Arab Spring and Challenges of Political Transition in Tunisia

ARAB SPRING AND CHALLENGES OF POLITICAL TRANSITION IN TUNISIA

THESIS

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy IN WEST ASIAN STUDIES (POLITICAL SCIENCE)

BY SAIFUZZAMAN

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF PROF. MOHAMMAD GULREZ

DEPARTMENT OF WEST ASIAN AND NORTH AFRICAN STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH-202002 (INDIA)

2020 DEPARTMENT OF WEST ASIAN & NORTH AFRICAN STUDIES FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY, ALIGARH 202002

ANNEXURE-I

CANDIDATE’S DECLARATION

I, Saifuzzaman, Department of West Asian & North African Studies certify that the work embodied in this Ph.D. thesis is my own bonafide work carried out by me under supervision of Prof. Mohammad Gulrez at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. The matter embodied in this thesis has not been submitted for the award of any other degree.

I declare that I have faithfully acknowledged, given credit to and referred to the research workers wherever these works have been cited in the text and the body of the thesis. I, further certify that I have not willfully lifted up some other’s work, Para, Text, data, result, etc. reported in the journals, books, magazines, reports, dissertations, thesis, etc., or available at the web-sites and included them in this Ph.D. thesis and cited as my own work.

Date: (Signature of Candidate)

(Name of the Candidate) Saifuzzaman

Maulana AzadCertificat Library,e fromAligarh the Supervisor Muslim University This is to certify that the above statement made by the candidate is correct to the best of my knowledge.

Signature of the Supervisor:………………….. Signature of Chairman

Name & Designation: Prof. Mohammad Gulrez Professor Department of West Asian & North African Studies, A.M.U., Aligarh DEPARTMENT OF WEST ASIAN & NORTH AFRICAN STUDIES FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY, ALIGARH 202002

ANNEXURE-II

COURSE/ COMPREHENSIVE EXAMINATION/ PRE- SUBMISSION SEMINAR COMPLETION CERTIFCATE

This is to certify that Mr. Saifuzzaman, Department of West Asian & North African Studies has satisfactorily completed the course work/ comprehensive examination and pre-submission seminar requirement which is part of his Ph.D. Programme.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Date: Signature of Chairman DEPARTMENT OF WEST ASIAN & NORTH AFRICAN STUDIES FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY, ALIGARH 202002

ANNEXURE-III

Title of the Thesis: Arab Spring and Challenges of Political Transition in Tunisia

Candidate’s Name: SAIFUZZAMAN

The undersigned hereby assigns to the Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh copyright that may exist in and for the above thesis submitted for the award of the Ph. D. degree.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Signature of Candidate

(Saifuzzaman) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

No individual can ever claim to have carried out any work of paramount importance and magnitude without the support of others. Completion of a research work is not an exception. Research endeavor may be a lonely experience, yet it is not possible without the active and practical support of many people. I consider it my duty to acknowledge the support of all those who wished me success and showed active concern towards the completion of this work. It is heartening for me to express my heartfelt thanks to the people who made significant contribution without which the present work would not have been accomplished.

From the core of my heart I feel it obligatory to mention that credit in its entirety goes to Almighty Allah Who gave me courage to take up this assignment and that it was His blessing that the work was completed within the prescribed time. Credit goes to all those who prayed for my success and encouraged me at every step to face problems bravely.

Words do not support me to express my gratitude that I owe to my supervisor, Prof. Mohammad Gulrez, who proved to be an ever co-operative, sincere in his approach, encouraging and very kind in providing invaluable guidance.

I also express my deep sense of indebtedness to my teachers of the department particularly Prof. and Chairman Jawaid Iqubal, Prof. Muhammad Azhar, Prof. Ghulam Mursaleen, Prof. Rakshanda F. Fazili and others for their invaluable suggestions and help in my research work.

I owe a profuse favor to the Library Staff: Department of West Asian Studies and North MaulanaAfrican Studies; Azad Department Library, of Aligarh Islamic Studies Muslim West University Asian Studies; Maulana Azad Library, AMU, Aligarh and Embassy of Tunisia in New Delhi, for providing important books and literature relevant to the subject. I am also very thankful to the staff members of Chairman Office, Department of West Asian Studies, AMU, especially Ms. Mehvish Khan and Mr. Afroz Khan who were very cooperative and showed concern for the completion of my work. Generous help of the staff members of staff of the Dean office of International Studies and Social Science, AMU, providing cool and comfort environment for the research work is worth mentioning.

i This research work would have been extremely difficult for me to realize without the financial aid provided by University Grants Commission, New Delhi, India as MANF and SRF. I pay very sincerely my gratitude to them.

I summon my deepest gratitude to my paternal uncle and Aunt Prof. Muhammad Ismail and Laila Arjuman Bano respectively for enlightening my path with educational treasuries because of which I could complete my research work.

My acknowledgement would be incomplete without thanking the biggest source of my strength, my father, Mr. Moniruzzaman and my mother, Mrs. Hasnaara Begum who stood by my side. They encouraged and supported me throughout. Their sacrifices couldn’t be explained in words. Language has its own limits hence my words will not be able to express the contribution of my wife and my children who took added care of family affairs.

My sincere thanks to my siblings and all other family members for being with me in my toughest times and for assisting me survive stress.

I am also thankful to my seniors and friends Dr. Fatima Anjum, Dr. Atik Ur Rehman, Mrs. Shabana Parween, Mr. Waseem Ahmad, Mrs. Farhat Zabi, Mrs. Asma Khanam and my hostel friends MR. Mujahidul Hoque, Azhar Zargar, Izhar Ahmad for their timely help and encouragement. Lastly thanks are also due to all those whom I could not name, for their help and cooperation.

Saifuzzaman

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

ii Dedicated to My Beloved Grandfather, Grandmother and Uncle

Late Abu Tayeb

Late Samsun Nehar

Late Badre Alam Abstract

Tunisia, the northernmost country of Africa, has for over 3000 years of history and rich cultural heritage, with deep-rooted traditions of openness, peace and progress. Among all the nations of this region—Tunisia is the heart of North Africa. For well over a generation, Tunisia presents itself as an excellent model of a Mediterranean country that is also part of the Arab and African world due to the strength of its society. It is also a nation that excellently combines tradition and modernity. It has great geo-strategic location and diversified civilizations; the country was successively Punic, Roman, Vandal, Byzantine, Arab and Muslim, Ottoman, Husseinite, and a French Protectorate, before gaining independence 20 March 1956. Since independence, Tunisia has truly known only two political leaders: One was Habib Bourguiba and other Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali. Habib Bourguiba (1956-1987)—the architect of modern Tunisia, founder and leader of the anticolonial Neo-Destour party, who positioned himself to become the country’s first post-independence president in 1957 and overseer of Tunisia’s first constitution drafting process. Bourguiba and his government implemented extensive policies to modernize the Tunisian state and society. Thirty years later, Bourguiba lost his power base through a military coup lead by his own Prime Minister Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali on 7 November 1987. To celebrate his new leadership, Ben Ali change name of Bourguiba’s party—the Socialist Destourian Party (PSD) into the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique (RCD) and ruled the country. Ben Ali’s twenty-three years rule (1987- 2011) was characterized by reforms and new instability in the domain of governance and development.

At theMaulana end of the Azad first decade Library, of the Aligarh twenty first Muslim century, University a new phenomenon has engulfed the Arab countries. It started with Mohammed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor committing self-immolation on 17 December 2010. Bouazizi protested against the Tunisia’s corrupt and autocratic regime. The events as followed sparked a symbolic fire in the entire Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region; people started protesting and rebelling against their political regimes, with severe political consequences. Within a limited time, decades old regimes and their leaders were forced from power: Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia; Gadhafi in Libya; Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen; and most dramatically Hosni Mubarak in Egypt.

1 Monarchies in Morocco, Jordan and Bahrain ratified reforms to varying degrees in attempts to stave off wider scale protests. Terribly, Syria descended into a vicious civil war. The events also had impact on other North Africa and Middle East countries that include Algeria, Mauritania, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Djibouti, Uganda, Western Sahara and Palestine. Tunisian real revolution for a change was neither Islamists nor foreign troops that toppled the dictator in Tunisia but it is a culmination of the socio-economic crisis and political oppression that exist in the region. In October 2011 Tunisians took part in first post revolution election to elect a constituent assembly, responsible for drafting the new constitution. The country’s first constitution since Ben Ali was ousted in 2011 was accepted by Parliament on 27 January 2014.

The classification of chapters of this study is generally on the basis of its necessity and relevance. The whole study is divided into six chapters.

Chapter I: TheMaulana chapter deals Azad with Library,the general Aligarh introduction Muslim like significance University of study, objectives of the study, methodology, hypotheses, organization of study, conceptual framework and literature review.

Chapter II: The chapter treats in brief the geographical formation of the Maghrib Region of North Africa, and changes in its climate and natural environment, in so far these are relevant to an understanding of their history. The countries of this sub- region share a Mediterranean coastline and proximity to Europe, as opposed to the vast deserts interrupted by the Nile, Tigris and Euphrates Vallies—the fertile crescent around which much of Arab civilization emerged. It also provides the story of the

2 Maghribi Peoples (the native population, the Arabs and the European) and their cultures. The last section of this chapter is an attempt to provide, in compact, objective form and analysis of the dominant geographical, social and economic aspects of the Tunisian society.

