and to such a degree as to amaze the inhabi­ tants of Nacogdoches, whose political life had undergone drastic change. The Americans were organized into five companies, and the troops of His Majesty became a com­ pany of mounted regulars. Daily arrival of Americans did not disturb the order. They were recruited by a rear guard on the Sabine and sent forward with remarkable order to take their places in the ranks. In addition to his duties as quartermaster-general, Daven­ port had command of volunteers from the district of Nacog­ doches, whom he organized and equipped at h~ own expense. So many Texans volunteered to march with the army if they were needed, that they were organized into three com­ panies of militia. Magee, although in supreme command, had only the title of colonel. Gutierrez, as the symbol of Mexican independence, was given title of commander-in­ chief with only nominal power, for his name would cloak the America-ns in the mantle of Mexican liberators. Word was sent Shaler that Gutierrez's docility and good intentions continued and were well spoken of among the officers. Samuel Kemper was chosen major; other Americans, Perry, Ross, Lockett, and Hall, were made captains. The way was open when Nacogdoches was occupied by the army of liberty on August 12. But beyond Nacogdoches the republicans must know what was occurring in the wilder­ ness, what fleeing Montero and Zambrano would do, what action Salcedo and Herrera would take. Hence, a few sol­ diers missed the celebration in Nacogdoches when the Re­ publican Army entered it, for they had sped on to follow Zambrano and Montero retreating to Trinidad.6 When the Spanish commanders reached the log village on the bank of the Trinity, they found it guarded by a captain with thirty-seven soldiers badly armed and poorly mounted. The day following their arriva\, before their astonished gaze, Americans, the soldiers sent ahead to _spy on Montero and Zamhrano,7 entered the town, mingling with the inhabitants, who, too, had apparently fallen under the allurement of the liberty propaganda. What Montero saw told him that the soldiers of Trinidad like those of Nacogdoches would fail utterly in their loyalty and thereby increase the numbers of the enemy. To prevent this he immediately retreated six­ teen leagues from Trinidad and pitched camp to await orders from Salcedo, to whom he had sent by dashing couriers the baleful news. Word soon came for Montero to proceed to Bexar, which he entered on September 2 with five fewer soldiers, who had deserted on the way.7 No sooner had a republican scout galloped into Nacog­ doches to shout this victory than a republican vanguard with whirlwind speed t_ook possession of Trinidad, the newly founded Spanish bulwark against the United States. Texas .-,TN AT. PRF.F.NTNG 159 as far as the Trinity was won. La Bahia and Bexar were the only remnants of Spanish sway and the only obstacles to a grand parade across Texas to the Rio Grande. 8 To continue these bloodless victories, conversion to revo­ lution and conviction of the power and purpose of the Republican Army of the North must go before them. In­ habitants of Bexar, like those of Nacogdoches, must be won by words, so that when the defenders of liberty approached the capital, they would be received as brothers and liberators. Thus from Nacogdoches the war of seduction was re­ newed. It took the form of three distinct proclamations issued from "General Headquarters, Nacogdoches, Septem­ ber 1, 1 812, of the Second Year of Our Independence" and written and signed by Gutierrez, ttColonel in the armies of the Republic of Mexico, Deputy for that Republic .in the United States of America, and Commander-in-chief of the Army of the North." If the promises in these proclamations are trustworthy, these ebullient revolutionists from the American frontier, where revolution was idealized, appear not wholly as selfish adventurers but as expansive souls who flamed with a zeal for liberty. The manifestoes exhibit the code of revolution, reveal that the enterprise was not limited to Texas, and indicate it was not solely a wealth-gathering expedition. However, rich rewards were promised with the establishment of the Mexican Republic. One was addressed to "Officers, Soldiers, and Inhabitants of San Antonio de Bexar" and entreated them to rise in the cause of independence, since an army of Americans, descend­ ants of men who fought for independence of the United States, were marching to secure for the men of Texas, liberty and protection of their rights. A second proclamation informed in bombastic terms the "Beloved, Honorable Compatriots who reside in the Province of Texas" that Gutierrez had undergone great trials for their sake, had been received by the United States Govern- 160 <;RF.F.N PT.A<; OVF.R TF.XA~ ment as well as by ministers of Europe, and that great forces were coming by land and sea to liberate Mexicans. The people of Mexico in another proclamation were told that the Army of the North had come not to rob but to unite with the revolutionists in that country in estab­ lishing economic and political liberty.9 American volunteers at Nacogdoches were also recipi­ ents of a proclamation. Weighty with praises, it was intended to maintain among American volunteers an un­ wavering faith in their cause and to keep before them the promised rewards, rewards which would make warriors blink. When they had given the Mexicans a free, sovereign, independent government, then might they enjoy all the rights of honored citizens of the Mexican Republic, and pursue wealth and happiness according to their inclinations. They might cultivate the land pledged to them, work or dispose of any gold or silver mines which they found, or tame and dis­ pose of the wild horses and mules which roamed the Texas prairies. After the expenses of the expedition were paid, the surplus of confiscated property of loyalists was to be divided among them. They would further be rewarded from the treasury of the government which they would aid in establishing.10 Two years of discontent, also messages from the Ameri­ can frontier, had made Bexar susceptible to propaganda, and it was believed a few more messages would be enough to ignite it. Two couriers, one a revolutionist of Trinidad, the other a deserter from the veteran troops of Bexar, were charged to seek out the homes of staunch republicans i~ Bexar, leaving these messages of a happy life at their doors and to circulate the assurance of success. But they were tricked on the way. Three spies sent by Salcedo, posing as deserters from Bexar, met them on the road. Their mani­ fested zeal for liberty would not permit the messengers to find their way alone into Bexar. It was no sacrifice for them to retrace their steps to the capital of tyranny in order FINAL PREENING 161

to assist in the delivery of their messages. Accordingly, in mid-September the spies led the republican couriers into the presence of Salcedo.11 In October by an order of Don Nemesio they were rewarded with 200 pesos and the couriers executed. Another republican emissary was seized on his way to Revilla. Salcedo was having a glimmer of success.12 But his despair was deep-seated and the pages of his letters to the viceroy and to Don N emesio in late September were not pettish complaints. In a tone of condemnation and warning he wrote: No auxiliaries up to that time had come. Nacog­ doches and Trinidad were abandoned. uThe aggression of the United States is of the most insulting kind." They had permitted the ruffians to organize within sight of their officials and cross into Spanish territory. Now they were withholding acknowledgment of the Texas revolution until success was assured. And success would be realized, Salcedo warned his superiors, unless troops were sent. He admitted his inability to fight a war of seduction and stated he could not prevent revolutionists from communicating with settle­ ments on the Rio Grande.13 Salcedo' s letters went the way of all others. Defeat as usual met his endeavors,14 and republican success continued to flourish. On September 13, a lucky day, the Army of the North had evacuated Nacogdoches for Trinidad. There they planned to wait until cool October for the final dash to Bexar. Meanwhile, time would be given for the arrival of almost another army of volunteers who were hurrying to join them. Shaler said the business of volunteering for New Spain had developed into "a per£ect mania" during Septem­ ber. Confidence was high and enthusiasm rampant. De­ serters from Bexar came, saying that utmost consternation prevailed in the capital, that respectable citizens were being imprisoned on the slightest suspicion of their favoring revolu­ tion, that soldiers were faithless, and that Salcedo in fear had withdrawn all outposts, concentrating forces in Bexar. 162 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

October came. The army of liberty numbered 600. Ex­ cellent mechanics in the ranks had placed arms and equipage in the best of order. The army functioned with per£ect military order. On October 12 a vanguard was twelve miles beyond the Trinity. The independence of Texas was on the eve of fulfillment. Of this the army and the people of Nacogdoches were pos1t1ve. Shaler shared this frontier confidence. On October 1 he wrote Monroe that he was so certain of being able to proceed to Mexico within that month that he would depart immediately if it were not for giving the appearance that he had some connection with the expedi­ tion.15 His apparent exultation caused him to write four days later: uThe volunteer expedition from the most insignificant beginning is growing into an irresistible torrent, that will sweep the crazy remains of Spanish Government from the Interior ·Provinces and open Mexico to the political influence of the United States and to the talents and enterprise of our citizens; at least I see no probable obstacle to such results, but a powerful auxiliary aid to the old government from Great Britain. ''18 CHAPTER XXIX DELAY It was, one would have thought, an opportune moment. But no! The whirling extravagant vitality of the liberators with their eagerness for tomorrow's conquest was soon curbed, and delay bent back their hopes. This remarkable change of mood was due to the appearance in Texas of Doctor John Hamilton Robinson, who rode into Natchi­ toches the first week in October on his way to Chihuahua with a message for Don Nemesio from the President of the United States. But Shaler believed that he rode too far in the rear of events. That was the statement he sent Monroe. However, he reported that he had given Robinson every assistance to aid in his immediate departure. Robinson had crossed Texas before, but it was in the role of a political prisoner. In 1805-1806, exploring the Rio Grande valley with Zebulon Pike, he had been imprisoned, sent to Chihuahua, detained for a time, and then sent out of Spanish territory by way of Texas. This experience had increased Robinson's geographical knowledge, for which reason Pike had recommended him to Monroe for this special mission.1 Monroe, in a letter dated July 1, 1812, had instructed Robinson that, in view of the fact that an army of banditti disregarding the authority of the United States and Spain had invaded Spanish territory, endangering the welfare of both countries, he was to present to the commandant­ general of the Interior Provinces a message from the Presi- 163 164 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS dent2 stating that the difficulties which had lately created disquietude in the Interior Provinces, particularly those which had risen in the Neutral Ground, had caused the Presi­ dent anxiety and regret. Robinson was to make clear to the commandant-general that it was desirable that both governments concur in pre­ venting in the future a similar aggression which might easily arise because of "the revolutionary spirit that existed in Spanish provinces" and because of "the growing disposition of the citizens of the United States - to assist in that revolution." Robinson was authorized to propose to Don Nemesio means to effeet harmony between the neighboring govern­ ments: first, the United States proposed to make the terri­ torial boundaries between the two governments the object of amicable negotiations, and second, desired to establish commercial relations between the two countries, thereby tranquilizing the minds of the inhabitants of both countries. 3 The Southwestern frontier at this time was an incalcul­ able world in which anything might happen. Why Robinson appeared at this particular time is inexplicable. Had he come to establish commercial relations, to obtain an alliance, thereby preventing Don Nemesio from aiding Great Britain, and incidentally to report on the revolution, or did he hope to remove £rom the minds of Spanish officials the belief that the United States had encouraged or permitted the expedition? Several persons have advanced explanations. Onis, writing to the viceroy from Philadelphia in January, 1813, said that, although it was reported Robinson had been sent to establish friendly relations with the Interior Provinces, to reprove Gutierrez, and to disband the troops, in his opinion, the true purpose was to foment revolution.' Lorenzo de la Garza, biographer of Gutierrez, explains that Robinson was sent at Shaler's request to take possession of Texas for the United States. Garza based his opinion DELAY 165 upon cues, he said, which Shaler sent to Gutierrez in Texas, indicating how he should work in favor of the United States.' A French agent advanced this explanation to Toledo, that the uUnited States acted a double and deceptive part" be­ cause Robinson, he knew, had been sent to convince Spanish colonial authorities of the good faith of the United States toward Spain, while Shaler had been instructed to give countenance to the revolutionists.6 Republican victory or Spanish victory, Monroe would be safe. Opportunism, it may be conjectured, was his game. Whatever may have been the purpose, the arrival of Robinson in Texas did not work to the good of the Republi­ can Army. On the evening of October 15 Robinson entered the encampment at Trinidad, and as conspicuous as the man, was his baggage displaying the flag of the United States. Rumor went through the camp that he had come to tak.e possession of the country in the name of the United States. Officers voiced vague suspicions. Magee examined Robin­ son's passport and plied questions. Robinson stated his mis­ sion, explained that he carried the flag for protection, and that he presumed that the Government knew nothing of the existence of a republic in Texas. In this, of course, he falsified. Magee called a council of war. Two days later it was decided that Robinson should proceed to his destina­ tion on four conditions: that he leave the flag with the army, that he take a passport under the authorities of the Texas Republic, since the army had declared Texas a republic from the Sabine to the Trinity, that he pledge his honor in writing not to disclose any details of the army, and that he go alone, since confidence placed in him could not be placed in an­ other. Robinson fixed his signature to the document and left for Bexar.7 Next day the army moved from Trinidad in a very exuber­ ant state. According to Gutierrez, uthe men were united, well-armed, and determined to besiege Inferno itself." They crossed the Brazos and reached the Colorado River in gleeful >I< DON NEMESIO SALCEDO Y SALCEDO Brigadier de los Reales Exercitos, Gobernador y Comandante ge­ neral en Gefe de las Provincias Internas del Reyno de N ueva Espa­ fia, Inspector de sus Tropa~ regfadas y de Milicias, Superintendente general Subdelegado de Real Hacienda y Ramo del Tabaco, Juez Conservador de este, y Subdelegado general de Correos, &c.

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(PASSPORT ISSUED BY SALCEDO) DELAY 167 strides. There they heard from a deserter that Salcedo and Herrera had concentrated forces at Bexar and that a very small garrison was at La Bahia. They hurriedly crossed the Colorado, turned southward, marched about forty leagues to the coastal presidio, before which they did not halt, but entered as if welcomed, and hoisted the green flag on No­ vember 7.8 Prayers have wrought miracles. But not in the case of the garrison and inhabitants of La Bahia, who had spent the previous day in mass and prayers for strength to resist. On appearance of the republicans, the garrison fled, while the inhabitants and Indians watched the sights.9 Nothing brings joy to the heart of a soldier like strong walls. The new masters had come into possession of a large square stone fort, the two bastions of which they quickly graced with two cannon found in the fort. Nearby was a large well-built stone church, a guard house, and one building a hundred feet long for quarters. To add to their physical comfort, there were supplies of corn and salt. It was a lucky draw. For three days they enjoyed setting their new encamp­ ment in order. Then Salcedo and Herrera, who had been waiting on the Guadalupe many days to meet the invaders, who, they expected, would come by the Camino Real, the direct road to Bexar, approached La Bahia. They attacked; their lead and fire had no effect. The enemy remained en­ trenched in the fortress. Herrera and Salcedo decided to employ the most effective means, that of starving the enemy. They set to work establishing a camp in the form of a triangle--one camp on the east side of La Bahia, one on the west, and another on the opposite side of the San Antonio River. Thus began a four month investment of the strategic presidio of His Majesty.10 Easy success turned into delay, doubt, and discourage­ ment for the republicans. The loyalists, like crouching lions ready to leap, refused to engage in battle, only crouched before the republicans and watched. The fact that the lovalist army did not come forth and embrace the Army of 168 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS the North when they came into their presence before La Bahia, as messages from Bexar had promised they would, shook the confidence of the invaders. The defeat which had suddenly come upon the republicans was, as Davenport ex­ plained, the unfortunate consequence of Robinson's appear­ ing in Bexar. Salcedo exploited the event by publicly haranguing the people and soldiers of Bexar into a state of doubt and re­ action. The priest of La Bahia, reading Salcedo's message, had produced the same spirit there. Salcedo was an excel­ lent haranguer. He rebuked the people for giving ear to the falsehoods of Gutierrez, because the United States did not favor the independence of New Spain, and the approach­ ing army was nothing more than outlaws such as gathered in the Neutral Ground and were coming solely to despoil the inhabitants. Then he reasoned with the inhabitants. Would they not believe his warnings, now that they had seen the agent from the United States, who had passed on to Chi­ huahua with a message from his government? This agent had given assurance that the United States was at peace with Spain and neither had authorized· nor had possessed knowl­ edge of the army of vagabonds. Magee faced the failure of the people to acclaim the Re­ publican Army, a fact which gave rise to much discontent for the moment among officers and soldiers, confined in a fortress by an enemy which Magee described to Shaler as treacherous cowards who refused to fight. He believed as days passed that his plan was failing and called a military council sometime before November 23. Davenport tells us that the council unanimously agreed to make proposals of capitulation to Salcedo and Herrera, asserting that the Re­ publican Army had been treacherously deceived by the in­ habitants of Texas as to their desires for independence. A flag was sent, and letters passed. Salcedo and Herrera attended an interview with all the respect and ceremony observed between nations on such DELAY 169 occasions. No agreement was reached. According to the re­ publican account, the chief difference was the refusal of Sal-· edo to grant full pardon and protection to republican inhabi­ tants of Texas after the Republican Army abandoned the province. Results of the interview were made known to the army and votes taken. With the exception of a few dissenters, the Mexican liberators voted to die with their arms in their hands rather than deliver up a single individual. Hostilities were renewed on November 23. A general assault was made by the loyalists on the fort, but it was un­ successful. Turning in defeat, they retreated to camp and settled down to days of watchfulness.11 CHAPTER. XXX A CRY FOR HELP Discouragement lay hold of Magee and Gutierrez. They cried to Shaler for help. Both wrote letters of lamentation dated November 2 5. Gutierrez did not suppress his affection for Shaler in his solemn letter of state. Addressing Shaler as his best friend, he wrote that in spite of the fact that the enemy was cudgeled into battle by their officers and that only fear prevented them from joining the republicans, if the enemy continued to resist them, they would be forced to abandon La Bahia and fight their way to freedom. Then Gutierrez, contrary to his early strivings to preserve Texas for the future Mexican Republic, made a surprising proposal to Shaler. Gutierrez urged Shaler to effect a union of the land from the Sabine to La Bahia with the United States, in order to stay the loyalist threat of putting the inhabitants from Nacogdoches to La Bahia to the sword for their acceptance of the revolution. Gutierrez, continuing his appeal, urged Shaler to come and remain with him to prevent him from erring in establishing a republican govern­ ment, and ended with the plea that United States troops occupy the territory without delay. If Shaler would only join him, he significantly begged, "everything would be as we desire it; not a drop of blood would be spilt." And Shaler's coming might "decide the fate of a kingdom."1 Magee was not a literary genius-he wrote, uw e are differently received in this country to what we expected and the treachery of the people is beyond belief." He 170 •a.A rR.....,. __ V- -POR- - - HF.T- --- .P 171

repeated the request for annexation of Texas; however, he pushed the boundary from La Bahia to the Rio Grande. Annexation he ''most sincerely desired" because umy hopes of effecting a Revolution in this country with the means I now hold are entirely blasted, but still I am strong enough to open my road whatever course I choose to go."2 Davenport, bearing these letters to Shaler, reached Natchi­ toches on December 19. His report of affairs in La Bahia indicated delay and disappointment, but not the discourage­ ment manifested by Magee and Gutierrez. Davenport de­ scribed the army as numbering six hundred dependable men in good spirits, provisioned with beef, a supply of corn suf­ ficient for four months and plenty of ammunition. They were busily engaged in repairing arms and equipage on a forge Gutierrez had installed. He personally directed the mending activities and during the frequent skirmishes left his anvil for his gun. Davenport also brought assuring words from Magee that he would attack the enemy in a few days.3 Shaler made a quick response to Magee's letter. He reprimanded and at the same time attempted to drive Magee on. If Magee had not been able to meet and destroy the enemy before him, Shaler scolded, he should not have under­ taken the .enterprise. If he attacked the enemy and brought him to battle, he rrniust be victorious, as his country loved valor and would hail him with enthusiasm" if he won. Then he encouragingly advised that the foreign situation favored his success, because there was no prospect of peace with England, and it was thought that Congress would declare war against Spain because of the Florida situation. "If therefore you can obtain possession of San Antonio and make a stand there, the situation of your Mexican friends will be eligible and your prospects fair.,, He added if all these events occurred, the proposals of Gutierrez might merit consideration. 4 r-n 'r.T:-1'T l:T Ar"' '°''tT'Cl) '"r'C'V AC 172 \J J.~J.:, J.. 'II J.. J...,.L"l. '\J '-' V .L, .L'- .I. .L,.t.>..J.. l..,J

Shaler himself was not far removed from a gloomy view of things. In his letter of November he had been optimistic, notifying the State Department that as soon as the repub­ licans were in possession of San Antonio he believed he would proceed on his journey. If he should not be able to go to Mexico, at least he would be able to obtain information on the resources and conditions of Texas that might be "in­ teresting to the Government." It cannot be doubted that Shaler was an imperialistic patriot. In Texas, he also had reason to believe that he could exercise influence over the councils of the republicans. For such excellent reasons he wished to make ready and requested that a general passport be sent, as he did not think it proper now to show his papers as special agent. His December letters were full of gloom. Perhaps it was due to the loneliness that seizes one far from the accustomed hearth at the Christmas season, for he wrote on Christmas day and again on the 27th. He enclosed copies of the letters of Gutierrez and Magee, a report of Davenport, and a copy of his reply to Magee. His opinion that the expedition would fail was revealed by his report that he had notified Claiborne of prospective dangers with the return of the Republican Army. In spite of recent victories at La Bahia, of which he had had word, he dejectedly expressed to Monroe that the feebleness of the councils of the republicans had raised doubts in his mind of their success. Such failures would prevent his mission, but as the season was unfavorable, he would not return to Washington but would wait until in­ formed of "the pleasure of the Government." A year of scheming had terminated for Shaler with scant reward. January, 1813, dawned and spent itself without bringing a change in the situation at La Bahia. Many skirmishes occurred in which the republicans were uniformly victorious. Loyalist numbers dw~dled by desertion, increasing repub­ lican ranks. Between petty conflicts republicans kept their A CRY FOR HELP 173 equipment in order and at night foraged for food, hunting cattle as far as the Nueces River and driving them safely between loyalist guards into La Bahia. 5 Gallant Magee, so strenuously active, had been ill since he left the Trinity. Now he lay heavy with fever which de­ voured the strength of his youth. Captain Ross brought word to Natchitoches on January 10 that Magee, contrary to advice of the officers, had ordered a retreat in December. The whole army had protested and proposed his removal, which Magee's friends prevented. Ross said that when he returned to La Bahia with recruits for whom he had come, he did not expect Magee would be living. 6 February was a month filled with decisive events. On February 6 Magee died. A soldier writing to Sibley said, "the Colonel was called into command in another world and since then we have been a little more indulged in taking a fight when we can get it."7 Command devolved upon Samuel Kemper, whom Shaler described to Monroe as ua man of much courage and firmness-but of no education and of doubtful capacity for chief command." On the frontier the rumor was again circulated that General Adair was expected to take command. Shaler enclosed a letter from an "intelligent correspondent" in Nacogdoches who had asked if the United States Government would approve of Adair. Shaler had answered that the government had no opinion to give. 8 Early in February a battle of blood and fury had occurred, inflicting sore defeat upon the loyalists. Yet Salcedo and Herrera remained before La Bahia viewing their naked army, empty powder chests, and breadless stores.9 On the nineteenth the event of the month took place. The loyalists evacuated camp and retreated toward Bexar, encum­ bered with wounded men and disaffected troops, many of whom deserted on the way.10 These deserters were joined by inhabitants of Bexar, who, having heard of Salcedo's defeat 174 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS before La Bahia and of his retreat, were on their way to join the republicans in La Bahia. They circulated news that republicans were numerous in the capital and waited the arrival of the Republican Army.11 The cry for help was about to become a cry of triumph. CHAPTER XXXI THE FULFILLMENT OF SALCEDO'S PROPHECY Victory of Mexican liberators at La Bahia revived the hope which Shaler shared with Monroe, assuring him that the revolution would succeed now if it were only conducted with a little skill, and its effect would be of great consequence in Mexico. So hopeful was he that he said he would leave im­ mediately, but fear of being regarded a partisan of the revolution prevented him.1 The victory made Gutierrez eager to push ahead. He sent a messenger galloping to Ross at Natchitoches, who was gathering recruits and supplies, with an entreaty to hurry, that the army was impatient to be on its way to Bexar. Further, Ross was to tell friends that the road to La Bahia was open, that Texas might be considered in the possession of republicans, that any materials for the army would be admitted by land or water free of duty, and that a port would be established at Matagorda Bay.2 Loyalists too were exchanging notes. Cordero had di­ rected two letters in November informing Salcedo and Herrera that he was sending forty men and ten boxes of powder and one of lead. As soon as they arrived he sug­ gested that they attack the enemy.3 Bustamante sent word to the viceroy that he lacked troops and supplies; therefore, he could aid Salcedo only by marching to the border of Texas, and if necessary he might join him in prolonging the siege of La Bahie:1. 4 In early March the captain of Camargo described disheartening conditions. The enemy was raiding 175 ...... T"'T"'"1'.T T".'T Ar, ~"tTCl) ~y A~ 176 \..J'.I\.LL1" r .a....~'-.:1' '-J ".LJ.a.'- ...... ,

the ranches of the Nueces district, taking cattle and inhabi­ tants; the people of Mier, Refugio, Reynosa, and Laredo favored the revolution; with astonishing freedom people of Reynosa talked of insurrection; and if Gutierrez ad­ vanced to Camargo, he planned to retreat to prevent his troops from swelling the ranks of the enemy.5 Such lack of courage and sacrifice in the hearts of loyalist defenders, as these notes displayed, surely turned misery into bitterness of soul for Salcedo and Herrera. These men of trials acquainted with grief, returning in defeat to Bexar after a four months' absence in La Bahia, met further tribulation. Bexar had been tormented by frequent Indian raids. Insurgents in the capital had re­ ported that Salcedd's estimation of Robinson was erroneous because Robinson had been imprisoned by Don Nemesio. Also there was division among the inhabitants; some had left Bexar to join the Americans. Confusion and division reached tempestuous peaks when word came on March 23 that the Republican Army fourteen thousand strong, includ­ ing hundreds of Indians, was marching on the capital. That same day Salcedo sent to the commandant of Laredo an order to inform Bustamante of the fact.6 How useless­ Bustamante had the strength of a reed in time of trouble. In the midst of this distress, Robinson entered Bexar on his return from Chihuahua. He ''found everything in con­ fusion, every person alarmed for the security of his person and property. Officers spoke publicly against the Captain General (Don Nemesio). The Indians had at that time killed fifty-five persons, had stolen 5,000 sheep, and lC,000 head of horses and mules." When Robinson departed, people besought him to take their property with him to safety. ., Republicans had remained at La Bahia to await the return of Ross from Nathitoches. Ross's success had not been great, as the Indians under the influence of the Caddo chief, obeying the message of Sibley, had refused to engage in the revolution. However, with Captain Gaines, he had THE FULFILLMENT OF SALCEDO'S PROPHECY 177 managed to return to La Bahia on March 12 with a hundred­ Qdd Indians from the coast and some Americans. Seven days later the army began the long desired march to the capital of Texas. On March 29, five leagues from the city, they met a sur­ prise attack. The loyalists, with 1200 soldiers and six cannon, had entrenched themselves on a wooded slope. Victory still hovered over republican banners. This event was spoken of as the battle of Salado. The loyalists retreated, leaving can­ non, baggage, and one hundred dead on the field. Repub­ licans pursued them to within one league of Bexar and pitched camp. Nothing succeeds like victory. Success in the battle of Salado convinced many inhabitants, militia men, and veteran troops of Bexar of the goodness of repub­ licanism, for which sake they joined the republican encamp­ ment at Mission Concepcion. Meanwhile, Colonel Kemper raided the corral, capturing all guards and 3,000 horses. The time had come, Salcedo thought, to send proposals of capitulation to the enemy, which they quickly rejected. Republicans were not content to be masters of the environs of the capital. Bexar must be theirs. On April 1 Kemper marched in battle formation to the very portal of the city. The sight of the advancing army caused Salcedo to dispatch three envoys carrying a flag of truce and a document ad­ dressed to the "Commanders of troops-in the mission Con­ cepcion. " 8 The document set forth that Bexar was now the possession of the Republican Army on twelYe conditions. Four were made in "the interest of humanity." Salcedo, always ten­ derly solicitous of his people's welfare, requested that the city not be looted, inhabitants not be deprived of their re­ ligion, arms, properties, or privileges, no taxes be imposed, and the sick cared for. The remaining nine articles revealed the pluck of Salcedo and Herrera, who would not grovel in defeat. They requested that all troops with ammunition, cannon, baggage, and provisions be allowed to leave Texas 1,n J./ 0 GREE~! FLi\G OVRF_ TFXAS for other Interior Provinces, as well as those inhabitants who wished to do so, and lastly that the officials of Texas not be mistreated. 9 Gutierrez and Kemper were no small adventurers. They held two of the envoys as hostages and the third they returned with a spirited reply. "Don Jose Bernardo Gutierrez, Com­ mander-in-chief of the 11:exican Republican Army of the North, and Don Samuel Kemper, Lieutenant Colonel, Com­ mander of the American Volunteers in this army," accepted the conditions in "the interest of humanity," but they re­ fused to accept other proposals and further stated that they refused to accept future communications unless addressed properly in accordance with their military titles. Salcedo and Herrera tried again, this time using the proper address.10 The second proposal was rejected and a threat added that unless Salcedo and Herrera surrendered unconditionally, the city would be beseiged. The republicans were invited to enter the capital. To conquer with certainty and escape trickery, Kemper with part of the army marched into Bexar. The main body with Gutierrez restlessly waited in the Alamo Mission. Next day came the signal. They took quiet possession of Bexar, bringing with them all equipment, to which they added the loyalists' supplies. And according to Shaler, it was a goodly amount, which the loyalists had recently received from the interior. Now the grief of Salcedo and Herrera was very great. Before their eyes those things which they had feared came upon them. They were made prisoners with their officers. Auxiliaries recently come to Bexar, along with soldiers ada­ mant in their faith to the crown, were disarmed; offenders of Spanish authorities were released from prison; and in a spirit of joyfulness the veteran troops, militia, and inhabi­ tants passed with their arms under the green flag of the republicans.11 THE FULF!LT.l\AF.NT OF SALCEDO'S PROPHECY 179