Chapter III: The chapter analysis the general idea of Nationalism and their fundamental features; Islam and Nationalism and characteristics of nationalism which has influenced or in turn remained influenced by Islam. It considers the essential features (common physical condition, History, Religion, Language etc.) of the foundation of Arab Nationalism. It also offers an overview of the historical development of Islam in Tunisia until the emergence of the French Protectorate and discussed there socio-Islamic culture. Finally, the last section of the chapter throws light, albeit briefly, on how the masses of the country gained independence by resisting the French occupation. Moreover, the chapter heavily focuses on the pre- independence Tunisian nation building process.

Chapter IV: The chapter first highlights Post-independent nation-building process in Tunisia. Bourguiba introduced the country’s first constitution-drafting process and his vision to modernize the Tunisian state and society was contingent on dominance of his political party over the vestiges of secular state power; besides his attitudes towards human rights, citizenship rights and administrative structures etc. It also focused the most notable evidence in Tunisian history of Bourguiba’s removal from office by a former military official, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in 1987 and set about consolidating power in his own name; impact of the Islamic Movement and the practice of the democratic reforms in Tunisia.

ChapterMaulana V: This chapterAzad investigatesLibrary, Aligarh the democratic Muslim transition University in Tunisia and the reasons behind its success. It starts by define the term of Arab spring within the political setting of Tunisia. It also briefly highlights Political and Economy conditions affected by Arab Spring and their present socio-economic and political situations. The last section of this chapter also highlights the active role played by the United States and the European Union in Tunisian affairs throughout the democratic Transition.

Chapter VI: This chapter is the concluding part of this study and also includes the main findings of the study.

3 Major Findings:

 The Arab Uprisings popularly known as Arab Spring came as a result of an inter-relationship between historical, political, sociological and psychological factors on a domestic level and external, foreign factors rooted in the phenomenon of globalization.  Tunisia is the only country in the Arab world to date that has experienced a democratic transition. The strength of state institutions, the autonomy of the labor movements, its small and ineffective military, state and religion differentiation, and its geo-political insignificance, all these factors contributed to a democratic transition in Tunisia.  In the Tunisian uprising the role of social media, military and the support of the UGTT during and after the uprising and the role of the interim government has played an important role. Moreover, the electoral reforms and the drafting of the new constitution that culminated in the second elections guaranteed a smooth democratic transition.  Tunisia’s political actors, such as Ennahda’s leadership, helped protect the new democratic principles that avoided political deadlock through compromise. As such, the inclusive and transparent constitution-making process proved to be vital in ensuring a democratic transition. The consequent electoral reforms allowed several political parties to participate in elections, thus strengthening pluralism in the country. Tunisia’s small military also helped the democratic transition process by defying regime orders and refusing to crush the protests.  Several institutional developments after the uprising are also important for understandingMaulanaTunisia’s Azad transition. Library, First, Aligarh the Tunisian Muslim interim University government on March 2011 issued a legal decree to dissolve institutions strongly influenced by the old regime, including the Chamber of Deputies, the upper house and the Constitutional Court. The new electoral law enjoyed the support of almost all Tunisians as it was a break from Ben Ali's one party rule. Second, the leaders of interim government have repeatedly noted that they have two main tasks: saving an economy damaged by strikers and revolutionary turmoil, and rebuilding security throughout the country. In an attempt to meet public demands for justice, the interim government continued to arrest former RCD

4 members and to publicly confiscate the property of individuals associated with Ben Ali. Third, Tunisia's first elections, after the removal of Ben Ali, were described as fair and free. Forth, the newly elected interim government had succeeded to draft a new constitution that was described as an inclusive document. It favored, in many instances, a relatively higher degree of protection for fundamental freedom and human rights. Fifth, the newly adopted constitution offers a clear distinction between the executive, legislative and judiciary.

As a result of electoral returns in the fall of 2014, Tunisia witnessed a change of government from one led by the country's Islamist movement to one led by a different party composed of politicians united in their anti-Islamist stance. The recent terrorist attacks in Tunisia came on top of social and economic unrest. The tourism industry in Tunisia has been particularly hard hit. Subsequently, terrorism could lead to a serious, long-term damage to the country's economy. Neo-liberal reforms also were at the heart of the 2011 Tunisian revolution. However, the country’s elected government is focusing on the following main priorities: reducing unemployment, restoring economic growth, reducing regional disparities, and assisting Tunisians in need. With a population of ten million, Tunisian has thousands of unemployed, with large numbers of recent graduates unable to find work. To restore economic growth the ministry of finance is starting major initiatives on infrastructure projects and financial reform. The government has also created a confiscation committee to investigate and recover states assets stolen by the former president and his family.

In concluding remarks it is said that, of all the Arab countries affected by this wave of political protest, only Tunisia looks like political transitions to a more representative Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University form of government. By the time it became clear to observers that Egypt’s democratic transition had gone wrong, the situation in post-uprising Arab Spring states was spiraling downwards. Two more states, Syria and Libya, were driven into civil war with Yemen also showing signs of following them. The rest of the countries of the region retain the ruling elite they had before the Arab Spring started. At the end, I argue that the Arab Uprising was born in Tunisia and finally resulted in a successful democratic transition in the country.

5 CONTENTS

Page No’s Acknowledgement i - ii Preface iii - iv List of Tables v List of Figures vi Abbreviations vii - ix

Chapter 1 Introduction 1-31 1.1 Significance of the study 1.2 Objectives of the study 1.3 Methodology 1.4 Hypotheses 1.5 Organization of study 1.6 Conceptual framework 1.7 Literature review

Chapter 2 Geo-Political Significance of North Africa: the Maghrib Region 32-59 2.1 The Maghrib: the Land 2.2 The Peoples and the Cultural Diversification in the Maghrib Region 2.2.1 The Native Population 2.2.2 The Arabs 2.2.3 The European Component 2.3 The Maghrib Nations: the Society and Its Environment Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University 2.3.1 Tunisia

Chapter 3 Arab Ideologies and Nationalism in North Africa With Special Reference of Tunisia 60-88 3.1 The Concept of Nationalism 3.2 Foundation of Arab Nationalism 3.3 Development of Islam in Tunisia 3.4 Tunisia: under the French Protectorate 3.5 The Nationalist Movement after the Occupation 3.6 Tunisia: the Path to Independence (1943-56) Chapter 4 The Constitutional Development of Tunisia 89- 121 4.1 Post-Independence and State Building: Habib Bourguiba (1956-87) 4.1.1 Habib Bourguiba: The President (1956-57) 4.1.2 The Tunisian 1959 Constitution and Political Development 4.1.3 The President Bourguiba (1957-87): Politics, Personality and Nation Building 4.1.4 Foreign Policy of President Bourguiba 4.2 Tunisia under Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011): Early life, Education and Military career 4.2.1 President Ben Ali and his Reforms (1987-2011) 4.3 Sheikh Rashid Al-Ghannouchi and Role of the Islamic Tendency Movement

Chapter 5 Arab Spring and Its impact on Tunisia 122-158 5.1 The Concept of Arab Spring 5.2 The Factors Affecting of the Arab Spring 5.2.1 Direct Domestic Causes of the Arab Spring 5.2.2 Indirect Domestic Causes of the Arab Spring 5.2.3 International Effects of the Arab Spring 5.3 Protest Uprisings and the Arab States 5.4 The Jasmine Revolution and Transition to Democracy in Tunisia 5.4.1 Emerging Actors in the Tunisian Revolution 5.4.2 The Role of the Interim Government 5.4.3 Political Parties and the Constituent Assembly Elections of October 2011 Maulana5.4.4 AzadPolitical Library,Transition Aligarh in the Post Muslim Electoral University Period (2011-2014): the Challenges 5.4.5 The 2014 Tunisian Constitution: Key Issues 5.4.6 Post-Arab Spring Parliamentary and Presidential Election in 2014 5.4.7 European and US Support for Post-Transition in Tunisia Chapter 6 Conclusion 159-167 6.1 Summing Up the Argument 6.2 Theoretical Implications of the Tunisian Uprising 6.3 Tunisia’s Future Challenges

Bibliography 168 - 183

Appendices 184 - 196

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University PREFACE

Tunisia, the northernmost country of Africa, has for over 3000 years of history and rich cultural heritage, with deep-rooted traditions of openness, peace and progress. It located at the junction of the Eastern and Western basin of Mediterranean. The country annexed by the Ottoman Empire in 1574 after a brief Spanish rule and then from 1881 under the French Protectorate. In March 1956, Tunisia gained its independence from the French under the leadership of Habib Bourguiba and the Party Socialiste Destourien (PSD). Habib Bourguiba (1956-87) ruled the country more than thirty years and under his guidance the country began a pragmatic political and economic course that borrowed liberally from the concepts of free and centrally planned societies. He was also overseer of Tunisia’s first constitution drafting process. Over time, Bourguiba lost his power base as a result his own Premier Zine al Abidine Ben Ali ousted him from his office in a bloodless coup on 7 November 1987. Following the overthrow of Tunisia’s first post-independence President, Ben Ali set about consolidating power in his own name. To celebrate his new leadership, Ben Ali changes the name of Bourguiba´s party the Socialist Destourian Party (PSD) into the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique (RCD) and ruled the country. Ben Ali’s twenty-three years rule (1987-2011) was characterized by reforms and new instability in the domain of governance and development.

At the end of the first decade of the twenty first century, a new phenomenon has engulfed the Arab countries. It started with Mohammed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor committing self-immolation on 17 December 2010. Bouazizi protested against the Tunisia’s corrupt and autocratic regime. It eventually led to a chain of revolutionaryMaulana uprising Azad across Library, the Middle Aligarh East andMuslim North AfricaUniversity(MENA), toppling dictatorial governments in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Yemen. The revolutionary movement that hit the Arab World popularly known as the Arab Spring or the Arab Awakening. Tunisian real revolution for a change was neither Islamists nor foreign troops that toppled the dictator in Tunisia but it is a culmination of the socio- economic crisis and political oppression that exist in the region. In October 2011 Tunisians took part in first post revolution election to elect a constituent assembly, responsible for drafting the new constitution. The country’s first constitution since Ben Ali was ousted in 2011 was accepted by Parliament on 27 January 2014.The

iii Arab spring was born in Tunisia and finally resulted in a successful democratic transition in the country.

The present study is a modest attempt to analyse the democratic transition in Tunisia and the reasons behind its success. It starts by examining the nature of democracy and the different factors that affect democratic transition. The role of political economy, social cleavages and struggle, institutions, religion, and political agents in democratic transitions is contrasted among Arab states and thoroughly examined in Tunisia’s case. The Tunisian uprisings also underscored two major forces that are bringing change to the region. The first is online social media and other is the role of the women. By understanding the Tunisian success, the present study aims to contribute to the accumulated knowledge of the unique case of a country’s transaction from authoritarian to democratization. Keeping all these things in mind the thesis has been based on six chapters which deals with different aspects. Chapter first is an introductory chapter which is based on significance of topic, research methodology, research objectives, and theoretical framework as well as hypotheses and so on. Chapter second presents the Geo-political Significance of North Africa: The Maghrib Region, chapter third analysis Arab Ideologies and Nationalism in North Africa with special reference of Tunisia. Chapter four highlights the Constitutional Development of Tunisia. Fifth chapter discusses the Arab Spring and its impact on Tunisia. The last chapter sixth provides a conclusion of the study.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

iv LIST OF TABLES

Table No. Titles of Table Page No

2.1 Countries of the Maghrib Region 40

2.2 Major cities in Tunisia 49

2.3 Age Structures of Tunisian (2020 estimates) 50

2.4 Population Growth Rate (Maghribi Countries) 50

2.5 Population Distribution by Religion in Maghrib 51 Countries

2.6 Literacy (Maghribi Countries) 53

2.7 Tunisia Economy Indicators 54

2.8 Structure of the Financial System (Tunisia) 55

2.9 Ease of doing business ranking 2019 (Maghribi 56 Countries)

2.10 Primary Energy Production 57

2.11 Tunisia’s military strength in 2019 58

4.1 Summary of the 1 November 1981 Tunisian 103 Chamber of Deputies Election Results

4.2 Summary of Tunisian Presidential Election Results 112 (Ben Ali Era)

5.1 Tunisian Prime Minister after Arab Uprisings 142

5.2 Summary of the 23 October 2011 Tunisian 144 Constituent Assembly Election Results Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University 5.3 Tunisian President after Arab Uprisings 146

v LIST OF FIGURES

Figure No. Titles of Figure Page No

2.1 Maghrib Position in the Mediterranean World 33

2.2 Tunisia’s Position in the Mediterranean World 45

2.3 Map of Tunisia’s Governorates 48

3.1 The Treaty of Bardo 1881 75

3.2 Tunisia becomes a French Protectorate (1881-1956) 75

5.1 Summary of Arab Spring Regions 130

5.2 Tunisia after the Legislative Elections in 2014 152

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

vi ABBREVIATIONS

AD Anno Domini AQIM the al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb AU African Union BC Before Christ BICI Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry CGTT Confederation Generals Tunisienne du Traviel CIA The Central Intelligence Agency CPR Congress for the Republic CPT Communist Party of Tunisia CRS Congressional Research Service CSP Personal Status Code DCFTA Deep and Comprehensive Trade Agreement (DCFTA) DPP Democratic Progressive Party EU European Union FIPA Foreign Investment Promotion Agency FLN National Liberation Front FTA Free Trade Agreement G.P.R.A Le Gouvernement Provisoire de la Republique Algerienne GCC Gulf Cooperation Council GCSP Geneva Papers Research Series GDP Gross Domestic Product. GNP Gross national product HDI Human Development Index IDSA Maulana AzadInstitute Library, for Defense Aligarh Studies Muslim and Analyses University IEP Institu d’etudes politiques IISS The International Institute for Strategic Studies IMF International Monetary Fund ISIE Instance Supérieure Indépendante pour les Elections ISIS Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham ITM Islamic Trend Movement LTDH Ligue Tunisienne des Droits de l’Homme LTDH Tunisian League OF Human Rights

vii MDS Mouvement des Démocrates Socialistes MEDPRO Mediterranean Prospects MENA Middle East and North Africa MEPI Middle East Partnership Initiative MNE Ministry of National Education MTI Mouvement de la Tendence Islamique (Islamic Tendencies Movement) NCA National Constituent Assembly NDI National Democratic Institute NGO Non Governmental Organization OIC Organization of the Islamic Conference ONTT National Office of the Tunisian Tourism P.B.U.H Peace Be Upon Him PDP Democratic Progressive Party PLO Palestine Liberation Organization POCT Parti des ouvriers communistes tunisiens PPM Parti du Peuple Mauritania PRDS Party Republicain Democratique ET Social PSD Socialist Destourian Party PUM Popular Unity Movement PUP People's Union Party QPS Qur'anic Preservation Society RCD Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique TNC Transitional National Council UCLA The University of California, Los Angeles Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University UDU Union Democratic Union UGET Union Generale des Etudiants Tunisiens UGTE Islamist Union Gtntrale Tunisienne des Etudiants UGTT Union Générale des Travailleurs Tunisiens UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNESCO The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNFI Union Nationale des femmes de Tunisie UNO United Nations Organization

viii USA United States of America USAID United States Agency for International Development UTICA Union Tunisienne de l’industrie, du Commerce, et de l’Artisanat WB World Bank WDI World Development Indicators

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

ix Chapter-1

INTRODUCTION

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University CHAPTER-1

INTRODUCTION

The Maghrib region, south of Mediterranean ocean of Africa1 has distinct cultural, ethnic, geographic, religious and historical experiences that are worth studying. Among all the nations of this region—Tunisia is the heart of North Africa. For well over a generation, Tunisia presents itself as an excellent model of a Mediterranean country that is also part of the Arab and African world due to the strength of its society. It is also a nation that marvelously combines tradition and modernity. It has great geo-strategic location and diversified civilizations; the country was successively Punic, Roman, Vandal, Byzantine, Arab and Muslim, Ottoman, Husseinite, and a French protectorate, before gaining independence in March 20, 1956. Since independence, Tunisia has truly known only two political leaders: One was Habib Bourguiba and other Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali. Habib Bourguiba (1956-1987)—the architect of modern Tunisia, founder and leader of the anticolonial Neo-Destour party, who positioned himself to become the country’s first post-independence president in 1957 and overseer of Tunisia’s first constitution drafting process. Bourguiba and his government implemented extensive policies to modernize the Tunisian state and society. Thirty years later, Bourguiba lost his power base through a military coup lead by his own Prime Minister Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali on 7 November 1987. To celebrate his new leadership, Ben Ali change name of Bourguiba’s party—the Socialist Destourian Party (PSD) into the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique (RCD) and ruled the country. Ben Ali’s twenty-three years rule (1987- 2011) was characterized by reforms and new instability in the domain of governance and development.Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

In early 2011 Tunisia shocked the whole world when it became the first Arab country largely contributed to positive political reform, which popularly known as the “Arab Spring”. Tunisian uprisings also named—the Jasmine Revolution was powered by

1 In the United Nations arrangement of geographical regions, the following nations have a place with Northern Africa: Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Sudan (and eventually South Sudan), Tunisia, and Western Sahara. The Maghrib region is a collection of countries within what is generally named Northern Africa. The area lies along the Mediterranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. The modern meaning of the Maghrib includes the nations of: Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, https://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/map/north-africa-map.htm.

1 largely non-violent means and called for reform and democratization. Indeed, the first major protest that launched the Arab Uprisings was the self-immolation of a Tunisian street vendor named Tarek al-Tayeb Mohamed Bouazizi in the Tunisian interior town of Sidi Bouzid on 17 December 2010. The events as followed sparked a symbolic fire in the entire Middle East and North Africa (MENA)2 region; people started protesting and rebelling against their political regimes, with severe political consequences. Within a limited time, decades old regimes and their leaders were forced from power: Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia; Gadhafi in Libya; Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen; and most dramatically Hosni Mubarak in Egypt. Monarchies in Morocco, Jordan and Bahrain ratified reforms to varying degrees in attempts to stave off wider scale protests. Terribly, Syria descended into a vicious civil war. The events also had impact on other North Africa and Middle East countries that include Algeria, Mauritania, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Djibouti, Uganda, Western Sahara and Palestine.