The strike for liberty had won. The capital of_ Texas, over which the red and gold flag of His Spanish Majesty had floated for almost a century, now displayed the green flag of the Texas Republic,12 and Bexar became the birthplace of the first declaration of Texas independence and of the first constitution of Texas. CHAPTER XXXII TEXAS A REPUBLIC Victory without stain did not crown the Republican Army of the North. As intolerance and hatred for injustice of Spanish rulers had poured forth upon the people of Texas from sheaves of propaganda sent from Natchitoches, so this aroused hatred was now poured forth on Salcedo and Her­ rera. At dusk on April 3, only the sound of the hoofs of horses ploughing the spring earth attended a band of one hundred horsemen, all veteran troops of Texas commanded by Antonio Delgado, leader of the militia of Bexar, and Ruiz, commander of troops of the Alamo, as they left the city by the south and took the road to the coast. These vengeful men guarded fourteen mounted prisoners-valiant Salcedo, "good and amicable Herrera," and twelve of their officers. Americans were glad. Salcedo and Herrera, so true to the code of Spanish noblemen, had won the hearts of Ameri­ cans, who now desired their well-being. The presence of these officials in Bexar, they knew, would be a reproach to republicans. Therefore, the American officers permitted the release of these Spanish notables, because the ruling coun­ cil of natives told them that the prisoners were to be con­ ducted to Matagorda Bay, there to board a vessel and sail to safety in the United States. It was not true. The journey ended six miles from Bexar. Night had come. The prisoners were dismounted, disrobed, robbed of their treasures, refused spiritual sacrament, then beheaded with sharp swords whetted on the soles of the shoes of their executioners. Salcedo and 180 TEXAS A REPUBLIC 181

Herrera had fought a good fight, giving their lives in ful­ filling their self-styled "thorny mission'' and had died by the sword which they had feared. To complete their revenge, these executioners denied them Christian burial, leaving the bodies on the prairie to the vultures. Next morning at nine o'clock the detachment rode into Bexar and declared that the rulers of tyranny existed no longer. Consternation spread through the American camp. Native republicans applauded. To amend the situation, a party of Americans hastened to the site and reverently in­ terred these unhappy victims. Delgado was brought by the Americans to judgment. He justified his action as retribu­ tion, for Salcedo had taken the life of his father and brother and had their heads dragged through the streets of Bexar. Their only offense had been the receipt of propaganda mes­ sages from Natchitoches and an avowal in favor of inde­ pendence.1 The tragic blunder was lamented in the United States. Several newspapers, in giving account of the crime, asserted it was without "American consent" and Mexicans justified it on the principle of retaliation. However, their sorrowful regret did not prevent their expressing satisfaction over the victory at Bexar.2 A Baltimore paper reported that the capture of San Antonio de Bexar had ended revolution in Texas, and it was believed the neighboring provinces would follow the glorious example. ''We trust and hope and believe Mexico will be free."3 A newspaper in Washington revealed its satisfaction over the capture of Bexar by reprinting an article from Louisiana which was both comical and exaggerated. It stated that the Texas expedition surpassed the feat of the conquest of Mex­ ico by Cortes and would "rank among the most extraordi­ nary expeditions ever undertaken."4 Sibley expressed his pleasure, of a mercantile nature, to the Secretary of War. He compared Natchitoches, now 10.., .l 04'. becoming an immense terminal to and from the Spanish country, to Pittsburgh.5 Shaler likewise confided to Monroe that the result of uthis brilliant victory" was unquestioned possession of Texas. 6 Every vestige of Spanish power had been removed from the province. On April 6, 1813, the teachings of Jefferson, Rousseau, Thomas Paine, Hidalgo, and Bolivar were incor­ porated in a declaration of Texas independence from Spain, and the province assumed the name of the State of Texas which it was to bear when it became a member of the future Republic of Mexico. Texas was to be blessed with declarations of independence. This first one, like the future one of 18 3 6, and the one of July 4, 1776, later adopted by Texans, was a document of excellent political and literary skill. Authors of the declaration are unknown. The phrasing of the document, however, indicates that Americans had a hand. Whoever the authors, they reveal that they viewed events in Texas not as the work of American filibusters, but as the product of a revolutionary spirit among Texas in.. habitants, who were a part ~f a revolutionary Hispanic­ America rebelling against the oppression of Spain. South American colonies have preceded us in seeking liberation, they stated, Texas remaining among the last to declare independence. In the declaration they cited many reasons for the Texas revolution: Spain was embroiled in the struggles of Napoleon and England, had abandoned Mexico, was incapable of de­ fending herself, could not protect her distant colonies; hence, for these reasons, Texans, to protect their natural rights, had taken the opportunity to work for the regeneration of Mex­ ican people separating themselves from Spain. Their abuses were many. Texans had been denied participation in na­ tional and municipal affairs, commerce had been controlled by monopolies imposing excessive taxes, equipment and sup­ plies had been always _lacking, agriculture and manufactur­ ing hampered, all trade was reduced to smuggling, people TEXAS A REPUBLIC 183 were forbidden liberty of speech and communication with their North American neighbors, and in a province that nature had favored with such abundant resources, they were poor. To justify their action further they added that for fewer reasons than these the people of the United States had de­ clared independence. And there were phrases which indi­ cated that Texans had joined the United States and France in asserting the natural rights of man and in upholding the theory of popular sovereignty. Texas, like the United States, the authors stated, had adjusted grievances in revolution.7 The Texas Declaration of Independence was translated and printed in newspapers of the United States.8 Britishers read it in the London Morning Chronicle of Thursday, August 19, 1813. And the first History of the Revolution of New Spain, which was printed in London in 1813, praised it. The author, Jose Servando Teresa de Mier, said of the document, "It is well written and will be of great aid to the Mexican Republic."9 The declaration provided for the formation of a provi­ sional government. Liberty ended there. Gutierrez was empowered to name a president, a secretary, and five ad­ visers constituting a junta of seven. The junta was invested with full power to form a government and to write a consti­ tution. Gutierrez became president of the junta dominated by Bexar republicans. According to the Mexican historian, Filisola, only two members of the junta were Americans, Massicott and Hale.10 Shaler described Massicott as a French­ man. Apparently Kemper, with other prominent liberators, had lost the touch of power. The task of writing a constitution faced Gutierrez and the junta, but untrained in statecraft they could not cross the new frontier of republicanism. They reverted to type. The political system of the Spanish regime, after some remodeling, became the political machine of the Texas Republic. The governor of the State of Texas, like the governor of the ,...... ,. T"IT"l~T 1:T "~ ~'lrr::o ~v A~ 184 \J ~.CJ.'Ii J.. J..,.n.,'-.:I" '\.J \' .1.J.L'- .&. A,J ...... , former Spanish province, was the supreme authority with the kindly title of president-protector. Gutierrez became this omnipotent person. The constitution also provided for a junta. It met one day each week in the capital of San Fer­ nando de Bexar with the president-protector, to whom it was subject in all its acts. In the first article of the constitution, the framers revealed their spirit of independence of the United States republicans, who had come to aid them. Whatever may have been the intention of American liberators, the framers provided for the removal of future Anglo-American speculations as to whether Texas was included in the Louisiana purchase or subject to incorporation with the United States. Article One declared that the State of Texas formed "a part of the Mexican Republic, to which it remains inviolably joined." In the realm of natural rights of man, the framers of the constitution only skirted the rim. Religion was established by law, while religious liberty was forgotten. Private prop­ erty and personal liberty were guaranteed with limitations. Nevertheless, the constituti!)n makers are deserving of some praise. They were not ingrates. Anglo-Americans were rewarded. Article seventeen provided that obligations contracted by Gutierrez in the name of the Mexican Re­ public would be fulfilled. Within that month American volunteers were notified each was to receive a grant one league square for six months' service. A land office was opened in which volunteers filed their claims. In the archives of Texas State Library will be found titles to land grants made to these men.11 The constitution was completed on April 17. Next day Gutierrez wrote Shaler of events. It was also a letter of gratitude. He gave thanks for the assistance and protection which he found in the United States and expressed gratitude for the aid of Americans in liberating Texas from tyranny. It was a bundle of cor~espondence he sent to Shaler. He en­ closed a manuscript copy of the constitution in Spanish TEXAS A REPUBLIC 185 from the original, also a ''Proclamation-to Freemen of All Nations." To this he attached an urgent plea that Shaler exert his influence in sending immigrants. Shaler was to attract them with such facts as that Texas was as rich as Mexico in gold and silver, every soil and climate existed, and free commerce by land or sea was guaranteed. His cor­ respondence was profuse with satisfaction of recent achieve­ ments. Perhaps his soaring spirit had escaped the dissatis­ faction of leading Americans about him..12 Kemper, with other officers excluded from high places, took a furlough on April 20 and returned to Louisiana. They would tell Shaler a different story. 13 Gutierrez, believing his own house in order, prepared to liberate adjoining provinces. Propaganda preceded military action. Proclamations, signed by Gutierrez and the junta of the Texas Republic, were directed to the settlements of the Rio Grande and beyond during April and May. Arre­ dondo, the scourge of insurgents, sent from Laredo to the viceroy five proclamations and a copy of the Texas Declara­ tion of Independence, which he had intercepted. These proclamations made it ki1own that the Texas Republic, with the aid of Americans, was committed to the liberation of New Spain. Mexicans were solicited to declare independ­ ence, to follow the example of Bexar, to recognize the work of American troops whose orderliness, culture, and respect for the holy religion were well known, and to unite with Texans in shaking off the yoke. They were exhorted not to resist the Republican Army of the North as Texans had done, bringing delay, defeat, and death to some. They were en­ treated not to permit armies of loyalists to cross their pro­ vinces to suppress Texas independence. If they did all 1 these things, they would enjoy independence without war. ' In order to remove one powerful obstacle in the advance of the Republic Army beyond the Rio Grande, Gutierrez attempted to reconvert Elizondo, in command of troops on the upper Rio Grande, to the independent ranks. In his 186 GR.t..t.N FLAG O\TER TEXAS letter to Elizondo, ardently convincing, Gutierrez even re­ sorted to falsehoods, stating that 3,000 volunteers from the United States were about to cross the Sabine, also that three boats with munitions and supplies were to arrive in Mata­ gorda Bay.15 Elizondo did not backslide. His conversion to the loyal­ ists' cause by valiant Salcedo in 1811 had been complete; hence his fury on receiving Gutierrez's message was great. He wrote that he would destroy Gutierrez and his army by fire and blood, that Gutierrez had been excommunicated by the church, that he was supporting the "Devil's cause/' and concluded: "I would not consent to it because I am determined that in Hell shalt thou be put, which will be thy last refuge, thy hairs pulled out, thy body burnt and thy ashes scattered, and I denounce thee a coward-never­ theless being a Catholic, I desire thy salvation."16 CHAPTER XXXIII A MAN OF TALENT Toledo now changed from a rear-guard actor in the Mexi­ can episode, and became a relentless military statesman on the Texas frontier. In April of 1813, while Gutierrez was creating the Republic of Texas, Toledo, who, it is to be remembered, had concocted plans for New Spain with Gutierrez in the secrecy of Allen's house in Philadelphia, suddenly appeared on the Louisiana-Texas frontier. Eleven months Toledo had kept the bargain as a submerged co-worker of Gutierrez in Philadelphia. His correspondence is proof. In July of 1812 he had notified Gutierrez that vari­ ous hindrances prevented his coming to Natchitoches.1 His October letter is a revelation. He reproved Gutierrez for having allowed a man (no name was mentioned) implicated in the Burr conspiracy to enter the Republican Army. The presence of a Burrite, Toledo explained, had forced Governor Claiborne to issue a proclamation against the expedition and had changed public opinion in the United States favoring uour cause." Hence he would await the next session of Congress "in order to straighten or arrange our political operations-into which I shall never enter without the con­ sent or at least the neutral attitude on the part of the United States." Turning from reproof, Toledo instructed at length. Gutierrez was to place in operation their plan for defense and for the formation of a provisional government, to dis­ tribute Toledo's proclamation so as to reach all natives, to en- 187 188 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS trench himself at Nacogdoches, to gather their troops and provisions but not to undertake any great enterprise until he came, and to make known to the people that he would soon arrive with aid. uThen by common agreement-we can go and form our general congress (provided Rayon does not ac­ complish it alone beforehand)." Finally Toledo cautioned Gutierrez to avoid intrigue. Distrust any promise from Spain, reject all proposals from England and France, espe­ cially from the English, he warned, because they would envelop New Spain in the same ruin which had overtaken all countries that had felt British influence. This letter was written after he had knowledge of the seizure of Nacog­ doches.1 In December of 1812 Toledo left Philadelphia to join Gutierrez. It is significant that a month prior to his de­ parture information was privily laid before Monroe, recom­ mending Toledo as one in whom the "Government could place full confidence,'' saying that his knowledge of civil and military government would be an acquisition to Mexico, and that the printer with him would be of consequence in ex­ tending information and introducing civil government.2 Nothing escaped observant Onis. He sent a message dated March 6 to the viceroy. Toledo had left for the Texas frontier. He carried with him recommendations from trust­ worthy people in the United States, a printing press, maps, incendiary proclamations, and plans which provided for the establishment of a government and the fortifying of Tam­ pico. Onis was correct in every detail. Six days later Allen wrote Toledo commending him upon his plan for go"Tern­ ment and suggesting that without delay he send Gutierrez 3 or another as minister to Washington. · A cortege of ten men, a printing press, and Toledo, arrayed in gold braid, arrived in Natchitoches the first week of April, 1813. Toledo had a letter of introduction to Robinson, who returned to Natchitoches from his commission in Chihuahua on April 7. To Shaler, Toledo was presented as General A MAN OF TALENT 189

Toledo on his way to take command of the Mexican armies. There followed reports to Monroe full of news of the "General," through which Shaler revealed that he continued to work to defeat French intrigue and to prevent General Adair of Burrite fame from taking command in Texas, be­ cause Shaler said the revolution in Texas must be free from any appearance of another Burr episode. Toledo had related to Shaler that when he passed through Natchez, Adair with several Burrites had approached him in an attempt to discover his purpose. Toledo refused a private interview, shortly after which refusal it was circu­ lated that Toledo was a French agent. This rumor pre­ ceded him to Rapides. There he was imprisoned by Reuben Kemper, brother of Colonel Kemper of Texas. When re­ leased, he proceeded to Natchitoches, where, too, this calumny had spread. Shaler advanced his opinion to Monroe that this "absurd rumor" was the work of Adair in order to prevent Toledo from being received by the Republican Army; however, Shaler said that he with the assistance of well-known men of Natchitoches dispelled the untruth and that Toledo's coming would prevent Adair from entering Texas. Like Gutierrez, Toledo in Natchitoches committed to Shaler all proposals offered. One came from Adair's fol­ lowers; another from Paillette, the French agent who proffered abundant aid in exchange for free trade in Mexican ports. Further, Paillette cautioned Toledo not to put trust in the United States, since they played a double part and since Gutierrez had recently entered into an agreement with him.' Only one project interested Toledo. It came from Robinson. Conditions that Robinson had observed in Spanish provinces made him confident of success of the Texas revolution. Like two planning a thrilling hunt, Robinson and Toledo made plans for the future, which Robinson was to present to Monroe on his return to Washington. 5 190 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

The middle of April, Toledo with attendants passed into Texas. In Nacogdoches he took quarters. Turmoil pre­ valed there. He created order-in fact, brought about such tranquility that several respectable families who had fled to the wilderness returned. Toledo established a public school, organized a militia, planted twice the usual amount of corn, equipped forty men for the army in Bexar, and won the confidence of the people,8 who invested Toledo with full power as their representative in the government of Bexar. Toledo's success was soon to be interrupted. Bad news jolted Shaler from his calm masterful direction of affairs. It was the arrival on May 7 of Kemper and other Americans on furlough from Bexar, with their story, that upset his poise. They brought word that American volun­ teers felt dishonored by the murder of Spanish officials, that they were beginning to evince discontent because of the new government of tyranny, and that they were anxious be­ caµse of uncontrolled affairs in the army. Obtaining Texas. independence had been difficult and perilous, but keeping it would be more difficult, they felt. The receipt of Gutierrez's dispatches with the Constitution of the State of Texas also sent him into a rage. Disappoint­ ment and anger flashed in his report of May 7 in which he enclosed a manuscript copy of the constitution in Spanish, "an absurd revolutionary farce," he declared. With Gutier­ rez supreme, he despaired of uthe probable progress of the revolution." Therefore, he informed Monroe, he would proceed to Texas within a week, but his actions would be cautious. ult appears to me important to the United States as well as to humanity, that as mild an impulse should be given to this revolution as the nature of the cause will permit, for barbarism and cruelty can only lead to military despotism of the most dangerous species, a man of humanity, with talents, and an enlightened mind, such as I take General Toledo to be, can give such an impulse; I therefore think it A MAN OF TALENT 191 is very important that he should have the direction of af- f airs. t h ere ....,, Sibley also was not pleased with affairs of the moment, but he viewed the future with hope. He was of the same opinion as Shaler, believing Toledo to be a man with talents. Sibley related to the Secretary of War that affairs would be set right when Toledo took command in Texas. By October he predicted that Toledo with 6,000 soldiers would leave Bexar for the interior of Mexico, because provinces adjoining Texas would surrender without opposition.' Claiborne, like Shaler, registered disapproval of conditions in Texas. Article One of the Texas Constitution appears to have been Claiborne's chief grievance. He favored bold actio~ In a letter to General Flournoy, commanding troops in the Mississippi District, he wrote that Texas "chiefs mani­ fest no disposition to be dependent upon the American Gov­ ernment or to grant any peculiar privileges to American people," that perhaps Texas would become a useful neigh­ bor, but as there was no certainty, he desired it to comport with the policy of the United States to occupy the country as far as the Rio Grande.8 Texas independence achieved through "proper direction,, was ·now threatened, all due to a constitution. It created a government that closed the door to dependence upon the United States Government, even refused peculiar privileges to American people. "Proper direction,, must be restored by ua man with talents.,, CHAPTER XXXIV MALICIOUS FORCES Shaler took the trail to Texas. As he rode through the piney woods, no doubt his thoughts were of Gutierrez, since he was astounded by Gutierrez's actions. He believed that the understanding he had had with Gutierrez and the arduous training he had given him had vanished behind Gutierrez's newly-gained power. Gutierrez had failed in the peak of success, and now Shaler was of the belief that only the sagacious statesmanship of Toledo could save the Texas revo­ lution. Texas independence, which would open communica­ tion with the interior of Mexico and thereby assure Mexican independence, was threatened by an inexplicable shift of circumstances. He was determined to alter these circum­ stances. Well attended by mounted horsemen, Shaler rode into the former Spanish outpost on May 20. Conditions in Nacog­ doches pleased him, concerning which he sent Monroe a glowing account. The conditions were proof that Toledo had talent. Shaler's sojourn in Texas was brief, for Gutier­ rez again upset his plan. Toledo had sent Picornell, his co­ worker in Philadelphia, with a message to Gutierrez in Bexar. It was an ingratiating message informing Gutierrez of his arrival in Texas, of his achievements in Nacogdoches, of his wish to come to Bexar to aid Gutierrez as second in command, and stating that he only awaited Gutierrez's order. But dis­ cord had entered their relationship, and it could not be quelled by a report parading the patriotic services of T oledo.1 192 MALICIOlJS FORCES 193

Gutierrez no longer considered Toledo the self-sacrificing patriot uworthy of recompense at the hands of the Mexican nation."2 A messenger with a different report reached Bexar be£ ore Picornell. This messenger brought a letter from a Mr. Cogswell, a former member of Toledo's expedition, who had mysteriously quitted the party. Cogswell entreated Gutierrez not to permit Toledo to enter Texas; if he did so, he would uin the end rue it in tears of blood," for Toledo was a traitor to Mexican independence and plotted to end republicanism in Texas by seizing chief command there. 3 Gutierrez followed Cogswell's advice and sent a subtle reply to Toledo, a reply which completely upset the program of Toledo. Gutierrez, too, was a diplomat. He explained to Toledo that as an individual he would order Toledo to hasten to Bexar, but as a servant of the Texas Republic he could not do so, since to the people in Bexar, Toledo had been represented as a traitor to Mexican independence. He, there­ fore, requested Toledo to withdraw to Louisiana, there to prove his patriotism by deeds. This, he suggested, could be done by Toledo's gathering and sending volunteers and arms to Texas. He further notified Toledo that a commander was on his way tQ take control of Nacogdoches, also that the commander would contract with the printer, who had accompanied Toledo to Texas, to proceed to Bexar with the press. A courteous conclusion to his message expressed thanks to Toledo for having forwarded General Allen's let­ ters to him and for having reestablished order at Nacogdoches, and expressed hope that in the future the people would re­ ceive Toledo with acclaim and bestow upon him rich reward.' Toledo's response from Nacogdoches was not gracious. In a discourteous note addressing Gutierrez as "citizen," he re­ plied that he would promptly leave Texas. He did, and with the printing press and type completely set for the first news­ paper in Texas, Gaceta De Texas, dated Nacogdoches, May 2 5, 1813. Both were carefully packed on horses for a journey 10.d. A_, I thirty-seven and a half leagues across the Sabine to Natchi­ toches, Louisiana. 5 The courier which brought Gutierrez's order to Toledo also brought a letter addressed to Shaler in Louisiana, but the courier was spared the journey, delivering both messages at Nacogdoches. Gutierrez was worried. In his letter to Shaler, Gutierrez affectionately addressed him as his coun­ selor since the beginning of his task. Gutierrez implored Shaler to recommend judicious measures concerning Toledo and to write Adair, who, he feared, would now suspend operations. Shaler complied with the first request without stint. He wrote that Gutierrez's treatment of Toledo amazed him, that Gutierrez was the "dupe of intrigues in which he would perish, and that all capable men would forsake him and his cause would fail. " 8 Shaler was working to remove every obstacle for Toledo. In Nacogdoches, using forms of legal testimony, he received sworn depositions from all members of Toledo's party. They declared Cogswell was a printer expelled from the party because of theft and falsehoods .., On May 29 Toledo was safe in the United States outpost of Natchitoches. Shaler followed on June 4.8 Gutierrez had lost his chief counselor, and Allen was far away in Philadelphia. Allen's letter, which Gutierrez had received in Bexar in May, indicated his belief that Gutierrez and Toledo were successfully working together. Word of their misunderstanding did not reach Allen until September, and he was perturbed. Immediately he dispatched a letter of warning to them that it was necessary for friends of Mexi­ can independence to be united, as they had many powerful enemies who would make the most of division. The letter was four months too late.9 Discord was everywhere in Bexar. The Republican Army, having much leisure, declined in discipline and spirit. Dis­ order was general, and mu~ual distrust arose between Mexi­ can and American troops. The arrival of multitudes of MALICIOUS FORCES 195 recruits added confusion. Swelling the ranks, they were not grounded in the spirit of the early army of Magee and Gutierrez. No doubt on their way through Natchitoches and Nacogdoches they had heard condemnation of Gutierrez and praise of Toledo; hence they entered with loose al­ legiance.10 Gutierrez was vexed. The cause of all his troubles he as­ signed to the inactivity of Americans. These uambitious rascals," he related, refused to aid him in sending soldiers into adjoining provinces. Shaler, in reporting to the State Department on May 7 the news from Bexar of April 20, said Gutierrez had sent a detachment of three hundred men to occupy Camargo south of the Rio Grande. They did not go. Gutierrez said that when the division was ready to march American officers prevented it. Each day opposition to his orders became more general. To remedy the situation he called the junta as well as all Mexican officers. He attempted to make it an impressive conference, opening the session with the statement that action was needed to save the lives and liberty of the people of Texas and adjoining provinces, and to prevent loyalist hordes from marching against them. Gutierrez requested four things: that troops be sent to the neighboring provinces; that they seize all resources; that they open communication with the independent armies in the center of Mexico; and lastly that they find out if any Mexican government had been formed whose orders the Texas Republic could obey. Again Gutierrez met opposition. This failure, he explained, was due to the ignorance of the junta, and to officers who, lacking experie,nce in such affairs, were dominated by the "refined crooks" (Americans) who, gifted in all matters, knew if troops were sent they could not enact "their wicked deeds." Supposedly he refers to their seizure of Texas. A second time Gutierrez summoned the junta. This ses­ sion opened with a more dramatic statement. They faced ruin, he avowed, unless they obeyed his orders. He offered to resign, because he could no longer be responsible for their security. The junta, controlled from without by Americans, he said, refused to accept his resignation. The reason, he explained, was that Americans knew he would hurry away and join the independent armies in Mexico and prevent their schemes. Gutierrez described his feeling as grievous, de­ spairing that all would be lost because of the wicked Ameri­ cans. One must read Gutierrez's account of these affairs with reservation as he related these events to the Mexican Congress eleven years later after a bitter experience at the hand of the Americans.11 Whereas Gutierrez blamed inactivity of Americans as the source of all trouble, Shaler in describing dissension in Bexar assigned as the cause the inactivity of Gutierrez. He up­ braided Gutierrez to Monroe. uA man of the least capacity," he wrote, "upon taking possession of San Antonio would have advanced into Coahuila, completely emancipated the four provinces, and given a blow to the Spanish power in Mexico that would have been felt to the shores of the Pacific Ocean." Instead Gutierrez, believing all accomplished, per­ mitted Kemper with other officers to return to Louisiana on a furlough, proceeded as a barbarous conqueror to organize a government of tyranny and to inaugurate a system of ter­ ror, and in command of the treasury and every valuable, to live in the style of an eastern pasha. It was a dismal pic­ ture Shaler penned to Monroe. The Republican Army was destitute of everything except their arms and ammunition and consisted of 400 Americans and 800 11:exicans, in about five hundred of whom little confidence could be placed. And the most disconcerting fact was that it was well known that an army of 15 00 loyalists was assembling on the Rio Grande to march on Texas. However, one must take into account that Gutierrez had fall en from grace and Shaler was now -devoted to Toledo. In this same letter he expressed to Mon­ roe his belief that Toledo would soon be summoned to com- MALICIOUS FORCES 197 mand in Texas, because a report of Toledo's talents had 1 reached Bexar• i Lack of leadership after the passing of Magee and the return of Kemper to Louisiana, intrigue, lack of definite plans, disorder in the heterogeneous Republican Anny, and the Texas Republic without the attributes of democracy, were threats to a successful revolution in the entire Mexican realm. Revolution in Texas and other Interior Provinces must be guided triumphantly through to the heart of Mexico, there to culminate in a Mexican nation. This was· Shaler's conviction of his duty, and his belief was that Toledo would chart the way. CHAPTER XXXV INTRIGUE AND A PRINTING PRESS Back in Natchitoches from their brief sojourn in Texas, Shaler and Toledo with artful vengeance began a campaign to remove Gutierrez from command in Texas. At the same time Shaler had another task, that of defeating French intrigue to prevent the French from obtaining direction of the revolution. Shaler's reports to Monroe from June through July tell the story. From the June reports Monroe learned that French in­ trigue was succeeding in Bexar. Shaler's first proof was that Louis Massicott, a French agent whom he had known in Havana, had become the Secretary of State of Texas. As such he was director of everything, since the junta was composed of the most ignorant men, and was making Texas an asylum for French adventurers. A second proof was the appearance in Nacogdoches on May 2 5, while Shaler was there, of a messenger from the government of Texas with a large packet of documents addressed to Mr. Gerard, Na­ poleon's agent in New Orleans. After the Texas messenger had delivered the packet to another courier bound for New Orleans, he had come in fear to reveal traitorously to Shaler his mission. The agent said he _was aware of being involved in a nefarious intrigue and besought Shaler to free him from all suspicion. In fright the courier returned to Bexar. Another indication of French meddling was recent news sent to Shaler from New Orleans that six hundred French­ men from Barataria Island and New Orleans were ready 198 INTRIGUE AND A PRINTING PRESS 199 to embark for the coast of Texas to aid Gutierrez and that Gerard had proceeded to Matagorda Bay to secure landing. Also Major Ross, leader of the American volunteers in Bexar, had positive proof that Gutierrez and Paillette, the French agent of Natchitoches, were arranging affairs through cor­ respondence. Shaler expressed to Monroe that surely Ross would comprehend that such a plan "must be destructive of the object of the volunteers he commands and pregnant with every species of danger to them and to the interest of our country." The informer of this plot had advised Ross to take command of the Texas Republic. Shaler suggested that this was one way to eradicate intrigue. If Ross did not act to destroy French influence, Shaler wished Monroe to know that he himself had so acted. In the same letter of June 12 he wrote: "I have taken every step in my power to save [the Texas Republic] and to sound and propagate alarm amongst the Americans both here and there [Bexar], and I doubt not but the plan will be entirely disconcerted, and that the pretended Government of ignor­ ance, imbecility, and fraud will be destroyed."1 Garza, the Mexican biographer of Gutierrez, states that among the special instructions given to Shaler one was to impede at all cost communication between Gutierrez and French authorities, as the United States knew of the power­ ful offers made to Gutierrez while in Washington.2 Texas was spared the fulfillment of the plot of Gerard. The newspaper, El Mexicano, published in Natchitoches on June 19 a report that Gerard had been wrecked near Mata­ gorda Bay, "Divine Providence" saving Texas from misery that nine vessels of banditti would inflict.3 Another informer of French menace was Robinson. In his official account of his mission to the Interior Provinces to the Secretary of State, dated July of 1813, he urged the intervention of the United States in Texas and Mexico to stay French activities. From his recent contacts in Texas and New Orleans he had news that Gutierrez sought assist- 200 ance of France through the French consul in New Orleans, that Emperor Napoleon's offer was liberal with promises of men, money, and officers to instruct the revolutionists in military tactics. While Robinson was in New Orleans, he talked with the consul. During the conversation, Robinson related, that the consul confirmed this news in part, when discussing with him the Texas revolution, by stating: uThe Emperor has a great desire to assist them and has promised to give them aid as soon as they shall have established any regular government."4 While Gutierrez floundered in French intrigue in Bexar, Toledo upon his return from Texas became a target of French emissaries. Two letters, posted from Philadelphia, awaited him in Natchitoches. These messages introduced two French­ men, who said they had arrived from Cadiz with a secret message and were proceeding to Natchitoches from Phila­ delphia. Toledo gave the letters to Shaler, who forwarded them to Monroe. 5 Shaler, the indefatigable diplomat, speedily sent the authorities of Natchez explicit instructions to prevent the Frenchmen from reaching Natchitoches, to take from them the important papers they said they were bringing from Cadiz, and to give them a letter from Toledo he was en­ closing, which notified them that correspondence was closed between them. Natchez officials were not deft statesmen. The Frenchmen reached Natchitoches. Toledo heard their message and received some interesting articles of secret pro­ ceedings of the Cadiz government. After a time of suspe'l.se, Shaler was relieved when Toledo disclosed that he had severed all relations with them.8 Shaler's accounts of French schemes are confirmed by Span­ ish documents. Morphi, Spanish consul in New Orleans, sent word to the viceroy that Count Holstein and a doctor were in Natchez on their ~ay to communicate with Toledo and join the expedition; in his estimation they could have been INTRIGUE AND A PRINTING PRESS 201 bought if he had had sufficient funds. Morphi added, '']t is my opinion all will become a jumble."7 In June of 1813, Onis instructed the Spanish government that in Philadelphia he had conversed with a French general on his way to command revolutionists in Texas. No doubt this was General Humbert of French military fame, because Gutierrez received a letter from Philadelphia, dated the same month, from a French agent recommending Humbert's ser­ vices to Gutierrez and expressing his suspicion of Toledo's inconstancy. 8 In August Onis wrote again. He was always ready with information and advice. He told the commandant-general that Humbert, accompanied by French officers, had left to serve under Toledo, and one of the officers posing as a liberal was an ardent loyalist proposing to him to betray the Republican Army; even Toledo had made him (Onis) a similar proposal before leaving Philadelphia. Onis advised that the loyalist general preparing for the Texas campaign be informed and instructed to be wary in case these men made similar proposals. 9 With so many forces working at cross purposes it appeared that as Morphi predicted, all would indeed become a jumble. Meanwhile, Shaler, intent upon his objective and never doubting Toledo, avidly worked throughout June to save the revolution. On June 12 he wrote Monroe, "We have erected a little press," the property of Toledo, for the purpose of publishing a weekly political paper, El Mexicano, in Eng­ lish and Spanish, intended to contain an impartial account of the War of Independence.10 The first paper printed, however, was the Gaceta de Texas, prepared for publication in Nacogdoches, but due to Toledo's forced flight from Texas it was printed in Natchitoches. The Gaceta indicated the work of both Shaler and Toledo. The first page is devoted to an article, "Reflexiones," which reads like Toledo's other compositions on Spanish-American inde­ pendence. In this article there is a veiled condemnation of 202 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS

Gutierrez's regime. The foreign news sections points to the influence of Shaler.11 Contrary to their intention that El Mexicano be an impartial account of the revolution, unlike the Gaceta de­ voted to liberty in beautiful phrases, it became a bold defamation of Gutierrez. These manipulators of statecraft had grasped the fact that Gutierrez's removal from command of Texas affairs would require more than slight tricks of diplomacy. Readers of El Mexicano of June 19, read that rumor assigned the "calamities, errors, weaknesses, and mon­ strous crimes [in T exasJ to the governor and protector of that state . . . Perhaps we should excuse ourselves before the public for presenting a personage of so little importance and so despicable as Jose B. Gutierrez." And further, Texans were advised that Gutierrez should abandon the post he did not merit. El Mexicano was circulated on the streets of Bexar shortly after June 20.12 A verbose campaign of condemnation was pursued; be­ sides the issues of the two newspapers, broadsides were pre­ pared. A campaign manager was needed in Bexar, and the literature of defamation must achieve its purpose. There­ fore, Shaler had sent a Mr. Bullard, accompanied by the son of General Wilkinson. In reporting this incident to Monroe, Shaler stated that the participation of General Wilkinson's son in Texas affairs was very indiscreet and in direct opposition to his ( Shaler's) wish.13 A SHADOW OF SPANISH POWER RETURNS rv,ILITARY OFtRAT IONS ·9f AR RE DOND0~l813 Ma, """tcd. /",_ Luc Al _, • De ""l~•co - Vol :;;c u e.."'a", 'Htrl~ia. '. .,_ > "1e>uco 1-,49 P1ct••••I "',." -'- . CAMINO RE"AL -----o.,,,,.,.J CHAPTER XXXVI A MAN OF ACTION A somber setting for the loyalists of New Spain were conditions in Texas in the opening months of 1813. Texas was no longer the buffer province of New Spain. Other Interior Provinces, Nuevo Leon, Nuevo Santander, and Coahuila had assumed that role. And as buffer provinces they were losing effectiveness by embracing revolution. It was a frightening fact, because they would surely carry with them all New Spain. The northern provinces, as loyalists in Mexico referred to them, were in a deplorable state, all but lost to the empire.1 The bishop of Nuevo Leon, the commandant of Nuevo Santander, and other officials de­ clared it so. This was their description: Excitement ruled the people of the northern settlements. They lived in expectancy of a new world which they believed was on the verge of unfolding be£ ore them. Circulars and proclamations from Texas which had gone the rounds in all the villages had promised a new world of man's rights. Without secrecy, both soldiers and people talked of inde­ pendence and of a Mexican nation. Independence, they declared, would come to pass upon the arrival of their native hero, Gutierrez, with his army of Americans, with whom they intended to unite. Nor did they speak of these events as vaguely distant. It was general talk in these towns that very shortly Gutierrez "\\'"ould be coming, as his army occupied the coastal presidio of La Bahia, and were in possession of all Texas except Bexar, which in a short time would be theirs.

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This was not vain talk. These events were not only pos­ sible but probable and there were those in command who knew. They had had word from Texas that Salcedo and Herrera, forced to retreat from La Bahia, had returned to Bexar, but due to revolutionary elements within the capital they were encamped outside the city. Lipan and Comanche Indians, it was reported, had become allies of Gutierrez's army which, it was planned, would attack the loyalist army while the insurgents marched on to their goal. And the painful truth was that the enemy in control of the settle­ ments of the Rio Grande, aided by the people, could easily direct their campaigning to unite with insurgent armies in the center of Mexico. Such conditions foreboded disaster for loyalists. 2 Mier, the Mexican historian of the revolution in New Spain, writing in 1813, said of this situation that it appeared that where Hidalgo and other rebel leaders had shed their blood their fruits were to blossom forth and mature.3 There was one loyalist who not only understood this somber setting but decided. to do something about it­ Colonel Arredondo. He already has been introduced as commander of the expedition sailing from Vera Cruz in March of 1811 for Texas, to crush revolution and to prevent insurgent chiefs, Hidalgo and Jimenez, from escaping to the United States. Instead of reaching Texas; Arredondo had disembarked at Tampico, established headquarters at Aguayo, capital of the province of Nuevo Santander, and it was believed had routed revolution in the northern settlements. In 1812 he had left Aguayo, turning southward to fig!it in­ surgents in the valley of Maiz in the province of San Luis Potosi.4 Since January of 1813 Arredondo in the valley of Maiz had been perturbed by reports of affairs in Texas and by pleas for aid from officials of the northern settlements. By March he realized that the time had come for someone to save New Spain. Disregarding all rules of the colonial sys- A MAN OF ACTION 207 tem of His Majesty, ignoring the fact that Texas with these other prQvinces was under the supreme authority of the Commandant-General, Don Nemesio, of the Interior Pro­ vinces, and disobeying the viceroy who had instructed him to march into the interior of Mexico, he decided to march north to Texas. He had determined to assume the task of saving New Spain. Arredondo, with arrogant initiative and wholly without fear, notified Viceroy Venegas and Major-General Calleja in mid-March of his plan. It was a message of an expert, but an ambitious expert who did not fail to glorify himself. In spite of lack of equipment and disregarding the state of fatigue of his troops, he wrote his superiors that he was marching to Texas. Texas regained, he asserted, the northern provinces would be tranquilized. Calamities in Texas, Arredondo explained to his-superiors, were due to the traitor­ ous inactivity of Lieutenant Colonel Ramon Diaz de Busta­ mante, governor of the province of Nuevo Leon and pro­ visional ruler of Nuevo Santander, who was dominated by a cowardly captain who, everyone declared, was the actual governor of the two provinces. Bustamante, commanding one thousand troops provisioned with plentiful supplies and controlling resources of two provinces, had pettishly refused to send or go to the aid of Salcedo beseiged in Texas. For such rank failure of duty, Arredondo requested the viceroy to remove Bustamante from command. After completing the letter to the viceroy, Arredondo, attempting fair play, wrote Bustamante himself. He wished Bustamante to know that he was coming into the provinces under his (Bustamante's) jurisdiction to save them from revolution and to reconquer Texas. Arredondo's bold and unauthorized design made Busta­ mante so angry that he could not express his fury in one dis­ patch. He flung at Arredondo two messages. Wielding his pe.n in anger, he wrote that Arredondo should continue in the affairs that concerned him, that Texas was not in his 208 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS jurisdiction. Arredondo should remain in his assigned duty, that of checking the ambitions of Rayon in Mexico, which offered dangers worse than those arising from the Ameri­ cans in Texas. Bustamante continued invectively that he wished to remind Arredondo that he was the legitimate gov­ ernor and the only one responsible for conditions on the northern frontier. Further, that Arredondo's desire to enter Texas was for no other purpose than to injure him (Busta­ mante) .6 These diatribes of Bustamante were delivered to Arre­ dondo in Aguayo, where he had encamped on his way from the valley of Maiz. Arredondo, in a council of his officers, decided to retreat before the rage of Bustamante. At least that is what Arredondo told the viceroy. Soon news came from Bustamante dated Monterrey, April 8. His attitude had changed. Bustamante urged Arredondo to mount his infan try and ride with speed northward. His reason was­ Bexar had been captured by Gutierrez and Texas was lost. He informed Arredondo of the measures he was taking. At Laredo he was assembling troops, he would await aid from Don N emesio and Arredondo before acting, and he would go to Laredo, the center of activities, when he was free from heart attacks. Enigmatic Bustamante, facing disaster, yet found an excuse to procrastinate. Coward or traitor was the question which had for many months revolved in the minds of loyalist officials. By March most of them believed him a traitor and feared the consequences.8 Happenings were favoring Arredondo. On March 30 he had sent to Felix Maria Calleja, famous general who !lad driven Hidalgo from Mexico, a letter of congratulation on being made viceroy. Venegas, the former viceroy, had not approved of Arredondo's independent proceedings, but Cal­ leja, who had served on the northern frontier, would under­ stand. After Bustamante's call for aid, Arredondo sent a batch of correspondence on April 19 to Calleja. It con­ tained plans of his Texas campaign, letters from officials A MAN OF ACTION 209 revealing weakness of the northern provinces, and a con­ demnation of Bustamante with advice to Calleja to be wary of his reports, which were without truth. Then he turned to gather his forces for the Texas cam­ paign. He sought aid from Vera Cruz. He solicited sup­ plies from all cities in Nuevo Santander, and refusals were investigated by a military tribunal. Nevertheless his solici­ tations brought little. On April 26 he sent an appeal to the viceroy for soldiers. His march to Texas was most urgent, he asserted, since the assassination of Texas officials and since the enemy in Bexar was increasing in numbers. 7 Arredondo was disquieted. Threats and rewards, he thought, might strengthen him. He issued a proclamation commanding inhabitants not to follow the rebels in Texas, not to heed papers spread among them by Gutierrez, for the true design of the rebels was to cede Texas, Nuevo Leon, N uevo Santander, and Coahuila to the Americans for the price of helping them liberate the rest of the kingdom. Towns obstinate to his order, he admonished, would be consumed in blood and fire. 8 His last act be£ore leaving Aguayo was to safeguard fidelity of soldiers and officers by awarding many promotions. 9 On April 6 Arredondo left Aguayo. As he marched north he sent detachments in all directions to punish rebels until violence and terror became symbolic of his very name. When he came near to Revilla, he sent a detachment to seize the family of Gutierrez. Luck eluded the soldiers, as the family was on the road to Bexar to join Gutierrez, from whom they had been separated two years. Arredondo found conditions in the north as they had been described. From Revilla on May 7 he reported his progress. It was a boastful report, asserting that he had saved the northern provinces for the monarch, as the people were of a wicked heart and making ready to follow the rebels of Texas. Accounts from Texas, he said, were encouraging, as they told of the diminishing strength of the Americans 210

and of the desertion of hundreds of Americans and Texas rogues who doubted the success of the revolution, since the United States had failed to send troops and supplies as Gutier­ rez had promised. In the first week of June Arredondo was at Laredo. He was a happy man. On his march to that place he had received a dispatch from Calleja. Because of Arredondo's courageous action, Calleja had not only designated him as the one to save the "key to New Spain" but also had appointed him as commandant-general of the four eastern Interior Pro­ vinces, if the death of Herrera in Texas was verified. In addition Arredondo was to be blessed as no other former guardians had been. He was to have immediate aid and in no meagre amount from Vera Cruz and Tampico, and 1000 sol­ diers from Spain. Calleja commanded Arredondo to go di­ rectly to Texas, to watch the enemy, but not undertake any act unless he was "confident of success, because one more de­ f eat would compromise the fortune of the whole kingdom."10 Arredondo acknowledged the appointment and sent plans of his future operations. He tried to assuage the viceroy's anxiety by entreating him to remove all fear of failure, for he promised Calleja that when he left Laredo for Texas, he would establish a sufficient rear-guard to protect Nuevo Leon and Nuevo Santander. Meanwhile, capable Cordero would keep Coahuila loyal.11 At last the anguished pleas of Salcedo and Herrera, who were now immortal, were to be answered. CHAPTER XXXVII ELIZONDO BLUNDERS The theatrical doings of Elizondo again enter the revolu­ tionary episode. His conduct had been dramatic. Elizondo had forsaken the army of His Majesty to seek happiness in the ranks of insurgents, but instead had found misery when position a,nd power were denied him. When Elizondo was the insurgent jailer of Salcedo and Herrera in Coahuila in 1811, Salcedo had redeemed him from his discontent by re­ converting him to the loyalist fold. Thereupon Elizondo had freed Salcedo and Herrera, and with them reconquered Coahuila for His Majesty. Then, traitor that he was, he had notified the insurgent chiefs, Allende, Jimenez, and Hidalgo, retreating to the United States, that he would meet them at the Wells of Baj an. There in the desert he had rudely seized them, had pillaged their luggage, and had sent them to their execution in Chihuahua. After this dramatic incident of international interest, Elizondo, under capable Cordero of Coahuila, guarded the Rio Grande. Now in the spring of 1813, Elizondo' s action again as­ sumed importance. In March he was at the presidio of the Rio Grande, so ill that his life was despaired of. Doctor Robinson, on his way from Chihuahua to Louisiana, remained there a few days to administer medical aid, during which time Elizondo confided in him, saying that he favored independ­ ence, and if the United States would assist, New Spain would be free. Elizondo explained to Robinson that at that time he was only acting to oppose banditti in Texas. Such con- 211 212 fidings, perhaps the tricky Elizondo thought, would com­ pensate Robinson for his medical aid. Nevertheless, this was one more tale Robinson carried back to the frontier of the United States to strengthen confidence further in the Texas revolution.1 When April came, Elizondo's vigor returned. Near the presidio of the Rio Grande he was assembling soldiers of Coahuila and fugitives from Bexar, of whom there were about three hundred. It was at this time that he received an excellent sermon from Gutierrez on why he should again become an insurgent. In a rage he dispatched a reply consigning Gutierrez's soul to eternal fire and continued to make preparations under the supervision of Cordero for a Texas campaign.2 Then, the last of April, Arre­ dondo in his march northward from N uevo Santander reached Laredo and pushed Elizondo again into dramatic action. Arredondo ordered Elizondo to proceed to Texas, to encamp on the River Frio, to observe the enemy, to pursue them if they fled, but most emphatically not to engage them in battle or enter Bexar. Elizondo was to await Arredondo, and together they would destroy the rebels, for, as Arre­ dondo declared, discipline and invincibility were necessary for their success. On June 12 Elizondo left the Rio Grande. Six days later he sent a report of his activities in Texas to date, a report of flagrant disobedience, for Elizondo disobeyed on every count. Conditions in Texas were ample excuse for his dis­ obedience, because, he related, as he marched he met deserters from Bexar who told that Americans and rebels were re­ treating toward Louisiana, and that inhabitants of Bexar awaited the approach of Elizondo, since they wished to be free of Americans. There£ore, he had hastened toward Bexar, had captured two outposts near the capital, had pitched camp one-half mile from Bexar, and had sent to all repenting insurgents in the rebel city a pardon issued by Arredondo, whereupon three hundred citizens came out ELIZONDO BLUNDERS 213 and joined him while others .were restrained from doing so by guards. He was writing of these events, he explained to Arredondo, while waiting to receive an official answer to the pardon sent into the city, and if the people of Bexar rejected such· benevolence, he vowed he would surround the place and that not one person would escape until Arredondo sent him reenforcements. It appeared that Elizondo was attempting once again to play sole hero, turning the tide of the revolution as he had done at the Wells of Bajan. He did not tell Arredondo all in his report. To Arredondo's pardon which he had sent to Bexar he had attached his own proposals. They were harsh. Within twenty-four hours, Bexar must surrender. Twelve of the leading rebels, including "the perfidious Gutierrez," he demanded as prisoners. He offered to pay Americans 9,000 pesos for the surrender of Guiterrez. Except the twelve chief rebels, all other insurgents were to be pardoned, and Americans would be permitted to return home. When Elizondo's report of such disregard of his orders reached Laredo, Arredondo was angry and distressed. A courier sped to Elizondo with a message of rebuke and with word that a troop of cavalry was coming to his aid by forced marches. Arredondo, believing that Elizondo now would obey his orders, com1nanded Elizondo to await his ar­ rival, as the honor of the troops of His Majesty could not be further endangered.3 Since the report that Elizondo was somewhere in Texas, Bexar had been in confusion. On June 14 a rider had entered the capital announcing that a large army of loyalists was approaching. A panic followed. Guiterrez had pro­ posed to retreat to the Trinity and from there offer Texas to the United States in exchange for protection. Shortly word came that the report of the enemy's approach was un­ founded, whereupon confusion lapsed into improvident in­ difference. A welter of forces were at work in Bexar. Two days later the enemy appeared. Utmost disorder ensued. A 214 GREE!'-1 FLAG OVER TEXAS

council was called by Major Ross, who advised a retreat. Ross was admired by a daughter of a Mexican officer who had urged him to retreat. She had revealed a secret plan that all Mexican troops in Bexar had agreed to join Elizondo. Contrary to the advice of Ross, the Americans decided to fight. After this decision Ross immediately left Bexar.4 Major Henry Perry of Connecticut energetically took command. He announced that he would answer with battle the pardon and proposals which Elizondo had sent into Bexar and he marched from the capital for Elizondo's camp. Upon sight of the republicans, the loyalist army of over a thou­ sand fled. They did not halt until they were six miles south­ west of Bexar where they pitched camp. Most of the re­ publicans, being on foot, returned to Bexar, but not for long. Nine hundred soldiers prepared for a final combat. On the night of June 19 they left the city. Next morning while loyalists were at mass the republicans surprised them. However, loyalists had time to form and mount cannon on a plain beside the small rivulet of Alazan. The battle lasted two hours. Americans and Mexicans had not organized separate companies but fought. nobly side by side. Before such fiery zeal loyalists fled in all directions. After the smoke and bedlam of battle had cleared, it was a busy time for the quartermaster. He collected into his stores from the battle­ field (a list of which was sent Shaler and Sibley) 5,000 pounds of gunpowder, 300 stands of arms, thousands of saddles, 4,000 pounds of biscuits, 40 packs of flour, 2,000 mules and horses, $28,000 worth of goods and clothing, $7,000 in specie, and 25 packs of salt, besides liquor, cigars, coffee, beans, and sugar. The Republican Army was indeed refinanced and refitted.& Blundering Elizondo retreated to the Rio Grande, erected breastworks to reunite his troops, and reported his defeat to Arredondo. He hoped Arredondo would aid him, as all sup­ plies had been lost. _He was gathering remounts for his troops and would be ready, he stated, to march when Ar- ELIZONDO BLUNDERS 215 redondo's order came. Arredondo's rebuke was sharp, suf­ ficient to humble Elizondo for the remainder of his career, and a third time Elizondo was ordered to await the coming of Arredondo.6 Calleja, the new viceroy, was unusual in that he was giving serious attention to Texas. He sent Arredondo good news dated July 9, informing him that he was sending a regiment of 1,200 infantry recently come from Spain, that they had sailed from Vera Cruz, would disembark at Tampico, and would come overland to meet him. When Calleja received word of Elizondo's blunder, he was uneasy. He insisted that Arredondo be cautious, retreat before risking a defeat, be­ cause another such disaster would augment evils of the pres­ ent time up to a point difficult to face. 7 Victory at Alazan brought new courage to the insurgents. Revolutionists both in Bexar and Natchitoches, apparently immersed in apathy caused by the frustration of their plan of a grand parade across Texas to Mexico, were shaken into a fresh vitality. It was concluded that the Republic of Texas was now secure and the way open for Americans to advance to the aid of Rayon and Morelos in Mexico. July dispatches of Sibley and Shaler revealed the new spirit. Sib­ ley wrote the Secretary of War that Elizondo's effort would be the last to prevent Americans from crossing the Rio Grande, that Toledo would soon leave Natchitoches for Bexar with 400 soldiers, and that Americans in Bexar were manufacturing swords and guns with great success and had mounted sixteen cannon.8 In August the Niles' Register9 of Philadelphia and the National Intelligencer of Washington informed the public that it was a glorious victory and Ameri­ cains wouid soon be in Mexico. in elation Gutierrez issued another proclamation inviting American colonists to Texas, since the permanence of the Texas Republic could no longer be doubted.9 For Gutierrez, victory at Alazan was of personal sig­ nificance, as it would quiet his enemies and restore him to r--n T.'"C'1'T 'CT A~ O~R fT"T"'XAS 216 U.1'\.J.:,.1.:.,.1~ .a. .1.-4.,,_,,,.....;; - • --- !. r_. __ . the confidence of inhabitants and Mexican troops. Gutier­ rez was enjoying these thQughts as well as companionship with his family, which for two years he had been denied. When Texas independence was proclaimed in April, Gutier­ rez had sent for his wife and two young sons in Revilla. They reached Bexar as Gutierrez was departing for the battle of Alazan. He did not even tarry to embrace them. Now he took delight in his new fortune which seemed to redeem the long months of failure. He was unaware of the power that Shaler was sedulously exercising in Natchitoches for his removal.10 Victory at Alazan for Shaler had meant the assurance of Texas independence. Hence£orth, more than ever, affairs in Texas needed to be guided by talent and moderation. CHAPTER XXXVIII SHALER ENTHRONES A LEADER A new turn of fortune had come with the battle of Alazan. Texas independence seemed now assured and must be held fast to achieve Mexican independence. This would be accomp­ lished with Toledo in command in Texas. Such was the thought which filled Shaler's mind and directed his daily ac­ tion. Bullard and Wilkinson, the two campaign managers Shaler had sent to Texas to persuade Americans and Mexicans in Bexar of Toledo's abilities, would shrewdly maneuver for Shaler's desire. Bullard and Wilkinson had left Natchitoches in early June and had traveled as far as La Bahia, when word came that Elizondo was before Bexar. After the battle of Alazan Gutierrez, hearing of their presence at La Bahia, sent an order to Bullard to remain there to guard the presidio. But Bullard, having a scheme for which he was willing to fight, dis­ regarded Gutierrez's order and set out for Bexar. On their way a post rider met them with another message from Gutierrez. This time he invited Bullard to Bexar, offer­ ing him the office of Secretary of State of the Republic of Texas, a post lately held by Massicott, the Frenchman, whom Shaler had opposed. Massicott had been killed at Alazan. Bullard accepted the mission uto save the independ­ ence of a nation." From this position, he reasoned, he could proclaim to the people the evils of the government, the needed reform, and the merits of Toledo. Once in Bexar, the people felt his influence. Inordinately 217 "",. n "'10 exploiting his office, Bullard with lightning movements be­ gan his campaign. Gutierrez, perplexed by such brutal statecraft, removed him. Deprived of position, Bullard still had power. American volunteers had been won to his cause by broadsides, by the paper, El Mexicano, from the press of Toledo, by Bullard's speeches, and by promises. As money wins most men, both Americans and Mexicans had been promised that with Toledo in command all would receive past and future salaries. Another promise to win Mexicans was that Texas would remain free and would be placed at the disposition of the Mexican nation. Gutierrez records that the people were told that the Congress of the United States had sent Toledo as well as two million pesos for pay­ ment of soldiers. A final stroke which turned the plan was a letter from Shaler explaining that Toledo's leadership would solve all problems. Shaler's letter sufficed. American vol­ unteers signed a petition inviting Toledo to Bexar. One half of the project was completed. The next step was to bring the junta of the Texas Republic to sign such a document. B:ullard requested the junta to meet. Solemn proceedings of the junta quickly vanished in a harsh wrangle between Gutierrez and Bullard. Gutierrez accused Toledo of planning to deliver Texas over to the enemy. He related that when Elizondo had encamped be­ fore Bexar, Elizondo had inquired whether Toledo had come, saying that if he had, the business would soon be settled. This, he said, was sufficient proof that Toledo was a traitor. To discredit Toledo further before the junta, Gutierrez as­ serted that Toledo intended to introduce freedom of con­ science and freemasonry into Texas. If Toledo came, Gutier­ rez warned, blood would be shed. In anger, Bullard passed from arguments to threats, telling the junta that unless To­ ledo were sent for, every American volunteer would leave, taking with him all equipment. Thereupon, Perry, as com­ mander of American v:olunteers, arose, blusteringly repeating Bullard's threats. Members of the junta were bewildered. They were faced with the possibility of the American volunteers leaving them. Without American defenders, they visioned the unrestrained vengeance of Arredondo. They knew not whom to believe, Gutierrez or Bullard. Confounded but not convinced, on June 27, they gave verbal consent to send for Toledo. A Captain Slocum, without waiting for the junta to address a formal invitation to Toledo, dashed for Natchitoches. He carried a letter from Bullard to Shaler. It contained effec­ tive statements: Independence depended upon the presence of Toledo in Bexar. Preparation would be made to march forward; the time had come for ruin or success. Bullard insisted that it was the will of Americans that Shaler ac­ company Toledo to Bexar. His conclusion was egotistical, asserting that his actions, aided by Shaler's letter, had saved "up to now the independence of a nation".1 Next day the junta, although intimidated into giving verbal consent to send for Toledo as well as being very much confounded, still had ability to think. They drew up a formal invitation to Toledo, stating six conditions under which Toledo was to come to Bexar. No doubt Bullard was mortified. He was to be second in command to Gutierrez; he must not introduce into Texas freedom of conscience, sec­ tarian schools, or freemasonry; the army brought by Toledo must not exceed one thousand; when independence was achieved, the soldiers · were to return to the United States, unless they swore allegiance to Mexican soil. These condi­ tions revealed that members of the junta were true Mexican independents with their thoughts turned inward to their peo­ ple, not annexationists seeking incorporation with the United States.2 It was a fast rider that carried the formal invitation of the junta to Nacogdoches. Toledo received it on the first day of July; that same day he forwarded it to Shaler, regretting that the six conditions were adverse to the interest of the cause, but saying that he would go and wished that Shaler GREPN FT .AG OVER TEXAS would follow very quickly as his advice would be his only comfort. Two days later Toledo departed for Bexar with 100 volunteers.3 In the outgoing mail of July 10 from Natchitoches there was a letter from Shaler to Monroe revealing how extensive had been Shaler's activities in Texas. Shaler admitted that he had presented Toledo to the Americans, pledging his word for Toledo's honor and integrity, that Americans had re­ sponded with a declaration that they would receive Toledo or any person he recommended, and they entreated Shaler to come to Bexar. Shaler was elated over prospects, saying he would leave for Texas as soon as Toledo had annulled Gutier­ rez's "absurd government.>' Four days later he wrote Mon­ roe that he had decided to go at once to Bexar, that his pur­ pose was to support Toledo "to the extent of my power­ consistent with my situation." On July 20 Shaler began his second journey to Texas. Like the first it was terminated at Nacogdoches. There he was overtaken by a messenger with a dispatch from Monroe ordering Shaler back to Louis­ iana. This order was in response to Shaler's letter of May notifying Monroe of his first intention to proceed to Texas." Shaler was all humility. He regretted having taken "a step not approved by the President," but explained to Monroe that he had endeavored to adhere strictly to the "spirit of his instructions." In the next paragraph he assured Monroe that events would happen as planned, that Toledo would arrive in Bexar about August 1, where he would be hailed as their savior. Also, he continued, Dr. Forsythe had written from Bexar promising that Toledo would be vest:ed with all the powers Gutierrez possessed, and shortly the Re­ publican Army would march for the Rio Grande.5 Toledo kept the schedule. He entered Bexar on August 1. The junta was immediately assembled to invest Toledo with office. Two long days of sharp quarreling ensued. Gutier­ rez and his followers opposed his surrendering of all power. Again and again Gutierrez begged to be allowed to remain SHALER ENTHRONES A LEADER 221 in command until after the impending conflict with the loyalists, at which time he would surrender to Toledo. It was then known in Bexar that Arredondo and Elizondo were on the march toward the capital. On the third day the army demanded a decision. Gutierrez was removed from com­ mand and exiled to the United States. On August 4 Toledo assumed the slipping scepter. On the fifth the junta ad­ dressed a letter of credit to the "senior inhabitants of the Commercial Post of Natchitoches," requesting that they provide Gutierrez and family with house and necessities. On the night of April 6 when few could view the tragedy of defeat, Gutierrez, heavy-laden in spirit, moved slowly out of the city with his family.6 The hero was gone. In his stead was a pompous stranger. Achievements of three years of Gutierrez's heroic effort were to be annihilated in fourteen days of unheroic farce. (t;-- :-:_:,,_ ·- ;cc ~ - ,;-:c'"~:-"""·"•°"'~- ,,:~ ·-~-,~ I ✓- ·MILITARY OPERATIO NS OF LOYALJSTSA",, 0 REVOLUTIONlSTS AT LABAHIA AND BEXAR ~ -~~~ 'vJ ~h~' l¼--r(, f{ odds: Cd mi no · R. e. ¢. I &• •• • • == :. ;?°rt"_..J~· _t~,, ~ ,S Citi~:r Pr(.sidio~ ------* ., --l~;?.UA ~~- - ,,.. {__ ,.,,,. ,, 5 ~ t l I"' f i (,Ids --· - -- -· -·: ¼ ~ ~ . Be.tty O'f;-1..1 ~"'.:~ - ~-~ ------==-:-"-:-~ .. ,;?" ~;- $ :tt-... /.'>. ff \ , ='I .,,,,n;.~ •l-1'>,~' ~ ' ( · .l1 1 • .3 ~ .... _ l ft 11 t k ot Sc\laJ o- · ~ I; ;;q I; ff I; }!f I; f}f I; ~ 11 ~- / 1 jf I -~~'- ~~-,;i.0-',, ?-f I/ ~ .k! 1,1 ~~ \."\.._~~;~~~~.-: . -. -~ /1 ~ __ ;..-~~:~a~~~,J.. -- .. ,. . -.. L.yf-.. = ---... Ff!: ,-,.'//,1 \ Bc\.hi'San Marcos River, his turbulent existence ended. He was buried on the bank of the river. Colonel Quintero now took command, exercising great barbarity. He drove the prisoners on foot like a herd of cattle, with little to eat and less to drink, and lashed them as they fell by the way. Upon reaching Bexar Quintero en­ joyed a triumphal entry. Captives were marched through the plaza between lines of soldiers before the assembled popu­ lace and were delivered to Arredondo, who chanted to the captives a song of vengeance about the "one-eyed Arre­ dondo," a song written by a rebel. Arredondo had a grim sense of humor. Straightway he sent the male prisoners the way of all rebels. The women went to the "Quinta" to join 228 GREEN rLAG O'VER TEXAS the others in grinding corn and making tortillas. There they served twenty days while their children were driven into the streets to beg. In one stroke Arredondo had felled the Texas Republic. Loyalists had cause for rejoicing, but the consequence of victory they exaggerated. Arredondo spent many hours writing to the viceroy pages and pages, which soon became a weighty bundle which one may find in the archives of Mex­ ico, D. F. Victory had disturbed his capacity for accuracy, and vanity caused him to write the account of the battle of Medina, so that his military skill was apparent in every para­ graph. The viceroy read how Arredondo with 1,600 soldiers, as the others were guarding the baggage, had defeated 3,200 perverse rebels well armed and well disciplined. However, in­ famous Toledo, he said, had aided in his victory because he had secured the esteem of the rebels and brought the ·fall of Gutierrez. Certainly this was a compliment to Gut­ ierrez, for Arredondo realized that with Gutierrez absent, victory was easy.7 Then Morphi, the consul in New Orleans, expressed his opinion to the viceroy. To him the battle of Medina had the value of finality. It would hold Americans within their own boundary, in fact would end all movements of Ameri­ cans toward Spanish provinces, and would terminate pro­ posals of the United States to annex Texas. Even the viceroy was affected by vainglory. He sent Onis an article to be printed in the papers of the United States for the purpose of weakening the political patty there addicted to Mexican independence. They were to understand that future e!forts were now useless. 8 By the middle of September, bloody retribution had crushed rebellion. The country between Bexar and the Sabine was desolate - herdless ranches, silent houses, and crops without men to tend them. Over a thousand inhabi­ tants and Indians had fled across the Sabine to wander in the Neutral Ground or receive charity in Natchitoches.9 Arre- 229 dondo had snatched Texas from republicanism, had blocked the way for Americans to aid rebels in Mexico, and had re­ asserted the authority of Spain, although such authority was weak, in fact only a shadow. Intrigue, lack Qf leadership, one ill-planned battle had destroyed uthe weak monument of Texas independence." CHAPTER XL PESSIMISTIC PROPHECIES Some men face failure with reason and straightway an­ alyze the situation. Such men were Shaler and Sibley. On September 5, 1813, General Wilkinson,s son came out of Texas with the unfavorable news. It was more than un­ favorable. It was almost disastrous, for there was hardly a man on the frontier who had not given much of either him­ self or his goods £or the success of Texas independence. Failure of the Texas Republic blasted Shaler,s labor-fifteen months of earnest work in the Louisiana wilderness. It de­ stroyecl for many frontiersmen their mercantile dreams that Natchitoches would become the Pittsburgh of the South­ west. It shattered the hopes of great wealth from Mexican trade. It crushed the prospects of frontier expansion. It removed the opportunity for the ennobling adventure of aiding in the liberation of Mexican brethren. Wilkinson had come to bring the news and also to solicit charity for Toledo in the form of ammunition and pro­ visions from the district of Natchitoches. Whether a ges­ ture or an honest expectation, Toledo planned to make _a stand at Nacogdoches. Some individuals still had hope, but most men, although despairing, contributed more than could be spared from the district, Sibley said, believing it was their duty. Shaler and Sibley were reasonable. They asserted that Toledo's stand was impracticable, further than giving protection to the wreck of the army and guarding the fron- 230 ,-..T""r"r"T"'& l'Tr",...,..,T,..... T\ir.Y,. .,....._'7'.TT,..-...,....,_T,...,,... r .c..::,.::,.11vu.::, .11\..J r ~ vrn.t\...1..t~ 231 tier of the United States; but without credit and supplies, this service would be brief. True to prediction, a few days later Toledo with many other leaders returned to Natchitoches. Three hundred fugi­ tives accompanied them. Twice that number had taken refuge in Opelousas, Atacapas, and Bayou Pierre. In Louis­ iana crops were abundant and laborers needed. The planters exchanged hospitality for labor in the fields and thereby averted distress and destitution on the frontier. Also, misery was allayed by provisions which fugitives from the area of Nacogdoches had brought with them. Nor was Toledo's experience bitter upon his return to Natchitoches. He continued to have the approbation of officers and soldiers generally, and no one on the frontier doubted Toledo's ability to do justice to his command. For­ tified against want with $175, a contribution from Shaler, he left with other members of the former army for various parts of Louisiana to plan new enterprises. Meanwhile, Shaler and Sibley sat down and wrote pessi­ mistic prophecies to the War Department and State Depart­ ment respectively. Sibley viewed the future from the stand­ point of Indian troubles for the United States. Arredondo would reconquer the Indians, because he had supplies to give them, and would turn them against the Louisiana border. Then, too, there was the danger of British agents. It was known that they were in Mexico and would make use of the Indians as usual. In fact, some Creek Indians east of the Mississippi, employed by British agents, had already crossed into Texas to arouse the Indians of the coast against the United States. If Sibley was a revolutionist, he was als~ an able meddler. The solution he offered is indicative. He advocated that the United States pursue an aggressive policy by engaging Indians of Texas for military services, because Indians believed it womanish to remain neutral dur­ ing wars. Even the Caddos, the most stable of tribes, had expressed desire to engage in the Texas revolution. Sibley 232 GlltN rLAG OVER. TEXAS believed that the Indians in the military service of the United States would fight enemies coming out of Texas. Shaler, like Sibley foresaw trouble. To Monroe he set forth with prophetic vision his predictions of future happen­ ings in Texas. The Spanish government in Texas would destroy the settlements of Nacogdoches and Trinidad, forbid­ ding their resettlement, thereby leaving a vast wilderness between the frontier of the United States and Bexar. People of Louisiana knew what that would bring. A weak defense­ less Texas, of extraordinary fertility and pleasing climate, would become an asylum for all adventurers from the United States. Texas, he explained to Monroe was an ideal place for fantastic and turbulent expeditions. Already some were planned. Frenchmen in Natchitoches had a scheme to which some Texas fugitives had agreed. Also there was a group of banditti with equipment and funds secured from privateer­ ing who had planned to join Gutierrez in a second attempt.1 However, it appeared to him that "the fatal disaster is con­ clusive of the revolution in the neighboring province per­ haps forever unless an impulse is given from the interior" of Mexico.2 This was a true prophecy. Shaler's task had ended. On September 19, 1813, he noti­ fied Monroe that he would leave the Louisiana wilderness for Washington, D. C. CHAPTER XLI A HOWLING WILDERNESS It was Stephen F. Austin who described Texas in 1821 as "a howling wilderness" filled with uncivilized Indians from the limits of Louisiana to the villages of Bexar and La Bahia.1 Texas had been cca howling wilderness'' since those August days when Arredondo's vengeance swept across it, and his official letters are literary masterpieces in depicting such a lonely waste.2 Arredondo had become the Commandant-General of the Eastern Interior Provinces (Texas, Coahuila, N uevo Leon, Nuevo Santander). After the fall of the Texas Republic Arredondo remained there for a year restoring, he claimed, "complete quietude-and respect for the Spanish govern­ ment." In March, 1814, he left Texas for Monterrey, head­ quarters of the new commandant-general.3 There the halo of success fell from him and, like Don N emesio, he became a pleading official needing resources to fulfill his commission. His problem was the one a century old-to make Texas an effective buffer province. He planned a defense and de­ velopment program for Texas, dispatching it to the viceroy. The regency of Spain and the viceroy also made plans. They were a repetition of the programs made between the years of 1803 and 1810 by Don Nemesio, Bonavia, Cordero, Sal­ cedo, and Herrera.4 Like the plans of the former guardians of Texas, his plan remained visionary. Affairs in Spain and Mexico decided the issue. In December, 1813, Ferdinand VII returned to the Spanish throne, revived absolutism, dissolved 233 GRE~N FT .AG OVER TEXAS

the general assembly of Spain and her colonies, forbade the election of deputies for the future assembly to which Texas had already made provisions for election, and annulled the constitution granted in 1812. Colonies returned to their pre­ revolutionary status.5 In Mexico the story was the same. The viceroy was perplexed by insurgents who could not be quelled and he had no time or resources for Texas. Arredondo, like Don Nemesio, was beset with despairing reports and pleas from Texas. Inhabitants knew not the comfort of sufficient food; Arredondo lamented they were in utmost poverty and without means of supporting their families. In addition to their poverty they were harrowed by Indian raids. Indians constantly drove away their cattle, and were so bold as to steal the horses of the soldiers at night in the very limits of Bexar. Indians drove the laborers from the fields. Indians uprooted the crops.6 And there were few soldiers to defend the people. In all Texas there were only 467 cavalrymen, and they were so poorly sup­ plied that they were ineffective. By 1817 Arredondo con­ sidered the abandonment of Texas and instructed the gov­ ernor, in case of being unable to resist an attack of the enemy, to retreat to the Rio Grande. He had decided, since there was no help for Texas, he would concentrate his meagre strength in Nuevo Leon and Nuevo Santander. Texas was to fall or stand of its own strength.7 Just as Shaler predicted, Texas became an asylum for ad­ venturers. Between 1814 and 18 21, East Texas sheltered ban­ ditti, and many filibustering enterprises pitched their camps at different times in the East Texas piney wood and oak groves under various leaders: Toledo and Dr. Robinson, Perry, Gutierrez, and James Long. The Gulf coast became the haven of pirates, Aury first and Lafitte later.8 When ordered to Texas by the viceroy to expel Aury, conditions were such that Arredondo sapiently replied that such an order was impossible to obey. 9 There was only one phrase to describe "Texas the Key to A HOWLING WIT .nFR~SS

New Spain." It was ua howling wilderness" sheltering countless roving Indians, banditti and filibusters in the east, pirates on the Gulf, and three wretched settlements with but few inhabitants and a government which was only a reflec­ tion of Spain's former might. Texas, striving to ascend to prosperity and freed om through revolution, paid the price of a decade of desolation for the First War of Texas Independence. EPILOGUE The First War of Independence in Texas had ended. It had historical consequences. Development of Texas was retarded a decade, and Mexican. independence was delayed. The Texas Republic, according to its objectives, would have planted upon its fertile expanses Anglo-American colonists who, working with former Spanish subjects, might have made it a land of economic happiness and civic enjoyment. But develop­ ment must now wait the coming of Austin with his colonies. Another damaging effect of the failure of Texas independence was the delay of Mexican liberty. The Texas Republic would perhaps have hastened Mexican independence by maintaining an open road to Mexico for American volunteers. Instead, Texas became a disorderly outpost, a mockery to over a cen­ tury of colonizing and civilizing work by Spanish soldiers and missionaries. Although the Texas struggle for independence was an episode of misery, it held Texas to its historical uniqueness. Among the last of Spanish colonies to chart a revolutionary course, it was the first to achieve complete independence from Spain. It was also the first to establish a separate gov­ ernment without an opposing force in her environs, in that during April of 1813 every Spanish official had been removed by execution, the army of Spanish sway had vanished with comic facility by incorporation with the Republican: Army of the North, and the republicans ruled with the green flag (the seventh flag of Texas) floating over Bexar from April 1 until August 18, 1813. 236 EPILOGUE 237

It had been a momentary spree. Spanish authority was re­ established by Arredondo, but it remained only a shadow in Texas until its passing from mainland America in 1821. And true to Shaler's prophecy, the independence of Texas did not come by way of the United States but by way of Mexico, and not by Texas' own revolutionary efforts but through the leadership of Iturbide in Mexico City. Then, too, Texas independence came without the predicted perils to the United States, arising from either British invasion or French meddling in the province fringing their border. All this however, was in the future. The green flag of liberty had vanished from Texas; for the time, guns of liberty had been silenced. Nevertheless, flags representative of liberty and republicanism were again to float over Texas. Again guns of liberty were to sound in Texas, and more effectively, before many years had passed. And although the first blows for liberty had failed to accomplish their purpose, yet the revolution of 1811-1813 may be ac­ counted a proud chapter in the history of Texas, for in that struggle the people of Texas suffered for an ideal and heroic figures fought bravely, many of them giving their lives in the effort to make Texas independent. Among the States of the Union, Texas can boast that three flags emblematic of liberty and republicanism have waved over her domain: the green flag of 1812-1813, the flag of the Republic of Mexico, and the flag of the Texas Republic. Texas can boast that guns of liberty have blazed in two struggles for her independence. Texas can boast of having been twice a republic. Texas finds three declarations of Independence in the pages of its history: that of April 4, 1813, that of March 2, 1836, and its adopted one, that of July 4, 1776. Texas claims not one but two Liberty Bells-the Mexican Libery Bell, which hangs in the National Palace, Mexico, D. F., and the United States Liberty Bell in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. Flags and guns of liberty have left their ineradicable mark 238 GREEN FLAG OVER TEXAS on Texas. They made immortal heroes, they transformed places that once were ordinary into shrines symbolic of man's truest and best ideals, and they left a noble heritage with which her sons may chart a course for the future. NOTES NOTE In the footnotes and bibliography the following initials indicate the provenance of the manuscripts. AGN indicates manuscripts in the Archivo General y Publico de la Nacion de Mexico, SD for those in the Archives of the State Depart­ ment, ORWD fQr those in the Old Records Office of the War Department; IDI for those in the Indian Office of the Department of the Interior; MLC for those in the Manu.. script Division of the Library of Congress; BA for those in the Bexar Archives; NA for those in the Nacogdoches Archives, and BL for those in the Bancroft Library. All newspapers cited are in the Periodical Division of the Library of Congress with the exception of the Nilet Register found in Bancroft Library. All books cited are in Bancroft Library and the Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico D. F. NOTES

I: «TEXAS-THE KEY TO ALL NEW SPAIN."

1 A term applied to Texas by Bernardo Bonavia in a report to Nemesio Salcedo, April 26, 1809, Provincias Internas, "Autos de correspondencia de las Provincias In­ ternas," Vol. 201, AGN. 2 Herbert E. Bolton, History of The Amerkas (New York, 1928), Map 1-40. 3 Antonio Cordero to Bonavia, Bexar, April 23, 1809, Provincias Internas, Vol. 201, AGN. j Bolton, Outpost of Empire (New York, 1931), 1-16. 5 Bolton and Thomas M. Marshall, The Colonization of North America (New York, 1921), 98-100, 249-251, 292-300; Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Centsr, (Berkeley, 1915). 102-104. 6 Thomas M. Marshall, A HisfOTy of the Western Bo11ntl11ry of the Louisid1u P1irch1111 1819-1841 (Berkeley, 1914), 1-8. 7 Lillian E. Fisher, The Background of the Revolution for Mexican InJepmdnc, (Boston, 1934), 371-383. 8 Juan N. Almonte, ustatistical Report on Texas, 1835," translated by C. E. C,a. taneda, The Southwestern Historical Q#flrterly, January, 1925, 182-183; Stephen F. Austin, ccDescription of Texas, 1828," contributed by ·Eugene C. Barker, ibid., October, 1924, 60, .99-106; "A Notice Concerning the Limits between Nacogdoches and Louisiana," Manuel Salcedo, Bexar, April 24, 1809, Provincias lnternas, Vol. 201, pp. 206-210, AGN, transcript BL (hereafter cited, Provincias Internas, Vol. 201, BL); Juan N. Almonte, "Noticia Estadistica Sohre Tejas," Varios Impresos (Mexico, 184S), II, 19. 9 Manuel Salcedo to the Deputy for New Spain, Bexar, August 8, 1809, Hist~ 0Per•• ciones de Guerra; Salcedo Mameel 1810-1812, 16-26, AGN, transcript BL. (Hereafter cited as Operaciones; Salcedo, BL.) 10 Zebulon M. Pike, Exploratory Travels Through the Western TerritoTies of Nori/, America . . . (London, 1811), 365-370. 11 "Lieutenant-Colonel Don Juan Bautista Elguezabal to the Commandant-General, June 20, 1803," Mattie A. Hatcher, The Opening of Texas to Foreign Settlement, 1801-1821. (University of Texas Bulletin No. 2714, Austin, 1927), Appendix, Doc. 5, 303-305. 12 Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, Map. l3 Fray Juan Augustin Morfi, History of Texas 1673-1779, Translated with Biographical Introduction and Annotations by Carlos Eduardo Castaneda (Albuquerque, 1935), Part II, 300-414. H Bolton, ccThe Native Tribes about the East Texas Mission," Texas SttZte Hutoric.J Association Quarterly, April, 1908, pp. 249-276. 115 Miguel Ramos Arizpe, Memorial on the N 11tural Political anti Civil St11te of II,, Province of Coahuila, One of the PO#r Internal Pr011inces of the East ••• 11nrl Tez111; (translated from the original Spanish printed at Cadiz, in 1812; Philadelphia, 1814), 3, .9-12, 27-33, 38. 241 -?A.?·- NOTES

18 Hatcher, "The Municipal Government of San Fernando de Bexar 1730-1800," The Quarterly of the TexllS Slt1te Historical &sociation:, April, 190S, 277-3S2. l'I Ramos Arizpe in his report of conditions in the Interior Provinces to the Corta of Spain used the term let1gue indefinitely or poetically, as the distances he quotes compare favorably to miles. 18 Alexander Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain .•. , translated from the original French by John Black (London, 1814), I, 271-272. 19 Bolton, Guide to Materials for the History of the United States m the Jwincii,.I Archives of Mexico (Washington, 1913), 71-77. 20Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, Appendix, Doc. 5; Henry Ker, Travels throagh th, Western Interior of the United States from the Year 1808-1816, With a ParticultW Description of ••• New Spam (Elizabethtown, New Jersey, 1813), 82-83. 21 Ramos Arizpe, Memorial, 18, 23, 39-42. 22 Commandant-General Nemesio Salcedo to the Viceroy, Chihuahua, NoTember I, 1808, MS., BA.

II: BUFFER BUILDING

1 Josef Antonio Caballero to Senor Don Pedro de Grimarest, Palacio, July 8, 1804 (• copy from the original, Madrid, July 12, 1804), in Archivo General de Indias Sevilla (Audiencia Guadalajara, 103-J-lS), trans. BL; Pedro de Grimarest to Principe de la Paz, Madrid, July 12, 1804, ibid.; "Real Orden de 30 de Mayo 1804, dividiendo las Provincias en dos Commandancias," Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, Appendix, Doc. 10 2 Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, 61-62, 71-89, 92, 114-119. 1 Henderson K. Yoakum, History of Texas from Its First Settlement in 1685 to Its Annexation to the United Stt1tes (New York, 18S6), I, 127; W. C. C. Claiborne, Official Letter Books, 1801-1816, (Jackson, Mississippi, 1917, Rowland Dunbar, edi­ tor), III, 217; Charles E. Gayarre, History of Louisiana (New York, 1866), III, 79-92, 122-130, 136. ' American Sttde Papers, Foreign Relations (Washington, 1832-1834), II, 638-649, 657-662. 6 Yoakum, oj,. cit., I, 127-129; Claiborne, Letter Books, II, 197; Ill, 384, 392; IV, 212, 214, 217, 226. 6 Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, 95-104, 124-125, Appendix, Doc. 11. 'I Claiborne, Letter Books, II, 303, 315-316, 319-320, 3 83-3 84. 8 Isaac J. Cox, "The Louisiana-Texas Frontier" Part II, The Southwestern Hislorlc.J Quarterly, October, 1913, p. 161. 9 Secretary of War to Sibley, May 25, July 8, October 17, 180J, MSS., Letter Book. B. April 1804 - July 1809, 80-81, 89, 122-123, IDI. 10 Cox, The Early Explorations of L

19 Claiborne, Letter Books, IV, 142, 148-149, 1H-U6. 20 Sibley to Dearborn, September 7, October 12, 1808, MSS., ORWD. 21 ..Extracts of Orders to General James Wilkinson from the Honorable Secretary of the War Department, Portland, September 8, 1808," MS., ORWD. 22 Wilkinson to Captain Dan Hughes, Head Quarters, Carlisle, October 13, 1808, MS., ORWD. 23 Wilkinson to Nemesio Salcedo, Brigadier General in the Armies of Spain and Captain General of the Internal Provinces, Headquarters of the Army of the United States, October 10, 1808, MS., ORWD. 2, Sibley to Dearborn, September 7, 1808, MS., ORWD. 25 Manuel Salcedo to Nemesio Salcedo, Nacogdoches, September 12, 1808; Luis de Clovet to Commandant-General, New Orleans, June 22, 1808, Provincias Internas, Vol. 201, pp. 285-288, BL. 28 Nemesio to the Viceroy, Chihuahua, September 28, October 1, 1808, ibid., Vol. 201, pp. 284, 292-293, BL.