Tunisian uprising for a change was neither Islamists nor foreign troops that toppled the dictator in Tunisia but it was a culmination of the socio-economic crisis and political oppression that existed in the region. After the Tunisian autocratic president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, fled his country with his family to Saudi Arabia on 14 January 2011, the formerly ruling the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique (RCD) party was dissolved and a succession of interim government culminated in the election of a National Constituent Assembly (NCA) on 23 October 2011. The NCA was charged with drafting a new constitution and succeed to implement its new constitution with common and formulating the country for the election of a permanent legislature within one year’s period. After the nine month of the popular uprisings, Tunisian votesMaulana in parliamentary Azad elections Library, on Aligarh23 October Muslim2011, formerly University banned the Islamist Ennahda Party, emerged dominant position in this election and formed a coalition government with the support of two non-religious parties—Ettakatol and

2 MENA is an acronym for the Middle East and North Africa region; it is popularly used by academic, economic, social and international organizations. The MENA region is sometimes known as the Arab World or the Greater Middle East. There are 19 countries that are generally considered part of the MENA region. These are Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. A further 16 countries are sometimes included depending on usage. These are Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Chad, Comoros, Cyprus, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Georgia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Somalia, Sudan, and Turkey, https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/what-are-the-mena-countries.html.

2 the Congress for the Republic (CPR). However, the coalition ended up governing for roughly two and a half years, during which the country’s economy sustained to decline and the security condition worsened. Following the assassinations of two leftist politicians in February and July of 2013, huge protests that summer brought the NCA to a standstill and the Tunisian transition to the brink of collapse. At that point a group of Tunisian dialogue Association facilitated a series of negotiations between the political factions throughout fall 2013 and finally, the country first constitution since Ben Ali was ousted in 2011 was accepted by Parliament on 27 January 2014. The historic document, seen as one of the most modern and as one of the Arab world, was signed by outgoing Islamist Premier Ali Larayedh, Speaker Mustapha Ben Jaafar and President Moncef Marzouki during a ceremony at the National Constitutional Assembly. In December 2014, a month after parliamentary election, Tunisia elected its first regular President after the 2011 uprising. In this election veteran politician Beji Caid Essebsi won the presidential elections, securing 55.7 percent of the vote. Although, still part of difficulties ahead for the country building process, with a new progressive constitution and a full Parliament elected on 26 October 2014, Tunisia is hailed as an example of democratic change in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings.

1.1 Significance of the Study

The purpose of this study is to gain comprehensive and detailed knowledge of the unique democratization case in the West Asia and North African reigns after the events of the Arab Spring in 2010-11. According to analysis Tunisia was the only country that experienced an authoritarian breakdown and was also able to embark on a successfulMaulana democratic Azad Library, transition. AligarhTunisia is Muslima small University nation with a relatively homogenous population and limited experience of division along ethnic or religious lines. The Tunisian uprisings also underscored two major forces that are bringing change to the region. The first is online social media and other is the role of the women. By understanding the Tunisian success, the present study aims to contribute to the accumulated knowledge of the unique case of a nation transaction from authoritarian to democratization. The present study is also significant for the factors that have been emphasized in social science research as important for democratic prospect in Tunisia.

3 1.2 Objectives of the Study

The present study entitled, “Arab Spring and Challenges of Political Transition in Tunisia” has the following objectives:

 To analyse the root causes of the origin and Consequences of Arab Uprisings.

 To examine the impacts of Arab Uprisings on the Tunisia and its people socially, economically and politically.

 To study the variety of actors involved in the events, besides the traditional ones like political parties, religious organization, civil society, groups of interests and opposition political groups in general.

 To examine the interest of the Western Countries in the Arab Uprisings.

 To identify the strengths, weaknesses, limitations and prospects of Arab Springs for democratic transformation of the Arab Societies.

 To study the main challenges that Tunisia may experience after the political transition.

1.3 Methodology

The method of the study has been historical, descriptive and analytical. The study is primarily based on secondary sources of data. However, efforts have been made to collect all the relevant data. The data includes survey of records of official documents particularly of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, reports and statements from embassies of all Maghribi countries, reports and statements issued by US State Department, reports and policy studies paper of various research institutes both private and governmental Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University particularly Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses (IDSA), Foreign Investment Promotion Agency (FIPA), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), World Development Indicators (WDI), The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), Mediterranean Prospects (MEDPRO), Congressional Research Service (CRS), The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, The Carter Center-Tunisian Constitution Report, Geneva Papers Research Series (GCSP), The Atlantic Council of the United States, United States Agency for International Development, Crown Centre of Middle East Studies, and Institutes for Middle East Strategic Studies etc.

4 The consulted data also includes books written by experts, research papers, articles published in reputed journals, newspapers, magazines published in the different countries of the world particularly The Middle East Journal, Arab Studies Quarterly, International Journal of Social Sciences and Management, European Journal of Scientific Research, International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, International Journal of Social Science Studies, Middle East Forum, The Journal of Democracy, The Foreign Policy Research Institute, New York Times, Washington Post, the Hindu, Times of India, Indian Express, The Tunis Times, L’ Action, Afriques Action and Tunisia News etc.

1.4 Hypotheses

Hypotheses as a matter of fact, are the basis and foundation of any research to be carried out of a particular problem. The study is based on the following hypotheses:

 The event of Arab Uprising played a significant impact in the real democratic transition in Tunisia.  The political parties of Tunisia have starring role in the event of Arab Uprising.  Civil Society, Social Media, Women and Western powers have a positive role in the Tunisian democratic transition.

1.5 Organization of Study

The present work consisting of six chapters including Introduction and Conclusion, which is based on the detailed argumentation, discussion, and representation of not Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University only the aforementioned subjects but beyond that as well. The structure and framework of the thesis is, therefore, outlined as:

 Chapter I: Introduction

The introductory chapter is based on significance of topic, research objectives, research methodology, research hypotheses and review of literature.

5  Chapter II: Geo-political Significance of North Africa: The Maghrib Region

The chapter treats in brief the geographical formation of the Maghrib Region of North Africa, and changes in its climate and natural environment, in so far these are relevant to an understanding of their history. The countries of this sub-region share a Mediterranean coastline and proximity to Europe, as opposed to the vast deserts interrupted by the Nile, Tigris and Euphrates Vallies—the fertile crescent around which much of Arab civilization emerged. It also provides the story of the Maghribi Peoples (the native population, the Arabs and the European) and their cultures. The last section of this chapter is an attempt to provide, in compact, objective form and analysis of the dominant geographical, social and economic aspects of the Tunisian society.

 Chapter III: Arab Ideologies and Nationalism in North Africa with special reference of Tunisia

The chapter analysis the general idea of Nationalism and their fundamental features; Islam and Nationalism and characteristics of nationalism which has influenced or in turn remained influenced by Islam. It considers the essential features (common physical condition, History, Religion, language) of the foundation of Arab Nationalism. It also offers an overview of the historical development of Islam in Tunisia until the emergence of the French Protectorate and discussed there socio- Islamic culture. Finally, the last section of the chapter throws light, albeit briefly, on how the masses of the country gained independence by resisting the French occupation. Moreover,Maulana the Azadchapter Library, heavily focuses Aligarh on the Muslimpre-independence University Tunisian nation building process.

 Chapter IV: Constitutional Development of Tunisia

The chapter first highlights Post-independent nation-building process in Tunisia. Bourguiba introduced the country’s first constitution-drafting process and his vision to modernize the Tunisian state and society was contingent on dominance of his political party over the vestiges of secular state power; besides his attitudes towards human rights, citizenship rights and administrative structures etc. It also focused the

6 most notable evidence in Tunisian history of Bourguiba’s removal from office by a former military official, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in 1987 and set about consolidating power in his own name; impact of the Islamic Movement and the practice of the democratic reforms in Tunisia.

 Chapter V: Arab Spring and its impact on Tunisia

This chapter investigates the democratic transition in Tunisia and the reasons behind its success. It starts by define the term of Arab spring within the political setting of Tunisia. It also briefly highlights Political and Economy conditions affected by Arab Spring and their present socio-economic and political situations. The last section of this chapter also highlights the active role played by the United States and the European Union in Tunisian affairs throughout the democratic Transition.

 Chapter VI: Conclusion

This chapter is the concluding part of this study and also includes the main findings of the study.

1.6 Conceptual Framework

In analyzing the Tunisian achievement after the events of the Arab spring in 2011, the present study purposes to contribute to the accumulated understanding on democratic transitions and more specifically on democracy in the West Asia and North African region. The case study is within the theoretical framework of traditional democratization literature. These theories are modernization theory; historical sociologyMaulanaapproach Azad and the Library, agency approaches Aligarhis Muslimalso applied University to study and understand the challenges of Tunisian democratic transition after Arab uprisings.

Seymour Martin Lipset (1922-2006), a political sociologist was one of the first proponents of modernization theory,3 declaring democracy as a direct result of economic growth. Until 1959 democratic studies were mainly in the field of political

3 Modernization theory is a theory used to clarify the procedure of modernization that a country experiences as it advances from a conventional society to a cutting edge one. The theory has not been credited to any one individual; rather, its improvement has been connected to American social researchers during the 1950s, https://study.com/academy/lesson/modernization-theory-definition-development-claims.html.

7 philosophy. When Lipset’s article “Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development “was published on 1959, a new perception towards democracy was introduced. In the chapter titled “Economic development and Democracy” he states: “Perhaps the most widespread generalization linking political systems to other aspects of society has been that democracy is related to the state of economic development. Concretely, this means that the more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy”.4 Lipset's work secured a wide scope of subjects: the social conditions of democracy, including economic development and political culture; the origins of socialism, fascism, revolution, protest, prejudice, and extremism; class conflict, structure, and mobility; social cleavages, party systems, and voter alignments; and public opinion and public confidence in institutions. Lipset's in his investigation proposed following strides in modernization— Urbanization, media growth, literacy and rapid industrial development. The growth of advanced communication networks, in turn, encourages the development of formal democratic institutions such as voting and citizen participation in the decisions of their governments.5

While Historical sociologist concerned with democracy, the study also traces the transformation of the state through class conflict over time in order to explain how democracy has sometimes emerged.6 It also discusses growth of a market lead to class conflicts which in turn disrupts the existing power structure and creates an opportunity for new structures to shape. The fundamental principle of historical sociology is that democracy is mainly a matter of power. It further argues that democracy requires a balance between the state and independent classes, in which the state is either completely autonomous from dominant classes or captured by them, creating a spaceMaulanawhere civil Azad society Library, can flourish. Aligarh Even Muslimthough the University main focus is on

4 Seymour Martin Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy”, The American Political Science Review 53, no. 1 (March, 1959): 75, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1951731. 5 Matthew Rose, “Lipset and the modernization theory of democracy”, Our Politics (blog), October 21, 2016, https://ourpolitics.net/some-social-requisites-of-democracy-response/ 6 Oleg Komlik, “What is Historical sociology? Understanding the origins of the current social world and the consequences of its transformations,” Economy Sociology and Political Economy (blog), January 21, 2015, https://economicsociology.org.

8 civil society, this approach later comes to highlight the importance of the state as an actor.7

In contrast to modernization theory the historical sociology is the agency approach. This approach discusses that democracy can be created, if not independently of the structural context, certainly with fewer structural constraints. Democracy is seen as a result of action taken by conscious, committed actors, with some degree of luck, who are able to compromise. The approach emphasizes on actors strategies and choices in the process of political change. The agency approach also puts greater stress on negotiations and interactions between the opposition and the ruling government.8

The case of Tunisia will be analyzed on the basis of the theories presented above. All those theories are comprehensive and have been developed over the long time. Thus, it is crucial to mention that the study has only presented the important aspects relevant for this case study. It has for instance not highlighted the external factors, which are stressed in Lipset theory. Regarding historical sociology, the essay mainly focuses on power structures. In 1985 historical sociologist like Rueschmeyer, Evans and Skocpol put greater emphasis on the state as an actor. They analyzed for instance the state as a promoter of economic development. This has been excluded from the theoretical framework of this study.

1.7 Literature Review

 Ben Fishman, Eds, North Africa in Transition: The Struggle for Democracies and Institutions.9 The book assembles a remarkable and diverse range of authors, who evaluate the major factors that have influenced Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University the politics, security and economies of North Africa since the 2011 Arab uprisings. The author is a consulting senior fellow for the Middle East and North at the International Institute for Strategic Studies. He served on the US National Security Council from 2009-2013, where his responsibilities included

7 Peter Bearman and Peter Hedstrom, Eds, The Oxford Handbook of Analytical Sociology (London: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 2-3. 8 Monico Franco-Santos, “Applying Stewardship and Agency Theories to Governance Structures inside Organizations,” Academy of Management Annual Meeting Proceedings 2015, no. 1 (November, 2017): 43, https://journals.aom.org. 9 Ben Fishman, Eds, North Africa in Transition: the Struggle for Democracies and Institutions (London: Routledge, 2015).

9 North Africa. The book includes chapters on each of the four core Maghribi States (Tunisia, Libya, Morocco and Algeria), together with regional assessments of the Jihadist threat and economic challenges. However it examines how the politics, security and economies are different in the four states. It questions why popular revolutions in Tunisia and Libya did not spread to Algeria and Morocco; how the revolutionary states have managed since 2011; why Libya descended into a deadly civil war while the others did not; and whether the sitting governments in Algeria and Morocco have applied sustainable strategies to address the different political environment. The book is very significant to understand different dimensions of Arab Spring in the Maghrib region.

 John Davis, Eds, The Arab Spring and Arab Thaw: Unfinished Revolutions and the Quest for Democracy.10 The author is an Assistant Professor of International Securities Studies in Washington University, and specializes in the area of International Terrorism, American Foreign Policy, International Law, and National Security. His areas of concerns are the Middle East and Africa. In this book he elaborates on this followings query by examining a range of successful and unsuccessful protest strategies and counter revolutionary tactics employed by protestors and autocratic regimes in the 2011 Middle East and North Africa Revolutions. What were the unifying ideologies or policies that governed the protest movements that swept the Middle East and North Africa in the spring of 2011? Who were the protestors and how did the different authoritarian regimes react to them? How did regional and international establishments react to a part in turmoil? ContributorsMaulana explore Azad the reactions Library, of theAligarh USA, EU Muslim and Arab University League to events in the region and provide insight from the gendered dimensions of the struggle along with the ethnic and social group divisions that still impact the post- revolt period.

10 John Davis, eds, The Arab Spring and Arab Thaw: Unfinished Revolutions and the Quest for Democracy (Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2013)

10  Talmiz Ahmad, The Islamist Challenge in West Asia: Doctrinal and Political Competitions after the Arab Spring.11 The book researches into the idea that the Arab Spring has provided a chance for the Islamists in the West Asia region to seize political power that has long eluded them, while it has also stimulated differences among these groups. The author, a former Indian diplomat, served as Indian Ambassador to Saudi Arabia (2000-03; 2010-11); Oman (2003-04) and UAE (2007-10). In his book, he divided Contemporary Islamism into three broad classifications: Wahhabism, the Muslim Brotherhood brand and radical violent manifestations represented in al-Qaeda. Ahmad contextualizes Islamism in the historical settings in the region namely, the fall of Ottoman Empire and European colonial outreach and the responses it garnered. He further explains the development of Wahhabism and Muslim Brotherhood that according to many are the two most important ideological strands in contemporary Islam.

The chapter fifth “The Arab Spring and its Aftermath” discusses the events and developments in different countries (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria) arguing that the early proposals about Turkey as a model for Arab Spring countries fizzled out with the progress of the events. On the other hand countries such as Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, UAE, and Kuwait that were relatively less affected have been discussed at length.

 Rex Brynen, Pete W. Moore, Bassel F. Salloukh, Marie-Joelle Zahar, Beyond the Arab Spring: Authoritarianism & Democratization in the Arab World.12 The book attempts to highlights years the authoritarian regimes of the Arab world displayed remarkable persistence which began in Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University December 2010. In the second chapter “North Africa: Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia” authors have highlighted the precursors, nature, and course of the dynamics unleashed by the Arab Spring. The authors also focus on the complex forces that have sustained authoritarianism in the region, as well as the roots of popular mobilization and regime overthrow.

11 Talmiz Ahmad, The Islamist Challenge in West Asia: Doctrinal and Political Competitions after the Arab Spring (New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2013) 12 Rex Brynen, et al., eds., Beyond the Arab Spring: Authoritarianism & Democratization in the Arab World (New Delhi: Viva Books Pvt. Ltd., 2012)

11  Anne Wolf, Political Islam in Tunisia: The History of Ennahda.13 The book is an empirical study of the significant Tunisian political history. In the book, Anne Wolf has discussed about the Islamist movements and parties, democratization, the theoretical and practical manifestation of Islam and democracy.

This book well combines a range of work in English and French languages and combines archival documents and original interviews with important figures. All the six chapters of this book are mainly focused on Tunisia’s Islamist movement, al-Nahda, from its background as a socio-cultural movement in the 1960s to the present. The conclusion provides the author neutral analysis and gives an account of Ennahda’s efforts to rewrite their history and their inability to find solutions to Tunisia’s faltering economic conditions.

 Noureddine Jebnoun, Tunisia’s National Intelligence: Why Rogue Elephants Fail to Reform.14 The book attempts to highlight the importance of Tunisia’s intelligence services under the rule of Habib Bourguiba (1956-87) and Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011) and analyzes steps toward the reform of these agencies since the 2011 revolution. In keeping with the book’s subtitle, Why “Rogue Elephants” Fail to Reform, author’s main argument is that the limited steps of intelligence reform that have been undertaken in Tunisia since 2011 have largely been undermined by the determination of an authoritarian organizational culture. From chapter I to IV it emphasizing the need to focus on intelligence agencies in Tunisian own right. The chapters are very informative and provide great insight about changing nature of Tunisian Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University intelligence services after 2011. It also discussion the evolution of the intelligence services after the end of the Bourguiba era, including what author refers to as the “securitization of power” (p. 34) under Ben Ali and the collective use of military intelligence as a tool to control and contain the military. Overall, the book is unique in tackling the intelligence services of a Middle Eastern state in great empirical depth.

13 Anne Wolf, Political Islam in Tunisia: The History of Ennahda (London: C. Hurst Publishers, 2017) 14 Noureddine Jebnoun, Tunisia’s National Intelligence: Why Rogue Elephants Fail to Reform (Washington, DC: New Academia Publishing, 2017)

12  Anwar Alam, Eds, Arab Spring: Reflections on Political Changes in the Arab World and Its Future.15 This book covers 19 scholarly papers grouped into five themes, broadly deals with social-political forces, ideas, discourses, and events that have shaped the emergence of the Arab Spring, while delineating its broad meanings and contours. It discusses the contentious matter of the relationship between Islamism, the nation-state, and democracy in the context of Arab world, and it deliberates the strengths, weaknesses, limitations, and prospects of Arab Spring for the democratic transformation of Arab societies. The author teaches at the Department of International Relations, Zirve University, Gaziantep (Turkey). In addition, the author also analysis the role of major international powers in, as well as regional implications of, the Arab Spring.