III: AN IMPERILED BULWARK l William Walton, An Expose on the Dissensions of Spanish America ... (London, 1814), 70-74, Appendix, Doc. B.; John Rydjord, ..Napoleon and the Independence of New Spain," New Spain and the Anglo-American West (Lancaster, Pa., 1932), I, 291-293. 2 Luis de Onis, Memoir upon the Negoti11tion1 between Spain and the United St11ln of America which Led to the Treaty of 1819 ••• (Madrid, 1820; translated by Tobias Watkins, Baltimore, 1821), 11-16. 3 Onis to the Captain General of the Province of Caracas, Philadelphia, February 2, 1810, Papers Relating to the Burr Conspiracy, MS., MLC; Pedro Labrador, Secretary of State and Correspondence, to the Deputies of the General and Special Cortes, Cadiz, December 31, 1812, Archivo del Ministerio de Estado, Madrid, legajo JSf7, expediute No. 1, photostat, MLC. 4 Annals of Congress, 1808-1809, 10 Cong., 2 sess., 910, 946, 1034. & Cordero to Bonavia, Bexar, April 25, 1809; Herrera to Bonavia, Bexar, April 2J, 1809, Provincias lnternas, Vol. 201, pp. 184, 228-229, BL. 8 James F. Rippy, The Rivalry of the United States onJ Great Britain over Ltdm America, 1808-1830 (Baltimore, 1929), 32-33. 'I Cox, ccThe Pan-American Policy of Jefferson and Wilkinson/" The Qu.artnly of th, Mississippi Valley Historical Association, September, 1914, 212-239; Cox, The Wnl Florida Controversy, 1798-1813 (Baltimore, 1918), 285-286, 290-293, 297; Claiborne, Letter Books, IV, 332-333, 351-3S3. 8 Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, 147-148. 9 Thomas Jefferson, The Writings of. Memorial Edition (New York, 1903), XII, 261, 276-277; The Writings of (Ford, editor, New York, 1892-1899), XI, 212. 10 Cordero to Bonavia, Bexar, April 23, 1809; M. Salcedo to Bonavia, Bexar, April 2.f., 1809; Herrera to Bonavia, Bexar, April 25, 1809; Bonavia to the Commandant­ General, Bexar, April 26, 1809, Provincias lnternas, Vol. 201, pp. 183-191, 149-160, 203-205, 228-234, 165-167, BL. 11 Bonavia to the Commandant-General, Bexar, April 26, 1809, ibid., Vol. 201, pp. 167- 171, BL

IV: AN INCOMPLETED TASK 1 N. Salcedo to Bonavia, Chihuahua, June 27, 180.9, ProvmcillS lnter11111, Vol. 201, pp. 177, 180-182, BL. 2 Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, 162-167, 171-17J. 3M.Salcedo to Bonavia, Bexar, April 24, 1809, Provincias lnternas, Vol.201, pp.181, BL. (All Manuel Salcedo's letters are written from Bexar and henceforth Bexar will DOC be cited.) 244 NOT.hS

4 Sibley to the Secretary of War, May 10, July S, 1809; Sibley to the Secretary of War, WiHiam Eustis, January 30, 1810, MSS., ORWD. 5 Sibley to Eustis, October 20, 1809, Retired Files; Miscellaneous Letters, 1809-1811, MS, IDI. 8 Onis to the Viceroy, Philadelphia, February 7, 1810; Nemesio to the Viceroy, Chi­ huahua, April 24, May 16, 1810, Historia, MSS., Vol. 161, AGN. '1 Sibley to Eustis, April 24, 1812 MS., ORWD. 8 Someruelos to the Viceroy, Havana, November 24, 1809, Historia OJ,nt1cione1 J, Guerra, Notas Diplomaticas, 1809-1820, AGN, trans. BA. (Hereafter cited as Oper11- ciones; Notas Diplomaticas.) 9 Copies de trois Lettres escrites des Natchitoches par M. Fr. Newman aN. Joseph Solis de la Nue Orleans ler, 17th Mai, 20th Juillet; Wilkinson to the Secretary of War,. Camp Terre au Boeuf, September 3, l 809, MSS., ORWD. lO Claiborne, Letter Books, IV, 363, 365, 387-388, 401-403, 41.9-423; V, 7-8, 17-21. 11 Rydjord, "Napoleon and the Independence of New Spain," New Spain ,mJ th, Anglo-American West, I, 293, Doc. 1, pp. 306-308. 12 Don Miguel Ramos to the Viceroy Borbon, April 20, 1810; Manuel de Yturbe e• Yraeta to (?), San Carlos, June 14, 1810, Provencias Internas, Vol. 201, pp. 99-109, 113-114, BL; Rubrica to the Commandant of Vera Cruz, June 12, 1810, Historia, MS., Vol. 330, AGN. -- 13 Bonavia to Nemesio, Bexar, January {?), March 2, 1810; Bonavia to the Viceroy, January 24, March 12, April 6, 1810, Provincias Internas, Vol. 201, pp. 221-224, 240- 242, BL. 1-' Nemesio to Bonavia, Chihuahua, March 20, 1810, ibid., Vol. 201, 200-202, BL; Nemesio to the Viceroy, Chihuahua, March 19, 1810, Documentos de la Independenci11 ... (Publicaci6nes de la Secretaria de Educaci6n Publica, Mexico, 1928) 373-374. 15 Bonavia to Nemesio, Bexar, July 11, and IS', 1810, Provincias lntemas, Vol. 201. pp. 91-93, 94-96, BL. 16 M. Salcedo to the Deputy for New Spain, Bexar, August 8, 1809, Operaciones; Salcedo, 16-26, BL.

V: MEXICO ASSERTS HER MATURITY

1 Walton, An Expose of the Dissensions of Spanish America, 70-71; Genaro Garcia, El Clero de Mexico y la Guerra de Independencia ••• Documentos Ineditos 6 muy raros para la Historia de Mexico (Mexico, 1906), IX, Doc. XIII, 86-90. 2 Fisher, The Background of The Revolution Fo,- Mexican Independence. (For a study of the causes of the Revolution.) S An account of the Revolution in the Viceroyalty of Mexico is contained in Bancroft, History of Mexico, IV; and Herbert I. Priestly, The Mexican Nation, t1 History {New York, 1924.) 4 Manuel de Iturbe e Yraeta to Viceroy, Altamira, February 5, 1811, Historia, lnsu.r­ Teccion, MS., Vol. 104, Doc. 4, AGN. 6 Lorenza de la Garza, Dos Hermanos Heroes (Guerro, Tamaulipas, l\,fexico, 1913), 1-16. 6 Jose Bernardo Gutierrez de Lara, (CT o the Mexican Congress, An Account of the Progress of the Revolution from the Beginning/' Papers of Mirabeou Buonaparte Lamew (Austin, 1921-1928), Charles Adams Gulick and Katherine Elliott, eds., I, 5. (Here­ after cited, Gutierrez, «To the Mexican Congress," Lamar Papers, 1) '1 t'The trial of Father Juan Salazar," Historia, lndependientes, MS., Vol. 412, AGN. 8 Garza, op. cit., 16. 9 Iturbe to the Viceroy, Altamira, February 15, 1811, Histori::, i;'JS#Treccion, MS., Vol. 104, Doc. 4, AGN. ~O Gutierrez, "To the Mexican Congress,»' Lamar Papers, I, 5. I~OT.t.S 245

VI: SPARKS

1 M. Salcedo to Viceroy, November 21, 1810, Operaciones, Salcedo, f-6, BL. 2 M. Salcedo to Nemesio, October 2, 181 O, MS., BA. 8 Aaron Burr, Memoirs, with miscellane011,s selections by Mattht111 L. DtZVis (New York, 1837), Il, 419-421. • M. Salcedo to Viceroy, November 21, 1810; M. Salcedo to Nemesio, November 21, 1810, Operaciones; Salcedo, 4-6, 11-15, BL. 6 IS Onis to Viceroy Venegas, Philadelphia, September 24, October 19, 1810, HistM"1, MSS., Vol. 161, Docs. 70, 71, AGN; Onis to Viceroy, Philadelphia, November 2, December 7, 1810, and January 5, 1811, Historia Operaciones de Guerra, NottU Diplomtiticas 1809 ti 1810, m, 8-10, 33, 38, AGN., transcript, BA. e Sim6n Herrera to Nemesio, Bexar, September 26, 181 O, HistorilZ, Oper11cione1 J, Guerra, Herrera, Simon 1810 a 1812, MS., Doc. 21, AGN. (Hereafter citi;tl-·.zs Operaciones; Herrera.) 'l Herrera to Calleja, Bexar, November 28, 1811; Jose Miguel de Arcos to Herren, Bexar, November 28, 1811, Operaciones; He"era, MSS., Docs. 30, 31, AGN. 8 M. Salcedo to the Faithful Inhabitants of Texas, January 6, 1811, MS., BA. 9 Report of the junta of Bexar, January 8, 1811, MS., BA.

VII: FIRE 1 All material in this chapter, unless otherwise cited, is found in Alta Traici6n Contra.­ Don Juan Baptista Casas Capitan retirado por haber alzado la vos de la insu,ncrl61, en esta San Fernando de Bexar a 22 de Enero ... Provincia de Texas, No. 36, Cuerpo del Nuevo Santander, No. 267, L., V. de Texas. A manuscript in Nacogdoches Archives, Texas State Library. The manuscript covers U2 unnumbered s,2ga. (Hereafter cited Alta Traidon Contra, Casas.) MS., NA. ~ Sibley to Eustis, November 30, 1810, MS., ORWD. S Sibley to Eustis, February 9, 1811, MS., ORWD. 4 National, Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., April 9, 1811; Federal Gaette nil Baltimore Daily Advertiser, Baltimore, Maryland, March 21, 1811.

VIII: A PRECARIOUS SITUATION 1 Carlos Maria de Bustamante, Cuadro Historico de le Revolucion Mexicana, .•• (Mexico, 1843), I, 186-191, 1.97, IV, 159-160. 2 J. E. Hernandez y Davalos, Coleccion de Documentos pflTa la Historia de lt1 ~• de Independencia de Mexico (Mexico, 1882), I, No. 83, 233-234-. 3 Lucas Alamin, Historia de Mejico (Mexico, 1849-1852), II, 150, 165-167. 4 Junta of Vera Cruz, March 2, 1811, Historia Insurrecci6n, MS., Vol. 104, Doc. S2, AGN. 5 La Guardia to the intendant, Vera Cruz, March 2, 1811; Intendant to La Guardia, Vera Cruz, March 3, 1811, ibid., MSS., Vol. 104, Docs. 10, 11, AGN. 8 Correspondence of Nemesio, Bonavia, Viceroy Venegas, and Calleja concerning this campaign in Histori11 Operadones de Guerra, Salcedo, Nemesio y Bont111f11, Bnurtlo 1810-1812, MSS., Docs. 88, 90, 94, 96, AGN.

IX: MEXICAN ENVOYS 1 Proclamation Relating to the Revolution which Took Place at Bexar, January 22, 1811, dated uAfter April, 1811," MS., No. 571, NA. 2 Alta Traicion contra Casas, MS., NA. 8 Report of the Deputies of the Province of Texas, Joseph Munoz and Luis Galan to Commandant-General, Chihuahua, May 21, 1811; Answer to the Governing Junta of Texas to a Communication of the Commandant-General, Bexar, June 19, 1811, MSS., NA. 246 NOTES

4 "Trial of Friar Juan Salazar in Monclova, May 21-May .30, 1811," Historit1 Intlet,,,,-- tlientes, MS., Vol. 412, AGN. 5 Alta Traici6n contra Casas, MS., NA. 6 "Trial of Juan Salazar:• Historia Intlependientes, MS., Vol. 412, AGN. 7 Proclamation Relating to the Revolution, MS., No. J71, NA.

X: DUPLICITY SUCCEEDS 1 Report of the Deputies of the Province of Texas to the Commandant-~eneral, Chi­ huahua, May 21, 1811; Naming of the Governing Junta, Bexar, March 2, 1811, MSS .• No. 3, Doc. 577, No. 10, NA. 2 "Trial of Friar Juan Salazar" Historia Intlepentlientes, MS., Vol. 412, AGN. 3 Naming of the Governing Junta, Bexar, March 2, 1811, MS., Doc. 577, No. 10, NA. ' Communication to the Seiior Governor, Bexar, March 2, 1811, MS. J77, No. 9, NA. 5 Proclamation of the Central Junta to the Troops and Inhabitants of Bexar, March J, 1811, MS., f7f, No. 12, NA. 8 Proclamation Relating to the Revolution, MS., No. f71, NA. 'l Report of the Deputies of the Province of Texas, MS., No. 3, NA. 8 uTrial of Friar Juan Salazar," Historia Indet,entlientes, MS., Vol. 412, AGN. 9 Proclamation Relating to the Revolution, MS., No. f71; Proceedings of the Governing Junta, Bexar, March 6, 1811, MSS., NA. 10 Report of the Deputies of the Provinces of Texas, MS., No. 3, NA.

XI: SCHEMES 1 Tomas Flores to Commandant-Generg!, Monclova, September 14, 1811, OJ,eracio1111; Salcedo, 72, 79-81, BL. 2 Report of the Deputies of the Province of Texas, MS., No. 3, NA. 3 A Proclamation Relating the Revolution, MS., No. f71, NA. 4 Captain Jose Menchaca to the Governing Council of Texas, San Fernando, March 17, 1811, MS., BA. 6 Governing Council of Texas to Nacogdoches, Sa,n Marcos, Colorado, Brazos, Trinidad, Bexar, March 22, 1811, MS., BA. 8 Report of the Deputies of the Provinces of Texas, MS., No. 3, NA. 7 Alamin, op. cit., II, 165-169; Bustamante, op. cit., I, 199. 8 Gutierrez, .. To the Mexican Congress,"' Lamar Papers, I. 6-7; add Garza, op. cit., 17-18. 9 Bustamante, op. cit., I, 117-118. 10 Alamin, op. cit., II, 174-175. 11 Ignacio Elizondo to Governing Junta of Texas, Monclova, March 17, 1811; Captain Menchaca to Governing Junta of Texas, San Fernando, March 30, 1811, MSS., BA. 12 Governing Junta of Texas, Bexar, March 24, 1811, MS., BA.

XII: THE WELLS OF BAJ.AN 1 Tomas Flores to Nemesio, Monclov~ September 14, 1811, OJ,er11cione1; Salcedo, 79-81. BL. 2 Hernandez y Davalos, op. cit., II, No. 2H, 416-418. S Report of the Deputies of the Province of Texas, MS., No. 3, NA. 4 .. Gaceta de Mexico, April 2 J, 1811" in Gacetas Je Mexico, Compendio de Noticias de Nueva Espa.iia desde Principios del Aiio de 1784-, (Mexico, 1784-1821), :xxm, No. 49, 3 S-9-363. 5 Alamin, op. cit., II, 181-182; Report of the Deputies of the Province of Texas, MS., No. 3, NA.

XIII: THE PENALTY OF DEFEAT 1 Juan Jose Elguezabal to Governing Council of Texas, Presidio of Rio Grande, March 23, 1811; Andres Florentino Ramos to Zambrano, Rio Grande, March 23, 1811, MSS., BA. l\T OT~ c;: - ' ...... ~...,

2 "Trial of Friar Juan Salazar," Historia Independientes, MS., Vol. 412, AGN. 3 Report of the Deputies of the Province of Texas, MS., No. 3, NA. 4 (No heading, or date), Historia Independientes, MS., Vol. 116, Doc. 3S, AGN. 5 "Trial of Friar Juan Salazar," Historia Independicntes, MS., Vol. 412, AGN; .. Trial of Friar Francisco Roblez," ibid., MS., Vol. 409, AGN. 6 Alta Traicion contra Casas, MS., NA. 7 Answer of Governing Junta of Texas to a Communication of the Commandant­ General, Bexar, June 19, 1811, MS., No. S7, NA. 8 Nemesio Salcedo to Viceroy Venegas, Chihuahua, September H, 1811, Historia, MS .• Vol., 331, AGN. 9 Documentos de la Independencia, Publicaci6n de la Secretaria de Educaci6n Publica. (Mexico, 1928), I, 393-394, 399-401. lO Venegas to Nemesio, September 11, 1811, Provincias Internas, Vol. 201, p. 2S9. 11 Nemesio to M. Salcedo, Chihuahua, August 6, 1811, Operaciones; Salcedo, 66, BL. 12 M. Salcedo to Nemesio, Mapimi, August 14, 1811, ibid., 66-68, BL.

XIV: DISCOURAGEMENT 1 Tomas Flores to Nemesio, Monclova, September 14, 1811, Operaciones; Salcedo, 66-68, BL. 2 M. Salcedo to Nemesio, Bexar, September 18, 1811; Nemesio to M. Salcedo, Chihua­ hua, October H, 1811, ibid., 68-71, BL. 3 Calleja to Minister of War, Mexico, March 1,, 1813, Correspondencia de los Virreyes,, Calleja, Felix Maria, iSII-1815, MS., Vol. 11, Doc. 177, AGN. 4 M. Salcedo to Nemesio, November 4, 1811, Operaciones; Salcedo, 71-76, BL. 5 Nemesio to M. Salcedo, November 26, 1811; M. Salcedo to Nemesio, December 16, 1811, ibid., 67, 77-78, BL. 6 Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, 212-213. 7 Sibley to Eustis, July 17, 1811, December 31, 1811, MSS., ORWD. 8 M. Salcedo to Nemesio, Bexar, September 18, 1811, Operaciones; Salcedo, 68-69, BL.

XV: GUTIERREZ 1 Hernandez y Davalos, op. cit., I, Nos. 80, 81, pp. 231-232. 2 Garza, op. cit., 10-19. 3 The Junta of Vera Cruz, March J, 1811, Historia Insurreccion, MS., Vol. 104t Doc. S'2, AGN. 4 Bustamante, op cit., I, 3 3 6-3 3 9. 5 Gutierrez, uTo the Mexican Congress," Lamar Papers, I, 6-8; Gutierrez, Brev, Apologia . . . (Monterrey, 1827). Segunda edici6n Aumentada con los Apunta Biograficos del autor, Por Jose L. Cossio, (Mexico, 1915), 7, 30-31. 6 A Report Made by John Gamier under Oath before Sibley, Natchitoches, September 19, 1811, MS., ORWD; Extract of a letter from Captain Walter H. Overton, Natchitoches, October 21, 1811, MS., ORWD. 7 Sibley to the Secretary of War, 1801-1811, passim, MSS., ORWD. 8 Claiborne, Letter Books, V, 176-177. 9 Sibley to Eustis, September 19, 24, 1811, MSS., ORWD; Gutierrez, .. To the Mexican Congress/' Lamar Papers, I, 8. lO Sibley to Eustis, October 14, 1811, MS., ORWD. 11 Extract of a letter from Captain Overton, Natchitoches, October 21, 1811, MS., ORWD. 12 Claiborne, Letter Books, V, 20-21, 328-329, 3 83.

XVI: A JOURNEY INTO A STRANGE COUNTRY

1 ..Diary of Jose Bernardo Gutierrez de Lara, 1811-1812," translated from the original in the Texas State Library by Elizabeth West, in The American Historical Revinv,, 248 NOTES

October, 1928, XXXIV, No. 1, 63-71. (Hereafter cited as Gutierrez ccDiary," The American Historical Review.)

XVII: DUBIOUS DIPLOMACY

1 William Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States Concerning the Independence of the Latin-American Nations (New York, 1925), I, 12. 2 American State Papers, Foreign Relations (Washington, 1832-1859), III, 538-539, 3 Department of State (Clark), to Monroe, August 14, 1811, Writings of Monroe, MS., XIII, MLC.; William Spence Robertson, Hispanic-American Relations with the United States (New York, 192)), 26-27. 4 Manning, op. cit., I, 12. 5 Don Jose Bernardo Gutierrez to the Secretary of War (no date or place), Mexico Filibustering expeditions against the Government of Spain, 1811-1816, MS., SD. 6 Claiborne, Letter Books, V, 395-398, VI, 37-3 8. '1 Account of Gutierrez's activities in Washington are found in Gutierrez, ccDiary," The American Historical Revinv, XXXIV, No. 1, 71-75, 283, note 11, 285-286; Gutierrez, «To the Mexican Congress," Lamar Papers, I, 9-11; Garza, op. cit., 26-30, 39-42. 1 Account of the activities of Gutierrez, unless otherwise cited, is found in Gutierrez, ccDiary," The American Historical Review, XXXIV, 71-76; Garza, op. cit., 28-31. 2 Orea to Herrera, Washington, December 19, 1811, Operaciones; Herrera, MS., AGN. 3 Cox, "Monroe and the Early Mexican Revolutionary Agents," American Histm-iclll Association Annual Report, 1911, I, 202. 4 Aurora, Philadelphia, December 17, 1811; Federal Gazette, Baltimore, December 17, 1811.

XVIII: TOLEDO

5 There is a copy in the Library of Congress. Jose Alvarez de Toledo, Mani/esto 6 Satisfaccion Pundonorosa •.. (Philadelphia, 1811) .S Gutierrez, "Diary," The American Historical Review, XXXIV, 76. '1 Toledo to Monroe, Philadelphia, November 16, 1811, Mexico, Filibustering Expedi­ tions against the Government of Spain 1811-1816, MS., SD; Monroe to Alexander I. Dallas, Washington, November 25, 1811, Writings of Monroe, MS., IV., MLC; Monroe to Toledo, Washington, November 25, 1811, Domestic Letters, MS., XVI, SD. 8 Cox, ccMonroe and the Early Mexican Revolutionary Agents," American Historical Association Annual Report, 1911, I, 203. 9 James B. Wilbur, Ira Allen, Founder of Vermont 1751-1814 (Boston, 1928), Il, 441-444. 10 Toledo to Monroe, Philadelphia, January 4, 1812, Papers Relating to Burr's Conspiracy, MS., MLC. 11 Gutierrez to Graham, Philadelphia, January 17, 1812, Miscellaneous Letters, January­ April, 1812, MS., SD.; Gutierrez to Graham; Philadelphia, January 28, 1813, Mexico Filibustering Expeditions • • • MS., SD. · 12 Toledo to Gutierrez, Philadelphia, July 28, October 2, 1812, Papers Relating to the Burr's Conspiracy, MSS., MLC; Garza, op. cit., 3 5. 13 AXXX to Toledo, Havana, March 1, 1812, Papers Relating to Burr's Co_nspiracy, MS., MLC. 1' Toledo to AXXX, Philadelphia, April 4, 1812; J. C. Caballero to Toledo, Santo Domingo, September 2, 1812; J. M. R. A. (Ramon Arizpe) to Toledo, Cadiz July 1, 1812, MSS., ibid., MLC.

XIX: SHALER 1 Gutierrez, "Diary," The American Historical Review, XXXIV, 290. 2 Claiborne, Letter Books, VI, 68-69, 71. NOTES 249

3 Claiborne to Shaler, New Orleans, April 7, 1812, Special Agents, William Sbaltt", 1810, II, MS., SD. This is a volume of mounted manuscripts consisting of all William Shaler's correspondence from New Orleans and Natchitoches to the SecretarY of State, Monroe (Hereafter cited as Shaler to Monroe, MS., SD.) 4 Manning, op. cit., I, 9. 5 Shaler to Monroe, New Orleans, January 4, 9, 13, 1812, MSS., SD. 6 Claiborne, Letter Books, VI, 38, 45. 7 Shaler to Monroe, New Orleans, March 23, 30, 1812, MSS., SD. 8 Gutierrez to Graham, New Orleans, March 23, 1812, Miscellaneous Letters, Janury­ April, 1812, MS., SD. 9 Garza, op. cit., 61-62. 10 Gutierrez, "Diary," The American Historical Review, XXXIV, 290-291. 11 Claiborne, Letter Books, V, 161-163. 12 Ibid., VI, 79-80. 13 Ibid., VI, 37-3 8.

XX: NEWCOMERS TO NATCHITOCHES

1 Claiborne, Letter Books, VI, 7S. 2 Gutierrez, "Diary," The American Historical Review, XXXIV, 291-293. 3 Julius W. Pratt, Expansionists of 1812 (New York, 1925), 120-124. 4 Gutierrez to Graham, Natchitoches, April 2 8, 1812, Mexico Filibustering Expedition, against the Government of Spain, 1811-1816, MS., SD. 5 Shaler to Monroe, Natchitoches, :May 2, 1812, MS., SD. 6 Samuel Davenport to Captain Montero, Natchitoches, Operaciones; Salcedo. 89-90, BL.

XXI: EXPLANATIONS

1 Expense account and receipts enclosed in letter of Shaler to Monroe, Natchitoches, May 16, 1813, MS., SD. 2 Claiborne, Letter Books, VI, 79. 3 Shaler to Monroe, May 2, 1813, MS., SD. 4 Ibid. 5 Sibley to War Department, May 10, 1812, Miscellaneous Letters, 1812-1815, MS., IDI. 6 ''Mexican Justice," Operaciones; Notas Diplomtiticas, III, 15-16, BA.. '1 Sibley to Eustis, May 6, 1810, June (?), 1812, MSS., ORWD. 8 Shaler to Monroe, May 22, 1812, MS., SD. 9 Niles' Register, The Weekly Register (Baltimore, 1811-1849}, II, 36S'.

XXII: ENTICING PROPOSALS

1 Sibley to Eustis, June 24, 1812, MS., ORWD. 2 Shaler to Monroe. Mav 22, 1812, MS., SD. S Shaler to Monroe, May 7, 22, and June 12, 1812, MSS., SD. ' Gutierrez to Graham, Natchitoches, May 16, 1812, Mexican Filibwtering Expelition, ••• MS., SD. 5 Sibley to Eustis, May 10, 1812, Miscellaneous Letters, 1812-1815, MS., IDI. 8 Shaler to Monroe, May 7, 1812, MS., SD. '1 tcA Topographical Report on Texas," compiled by Shaler, MS., SD. 8 Shaler to Monroe, May 22, 1812, MS., SD.

XXIII: INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES

1 Onis to Viceroy, Philadelphia, November 1, 1811, Hisloru,, MS., Vol. 3!1, No. 21◄• AGN. 250 NOTES

2 Onis to Bardaxi y Azara, Philadelphia, September 25, 1811, MS., Leg. SH4, No. 30; Onis to Bardaxi, December 1, 1811, MS., Leg. JSH, No. 211; Onis to Budaxi, January 10, 20, 29, 1812, MSS., Leg. J638, Nos. 2, J, 8, photostatt of DWl111Cripta from Archivo del Ministerio del Estado, Madrid, MLC. · S Onis to Viceroy, February 14, 1812, quoted in Garza, ot,. cit., 41-42. 4 Alamin, ot,. cit., m, Appendix, Doc. 46, No. 9, 49. & Morphi to M. Salcedo, New Orleans, April 26, 1812, Ot,erllCiones; Salcedo, 87. 8 M. Salcedo to Viceroy, March 10, 1812, OJ,n11dm,e1; Salce4o, 27-29, BL; Hann to Calleja, B~xar, March 8, 1812; Carr to Herrera, Natchitoches, February 13, 1812, Ot,er11dones; HerTer", MSS., AGN. 7 Carr to Graham, Natchitoches, February 2 8, 1812, Me%ico, Pililnutnmg &t,,,li­ tions • • • MS., SD. 8 Orea to Herrera, Washington. December 19, 1811; Herrera to Viceroy, Baar, March 8, 1812, Ot,er"ciones; Herrn-11, MSS., AGN. 8 Masmela to Montero, Natchitoches, May 3, 1813; Trudeaux to Montero, same; Montero to Salcedo, Nacogdoclies, May 12, 1812; Ot,ertJCiones; Salcedo, 1J-J1, BL 10 M. Salcedo to Viceroy, June 3, 1812, ibid., n-54, 60, 62-65 BL; M. Salcedo to ViceroY, June 21 1812 MS. BA.

XXIV: LIBERTY PROPAGANDA

1 Pedro Procela to Montero, Nacogdoches, August 11, 1812; M. Salcedo to Tovar, Bexar, August (?), 1812, MSS., BA. 2 Felipe de la Garza to M. Salcedo, MS., BA.; Sibley to Eustis, June 24, t 812, MS., ORWD. S Masmela to Montero, Natchitoches, May 3, 1812; Montero to M. Salcedo, Nacog­ doches, May 12, 1812, Operaciones; Salcedo, S s-s 7, BL. 4 Despallier to Captain of the First Company, 1st D of Nacogdoches, Natchitoches, June 1, 1812, ibid., 101-102, BL. 5 Description of .. The Friend of Men," ibid., 91, 134, BL. 8 ''Jesus, Maria and Jose ... ," Philadelphia, October 1, 1811, J. A. T., ibid., 93-100. BL. '1 Masmela to Montero, Natchitoches, June 9, 1812; T rudeaux to Montero, same, June 10, 1812; De Soto to Montero, Bayou Pierre, June 2, 1812, ibid., 88, 104-lOJ. BL. 8 Bustamante to M. Salcedo, Camargo, June 7, 1812, ibid., 124-126, BL. 9 Shaler to :Monroe, June 12, 1812. Notes, MS., SD. 10 Shaler to Monroe, June 23, 1812, MS., SD. 11 Montero to M. Salcedo, Nacogdoches, June 27, 1812, Operaciones; Salcelo, 131-133, BL. 12 Bustamante to M. Salcedo, Camargo, Ju!y 18, 1812; Cordero to M. Salcedo, Mondova, July 18, 1812; Joseph Peiia to Commanders of Mier and Camargo, July IS, 1812, MSS., BA. lS Anonymous to the Authorities, Spanish America, October 5, 1812; Juan Fermin to M. Salcedo, Camargo, October 2 2, 1 812, MSS., BA. 14 M. Salcedo to uThe Veteran Troops Who Are on Duty in This Province," Bexar, July 7, 1812, MS., BA. 115 M. Salcedo to "The Troops and the People of Bexar,"' July 31, 1812, MS., BA. 18 M. Salcedo to Viceroy, Bexar, July 8, 1812, War Report, Operaclones; St:ikctlo, 129-130, BL

XXV: A RIDDLE

1 Shaler to Monroe, June 12, 23, 1812, MSS., SD; Sibley to Eustis, June 24, 1812, MS., ORWD. . 2 Sibley to Claiborne, June (?), 1812, MS., ORWD. NOTES 251

'S Shaler to Monroe, June 23, 1812, MS., SD. 4 Shaler to Monroe, July 12, 1812, MS., SD. a Ibid. 6 Claiborne, Letter Books, V, 319-322, VI, 122. '1 Sibley to Eustis, July 14, August s, 1812, MSS., ORWD; Shaler to Monroe, August 18, 18!'2, MS., SD.

8 James Carr to Zambrano, Natchitoches, July 22, 1812, MS. 1 BA. 9 Montero to M. Salcedo, Nacogdoches, July 26, 1812, MS., BA.

XXVI: A YOUTH AND A REBEL

1 Shaler to Monroe, August 18, 1812, MS., SD. 2 George W. Cullum (Major General), Biographical Register of the Of/icni tm4 Graduates of the U nitetl States Military Academy at West Point (New York, 1868), 113. 3 Wilkinson to the Secretary of War, Baton Rouge, May 6, 1811, MS., ORWD. 4 Claiborne, Letter Books, VI, 34-35, 39; Carr to Claiborne, Natchitoches, January 7, 1812, Territorial Papers; Orleans 1812-1813, MS., SD. & Pike to Montero, Natchitoches, February 26, 1812; Montero to M. Salcedo, Nacog­ doches, March 1, 1812; Salcedo to Montero and Pike, March 12, 1812; Salcedo to Viceroy, same, Operat:i~s; Salcedo, 31-3 8, BL; Clai"borne, Letln Books, VI, S'O, S6-57, 80. .-. - 6 Warren D. C. Hall, .. Revolution of Texas in 1812," Texas AlmafUIC, (Galveston, 1861), 70. 7 A. W. Magee to Secretary of War Eustis, Baton Rouge, June 22, 1812, MS., ORWD. 8 James Gaines, "The Origin of the Revolution in Texas 1812," Lamar Papers, I, 28S'. 9 Henry S. Foote, Texas and the Texans ..• (Philadelphia, 1841), I, 186-187. lO For account of the Kemper brothers, see Cox, The West Florida Controversy, I. 11 Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, Appendix, Doc. No. 3, 301-302. 12 Cristobal Dominguez to the Commandant-General, Bexar, September 13, 1813, MS., BA. lS Davenport to Montero, Natchitoches, July 21, 1812; Montero to M. Salcedo, Nacog- doches, July 7, 1812, MSS., BA. 14 Gutierrez to Wilkinson, Natchitoches, July 16, 1812, MS., ORWD. 15 Wilkinson's letter quoted in Foote, op. cit., I, 132-134. 16 Nashville Clarion, April 28, 1812, quoted by Pratt, op. cit, 124-125, 222. 1'1 National Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., August 29, 1812. 18 Sibley to Eustis, August 5, 1812, MS., ORWD; Shaler to Monroe, August 18, 1812, MS., SD. 19 Rippy, op. cit., 72. 20 Jefferson, The Writings of (Memorial ed.), XII, 276-277.

XXVII: SEIZURE OF THE GATEWAY

1 Nemesio to M. Salcedo, Chihuahua, July 11, 1812, MS., BA. 2 M. Salcedo to Nemesio, Bexar, August 5, 1812; M. Salcedo to Governor of Vera Crws. August 6, 1812, MSS., BA. 3 Sibley to Eustis, July 14, August s, 1812, MSS., ORWD. 4 The account of this expedition has largely been based upon contemporary manu­ script sources, and the many differences in the printed 3ccounts the author has not cited. 5 Masmela to Commandant of Nacogdoches, Natchitoches, July 22, 1812, MS., BA; Sibley to Eustis, August 18, 1812, MS., ORWD. 8 Shaler to Monroe, August 18, 1812, MS., SD. 'f The accounts of Montero and Sibley differ in regard to this event in time element. Montero to Salcedo, August 12, 1812, MS., BA., quoted by McCaleb, Texa 252 NOTES

State Historical Quarterly, IV, 222. 8 Pedro Procela to Montero, Nacogdoches, August 11, 1812; Pedro Aldap to Montero, August 12, 1812, MSS., BA. 9 Sibley to Eustis, August s, 18, 1812, MSS., ORWD; Shaler to Monroe, Auguat 11, 1812, MS., SD. 10 M. Salcedo to Viceroy, Bexar, August 17, September 2-4, 1812, Operaciotus; S•lcelo, 136-137, 144, BL. 11 M. Salcedo to Bustamante, August 17, 1812; M. Salcedo to Governor of Nuevo Leon, same date, ibid., 138-140, BL; M. Salcedo to Tovar, August 17, 1812, MS., BA. 12 C.Ordero to M. Salcedo, Monclova, August 22, 1812; Vice-President of Junta to M. Salcedo, Monterrey, August 2 5, 1812; Bustamante to M. Salcedo, Camargo; Sep­ tember I, 1812, MSS., BA; Viceroy to M. Salcedo, March 26, 31, 1813, Operaciones; StJlcedo, S9, 142, BL. 13 Shaler to Monroe, August 18, 1812, MS., SD; Sibley to Eustis, August 18, 1812, MS., ORWD. HWollestoncraft to Wilkinson, Baton Rouge, August 2S, 1812, MS, ORWD. 15 Claiborne, Letter Books, VI, 149-152, 160-161, 163-165, 229-230. l8 Wilkinson to Ovenon, New Orleans, August 13, 1812, MS., ORWD. l7 Overton to Wilkinson, Natchitoches, August 2S, 1812, MS., ORWD. 18 Shaler to Monroe, August 25, 1812, MS., SD.

XXVIII: FINAL PREENING

1 Shaler to Monroe, September S, 17, 1812, MSS., SD; Morphi to Viceroy, New Orle:am, November 27, 1812, Operaciones; NotllS DiplomaticllS, m, 219-220, BA. 2 Morphi to Claiborne, New Orleans, October 19, 1812, ibid., Ill, 219-220, BA. 3 Pratt, op. cit., 249-251. 4 Sibley to Eustis, October 30, 1812, MS., ORWD. 5 Pratt, op. cit., 221-223. 6 Shaler to Monroe, September 5, 17, 1812, MSS., SD; Sibley to Eustis, October 30, MS., ORWD. 7 M. Salcedo to Montero, August 21, 18 I 2; M. Salcedo to Viceroy, September 24, 1812, Operaciones; Salcedo, 143-145, BL. 8 Shaler to Monroe, September 7, 1812, MS., SD. 9 All proclamations, Operaciones; Salcedo, 149-154, BL. 10 Niles' Register, October 10, 1812> m, 104. 11 Gutierrez to Luis Grande, Nacogdoches, September 4, 1812; M. Salcedo to Nemesio, September 22, 1812, Operaciones; Salcedo, 147, 155-158, BL. l2 Nemesio to M. Salcedo, Chihuahua, October 10, 1812; Declaration of Garcia, Bexar, September 23, 1812, MSS., BA. l3 M. Salcedo to Viceroy, September 24, 1812; M. Salcedo to Nemesio, September 22, 1812, Operaciones; Salcedo, 144-146, 1S7-1S8, BL. 14 Viceroy to M. Salcedo, March 26, 31, 1813, ibid., S9, 142. 15 Shaler to Monroe, September 5, 17, October 1, S', 1812, MSS., SD. 16 Shaler to Monroe, October S', 1812, MS., SD.

XXIX: DELAY 1 Cox, "Monroe and the Early Mexican Revolutionary Agents," The Americ11n Historic.l Association Annual Report, 1911, I, 208, 209, 211. 2 Monroe to Doctor Robinson, Department of State, July 1, 1812, Mexico Filibustnmi Expeditions •.• MS., SD. 3 Robinson to Nemesio, Chihuahua, December 12, 1812, quoted in ccReport of John H. Robinson of his mission to Spanish Provinces in New Spain to the Honorable James Monroe, Washington, July 26, 1813," ibid., MS., SD. (Hereafter cited as Report of Robinson.) 4 Onis to Viceroy, Philadelphia, January 5, 1812, Operaciones; Notas Diplom4ticOL III. NOTES 253

229-233, BA. 5 Garza, op. cit., 60-63. 6 Shaler to Monroe, April 18, 1813, MS., SD. 7 «Report of Robinson," Mexico Filibustering Expeditions ••• , MS., SD. 8 Gutierrez, "To the Mexican Congress," Lamar Papers, I, 12; uReport of Davenport," Special Agents, William Shaler, 1810, II, MS., SD; Garza, op. cit., 47. 9 Manuel de Alaris to M. Salcedo, La Bahia, November 6, 1812, MS., BA. lO A. W. Magee to Shaler, La Bahia, November 14, 1812; Extract of a letter from Mr. Fisher to a gentleman of Natchitoches, La Bahia, February 13, 1813, Special Agents, William Shaler, II, MSS., SD; Sibley to Eustis, November 28, 1812, ORWD. 11 "Report of Davenport,'' Special Agents • • • , II, MS., SD.

XXX: A CRY FOR HELP

1 Gutierrez to Shaler, La Bahia, November 2S, 1812, MS., SD. 2 A. W. Magee to Shaler, La Bahia, NoYember 25, 1812, MS., SD. 3 "Report of Davenport," Special Agents • • • , II, MS., SD. 4 Shaler to A. W. Magee, Natchitoches, December 20, 1812, MS., SD. 5 Shaler to Monroe, November 5, December 25, 27, 1812, January 10, February 21, 1813, MSS., SD. 6 A Report of Condition in La Bahia, December, 1812, recounted in a letter of Shaler to Monroe, January 10, 1813, MS., SD. 7 Anonymous to Sibley, La Bahia, March 5, 1813, enclosed in Shaler's letter to Monroe, April 3, 1813, MS., SD. 8 Shaler to Monroe, February 26, 1813, MS., SD. 9 Anonymous, a report taken from two deserters from Salcedo's Army, Nacogdoches, March 1, 1813, MS., ORWD. 10 Anonymous to Sibley, La Bahia, March S, 1813, MS., SD. 11 Anonymous (Spanish author) to Samuel Davenport, Nacogdoches, March 1, 1813, MS., ORWD.

XXXI: THE FULFILLMENT OF SALCEDO'S PROPHECY

1 Shaler to Monroe, April 3, 1813, MS., SD. 2 Gutierrez to Reuben Ross, Headquarters, La Bahia, February 24, 1813, Spet:ittl Agents ••• , II, MS., SD. S Cordero to Salcedo and Herrera, Monclova, November 1, 20, 1812, MSS., BA. 4 Bustamante to Viceroy, Camargo, January 19, 1813, Historia, Operaciones de Guerra; Arredondo, Jose Joaquin 1811 a 1820, AGN, transcript BL, III, 342-345. (Hereafter cited Operaciones; Arredondo.) 5 Balboa to Father Gallardo, Camargo, March 5, 1813; Captain Fermin to Perea, same, ibid., III, 210, 215-216, BL. 8 Shaler to Monroe, March 13, l 813, MS., SD; Anonymous, a report from two deserters of Salcedo's army, MS., ORWD; M. Salcedo to Serrano, March 23, 1813, Operaciones; Arredondo, III, 244, BL. 'l ccReport of Robinson," Mexico Filibtestering Expeditions •.• , MS., SD. 8 Reuben Ross to Shaler, San Antonio, April 15, 1813, MS., SD; Sibley to Eustis, May 7, 1813, MS., ORWD. 9 Herrera and Salcedo to Commanders • . . ; A manuscript copy in Spanish from the original, Special Agents ... , II, MS., SD. 10 Reply of Gutierrez and Kemper. A manuscript copy in Spanish from the original, Governor Salcedo. etc., to Sen.ores Gutierrez and Don Kemper, ibid., MSS., SD. 11 An account of events in Bexar by Serrano to Bustamante, Laredo, April 6, 1813, Operaciones; Arredondo, III, 247-248, BL; Gutierrez to Shaler, San Fernando, April 11, 1813. MS., SD; Shaler to Monroe, May 7, 1813, MS., SD. 12 Garza, op. cit.. 47. XXXII: TEXAS A REPUBLIC

1 First Ensign of the Third Company of Nuevo Santander, Jose Benavides, by order of Lt. Serrano takes accounts from witness of Bexar, April 8, IS, 1813, Of.,fftlcione1; Arredondo, IV, 249-250, 331-332, BL.; Shaler to Monroe, May 14, 1813, MS., SD; Operaciones; Salcedo, 147-15 8, BL. 2 Aurora, June 8, July 20, 1813; Niles' Register, June 26, 1813, IV, 248. 3 Niles' Register, June 12, 1813, IV, 240. 4 National Intelligencer, June 26, 181.3. 5 Sibley to Secretary of War, John Armstrong, May 7, 1813, MS., ORWD. 6 Shaler to Monroe, May 7, 1813, MS., SD. '1 "Declaration of Independence,»' Operaciones; Arredondo, IV, U-21, BL. 8 Niles Register, July 17, 1813, IV, 313; National Intelligencer, July 3, 1813. 9 Jose Servaiido Teresa de Mier Noriega y Guerra, Historia de la Revolut:ion de N11e1111 Espana •.. (London, 1813 ), II, 711-712. 10 Vicente Filisola, Memorias para la Historia de la Guerra de Tejtis (Mexico, 1848-1849), I, 57. 11 «Constitution of the State of Texas," a manuscript copy in Spanish from the original sent by Gutierrez to Shaler, in Special Agents ... , II, MS., SD; Translation of the Constitution, Kathryn Garrett, "The First Constitution of Texas," The South­ western Historical Quarterly, April, 1937, XL, 305-308. 12 Gutierrez to Shaler, San Fernando de Bexar, April 18, 1813; ..Proclamation by Jose Bernardo Gutierrez, Governor of the State of Texas ••• San Fernando de Bexar, April 18, 1313," Special Agents ... , II, MSS., SD. 13 Shaler to Monroe, May 7, 1 813, MS., SD. 14 Arredondo to Viceroy, Laredo, June 7, 1813; Proclamations, Operaciones; A"etlontlo, III, 339, IV, 2-27, BL; "The Commanding-General of the Army of the North to His Comrades in Arms, San Fernando de Bexar, May 30, 1813," Special Agents ••• • II, MS., SD. 15 "Gutierrez to Elizondo, San Fernando de Bexar, April 6, 1813," Hernandez y Davalos, op. cit., V, No. 12, 31-32. l6 Elizondo to Gutierrez, Headquarters Rio Gran·de, April 19, 1813, MS., NA.

XXXIII: A MAN OF TALENT 1 Toledo to Gutierrez, Philadelphia, July 8, October, 1812, Paperl Relating to Burr', Conspiracy, MSS., MLC. 2 Ira Allen to Monroe, Philadelphia, November 19, 1813, ibid., MS., MLC. 3 Onis to Viceroy, Philadelphia, March 4, 1813, Operaciones; Notas Diplomtiticas, Ill, 241-243, BA. 4 Shaler to Monroe, April 18, May 2, 1813, MSS., SD. 5 Robinson to Monroe, Natchitoches, April ! 2, 1813, Mexico Filibustering Exj,editiom .•• , MS., SD. 6 Linnard to Mason, Natchitoches, May 7, 1813, Miscellaneous Letters, 1812-1815, MS., IDI; Morphi reported to the Viceroy in May that Toledo was not admired by the inhabitants, Operaciones; Notas Diplomaticas, Ill, 248, BA. 7 Shaler to Monroe, May 7, June 12, 1813, MSS., SD; Sibley to Armstrong, May 7, 1813, MS., ORWD. 8 Claiborne, Letter Books, VI, 228.

XXXIV: MALICIOUS FORCES

1 Shaler to Monroe, May 7, 1813, MS., SD. 2 Gutierrez, ..Diary," The ...4.merican Historical Review, XXXIV, 76. 3 Colonel Nathaniel Cogswell to Generals Gutierrez and Magee, Pittsburgh, December 29, 1812; Gutierrez to Cogswell, San Fernando de Bexar, April 11, 1813, SJ,ecidl Agents ... , II, MSS., SD. " General Bernardo Gutierrez to Citizen Toledo, San Fernando de Bexar, (no date), ibil., MS., SD. 1 Toledo to Citizen Gutierrez, Nacogdoches, (?), 1813, ihitl; Kathryn Garrett, ~ First Newspaper of Texas, Gaceta De Tens," Soatlnvestens Bistoriclll Q,umnly, January, 1937, 200-213. 8 Gutierrez to Shaler, San Fernando de Bexar, May 18, 1813; Shaler to Guti&rez, Nacogdoches, May 28, 1813, MSS., SD. '1 "William Shaler, Agent of the United States near the constituted authorities of New Spain received the testimonies of ••• Province of Texas, May 28, 1813," MS., SD. 8 Morphi to Viceroy, New Orleans, July 11, 1813, O[,eraciones; Notas Diplomtiticas, ID, 2J4, BA; Shaler to Monroe, June 12, 1813, MS., SD. 9 Allen to Gutierrez, Philadelphia, September 12, 1813, Papen Relating to Ba"' Conspiracy, MS., MLC. lO Shaler to Monroe, June 12, 1813, MS., SD; Garza, op. di., H-S6; Filisola, op. cit., I, S9. 11 Gutierrez, --To the Mexican Congress,., 1..,a.,,,.,. Pqen, I, lS-16. 12 Shaler to Monroe, May 7, 14, and June 12, 1813, MSS., SD; Sibley to Armstrong, May 29, 1813, MS., ORWD; Gutierrez, uTo the Mexican Congress," Lamar P11J,ers, I, 1 J-16.

XXXV: INTRIGUE AND A PRINTING PRESS 1 Shaler to Monroe, June 9, 12, 1813, MSS., SD. 2 Garza, op. cit., 63. S El Mexicano, Natchitoches, June 19, 1813, an issue in Special Agents ••• , II, SD. 4 uReport of Robinson," Mexico Pilibustning Expeditions ••• , MS., SD. 6 J. Gaudette to Toledo, Philadelphia, March 12, 1813; Louis Condray Holstein, Lafma to Toledo, Philadelphia, March 12, 1813, Special Agents ••• , Il, MSS., SD. e Shaler to Postewaite, Natchitoches, June 10, 1813; Toledo to Monsieur de Holstein and Monsieur Lafon, Natchitoches, June 7, 1813, Special Agents ••• , II, MSS., SD.; Shaler to Monroe, June 20, 1813, MS., SD. 'I Morphi to Viceroy, New Orleans, May 2S, 1813, Operaciones; Notas DiplomtiticM, III, 2Sl-252, BA. 8 Onis to Labrador, Philadelphia, June 12, 1813, MS., Leg. HS7, Archivo del Minis­ terio de Estado, Madrid, photostat copy, MLC; Jorge Larvindston to Colonel Bernardo • • • Philadelphia, June 5, 1813, Gutierrez de Lara Papers, MS., Texas State Li1,rary. 9 Hatcher, The Opening of Texas, Appendix, Doc. 22. 10 Shaler to Monroe, June 12, 1813, MS., SD. 11 Gaceta de Texas, Nacogdoches, May 23, 1813, an issue found in Special Agents. , .. • Il, SD. 11 El Mexicano, Natchitoches, June 19, 1813, an issue in ibid., II, SD. 13 Shaler to Monroe, June 20, July 14, 1813, MSS., SD.

XXXVI: A MAN OF ACTION 1 Most of the material from the Spanish sources for the following chapters is found in the official correspondence of Jos6 Joaquin Arredondo contained in Ot,eracitnles; Arredondo, Volumes Ill and IV, AGN, transcript BL (Hereafter the letter form­ persons, place, date are omitted.) 2 Opnaciones; Arredondo, m, 210, 214, 216-220, 339, BL 3 Mier Noriego y Guerra, Historia de la Revolucion de Nuevd Est,aiu, Il, 713. • Pedro de la Guardia to Governor Intendente, Vera Cruz, March 2, 3, 1811, Historid lnsurrecion, 104, Docs. 10, 11, MSS., AGN; Bustamante, op. cit., I. 335-336, 342,344. 5 Toledo to Citizen Gutierrez, Nacogdoches, (?), 1813, ibid.; Kathryn Garrett, ..The First Newspaper of Texas, Gaceta De Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, January, 1937, 200-213. 256

6 Ibul., ID, 227-228, 245-246, IV, 192-193, 491·, 498, BL 'I Ibid., m, 229-233, 284-289, 292-302, 32S-330, 333, BL. 8 Calleja to Minister of Indies, April 6, 18U, Correspondencu le los Virreyes, Ct:llejt1. I 813-1815, VIIl, MSS .• Docs. 181, 190, AGN. 9 Operadones; Arredondo, m, 339, IV. 40, 31-32, Jl-S7, 61-61, 67-69, BL. 10 Ibid., m, 202-203, 340-341, 347-3 S2, BL. 11 Ibid., IV, 31-32, 37-38, 40, Sl-J2, BL

XXXVII: ELIZONDO BLUNDERS 1 "Report of Robinson," Mexican Filibustering Expeditions ••• , MS., SD. I Bustamante, op. cit., I, 347; Morphi to Viceroy, New Orleans, June 11, 1813, Operaciones; Notas Diplomaticas, III, 254, BA. 8 Operadones; Arredondo, IV, 77, 80-88, BL; Gutierrez, "To the Mexican Congress," La•ar Papen, I, 17. ' Shaler to Monroe, July 10, 1813, MS., SD; William Kennedy, Textl$, the Rise, Progrnr ond ProsjJects of the Republic of Texas (London, 1841), I, 280-282. 5 Sibley to Armstrong, July 10, 14, 1813, MS., ORWD; Shaler to Monroe, July 14, 1813, MS., SD. 8 Oper«iones; Arredondo, IV, 42, 77-79, 8S-88, BL. 'I Ibid., Ill, 271-272, IV, 44-45, BL. 8 Shaler to Monroe, July 14, 1813, MS., SD; Sibley to Armstrong, July 10, 14, 1813, MS., ORWD. 9 Niles' Register, August 21, 1813, IV, 87-88, October 2, 1813, V, 87; Natimsal Intelli. gmcn, August 16, 1813. 10 Garza, op. cit., S 8-60, 65-68.

XXXVIII: SHALER ENTHRONES A LEADER 1 Sibley to Armstrong, July 14, 1813, MS., ORWD; H. H. Bullard to Shaler, San Antonio, June 27, 1813; Joseph B. Wilkinson to Shaler, San Fernande; de Bexar, June 27, 1813, Special Agents ••• , II, MSS;, SD. 2 Francisco de Aroche, President of the junta ••• to Toledo, State of Texas, June 28, 1813, Special Agents ••• , II, MS., SD. 3 Toledo to Shaler, Nacogdoches, July 1, 1813, MS., SD; Sibley to Armstrong, July 10, 1813, MS., ORWD. 4 Shaler to Monroe, July 10, 1813, MS., SD; Shaler to Monroe, July 20, 1813, M~xko FilibusteTing Expeditions • • • , MS., SD. 15 Shaler to Monroe, August 7, 1813; Forsythe to Shaler, San Fernando de Bexar, July 17, 1813, MSS., SD. 6 Gutierrez, "To the Mexican Congress," Lamtl1' Papen, I, 18-20; Shaler to Monroe, August 4, 1813, MS., SD; Operacicmes; Arredondo, IV, 7S-76, BL; Garza, op. rit., 68-70.

XXXIX: THE GREEN FLAG VANISHES 1 Garza, op cit., 69. 2 Alamin, op. cit., m, 487; Filisola, op. cit., I, 65; Shaler to Monroe, August 2~, 1813, MS., SD. 3 Order of Citizen-General Jose Alvarez de Toledo to Citizen-Colonel Henry Perry ••. , Bexar, August S', 1813, Operaciones; Arredondo, V, 194-195, BL. 4 Events of the Battle of Medina recorded by Arredondo may be found: Mattie A. Hatcher, uReport of the Battle of the Medina, August 18, 1813,,, Texas State Hil­ torical Association Quarterly, January, 1908, 220-236. & uAn Anonymous Account of the .Battle of Medina," Special Agents ••• , II, MS., SD, (a lengthy account written August, 1813); Sibley to Armstrong, September 4, 1813, MS., ORWD. NOTES 257 e Bustamante states that the defeat was due to the malevolence of Toledo. Throughout the battle he had apparently worked for success. At the end of the conflict a soldier turned Toledo's horse from the battlefield and directed Toledo to flee. There is no intimation on the part of the Angn-,American sources or the Mexican historian Alamin, that Toledo was responsible for the defeat. 7 Memoria de las Cosas mas notables que t1eaeceron en Bexar el ano le lJ mtmdanlo tl Tirano Arredondo, (a manuscript) in the private collection of Dr. Herbert E. Bolton,

University of California, Berkeley; Operaciones; Anedonlo11 IV, 126-127, 137, 140- 163, 182-188, BL. 8 Operaciones; Notas Diplomtiticas, m, 2H, 267, BA. 9 Sibley to Armstrong, September s, 1813, MS., ORWD; Shaler to Sibley, September 4, 1813, MS., SD.

XL: PESSIMISTIC PROPHECIES

1 Sibley to Armstrong, September 4, 1813, MS., ORWD; Shaler to Monroe, Septem­ ber 5, 19, 1813, MSS., SD. 2 Shaler to Monroe, September 5, 1813, MS., SD.