 Anju Bali Pandey, Father of Tunisia Habib Bouruguiba.16 In this book in attempt has been made to present historical overview of development of Tunisian nationalism and role of Habib Bouruguiba, the architect of modern Tunisia. The author is one amongst Indian scholars who work on Tunisia and North African politics, which is important reading for the students of West Asia and North Africa. This book deals with five chapters; in this chapter second “Bases or Fundamentals of Bourguiba’s Power” the author has discussed historical significance of Tunisia; its national movement after the occupation on 1883; and role the Neo-Destour of nation building process. In the chapter third “Institutionalization of Power in Tunisia” author focuses on the political system of Tunisia after independence and policy of Habib Bouruguiba creating a new environment in Tunisia. In the last two chapters, Maulanathe author highlightsAzad Library, situation Aligarh of Tunisia Muslim after independence, Universityi.e. success of the Neo-Destour Party and Tunisian foreign policy after liberation. Although the author has discussed things in a very brief manner and need more elaboration but the book is very helpful for understanding the working and nature of Tunisian political system and nature of decision making and policy formulation of Habib Bouruguiba.

15 Anwar Alam, eds, Arab Spring: Reflections on Political Changes in the Arab World and Its Future (New Delhi: New Century Publications, 2014) 16 Anju Bali Pandey, Father of Tunisia Habib Bouruguiba (Delhi: Vista International Publishing House, 2005)

13  Nicola A. Ziadeh, “Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia”.17 The book accounts the historical development of Tunisian nationalism. The author is a former Professor of modern Arab history in the American University of Beirut. The book provides insight in different aspects of Tunisian culture, politics and economy. The book takes the reader through all important events of Tunisian history which would play an important role in the future of Tunisia. The first two chapters of the book focus on geo-political significance of Tunisia. The chapter three and four present overall situation of Tunisia during the French Protectorate (1881-1956). In the final chapter “LA TUNISIE MARTYRE” the author discusses Tunisia’s national movement after the First World War. Therefore the book provides great insight for understanding the various phases of Tunisian nationalism.

 George Joffe, Eds, North Africa’s Arab Spring.18 This book is a reproduction of The Journal of North African Studies, vol.16, issue 4. The author is an expert in the Middle East and North African studies and currently engaged as a Lecture at the Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Cambridge. He is also Visiting Professor of Geography at Kings College, London University. This book addresses problems encompassing the evolution of the Arab Spring in North Africa. After a general introduction and clarification of the events on a region-wide basis, it turns to examine aspects of each of the countries concerned. The chapter from three to five focuses on the role of the Muslim Brotherhood during the Nasser regime and in the contemporary situation. The book analyses the links between social media and television system throughout the revolution in Egypt. The chapter six is in this comprehensiveMaulana study Azad of theLibrary, Libya’s Aligarh revolution. Muslim In chapter Universityseven and eight discusses about the intellectual and cultural background to the Tunisian revolution and an analysis the role of new political parties in Tunisia. Final two chapters concludes with a study of why there was no revolution in Algeria and how the Moroccan monarchy was able to sideline those who challenged it at the price of constitutional changes that are essentially cosmetic.

17 Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: The American University of Beirut, 1961) 18 George Joffe, eds, North Africa’s Arab Spring (London: Routledge, 2013)

14  Kenneth Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia.19 The book accounts the historical development of Tunisia, as a nation, from the mid-nineteenth century to the present. The author is an Emeritus Professor of History at the University of South Carolina and has conducted scholarly research in Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, France, the United Kingdom, and Sudan. The book is compilation of eight chapters. The first six chapters of the book examines the years of French colonial rule from 1881 to 1956, when the Tunisians achieved independence; he describes the process of state building in Tunisia, including the design of political and economic structures and the promotion of a social and cultural agenda. This book gives updated analysis of Tunisian past before and after Arab Uprisings.

 Leon Laitman, Tunisia Today: Crisis in North Africa.20 The book provides insight in different aspects of Tunisia like culture, politics, history and economy. The book comprises of nine chapters, the chapter three to eight discusses the Tunisian agricultural and non-agricultural activities. The book also analyzes Tunisia’s foreign trade situation. The last chapter author traces origin of France-Tunisian relation and discussed its different aspects especially social and political affairs. The book is simply written but is very authoritative and well informed.

 Kenneth J. Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds.21 The book is a comprehensive and an analytical discussion about Tunisia from Pre-Islamic period to country’s political condition after independent from French protectorates. The content of the book is divided into twelve chapters. In the first six chapters, the author systemically discusses Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University geographical significance of Tunisia and culture of its people; condition of Tunisia before Islam; origin of Islam in the region. The last six chapters of the book account the condition of Tunisia under the French protectorate and discuss in detail various stages of the Tunisian nationalist movement. The book also focuses on Tunisian economy, political culture and foreign relations

19 Kenneth Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014) 20 Leon Laitman, Tunisia Today: Crisis in North Africa (New York: The Citadel Press, 1954) 21 Kenneth J. Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds (London: Croon Helm Ltd., 1986)

15 after country’s independent. Therefore, the book provides great help to broad understanding about Tunisia.

 Michele Penner Angrist, “Understanding the Success of Mass Civic Protest in Tunisia”.22 This paper attempts to provide a critical analysis of the 2011 Tunisian revolution. The author is Professor of Political Science at Union College and her research principally focuses on “Regime Type and Regime Change, and Women and Politics in the Middle East and the Muslim World”. The author provides in this paper insight in understanding the nature and causes of Mass civic protest in Tunisia. The author has argued that the 2011 Tunisian uprisings attributable mainly to economic causes, social media and the army’s refusal to back the regime of President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali. She also argues that people’s demonstrations in Tunisia were facilitated by Islamic moderation, secularist-islamist rapprochement within the opposition and the actions of the Tunisian General Union of Labor (UGTT). In the conclusion author has discussed the post-revolutionary situation of Tunisia. This paper gives incredible assistance to understanding Tunisian revolution and its impact on Tunisian politics.

 Rikke Hostrup Haugbolle and Francesco Cavatorta, “Will the Real Tunisian Opposition Please Stand Up? Opposition Coordination Failures under Authoritarian Constraints”.23 In this paper the authors examine the causes behind the failure of Tunisia’s opposition to forge active coordination and collaborative links during President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali reign, focusing specifically on the powerlessness and unwillingness of political parties to act in concert in order to challenge his authoritarian rule. The key Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University argument of this study is that divisions within the political opposition were as vital as regime repression in sustaining the Ben Ali regime for over 20 years. Additionally, this paper also highlights the past coordination failures and divisions within the opposition explain to the absence of political parties at the helm of the 2011 uprising.

22 Michele Penner Angrist, “Understanding the Success of Mass Civic Protest in Tunisia”, The Middle East Journal 67, no. 4 (Autumn, 2013): 547-564 23 Rikke Hostrup Haugbolle and Francesco Cavatorta, “Will the Real Tunisian Opposition Please Stand Up? Opposition Coordination Failures under Authoritarian Constraints”, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 38, no. 3 (December, 2011): 323-341

16  Gladys Lechini de Alvarez and Noemi S. Rabbia, “Arab Spring incidents in the end of the Green Era in Libya: Questions on the right to intervene and the duty to interfere”.24 This paper aims to focus on the analysis of what occurred in Libya during the Arab Spring, explaining the intentions of Western powers when opted to intervene in the African country and what the future reserves for the Libyans after the death of Muammar Gaddafi, bearing also in mind legal queries on intervention and interference.

 Francesco Cavatorta, “Geopolitical Challenges to the Success of Democracy in North Africa: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco”.25 In this article the author has argued on the process of democratization in International Politics and its status in the Maghrib region of North Africa. In the first section of this article the author discusses the various Geopolitical issues within the international politics. In the second section highlights the Geopolitical significance of the Mediterranean region. In the final portion of this article the author provides a perspective of the democratic process on the three Maghribi countries—Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. However, the flow of analysis is quite outdated and the study needs to be updated.

 Maria Cristina Paciello, “Tunisia: Changes and Challenges of Political Transition”.26 This paper was made within the framework of the MEDPRO (Mediterranean Prospects) project, founded under the Socio-economic Science & Humanities Programme of DG Research of the European Commission’s Seventh Framework Research Programme. The contents of this paper have divided into four sections; in the first section the author evaluates the issues sustaining the former stability of Ben Ali’s regime. It then investigates the Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University reasons of its basic unsustainability, culminating in the anti-government popular 2011 uprising and the removal of Ben Ali. Finally, the paper analytically highlights the real condition of Tunisia after the country’s democratic political transition and future challenges that confront the country.