XLI: UA HOWLING WILDERNESS"

1 Stephen F. Austin, nDescription of Texas, 1828," The S()11,thwestern Historical QUtn'­ terly, October, 1924, 101. 2 Ignacio Perez to Cristobal Dominguez, Rancho de las Islebas, August 23, 1813, MS., BA. 3 Bolton, Guide to the Archives of Mexico, 75-76; Arredondo to (?), June (?}, 1814, MS., BA. 4 Operaciones; Arredondo, IV, 134-138, 165-166, BL; Hatcher, The Opening of Text11 11 Appendix, Docs. 23, 24, 25; Caballero to Grimarest, July 8, 1804, AGN, trans. BL. 5 Calleja to the Illustrious Town Council of Bexar, August 12, 1813; Arredondo to Governor of Texas, Laredo, April 9, September 3, 1814; Governor Armifian of Texas to the Electoral College, Bexar, May 17; Llano to Armin.an, Monterrey, May 20, 1814; A royal order, Madrid, May 19, 1814 {a copy by Arredondo, Monterrey, September 3, 1814), MSS., BA.

6 Armin.an to Arredondo, March 22, April S, 16, June 12, 26, 29, and 30, July 2911 August I, 1814, MSS., BA. P/ Arredondo; Operaciones, IV, 206-217, 220, 268-286, BL. 8 Sibley to Armstrong, January 26, July 20, August 10, and 18, 1814, MSS., ORWD; Operaciones; Notas Diplomaticas, III, 293, 309-312, 315-316, BA; Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas {San Frmcisco, 1884-1889), II, 34-36. 9 Operaciones; Arredondo, IV, 214, BL.

EPILOGUE

1 Herbert E. Bolton, uindependence in the Americas," an address delivered in 'Wheeler Hall Auditorium, University of California, Berkeley, July, 1936.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY I. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES Archivo General y Publico de Ia Naci6n de Mexico. Mexico City, Mexico. C<>rrespondencia de los Virreyes, Calleja, Felix Maria, 1813-1815. 11 vols. Correspondencia de los Virreyes, Venegas Francisco Javier de 1810-1813. 10 vols. Historia7 vol. 161. (The section Historia contains about no volumes.) Historia, rtlndependencia" 1810 ti 1820, vol. 116. Historia, ttJndependientes" 1811 ti 1821, vol. 412. Historia, ,,Ynfidentes," ,,Patriofas" y ttJndependientes" 1801 ti 1815, vols. 409., 411, 412. Histaria, Ynsarreccron, 1808 ti 1821, vols. 104, 108, 111, llf. Historia, ,,Legacion de Espana en los Estados Unidos'' 1807 ti 1815, vols. 330, 331. Historia, Operaciones de Guerra, Herrera, Simon 1810 ti 1812. (The section Hisloru, Operaciones de Guerra contains about 1,000 volumes.) Historia, Operaciones de G11,erra, Salcedo, Nemesio, y Bonavia Bernardo1810 J 1812. Historia, Operaciones de Guerra, Notas Diplomti.ticas, I 809 ti 1820. ,4 vols. Provincias Internas de Oriente 1752 a 1820, vol. 260. (The section Provincias lnternas contains 254 volumes.) Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, California. Transcripts from Archivo General y Publico de la Nacion de Mexico. Histo-ria, Operaciones de Gteerra Arredondo, Jose Joaquin, 1811 a 1820. 4 vols. (Vols. III and IV used.) Historia, Operaciones de Guerra Salcedo, Manuel, 1810 a 1812. Provincias lnfernas, uAutos de Correspondencia de las Provincias Ynternas," vol. 201. Transcripts from Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla. Audiencia de Guadalajara, 103-5-15, Texas Files Estado Santo Domingo, legajo 12, Louisiana-Florida Files. Bexar Archives, The University of Texas Library, Austin, Texas. Manuscript Files by Years. Files from 1811 through 1814. (Contains the correspondence received by the governor of Texas from other Texas officials, the Commandant-General, the Viceroy and Spanish consuls, and copies of the letters sent by the Texas governor to these various officiala.) Transcripts from the Archivo General y Publico de la Nacion de Mexico. Historia, Operaciones de Guerra, Notas Diplomti.ticas, 1809 a 1820. 4 vols. Bolton Collection, Private Collection of Dr. Herbert E. Bolton, Berkeley, California. Memoria de las Casas mas notables que acaeciron en Bexar el Aiio de 13 mandanlo el Tirana Arredondo. Libr:iry of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D. C. Papers Relating to Burr's Conspiracy (Mounted and bound manuscripts among which are the letters of Ira Allen to Secretary of State, James Monroe, Jose Bernardo Gutierrez, Jose Alvarez de Toledo and Juan Mariano Picornell; letters to Toledo from Miguel Ramos de Arispe and Jose Caballero; and letters from Toledo to Arispe, Caballero and Gutierrez.) The Papers of James Monroe, MSS. 261 262 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Writings of Monroe, Mt1y 7, 1807-Pebruary 2S, 1813, vol. IV. Writings to Monroe, July 3, 1811-November, 1813, vol. XIIl Reproductions of Documents (photostats) in Archivo del Ministerio de Est.do, Madrid. Legajos JH4, US7, S638. (Contains the correspondence of Luis de Onis to the Royal Officials of Spain.) Nacogdoches Archives, Texas State Library, Austin, T e:xas. Manuscript Files by Years: Files from 1811 through 1813. ( Contains miscellaneous letters.) Alta Traicion contra Don Juan Baptista Casas, Capitan Retirdo por Haber Al%atlo lo Vos de la Insurrecci6n en esta San Fernando de Bexar 11 22 tle Enero. Juez Fiscal el Capitan Don Nicolas Benites Secretario El Alferez Juan Antonio Pa­ dilla. Num0 36. Cuerpo del Nuevo Santander. Num0 267. Provincia de Texas. (The manuscript, covering one hundred and fifty-two unnumbered pages, in­ cludes the testimonies of nine men who were witnesses or actors in the Casa, Revolution, January 1811, the testimony of Casas, the proceedings of the War Council of Monclova in the Trial of Casas, and; also the letters of Casas to Jimenez. Hidalgo, and his orders to other insurgents.) United States Government Departmental Archives, Washington, D. C. Department of Interior, Office of Indian Affairs. Retired Files: Miscellaneous Letters 1801-1880; Miscellaneous Letters, 1809-1811, 1812-181S. (These files contain letters from chiefs, Indian Agents and othen to the President or Secretary of War.) Indian Office, Letter Book B, AJ,ril 1804-fuly 1809. (Contains copies of letten from War Department to Indian agents, factors, and other persons.) Indian Office, Letter Book C, July 1809-December 1816. State Department Manuscripts. Domestic Letters, January 22, 181 l-February 28, 1817, vol. XVI. (Copies of letters sent.) Mexico, Filibustering Expeditions against the Government of Spain, 1811-1816. (Contains documents relative to the activities of Dr. John H. Robinson, Jose Bernardo Gutierrez, Jose Alv~rez de Toledo, Luis de Aury and Francisco Javier Mina. Of great interest is the document, ..Dr. John Hamilton Rob­ inson, Report of His Mission to the Spanish Provinces in New Spain, to Honorable James Monroe, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C., July 26, 1813.,,) Miscellaneous Lette,-s, Jan11ary-April 1812. (Letten received from domestic sources.) Spanish Legation, vol. III. (Contajns notes from the Spanish Legation to the State Department.) Special Agents, William Shaler, I 810, II. (A volume of mounted manuscripts con­ taining the correspondence of William Shaler directed from the Louisiana­ Texas frontier, January 1812- September 1813, to the Secretary of State, James Monroe, to Jose Bernardo Gutierrez de Lara, and to Jose Alvarez de Toledo; and the letters received by Shaler from Gutierrez, Toledo, and American volunteers in Texas. The volume also contains a Spanish n:-.anu­ script copy of the uConstitution of the Texas Republic,,. a rare document, and a lengthy anonymous account of the Battle of the Medina by an Ameri­ can volunteer. Territorial Papers, Orleans, 1812-1813. War Department Manuscripts. Letters of Dr. John Sibley, United States Indian Agent, to the Secretary of War, 18 0 8-1814, in Old Records Division of the Adjutant General's Office, in cases arranged by year and initial of the writer. Letters of General James Wilkinson, 1812, in Old Records Division of the Adjutant General's Office. · BIBLIOGRAPHY 263

Il. PRINTED DOCUMENTS Almonte, Juan N., "Notica Estadistica Sohre Tejas 183 5:' Varios lmpresos, II, 1-96. Mexico, 184 S. Arredondo, Joaquin de, ..Report of the Battle of the Medina,· August 18, 1sn:• tnm­ lated by Mattie Austin Hatcher, Te"'" Sate Historical Association Quarterly, Jan­ uary, 1908, XI, No. 3, 220-249. Austin, Stephen F., •cnescription of Texas, 1828," contributed by Eugene C. Barker in The Southwestern Historicttl Quarterly, October, 1924, XXVIIl, No. 2, 99-121. Claiborne, W. C. C., Official Letter Books, 1801-1816. 6 vols. Jackson, Mississippi, 1917. Rowland Dunbar, editor. Doc-umentos de la Independencia. Colecci6n de Documentos del Museo Nacional de Arqueologia, Historia, y Etnografia. Publicaci6n de la Secretaria de Educaci6n Publica. Mexico, 192 8. Garcia, Genaro, Documentos Historicos Mexicanos. Obra commemorative del primer cen­ tenario de la independencia de Mexico, la publica el Museo Nacional de Arqueologia, Historia y Etnologia. 6 vols. Mexico, 1910. -El Clero de Mexico y la guerra de independencia; documentos del Arzobispado de Mexico. Mexico, 1906. (Documentos ineditos 6 muy raros para la historia de Mexico, vol. IX.) ~ ,, Gutierrez de Lara, Jose Bernardo, Breve Apologia que el coronel D. Jose Bernardo Gutierrez de Lara, hace de las imposturas calumniosas que se le articulan en un f olleto intitulado: .. Levantamiento de un General en las T amaulipas contra la Republica o muerto que se le aparece al Gobierno en aquel Estado." (Monterrey, 1827) Segunda edjci6n Aumentada con los Apuntes Biograficos del autor, Por Jose I. Cossio, Mexico, 19H. _ ..Diary of Jose Bernardo Guitierrez de Lara, 1811-1812," translated from the original in the Texas State Library, and edited by Elizabeth West, in The American Historical R.e-vkw, October, 1928, XXXIV, No. 1, H-7S; January, 1929, XXXIV, No. 2, 281-294. Hatcher, Mattie Austin {translator), "Texas in 1820," includes reports of: ( 1) Padilla, Juan Antonio, Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas. Villa de Mier, December 27, 1819; (2) Instructions which the Constitutional Ayuntamiento of the City of San Fernando de Bexar draws up ... November 20, 1820, in The Southwestern Historical Quarterly July, 1919, XXIII, No. 1, 47-68. Hernindez y Davalos, J. R., Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de la Guerra de lndependencia de Mexico. 6 vols. Mexico, 1882. Jefferson, Thomas, The Writings of. 10 vols. New York, 1892-1899. Paul Leicester Ford editor. -The 'Writings of. 20 vols. New York, 1903. Memorial Edition. Lamar, Mirabeau Buonaparte, The Paper., of, edited from the original papers in the Texaa State Library by Charles Adams Gulick with th assistance of Katherine Elliott. 6 vols. Austin, 1921-1928. Manning, William R., (editor), Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States Con­ cerning the Independence of the Latin American Nations. 3 vols. New York, 1925. Ramos Arizpe, Miguel, Memorial on the N atteral, Political and Civil State of the Pro­ vince of Coahuila, One of the Four Internal Provinces of the East, in the Kingdom of Mexico, and those of the neu1 Kingdom of Leon, New Santander and Texa,; with an exposition of the defects of the general system, and particularly of its governments, and of th(: reforms and new establishments which are necessary for its prosperity. Translated from the original Spanish. Philadelphia, 1814. (Original, Cadiz, 1 812.) Richardson, James D., A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presirle,st1, 1789-1897. 10 vols. Washington, 1899. United States Government Publications. American State Papers · Foreign R.elatiom. 6 vols. Washington, 1832-18S9. 264 BIBLIOGRAPHY

I1ttlian Affairs. 2 vols. Washington, 1832-1834. Military Affai,-s. 7 vols. Washington, 18 3 2-18 61. Annals of the Congress of the Unitetl States, 3 Cong., 1 sess.; 9 Cong., 2 sess.; 10 Cong., 2 sess.; 12 Cong., 1 sess. Washington, 1849-18S3. State Pape,-s and Publick Documents of the United States, from the Accession of George W asl1ington to the Presidency, Exhibiting a Complete View of Our Foreign Relations since that Time. 10 vols. Boston, 1817, 2nd ed.; vols. 11 and 12, Boston, 1819, 3rd ed. United States Statutes at La,-ge. The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America, from the organization of the government in 1789. 47 vols. Boston, Wash­ ington, 1845-193 3. III. GENERAL AND SPECIAL REFERENCES Alaman, Lucas, Historia de Mejico desde los Primeros Movimientos que Prepararon su Independencia en el aiio de 1808 hasta la epoca presente • S vols. Mexico, 1849-1852. Bancroft, Hubert H., History of Mexico. 6 vols. San Francisco, 1883-1888. -History of the North Mexican Stales and Texas. 2 vols. San Francisco, 1884-1889. Bolton, Herbert E., History of the Americas. A Syllabus with Maps ••• Boston and New York, 1928. --Outpost of Empire, The Story of the Founding of San Francisco, New York, 1931. -Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century. Studies in Spanish Colonial History and Administration ••• Berkeley, 1914. -The Spanish Borderlands; A Chronicle of Old Florida and the Southwest ••• , New Haven, 1921. -Wider Horizons of American Histor,-•. New York, 1939. -and Barker, Eugene C., With the Makers of Texas, A Source Reader in Texas Bustamante, Carlos Maria de, Cuadro Historico cle la Revoluci6n Mexicana, Comenzada. en 15 de Septiembre de 1810 por el Cuidadano Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, ••• Segunda edici6n corregida y muy aumentada por el mismo autor 6. vols. Mexico, 1843. Burr, Aaron, Memoirs of Aaron Burr, with Miscellaneous Selections from His Corr.. spondence. 2 vols. Matthew L. Davis, editor. New York, 1837. -The Private Jo1ernal of Aaron Burr during His Residence of Four Years in Europe, with Selections from His Correspondence. Matthew L. Davis, editor. 2 vols. New York, 1838. Castillo Negrete, Emilio del, Mexico en El Siglo XIX O Sea su Historia Desae 18 ID Hasta La Epoca Presente. 7 vols. 1st ed., Mexico, 1875-1882. Claiborne, J. F. H., Mississippi as a Prot1ince, Territory, and State._ Jackson, Mississippi. 1880. Cox, Isaac J., The Early Exploration of Louisiana. Cincinnati, 190S. --The West Florida Controversy, 1798-1813, A study in American Diplomacy. Baltimore, 1918. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the Unitetl States Military Academy at West Point. New York, 1868. Dictionary of American Biography, vol. I, New York, 1928-. (Under the Aus1,1ices of the American Council of Learned Societies.) Filisola, Vicente, Memorias para la flistoria de la Guerra de Tejas. 2 vols. Mexico, 1848-1849. Fisher, Lillian Estelle, The Background of the Revolution for Mexican Independence. (Boston, 193 5). -The Intendant System in Span;sh America. Berkeley, 1929. -Viceregal Administration in the Spanish American Colonies. Berkeley, 1926. Foote, Henry S., Texas and the Texans; or Advance of the Anglo-Americans to the South-West; including a history of leading events in Mexico, from the conquest by Fernando Cortes to the termination of the Texan Revolution. 2 vols. Phila­ delphia, 1841. BIBLIOGRAPHY 265

Fuente, Jose M. de la, Hidalgo lnfimo. Apuntes y Documentos Para Una Biografia del Benemerito Cura de Dolores D. Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla. Mexico, 191 o. Garrison, George Pierce, Texas, a Contest of Civilization. Boston, 1903. Garza, Lorenza de la, Dos Hermanos Heroes. Tamaulipas, Mexico, 1913. Gayarre, Charles Etienne Arthur, History of Louisiana. 4 vols. in 3, New York, 1866. Hatcher, Mattie Austin, The Opening of Texas to Foreign Settlement, 1801-1821. University of Texas Bulletin No. 2714, Austin, 1927. Heitman, Francis B., Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army. 2 vols. Washington, 1903. Holley, Mary Austin, Texas, Observations, Historical, Geographical, and Descriptive. In a Series of Letters, Baltimore, 1833. Reprint by Mattie Austin Hatcher in Letters of an Early American Traveller, Mary Austin Holley; Her Life and Her Works, 1784-1846. Dallas, 1933. Humboldt, Alexander, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain ••• With Physical Sections and Maps ••• Translated from the original French by John Black. 4 vols. 2nd ed., London, 1 814. Kennedy, William, Texas, the Rise, Progress and Prospects of the Republic of Texas. 2 vols. London, 1 841. Ker, Henry, Travels through the Western Interior of the United States from the Year 180 8 up to the Year 1816. With a particular description of a great part of Mexico ••• Interspersed with valuable historical information ••• Elizabethtown, New Jersey, 1816. McCaleb, Walter Flavius, The Aaron Bu" Conspiracy. New York, 1903. Marshall, Thomas Maitland, A History of the Western Boundary of the Louisiant1 Put'• chase, 1819-1841. Berkeley, 1914. Manin, Francois Xavier, The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period ••• to which is appended Annals of Louisiana, from the close of Martin's History, 1811, to the Commencement of the Civil War, 1861, by John F. Conden. New Orleans, 1882. Mier, Noriega y Guerra, Jose Servando Teresa de, Historia de la R.evoluci6n de N-u.ev11 Espana, Antiguamente Anahuac, 0 Verdadero Origen y Causas de elle con la relaci6n de sus progresos hasta el presente a:iio de 1813 ••• 2 vols. London, 1813. Modi, Fray Juan Augustin, History of Texas 1673-1779. Translated with Biographical Introduction and Annotations by Carlos Eduardo Casteneda. 2 Parts, Albuquerque, 193 S'. Onis, Luis de, Memoir upon the Negotiations between Spain and the United State, of America which Led to the Treaty of 1819. With a Statistical Notice of that Country Accompanied with an Appendix ••• Tobias Watkins, translator. Baltimore, 1821. Spanish edition, Madrid, 182 0. -(Verus) Observations on the Conduct of our Executive Towards Spain. Discussion of the Absurdity of the United States Claims to Texas, Georgetown, 1813. (Palacio, Fajardo Manuel), Outline of the Revolution in Spanish America; or An account of the origin, progress, and actual state of the war carried on between Spain antl Spanish America; containing the principal facts which have marked the struggle. By a South American ••• London, 1817. Parton, James, The Life and Times of Aaron Burr • • • With numerous appendices, con­ taining new and interesting information. 2 vols. Boston and New York, 1892. Paxson, Frederic L., The Independence of the South American Republics, A Study '" Recognition and Foreign Policy. Philadelphia, 1903. Pike, Zebulon Montgomery, Exploratory Travels through the Western Territories of North America. Comp1ising a Voyage from St. Louis, on the Mississippi to the Sources of that R.iver and a Journey through the Interior of Louisiana, and th, North-Eastern Provinces of New Spain Performed in the Years 1805-6-7, By Order of the Government of the United States. London, 1811. -The Expeditions of Zebulon Pike to the Headwaters of the Mississippi River, through Louisiana Territory, and in New Spain, during the Years 180S-6-7. 3 vols. Elliot Coues, editor. New York, t 89S. 266 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Pinkenon, John, Modern Geography, A Description of the Empires, Kmgdoms, St11te1, and Colonies; -with the Oceans, Seas, and Isles; in all Parts of the World; Including the Most Recent Discoveries and Political Alterations • • • Digested on a new plan. The Astronomical introduction by Rev. S. Vince. 3 vols. London 1807. Pratt, Julius W., Expansionists of 1812, New York, 192S. Priestley, Herbert I., Jose de Galvez, Visitador-General of New Spain, 176S-1771. Berkeley, 1916. -The Me:"ican Nation, a History. New York, 1923. Rippy, Fred J., Rivalry of the United States and Great Britain over Latin Americ11, 1808-1830. Baltimore, 1929. Rivera, Augustin, Principios Crlticos Sobre el Vireinato tie la Nueva Espana i Sobre la Revolucion de lntlependencia. Escritos en Lagos. Mexico, 1922. Robinson, William Davis, A Cursory View of Spanish America. Particularly the Neigh­ boring Vice-Royalties of Mexico and New Granada. __ Chiefly intended to elucidate the Policy of an Early Connection between the United States and Those Countries. Georgetown, District of Columbia, 1815. Rydjord, John, "Napoleon and the Independence of New Spain," in New Spain and the Anglo-American West, Historical Contribution presented to Herben Eugene Bolton. 2 vols. Lancaster, Pa. 1932. Walton, William, An Expose of the Dissensions of Spanish America .•• , Intended as 11 means to induce the mediatory interference of Great Britain, in Mder to Jm.t an end to a destructive civil war and to establish permanent quiet and prosperity on a basis consistent with the dignity of Spain, and the interests of the world • • • London, I 814. Wilbur, James B., Ira Allen, Founder of Vermont, 1751-1814. 2 vols. Boston and New York, 1928. Wilkinson, James, Memoirs of My Own Times. 3 vols. Philadelphia, 1816. Yoakum, Henderson R., History of Texas from Its First Settlemeet in 1685 to Its Annexa­ tion to the United States in 1846. 2 vols. New York, 1856.

IV. PERIOPICALS

Almonte, Juan H., .. Statistical Report on Texas, 183 5 ," translated by C. Castaneda, The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, January, 1925, XXVIII, No. 3, 177-222. Bolton, Herbert E., "The Native Tribes about the East Texas Missions," Texas Stat, Historical Association Quarterly, October, 1906, X, No. 2, 113-139. Cobbett, William, CtTo the Prince Regent: In the Dispute with the American States," (Political Register, February, 1812) in Selections from Cobbett's Political W Mks: Being a Complete Abridgment of the 100 Volumes which Comprise the Writings of "Porcupine" and the .. Weekly Political Register" (John M. Cobbett and James P. Cobbett, editors). 6 vols. London, 1835, IV, 95-100. Cox, Isaac Joslin, .. Monroe and the Early Mexican Revolutionary Agents," Th, American Historical Association Annual Report, 1911, I, 197-2H. --.. The Early Settlers of San Fernando," The Quarterly of the Texas State His­ torical Association, October, 1901, V, No. 2, 142-160. --ccThe Exploration of the Louisiana Frontier, 1803-1806," The American Historical Association Annual Report, 1904, 151-174. --.. The Louisiana-Texas Frontier," Part II, The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, July, 1913, XVII, No. 1, t-42; October, 1913, XVII, No. 2, 140-187. _ .. The Pan-American Policy of Jefferson and Wilkinson:' The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, September, 1914, I, No. 2, 212-239. _ .. The Significance of the Louisiana-Texas Frontier," Proceedings of The MississiJ,11 Valley Historical Associaton, 1909-1910, III, 198-20. Garrett, Kathryn, .. Gaceta De Texas: Translation of The First Number," The Soutb- 111estern Historical Quarterly, July, 193 8, XLII, No. 1, 21-27. -"The First Constitution of Texas, April 17, 1813," The Southwestern Historical BIBLIOGRAPHY 267

Quarte,-ly, April, 1937, XL, No. 4, 290-308. r _ ..The First Newspaper of Texas: Gaceta De Texas,"' The Southwestern Historic11l Quarterly, January, 1937, XL., No. 3, 200-211. Hall, Warren D. C., uRevolution of Texas in 1812," Texas Almanac, 1861, 70-74. (This article is written by the editor of the Almanac from the notes of Hall) Hatcher, Mattie Austin, "Conditions in Texas Affecting the Colonization Problem, 179S-1801," The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, October, 1921, XXV. No. 2, 81-97. _ .. The Municipal Government of San Fernando de Bexar, 1730-1800," The Quar­ terly of the Texas State Historical Association, April, 1901, VIII, No. 4, 277-3S2. -uThe Louisiana Background of the Colonization of Texas, 1763-1803," Th, Southwestern Historical Quarterly, January, 1921, XXIV, No. 3, 169-194. McCaleb, Walter F., "The First Period of the Gutierrez-Magee Expedition,,. Tex111 Historical Association Quarterly, October, 1900, IV, No. 3, 218-229. McMurtrie, Douglas, uPioneer Printing in Texas," The SouthwesteTn Historical Quar­ terly, 1932, XXXV, No. 3, 173-193. Reeves, Jesse S., .. The Napoleonic Exiles in America," Johns Hopkins University, Stud"' in Historical and Political Science Series, XXIII, Nos. 9 and 10, 1905. Robertson, William Spence, "Francisco de Miranda: and the Revolutionizing of Spanish America,,, in The American Historical Association Amiual Report, 1907, I, 189-128. _ ..The Juntas of 1808 and the Spanish Colonies,,, The English Historical Review,, October, 1916, CXXIV, 573-S85. Rydjord, John, "The French Revolution and Mexico,,, The Hispanic American His­ torical Review, February, 1929, IX, No. 1, 60-98. Zimmerman, A. F., uspain and Its Colonies, 1808-1820,,, The Hispanic American Hi1- torical Review, XI, November, 1931, No. 4, 439-463.

V. NEWSPAPERS

Au,.ora, Philadelphia, 1811, 1812, 1813. Courier, Charleston, S. C., March 18, 1808. El Mexicano, Natchitoches, June 19, 1813, (a rare issue found in) Special Agents, Willia• Shaler, 18 I 0, II, MS., U. S. Department of State. Federal Gazette and Baltimore Daily Advertiser 1811. Gaceta de Texas, Nacogdoches, 2S de Mayo, de 1813. Only one issue printed, one of which may be found in Special Agents, William Shaler, 1810, II, U. S. Depart­ ment of State. Gacetas de Mexico. Compendio de Noticias de Nueva Espana desde Principios del Aiio de 1784 ... Mexico, 1784-1821. 44 vols. (From January, 1810, title changes: Gaceta del Gobierno de Mexico), 1811, 1812, 1813 (vols. 23-28). National Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., 1811, 1812, 1813. Niles' Register, The Weekly Register, 75 vols., 1811-1849. Baltimore, 1811, 1812, 1813, 1814, 1819 (vols. I-VI, XVII). T be American W eek./,y Messenger or Register of State Papers, Hntory ontl Politic,, September 25, 1813 - September 17, 1814. 2 vols. Philadelphia.