24 Gladys Lechini de Alvarez and Noemi S. Rabbia, “Arab Spring incidents in the end of the Green Era in Libya: Questions on the right to intervene and the duty to interfere”, Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 2, no.3 (Jan-Jun, 2013): 145-165 25 Francesco Cavatorta, “Geopolitical Challenges to the Success of Democracy in North Africa: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco”, Democratization 8, no. 4 (Winter, 2001): 175-194 26 Maria Cristina Paciello, “Tunisia: Changes and Challenges of Political Transition”, Mediterranean Prospects, Technical Report, no. 3 (May, 2011): 1-26

17 However, the study is based on very limited period i.e. five months after Tunisian Uprisings and also needs updating.

 Rolf Italiaander, The New Leaders of Africa.27 This book is a portrayal of the personalities of those men who have shaped the destinies of contemporary Africa: Mohammed V, Ferhat Abbas, Habib Bourguiba, Idris, Sekou Toure, Nkrumah, Hassan II, Nasser, Mboya, Welensky, Verwoerd, Kasavubu, Tubman, Olympio, and Senghor. The chapter four of this book “Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia” (pp.25-30) highlights the early life of Bourguiba and his contribution of the Tunisian national movement and national building process.

 Wilfrid Knapp, Tunisia.28 The book begins with introduce of different geological structures of the Tunisia and afterward attempts to investigations the procedure of authentic advancement of the country; incorporating Tunisian relations with her neighbors. It highlighted the event of Hilalian invasion and Tunisia under the Hafsid Dynasty ruled and the Beys. The author most significantly examines the condition of Tunisian under the French occupation and also highlights the different stages of Tunisian nationalism, including the role of the father of the nation—Habib Bourguiba. No doubt the book is quite helpful for understanding different dimensions of Tunisia as a nation.

 Alexis Arieff and Carla E. Humud, “Political Transition in Tunisia”.29 In this paper the authors highlight the Tunisian constitutional making process and role of the Al-Nahda in the 2011 protest movements. The paper also evaluates the changing nature of Tunisian policy after revolution on different issues like TransitionalMaulana Justice, Azad Terrorism, Library, economic Aligarh policy Muslim and foreign University policy. The author’s account that Tunisian revolution developed better Tunisian foreign relations with other countries particularly with the European Union (EU) and the U.S.A. The paper is helpful for understanding the Tunisian political scenario after the revolution from 2011 to 2014.

27 Rolf Italiaander, The New Leaders of Africa (Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentic-Hall, INC., 1961) 28 Wilfrid Knapp, Tunisia (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970) 29 Alexis Arieff and Carla E. Humud, “Political Transition in Tunisia”, Congressional Research Service (January 29, 2014): 1-16

18  Kasper Ly Netterstrom, “The Tunisian General Labor Union and the Advent of Democracy”.30 This article highlights the role of the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) in the 2011 Jasmine Revolution. The author tries to explain why the union was accomplished of taking on this role in the light of the fact that, before the revolution, it collaborated with and was heavily infiltrated by the rule of President Ben Ali. The article is helpful for understanding the role of civil society organization in the country democratization process.

 Jehangir Khan, Manzoor Ahmad and Zahir Shah, “The Middle East Uprising (The Arab Spring): Prospects and Challenges”.31 This paper highlights the important factors that contributed to bring about change in the Middle East region. The authors discuss the internal and external dynamics of the uprisings and its effects and fall out on political, economic and social settings of the region and the world. It focuses on the fact that how relevant is the political Islam to these revolutionary movements and the role of Islamist parties in the global politics also be deliberately discussed. The paper is simply written and well informed but it discuss only limited time period.

 Basak Akar Yuksel and Yılmaz Bdngol, “The Arab Spring in Tunisia: A Liberal Democratic Transition”.32 The paper highlights the Tunisia's political experience in search of its democratic heritage. The paper is divided into three sections; the first section defines the concept of democracy and discusses it main characteristics. The second section is discusses the historical overview for democracy in Tunisia and the consider democratic institutions before and during the transitions as elections, freedom of expression, freedom Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University of association and other issues regarding human rights. Finally, with the advent of political transition it discusses the possibility of democratic consolidation in Tunisia.

30 Kasper Ly Netterstrom, “The Tunisian General Labor Union and the Advent of Democracy”, The Middle East Journal.70, no. 3 (Summer, 2016): 383-398 31 Jehangir Khan, Manzoor Ahmad and Zahir Shah, “The Middle East Uprising, (The Arab Spring): Prospects and Challenges”, International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences 4, no. 9 (September, 2014): 114-120 32 Basak Akar Yuksel and Yılmaz Bdngol, “The Arab Spring in Tunisia: A Liberal Democratic Transition”, Elektronik Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 12, no. 47 (Autumn, 2013): 310-327

19  Derek Hopwood, Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia: The Tragedy of Longevity.33 The book is a sympathetic study of a long and fascinating life of President Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia, who was an Arab leader greatly admired in the West for his moderation and strict administration. He in the beginning highlights the early life of Habib Bourguiba (1901-27) and then his role country to independence after a prolonged struggle against the French colonizer (1927-56). In the end he mentioned briefly about the charisma of Habib Bourguiba. The book is simply written and well documented.

 Michael J. Willis, Politics and Power in the Maghreb: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco from Independence to the Arab Spring.34 The book examines the politics of three main players within the Maghreb-- Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco -- since they gained freedom from European colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s. The book contents into nine chapters, the first two chapters of the book defined historical periods of the region and post-independence nation building process. In chapter’s three to five, the author examines the role played by three key elements in the region: the military, political parties, and Islamist movements. The book overall offers a comprehensive analysis of the first fifty years of socioeconomic and political transformations in the Maghreb after independence in comparative fashion.

 Marc Lynch, The Arab Uprising: The Unfinished Revolutions of the New Middle East.35 In this book an attempt has been made to highlight the overview of the wave of unrest that has arisen in many nations from North Africa, through the Middle East, and down to the Persian Gulf after 2010. The book provides a thorough analysis of the historical and contemporary forces Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University that contributed to the outbreak of mass protests in the Middle East, and their effects for the region and US foreign policy. In the first three chapters, the book provides a historical overview of the Arab Cold War experienced during 1960s and of the terminated democratization attempts of the late 1980s and early 1990s. After having described developments towards the latest uprisings,

33 Derek Hopwood, Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia: The Tragedy of Longevity (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1992) 34 Michael J. Willis, Politics and Power in the Maghreb: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco from Independence to the Arab Spring (London: Oxford University Press, 2014) 35 Marc Lynch, The Arab Uprising: The Unfinished Revolutions of the new Middle East (New York: Public Affairs, 2012)

20 the fourth chapter, analyzes the events in Tunisia and Egypt that represented the beginning of a new wave of protests. The next three chapters offer a wide- ranging study of the changing fortunes of the many uprisings that followed. The Arab Uprising ends with a chapter on the future challenges to US foreign policy originating from this new Middle East. The book provides a comprehensive narrative of events.

 Ibrahim Fraihat, Unfinished Revolutions: Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia after the Arab Spring.36 This book is centered on the original field research of the author, conducted over three years in Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia. It is the results of over two hundred interviews with key figures as well as administration, heads of political parties, revolutionary youth activists, former regime loyalists, representatives of women’s and civil society organizations, military and militia commanders, tribal leaders, and members of displaced communities. The author is a Senior Fellow in Foreign policy at the Brookings Institution’s Doha Center and an adjunct professor at Georgetown University in Qatar, where he lives. In this book, the author associates three countries contending with political transitions in the wake of the Arab Spring: Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia. The author also argues that to attain enduring peace and stability, post-revolution states must engage in inclusive national reconciliation processes which include a national dialogue, a truth seeking effort, the reparation of victims’ past injuries, dealing with the former regime, and institutional reform. Women, civil society, and tribes, among other social forces, can support the transition process.

 Dafna Hochman Rand, Roots of the Arab Spring: Contested Authority Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University and Political Change in the Middle East.37 The book attempts to highlight the early stages of the Arab Spring. In December 2010, the self-immolation of a Tunisian vegetable vendor set off a wave of protests that have been termed the "Arab Spring." These protests upended the governments of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen while unsettling numerous other regimes throughout the Middle East and North Africa. In this book, she gives one of the first accounts

36 Ibrahim Fraihat, Unfinished Revolutions: Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia after the Arab Spring (London: Yale University Press, 2016) 37 Dafna Hochman Rand, Roots of the Arab Spring: Contested Authority and Political Change in the Middle East (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013)

21 of the systemic underlying forces that gave birth to the Arab Spring. She argues that the Arab Spring was fifteen years within the creating, gradually inflamed by growing popular demand and expectation for free expression, by top-down restrictions on citizens' political rights, and by the failure of the region's autocrats to follow through on liberalizing reforms that they had secure over a decade earlier. However, this book is one of the first books to try to understand the factors that contributed to the Arab uprisings in a systematic manner.

 Layla Al-Zubaidi, Matthew Cassel and Nemonie Craven Roderick, Eds, Diaries of an Unfinished Revolution: Voices from Tunis to Damascus.38 This book is an English Pen Award Winner book, which covers eight scholarly papers, broadly deals with different stories of Arab Spring in the eight different Islamic Nations(Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Algeria, Yemen, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Syria). In the first chapter of this book “Greetings to the Dawn: Living through the Bittersweet Revolution (Tunisia)”, the author Malek Sghiri, expresses his observations on Tunisia after the revolution. This book is very helpful to understand the extraordinary happenings in the West Asia after Arab Uprisings.