INDEX

Adair, General, 13 S', 173, 189, 193, 194 Bagenas, deserter, 126-128, 130, 132 Adams, John Quincy, 93 Baltimore, 37, 99, 100 Aguayo, 34, 206, 208, 209 Barataria Island, 19 8 Alamo, 40, 58, 178, 180 Baton Rouge, 36, 138, 140, 141, 153, 154 Alazan, battle of, 214-216, 217, 222 Bayou Pierre, 13, 85, 128, 231 Aldama, Juan, 33 Benavides, Captain, 3 4 Aldama, Marshall Ignacio, 46, 52, 53, 54, Bexar, See San Antonio de Bexar 56, 57, 58, 64, 72, 78, 83 Blount, Governor, 90, 157 Allen, Ira, 100, 103, 187, 188, 194 Bogota, 124 Allende, Ignacio, 33, 46, 47, 61, 63, 64, Bolivar, Simon, 182 65, 68, 69, 70, 72, 211 Bonavia, Bernardo, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, Altamira, port of, 46 36, 47, 48, 49, 50, 69, 233 America (also North America), 3, 4, 9, 10, Brazos River, 12, 165, 226, 227 11, 19, 21, 91, 97, lOJ, 127 Britain, 31 Americas, 3, 4, lS, 16, 94, 107, 124 British, 3, 5, 19, 31, 53, 93, 95, 98, 99, Americans (frontiersmen), 9, 11, 12, 17, 110, 118, 119, 120, 126, 130, 133, 18, 21, 22, 24, 27, 46, 47, 56, 74, 79, 144, 183, 188, 231, 237 87, 88, 93, 111, 117, 118, 122, 128, Buenos Aires, 32, 92, 124 131, 142, 149, 228 Bullard, H. H., 202, 217-219 American Revolution, 31, 87, 100 Burr, Aaron, 14, 37 American volunteers, 86, 87, 136, 150, 151, Burr conspiracy, 15, 17,135,187,189 152, 15 6, 157, 15 8, 159, 160, 176, 177, Bustamante, Jose Diaz, 52, 5 3, 62, 71, 131, 178, 180, 181, 183, 184, 185, 190, 194, 153, 175, 176, 207-209 195, 196, 199, 205, 208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222, Caballero, 102 224, 225, 227, 229, 236 Caddo Indians, 149, 150, 176, 231 L'Ami des Lois, 123 Cadiz, 10, 96, 97, 200 Anglo-Americans, 12. See Americans Calleja, Felix Maria, 33, 34, 38, 46, 47, Apache, 49 48, 49, 50, 59, 64, 69, 207, 208-210, Aranda, Brigadier, 43, 44, 62, 6J 215 Arcos, Captain, 3 8, 44, 62, 63 California, 8 Arizpe, Miguel Ramos de, 102 Camargo, 35, 129, 131, 153, 175, 176, 195 Armstrong, General, 20 Camino Real, 7, 12, 21, 84, 145, 167 Army of America, 33, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65 Canada, 110, 122 Arocha family, 225, 226 Canary Islands, 8, 42 Arredondo, Jose Joaquin, 47, 83, 185, 206 Caracas, 10 3 210, 212-215, 219, 221, 222, 224- Caribbean, 3, 99, 102 229, 231, 233, 234, 237 Carr, John, Judge, 86, 137, 13 8, 154 Arroyo Hondo, 14, 85 Carr, Joseph, 142 Atacapas, 231 Carr, Samuel, 123-124 Atascocito, 12 Casas, Juan Bautista, 41--44, 50-58, 65, Aurora, 98, 14S' 71, 73, 78 Aury, Louis, 234 Casas Revolution, 41--45, 50-66, 73, 75, Austin, Stephen F., 233, 236 77, 107, 131, 141 270 INDEX

C-entral America, 3 Escanilla, Francisco, 3 5, 3 8, 40, 42 Chile, 124 Espiritu Santo Bay, 47, 48, 144 Chihuahua, 8, 9, 11, 12, 24, 25, 37, 48, Europe, 16, 17, 31, 94, 114, 121, 127, 128, 58, 59, 61, 63, 69, 72, 74, 115, 134, 160 163, 168, 176, 188, 211 Eustis, William, 77, 87, 91, 134, 135, 136, Claiborne, William, Governor, 13, 16, 19, 138, 153 25, 86, 88, 95, 99, 104-108, 109, 113, 119, 13 5, 137-13 8, 141, 154-15 5, 156, Fede;al Gazette and Baltimore Daily Ad­ 172, 187, 191 vertiser, 45, 98, 145 Claiborne, Judge, 109 Ferdinand VII, 15, 31, 55, 56, 58, 115, Clay, Henry, 90 126, 233 Coahuila, 8, 10, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 42, 43, Filisola, Vincente, 183 44, 48, 49, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, Flores, Lieutenant, 41, 44 67, 69, 73, 75, 85, 87, 102, 125, 153, Florida (East), 18, 19, 25, 36, 105, 110, 196, 205, 209, 210, 211, 212, 233 128, 135, 171 Cogswell, Nathaniel, 193, 194 Floridas (East Florida, West Florida), 3, Colorado River, 12, 165, 167, 226 19, 20, 32, 37, 143, 146 Comanche Indians, 206 Commandant-General, 8-9, 18, 59, 76, Flournoy, General, 191 164, 201, 210, 233 Forsythe, Doctor, 142, 220 Concepcion, mission, 177 Fort Claiborne, 110, 13 5, 13 6, 13 8, 141, Conchate Indians, 144 H4 Congress of the United States, 90, 92, 97, Fort Trinidad, 226, 227 99, 100, 129, 171, 187, 218 Franc~ 4, 5, 15, 31, 68, 92, 117, 124, Constitution of Texas, 183-185 130, 183, 188 Cordero, Antonio, 12, 14, 20, 21, 33, 34- Franciscans, 4, 8, 52 35, 36, 43, 73, 85, 131, 153, 175, 210, French, 3, 4, 18, 19, 20, 24, 31, 32, 37, 211, 212, 233 38, 53, 54, 58,118,130,189,198,199, Cortes of Spain, 99, 102, 181 200, 201, 237 Creek Indians, 2 3 1 French agents, 8-19, 20, 24, 25, 27, 38, Creoles, 32, 123, 127 74, 101, 117, 165, 189, 198, 199, 200, 97, Cuba, 19, 20, 98, 99, 100, 102, 105 201 D'Alvimar, Octaviano, 15, 17, 37, 54 French Revolution, 31 Davenport, Samuel, 79, 112, 114, 124, Frenchmen, 15, 24, 25, 44, 79, 85, 101, 140, 143-144, 157, 168, 171, 172, 226 109, 117, 127, 142, 183, 198, 200, 217, 232 Dearborn, Henry, 16 Declaration of Independence: Friend of Men, The, 128, 129, 130 American, 182, 183, 237; Cartagena, Frio River, 212 115; Mexican, 185; Texas, 182-183, 185, 216, 237 Gaceta De Texas, 193, 201, 202 Gaines, James, Captain, 142, 176 Delaware River, 102 Galan, Luis, 59, 60, 61-70, 72 Delgado, Antonio, 180-181, 226 Garcia, Captain, 42 Delgado, Gabino, 42, 43, 50, 52, 55, 73 Garza, Lorenzo de la, 164, 199 .., Delgado family, 225, 226 Gerard, French Agent, 198-199 Denmark, 93, 95 Glass, Captain, 24 Despallier, Bernardo, 127-12 8, 1 51 Graham, John, 91, 96, 98, 99, 101, 102, Dolores, 3 2, 3 3 104-105, 106, 107, 111, ll8, 123 Dominguez, Christobal, 43 Great Britain, 19, 92, 95, 96, 108, 110, Eastern Interior Provinces, 210, 23 3 119, 122, 127, 13 0, 133, 137, 139, 144, Elguezabal, Juan Bautista, 12 149, 162, 164 Elizondo, Ignacio, 61-66, 67-70, 73, Green flag, 167, 179, 236, 237 185-186, 211-216, 217, 218, 221, Guadalajara, 33, 46 224, 225-227 Guadalupe River, 167 England, 14, 68, 115, 122, 124, 128, 143, Gutierrez, Father Jose Antonio, 34, 3 5, 146, 171, 182, 188 HO INDEX 271

Gutierrez, Jose Bernardo Macimiliano: Kentucky, 109 joins Mexican Revolution, 34, 3 5, 64, Kemper, Reuben, 142, 189 65; flight to the United States, 83-88; Kemper, Samuel, 142, 151, 158, 173, 177 journey to Washington, 89-91; mission -178, 183, 189, 190, 196, 197 in Washington, 9 2-9 6; meets Toledo, Knoxville, 89, 90 97-99; leaves Washington, 99-100; in Philadelphia, 100-103; in New Orleans, La Bahia, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 42, 63, 145, 159, 104-108; arrives in Natchitoches, 109 167-169, 170-174, 175, 176, 177, -112; accepts Shaler as mentor, 113- 205, 206, 217, 225, 233 116; offered military aid, 117-12 0; Lafitte, Jean, 234 Spanish officials report his activities, Laredo, 7, 52, 53, 62, 71, 176, 185, 208, 121-125; propagates revoiution in In­ 210, 212, 213 terior Provinces, 126-132; Joms an La Salle, Robert, Cavalier de, 4 expedition, 133-139, 144; enters Texas, Leale family, 22 5, 226 149-151, 15 6; propagates revolution Leclerc, 12 3 from Nacogdoches, 15 8-160; 164, 16 5 ; appeals to Shaler for help, 170-174; Liberty Beil, of Mexico, Texas, and the captures Bexar, 175-179; establishes a United States, 32, 237 republic, 180-186; quarrels with To­ Lipan Indians, 62, 206 ledo and Americans, 187-18 8, 190, 192 Lockett, Captain, 142, 15 8 -197; deals with French agents, 198- London, 183 202; 205, 209, 212, 213, 215-216; London Morning Chronicle, 183 exiled from the Texas Republic, 217- Long, Doctor James, 234 221, 222, 228; 231, 234 Los Adaes, 12-13, 14 Louisiana, 4, 5, 6, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 21, Hall, Warren, 142, 158 24, 25, 27, 47, 74, 87, 88, 93, 94, 99, Hamilton, Secretary of War, 108 115, 117, 120, 127, 133, 134, 140, 154, Havana, 99, 102, 10 5, 198 155, 156, 157, 181, 193, 194, 196, 197, Herrera, Simon, 14, 20, 21, 26, 3 6, 37, 3 8, 211, 212, 220, 225, 230, 231, 232, 40, 41, 44, 50, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 65, 233 69, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 97, 114, 115, 123 Louisiana-Texas frontier, 27, 113, 117, -125, 132, 153, 158, 167, 16S, 173, 120, 127, 134, 142, 184, 185, 187, 227 175-179, 180-181, 206, 210, 211, Loyalists, 33, 45, 46, 47, 51, 58, 59, 61, 226, 23 3 62, 64, 65, 68, 69, 72, 73, 78, 84, 88, Hidalgo y Costillo, Miguel de, 3 2-3 3, 3 4, 115,124,153,172,173,175,177,185, 38, 40, 42-43, 44, 46, 53, 63-64, 196, 205, 206, 208, 211, 213, 214, 221, 6 8-70, 72, 13 2, 182, 206, 211 224, 226, 228 Hispanic American Revolution, 90, 92, 99, 100, 110, 124, 182, 183, 201 Madison, James, 13, 16, 20, 100, 157 Hoistein, Count, 200 Madrid, 11 Huerta, Father, 77 Magee, William Augustus, 140-142, 145 Humbert, General, 201 -146, 150, 152, 154-155, 157, 165, 168, 170-173, 195, 197 Indians, 4, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 22, 23, 24, Maiz, Valley of, 206, 208 25, 27, 53, 74, 78, 84, 123, 126, 132, Masmela, Apolinar, 124, 127 144, 150, 176, 177, 222, 228, 231-23 5 Massicott, Louis, 18 3, 19 8, 217 Insurgents, See Revolutionists Matagorda Bay, 11, 13, 14, 21, 37, 126, Interior Provinces, 8, 16, 20, 27, 33, 36, 149,151,152,175,180,186,199 47, 48, 49, 102, 111, 112, 114, 115, Meade, Consul, 9 8 116, 118, 122, 124, 126, 144, 149, 162, Medina, battle of, 224-225, 228 163-164, 178, 197, 199, 205, 206 Medina River, 6, 224 Iturbide, Augustin de, 237 Menchaca, Colonel, 222, 224 Jefferson, Thomas, 19, 20, 93, 95, 145, Menchaca, Miguel, 84-88, 93, 94, 96, 116 182 Mexican Congress, 86, 93, 196 Jimenez, Mariano, 33, 34, 35, 43-44, 46 Mexican Independence, 18, 32, 70, 95, 96, -47, 51, 52-53, 56, 57, 58, 59, 63- 98, 102, 105, 110, 129, 134, 135, 136, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 206, 211 142, 192, 193, 194, 217, 219, 228, 236 272 INDEX

Mexican Republic, 129, 142, 159, 160, 170, of, 15-16, 18-19, 25, 38, 117, 122, 182, 183, 184, 193, 218, 237 123, 182, 198, 200 Mexican Revolution, 31-3 5, 40., 41, 44, Nashville, 89 45, 46-49, 60, 69, 82, 87, 91, 92, 126 Nashville Clarion, 144, U7 -127, 129, 130, 133, 144-145, 158- Natchez, 17, 19, 116, 142, 156, 189, 200 160, 162, 176, 182, 187, 188, 189, 192, Natchez Chronicle, 116, 145, 157 195, 196, 197, 205, 230, 232 Nattchitoches, 4, 7, 10, 13, 16, 17, :24, 25, Mexicano, El, 199, 201-202, 218 44, 77, 78, 79, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 104, Mexicans, 32, 39, 68, 72, 87, 93, 114, 128, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 129, 133, 146, 160, 171, 181, 182, 185, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 122, 123, 124, 194, 195, 196, 214, 216, 217, 218, 222, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 133, 134, 224, 228 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, Mexico, 3, 4, 14, 16, 25, 27, 32, 33, 36, 38, 143, 144, 145, 150-154, 156, 163, 171, 45, 57, 59, 60, 83, 93, 94, 101, 102, 104, 173, 175, 176, 180, 181, 187., 188, 189, 105, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 194, 195, 198, 199, 200, 201, 215, 216, 117-120, 121, 122, 126, 127, 129, 133, 217, 219, 220, 221, 228, 230, 231, 232 142, 144-145, 152, 153, 160, 162, 172, National Intelligencer, 45, 145, 215 175, 181, 182, 188, 191, 192, 195, 196, Navy, Secretary of, 95, 105 197, 199, 205, 206 Nemesio (Salcedo), See Salcedo, Nemesio Mexico, 207, 208, 215, 229, 231, 232, 233, Neutral Ground, 14-15, 78, 87, 118, 119, 234, 236, 237 134, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 149, 155, Mexico City, 4, 9, 15, 26, 32, 33, 115, 237 164, 168, 228 Mexico D. F., 9, 228, 237 Neutrality Act 1794, 137-13 8, 15 6 Mier, 3 5 New Castle, 102 Mier, Jose Servando Teresa de, 176, 183, New Mexico, 8 206 New Orleans, 18, 19, 25, 101, 102, 104, Mississippi River, 3, 5, 11, 17, 48, 107, 105, 106, 107, 109, 112, 113, 116, 122, 109, 116, 144, 154, 231 123, 137, 142, 143, 144, 156, 198, 199, Mississippi Territory ( also district) , 13, 200, 228 134, 140, 142, 154, 156, 157, 191 New Spain, 3, 4, 5, 10, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, Monclova, 7, 51, 62, 65, 67, 69, 71, 72, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27, 32, 42, 45, 47, 49, 73, 74, 76, 131 50, 69, 93, 94, 95, 98, 101, 103, 110, 111, Monroe, James, 88, 91, 93-96, 98, 99, 114, 119, 124, 161, 168, 185, 187, 188, 100, 104, 105, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211, 235 118, 119, 120, 121, 129, 130, 134, 13 5, Newman, Captain, 25 136, 137, 141, 150, 15 3, 157, 162, 163, Niles' Register, 215 172, 173, 175, 182, 188, 189, 190, 192, Nueces River, 6, 173, 176 196, 198, 199, 200, 202, 220, 232 N ueva Galicia, 3 3 Montero, Captain, 112, 124, 128, 130, 141, Nuevo Leon, 8, 14, 35, 64, 205, 207, 209, 151, 158 210, 233, 234 Monterrey, 4, 25, 35, 122, 153, 208, 233 Nuevo Santander, 14, 25, 33, 34, 35, 40, Morelos, Jose Maria, 83, 215 46, 48, 51, 64, 65, 83, 93, 130, 205, 206, Morgan, Benjamin, 107 207, 209, 210, 212, 233, 234 Morphi, Diego, 122, 156, 200-201, 228 Munoz, Jose Maria, 59, 60, 61-70, 72 Ohio Valley, 109 Onis, Luis de, 18, 19, 25, 26, 37, 1 17, 121 Nacogdoches, 6-7, 8, 12, 15, 17, 21, 23, -123, 164, 188, 201, 228 25, 40, 42, 43, 44, 50, 51, 63, 77, 78, Opelousas, 77, 78, 231 79, 85, 88, 112, 124, 126, 127, 128, 130, Orcoquisac, 12 131, 137, 139, 141, 143, 145, 150-154, Orea, Teleforo de, 92, 96, 97, 98, 122, 124, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 170, 127, 132 173, 188, 190, 192, 193, 194, 195, 198, Orleans Territory, 14 201, 219, 220, 225, 226, 227, 230, 231, Overton, Captain, 87, 89, 110, 138, 141, 232 154-155 Nadaco Indians, 150 Overton, General, 87, 89 Napoleon Bonaparte, 5, 11, 15·, 18, 19, 20, Overton, Judge, 89, 90 31, 36, 38. 54, 58, 68, 101, 117; agents Owen, 142 INDEX 273

Ohio River, 17 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 182 Ruiz, Commander, 180 Pacific Ocean, 3, 8, 196 Russia, 92, 93, 95 Paillette, French agent, 117-118, 189, 199 Sabine River, 3, 5, 6, 8, 12, 13, 14, 22, 45, Paine, Thomas, 182 85, 87, 119, 120, 126, 134, 136, 137, Panama, 3, 32 138, 145, 150, 157, 165, 170, 186, 194, Panis, 78 228 Perry, Henry, 142, 158, 214, 218, 224, Saenz, Antonio, n, 38, 40, 42, 43, 50, 234 51, 52, 53, 54, 5 5, 56, 73 Philadelphia, 37, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, St. Dennis, Louis J uchereande, 4 117, i2i, i23, 145, 164, 187, 188, 192, St. Louis, 2 5 194, 200, 201, 215, 237 Salado, battle of, 177 Picornell, Juan Mariano, 10 3, 19 2, 19 3 Salazar, Father Juan, 46, 52, 53, 54, 57, Pike, Zebulon, 141, 163 58, 64, 72, 78, 83 Pittsburgh, 182, 231 Salcedo, Manuel, 16, 17, 20, 21, 24, 35, Porto Rico, 99 36--41, 43, 44, 50, 51, 5 8, 59, 61-62, President of the United States, 24, 113, 63, 65, 67-70, 72, 74, 76-79, 85, 115, 114, 129, 130, 163-164, 220 117, 123-125, 129, 130-133, 141, Presidio del Rio Grande, 7, 44, 71, 212 149, 152-153, 158, 160-162, 167- 169, 173, 175-179, 180-181, 186, Quintero, Colonel, 227 206, 207, 210, 211, 226, 233 Salcedo, Nemesio, 8-9, 11-12, 13, 14, 77, 78,109,134,135,189 Rapides, 16-17, 20, 21; 23, 24; 36; 37~ 47; 48- 64, 65, 83, 101, 107, 115, Rayon, Ignacio, 49, 50, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 69, 71-77, 124, 129-130, 188, 208, 215 78-79, 86, 115, 124, 125, 132, 149, 3 3. Rebels, See Revolutionists 152, 161, 163-164, 176, 207, 208, 233, Red River, 4, 6, 13, 14, 107, 109, 154 234 Refugio, 17 6 Saltillo, 10, 34, 3 5, 46, 47, 52, 5 6, 62, 63, Republicans, See Revolutionists 64, 84, 131 Republican Army of the North, 140, 142, San Antonio de Bexar, 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 15, 143, 145, 150, 152, 154, 156, 158, 159, 20, 22, 23, 3 5, 37, 3 8, 39, 40, 41, 42, 160, 161, 165, 168, 169, 172, 174, 176, 43, 44, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 177, 178, 180, 185, 187, 189, 194, 196, 57, 5 8, 63, 64, 65, 66, 71, 73. 74, 75, 197, 201, 214, 220, 236 76, 78, 85, 86, 115, 118, 120, 123, 128, Republican Army of North Mexico, 222 131, 132, 137, 13 8, 141, 145, 151, Republic of Texas, See Texas 152, 153, 158, 159, 160, 161, 165, 167, Revilla, 34, 35, 83, 84, 90, 129, 130, 131, 168, 171, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 161, 209, 216 179,180,181,183,184,185,190,191, Revolutionists, 33, 38, 39, 40, 42, 45, 46, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 1991 47, 52, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64, 66, 69, 71, 200, 202, 205, 206, 208, 209, 212, 213, 72, 73, 83, 84, 85, 115, 116, 121, 126, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 129, 144, 152, 160, 176, 180, 181, 185, 222, 224, 225, 227, 228, 232, 233, 234 201, 209, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 224, San Antonio River, 6, 167 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 234, 236 San Fernando (Coahuila), 61, 62, 63, 66 Reynosa, 3 5, 176 San Fernando de Bexar, 184 Rio Grande River, 4, 7, 23, 34, 3 5, 39, 40, San Juan Bautista, 4 50, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 71, 73, 77, San Luis Potosi, 3 3, 46, 47, 153, 206 90, 93, 120, 122, 128, 130, 131, 132, San Marcos River, 227 137, 144, 149, 150, 153, 159, 161, 163, San Marcos, Villa de, 13, 120, 132 171, 185, 191, 195, 196, 206, 211, 212, San Saba, 7 214, 215, 220, 234 San Xavier, 7 Robinson, Doctor John Hamilton, 163- Santa Fe, 13, 25, 115 165, 168, 176, 188, 189, 199-200, 211 Santa Rosa, 61, 63 -212, 234 Santisima Trinidad de Salcedo, Villa, 13. Ross, Reuben, 142, 158, 173, 175, 176, See Trinidad 199, 214 Santo Domingo, 97, 98, 99, 102 274 INDEX

Shaler, William: in Cuba, 99; in New Or­ 85, 96, 99, 102, 103, 105, 107, 108, 111, leans, 104-108; arrives in Natchitoches, 114, 115, 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 126, 10 9-112; explains plans to Monroe, 113 127, 130, 132, 133, 134, 140, 142, 143, -116; learns of French designs, 117- 144, 155, 163, 165, 170, 172, 175, 178, 119; advocates occupation of Texas, 11.9 192, 193, 197, 198, 199, 200, 202, 208, -12 0; Spanish officials report his ac­ 211, 215, 220, 231, 232, 233 tivities, 121-12 5; aids Guttierrez in Texas: agriculture, 9-10, 21,185,232, propagating revolution, 126-132; writes 234 Monroe of expeditions, 133-139, 140; Texas: boundaries of, 5-6, 93-95, 128, bids farewell to Gutierrez, 15 0; reports 164, 170-171, 184, 195, 213, 228 capture of Nacogdoches, 1 5 3-155, 15 7, Texas: buffer province, 3-5, 10, 11-17, 158, 162; reports events in Texas, 163- 233-235 165, 168, 170-174, 175, 182, 183, 184 Texas: colonization of, 4, 11-13, 21, 22, -1 8 5 ; meets Toledo, 18 8-191 ; quarrels 23, 24, 185, 215, 236 with Gutierrez, 192-197; reports French Texas: defense, 9, 10, 12-15, 16, 17, intrigue, 198-201; works to place To­ 20-22, 24, 26, 36-37, 39, 47, 74, ledo in command, 198, 201-202, 214, 13 3, 149, 23 3, 234 215, 217-2 2 2; reports collapse of Texas Texas: development, 9-10, 233, 235, 236 revolution, 230-232, 234, 237 Texas: government, 7-9, 112, 116, 183- Sibley, Doctor John, 13, 16, 17, 24, 40, 184, 190-191, 199, 217-221 44, 77, 78, 86, 87, 90, 114, 117, 119, Texas: republic of, 16 5, 179, 183-186, 120, 126, 134, 135, 136, 138, 140, 187, 193, 195, 197, 199, 215, 217, 218, 149, 153-154, 173, 176, 181, 191, 228, 230, 233, 235, 236, 237 214, 215, 230-232 Texas: restoration of Spanish rule, 71-75, Slocum, Captain, 219 7S, 225, 228-229, 233-234 Smith, Secretary of State, 107 Texas: revolution in, 36-39, 40-45, 47 South America, 3, 92, 182 -70, 71, 74, 77, 79, 87, 115, 116, 123, Spain, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 125,127,132,133,135,137,145,149 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 31, -155, 156-162, 165-169, 171, 173 32, 33, 37, 39, 55, 68, 70, 84, 92, 93, -174, 175-179, 180-183, 189, 190 94, 96, 97, 98, 101, 105, 110, 111, 121, -191, 192, 193, 197, 198, 200, 201, 122, 124, 127, 128, 130, 131, 143, 144, 205-210, 212-216, 217-218, 222- 146, 150, 152, 154, 162, 163, 165, 229, 230-232, 23 5-23 8 168, 171, 180, 182, 188, 190, 1.96 201, 210, 215, 227, 228, 229, 232, 233, Texas: trade, 4, 10, 21-22, 78, 138, 141, 234, 235, 236, 237 15 4, 15 6, 23 0 Spanish-America, 15, 19, 20, 90, 92, 97, Tlascala, 115 99, 100, 110, 129 Toledo, Jose Alvarez de, 97-103, 121, Spanish Monarch, 3, 5, 7-9, 10, 15, 19, 165, 187-191, 192-194, 197, 198- 21, 22, 31, 32, 37, 49, 57, 76, 123, 126, 202, 215, 217-221, 222- 229, 230 130, 143, 152, 157, 167, 179, 207, 209, -231, 234 211, 213, 225, 227 Tovar, Colonel, 153 Spanish provinces, 27, 87, 111, 142, 184, Travieso, Francisco, 41, 4 2, 4 3 189 Trinity River, 5, 7, 12, 13, 14, 23, 158, Spaniards, 22, 23, 31, 32, 33, 38, 42, 44, 159, 162, 165, 173, 213, 226, 227 51, 87, 142, 180, 224 Trinidad, Villa Santisima de Salceao, 13, State, Department of, See United States, 23, 43, 63, 131, 132, 158, 160, 161, Department of State 165, 226, 232 State, Secretary of, See United States, Sse- retary of State United States, 3, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11 12, 13- 15, 16-17, 18, 19, 21, 24, 25, 26, 37, Tampico, 48, 83, 188, 206, 210, 215 44, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 56, 59, 64, 65, Tennessee, 87, 89, 90, 157 67, 68, 69, 74, 77, 78, 83, 84, 85, 86, Tennessee River, 89 87, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, Texas, 3, 4, 1S, 19, 20, 22, 23,24, 25, 26, 103, 105, 106, 108, 110,111, 112, 113, 27, 3 2, 33, 34, 3 5, 37, 42, 44, 47, 5 8, 114, 115, 116, 117-120, 121-125, 126, 60, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 76, 77, 83, 84, 127, 128, 130, 132, 133-134, 135, INDEX 27S

136-139, 143, 144, 146, 149, 150, 153, 200, 207, 208, 209, 210, 215, 228, 233, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, !61, 162, 163 234 -165, 168, 170, 173, 180, 181, 183, Viceroyalty of Mexico, 15, 26, 27, :n, 36, 184, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194, 37, 47, 49 199, 206, 210, 211, 212, 213, 219, 221, 222, 228, 231, 232, 237 War, Department of, See United States, United States, Department of State, 19, 91, Department of War 92, 93, 96, 99, 105, 123, 137, 172, 195, War, Secretary of, See United States, Sec­ 231 retary of War United States, Department of War, 24, 91, War of 1812, 133, 134, 139, 143, 144, HO 114, 137, 231 Washington, D. C., 37, 86, 87, 91, United States, Secretary of State, 2 5, 8 6, 92, 98, 99, 100, 101, 121, 123, 124, 106, 107, 111, 129, 199 137, 145, 153, 172, 181, 188, 189, 199, United States, Secretary of War, 24, 44, 215, 232 78, 86, 93, 106, 112, 117, 119, 126, 129, Wells of Bajan, 67, 71, 211, 213 13 5, 141, 144, 15 3, 181, 191, 215 Wilkinson, General James, 14, 16, 19, 25, United States Army, 14, 20, 25, 140, 141, 87, 128, 140-141, 144, 153-155, 202, 142 230 Wilkinson, Joseph B., 202, 216, 23 O Venegas, Viceroy, 74, 121, 122, 125, 132, Winchester, General, 89, 90 207, 208 Wollestoncraft, Captain, 138-139, 153- Venezuela, 92, 96, 97, 124 lH Vera Cruz, 10, 15, 21-22, 23, 25, 47, 48, 83, 105, 114, 115, 149, 206, 209, Zacatecas, 3 3, 46, 47, 64 210, 215 Zambrano, Colonel, 138-139, 150-152, Viceroy, 9, 17, 19, 20, 23, 26, 35, 36, 37, 156, 158 47, 48, 49, 50, 58, 69, 121, 124, 125, Zambrano, Father Juan Manuel, H, 52, 132,152,153,161,164,175,185,188, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 71, 73

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