 Hafez Ghanem, Eds, The Arab Spring Five Years Later: Case Studies (Vol 2).39 This second volume of this book provides the original research papers on which volume 1 by Hafez Ghanem is based. The editor is the vice president for the Middle East and North Africa at the World Bank and a non- resident senior fellow in the Global Economy and Development at the Brookings Institution. In this edited volume, Ghanem accumulates a collection Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University of thirteen important researches conducted by scholars from a variety of backgrounds to provide a deeper understanding of the economic factors that led to the Arab Spring. The first four chapters of this book deals with urban transportation, small enterprises, governance, and inclusive planning in Egypt; reconstruction in Iraq; Chapters fifth and eleven highlights youth employment and rural and regional development in Tunisia; other chapters examine

38 Layla Al-Zubaidi, Matthew Cassel and Nemonie Craven Roderick, eds, Diaries of an Unfinished Revolution: Voices from Tunis to Damascus (New York: Penguin Books, 2013) 39 Hafez Ghanem, eds, The Arab Spring Five Years Later: Case Studies , vol.2, (Washington, D.C: The Brookings Institution’s Press, 2016)

22 women’s issues and agricultural practices in Morocco; education in Yemen; and more. The book is simply written and is very authoritative and well informed.

 Nouri Gana, Eds, The Making of the Tunisian Revolution: Contexts, Architects, and Prospects.40 This is a clear and concise strong book whose authors individually and collectively describe and contextualize Tunisia's revolution systematically. The editor of this book is an Associate Professor of Comparative Literature and Near Eastern Languages and Cultures at UCLA. This book has been divided into three parts and with each part contributed by four different Scholars deals various issues about Tunisian Uprising. In the first part of the book “Contexts: Roots of Discontent”, the authors highlighted Tunisian relations with the International Financial Institutions; the role of Religion in Tunisian Politics; United States Policy towards Tunisia since 1956 and French Economic and Diplomatic Support of Tunisian Authoritarianism.

 Safwan M. Masri, Tunisia: An Arab Anomaly.41 In this book, the author explores the issues that have shaped the Tunisian exceptional experience. The author is Executive Vice President for Global Centers and Global Development at Columbia University. He divided the book into three parts; the first part “Tunisian Spring”—the author highlights timeline of the Tunisian revolution. In the next part, “Roots of Tunisian Identity”—he traces Tunisia's history of reform in the realms of education, religion, and women's rights, arguing that the seeds for today's relatively liberal and democratic society were planted way back by the middle of the nineteenth century. In the final part “L’ecole, La Femme, Et Laicite”—the author explores notions of Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University identity, the relationship between Islam and society, and the hegemonic role of religion in shaping educational, social, and political agendas across the Arab region. However, this book provides a sensitive, often personal, account that is critical for understanding not only Tunisia but also the broader Arab world.

40 Nouri Gana, eds, The Making of the Tunisian Revolution: Contexts, Architects, and Prospects, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2013) 41 Safwan M. Masri, Tunisia: An Arab Anomaly (New York: Columbia University Press, 2017)

23  Lin Noueihed and Alex Warren, The Battle for the Arab Spring: Revolution, Counter-Revolution and the Making of a New Era.42 The book makes a critical analysis of the economic and political roots of the Arab Spring, assess what has been accomplished so far, and consider the many stumbling blocks that confront the Arab nations as they struggle to form their futures. The book comprehensibly analyzes the challenges several Arab nations experienced in building democratic establishments, finding consensus on political Islam, overcoming tribal divides, and satisfying an insatiable demand for employments.

 Tasnim Abderrahim, Laura-Theresa Kruger, Salma Besbes and Katharina McLarren, Eds, Tunisia's International Relations since the 'Arab Spring': Transition Inside and Out.43 This book evaluates Tunisia’s transition ‘inside and out’ from four angles: Tunisian polity and politics which provide the framework for its foreign policy since the ‘Arab Spring’ (2011- 2015); bilateral relations before and after the ‘Arab Spring’ with the following countries—France, Germany, European Union, Turkey and USA; Tunisia’s activism in international organizations (the Arab Maghreb Union, Arab League and UNO) as well as their presence in Republic of Tunisia; and multinational problems in Tunisia. Drawing on a broad range of primary sources, including authors’ own interview material conducted with politicians and representatives of civil society and international NGOs involved in the transition process, the book shows that since 2011 Republic of Tunisia has not developed at the domestic level, however additionally at the extent of external relations. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University  Asaad Al-Saleh, Voices of the Arab Spring: Personal Stories from the Arab Revolutions.44 This book is a unique account of the Arab Revolutions that led to the collapse of dictatorial regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen. The editor of this book is Associate Professor of Arabic Literature, Comparative and Cultural Studies in the Department of Near Eastern

42 Lin Noueihed and Alex Warren, The Battle for the Arab Spring: Revolution, Counter-Revolution and the Making of a New Era (London: Yale University Press, 2012) 43 Tasnim Abderrahim, et al., eds, Tunisia's International Relations since the 'Arab Spring': Transition Inside and Out (New York: Routledge, 2017) 44 Asaad Al-Saleh, Voices of the Arab Spring: Personal Stories from the Arab Revolutions (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015)

24 Languages and Cultures, Indiana University-Bloomington. Instead of writing about these events from the perspective of those who create and implement policy, the book is written by Arab citizens themselves who up until these revolutions could not have their voices heard. The book itself is divided into chapters, with every chapter covering a distinct country of the Arab spring (starting with Tunisia and ending with Syria) and within each chapter there are a number of personal narratives written by people who were participating in the revolutions. This book is an important reading for anybody who is interested in the history of the Arab world.

 William C. Taylor, Military Responses to the Arab Uprisings and the Future of Civil-Military Relations in the Middle East: Analysis from Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and Syria.45 This book describes Arab military reactions to the social uprisings which began in 2011. Through a comparative case study analysis of Egyptian, Tunisian, Libyan, and Syrian militaries, it explains why militaries fractured, supported the regime in power, or removed their presidents. It is superbly written and extremely accessible, offering a sober analysis of different militaries responses through interest and restraint. This book is very useful guide to the Arab Spring will benefit policy makers, scholars, students, and general readers.

 James L. Gelvin, The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know.46 The book begins with a brief primer on the Arab world and the cultural similarities and the broad economic and political climate of the region before the uprisings began. The author argues that the revolutions were the result of four factors: economic promises made by the regimes to their people that fell Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University apart, a "youth bulge", food crises and political brittleness of their autocracies. While there are some variations, these four themes are revisited as the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Libya and Syria are explored in detail. This book was obviously written very soon after these events occurred, so it is interesting to look at the events that occurred and what the contributing

45 William C. Taylor, Military Responses to the Arab Uprisings and the Future of Civil-Military Relations in the Middle East: Analysis from Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and Syria (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014) 46 James L. Gelvin, The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know (London: Oxford University Press, 2012)

25 factors were. This book offers a far fuller clarification of the uprisings and why and the way they escalated.

 Harold D. Nelson, Eds, Tunisia: a country study.47 The book focuses on historical antecedents and on the cultural, political, and socio-economic characteristics that contribute to cohesion and cleavage within the society in Tunisia. The authors provide specific attention on origins and traditions of the people in Tunisia who make up the society, their dominant beliefs and values, their community of interests and the problems on that they’re divided, the character and extent of their involvement with the national establishments, and their attitudes toward one another and toward the social structure and political order within which they live. However, this book is outdated but useful for special knowledge, and authoritative perspective on Tunisia.

 Jeremy Salt, “Containing the Arab Spring”.48 The author is the scholar in Middle Eastern Studies from the University of Melbourne, where he currently taught in the Department of Middle Eastern Studies and Department of Political Science. Salt has published an important book—The Unmaking of the Middle East: A History of Western Disorder in Arab Lands. In this article the author discusses the developments in the Arab World since the beginning of the Arab revolutions in 2011 and the way regional and global forces have been trying to deal with, contain and obstruct their development, in line with long standing Western interventions in the region, based on Western interests and ideologies.

 Hassen Chaabani, “The Tunisian Revolution: the Free, Youth Revolution 49 from anMaulana Anthropological Azad Library,Perspective”. AligarhThe author Muslimwas theUniversityfounder and the President of the Tunisian Association of Anthropology. In this paper the author emphasis on the anthropological aspects of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011 viewing how anthropology could offer several angles of insight into the study of this revolution, which represents a new model of political revolutions.

47 Harold D. Nelson, Tunisia: a country study (Washington, D.C: Foreign Area Studies Series, 1986) 48 Jeremy Salt, “Containing the Arab Spring”, Interface: a journal for and about social movements 4, no.1 (May 2012):54-66, http://interfacejournal.net 49 Hassen Chaabani, “The Tunisian Revolution: the Free, Youth Revolution from an Anthropological Perspective”, International Journal of Modern Anthropology 1, no.10 (2017):14-48, https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ijma/issue/view/15746

26 However, the author shows that 2011 revolution has three major particularities: the young age of the revolutionaries, the independence of their thought and action, and their nonviolence. These particularities would not remove it from the political revolution category, but they mark a new step of paradigm change in the history of political revolutions. The behavior of the revolutionaries and their real objectives are among Muslim good morals, which are compatible with those adopted by the modern western civilization and the Universal Moral Code. Moreover, the author shows how the ethnic and cultural homogeneity of Tunisian population has protected this revolution against efforts aiming to deviate it from its real objectives.

 Alfred Stepan, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations”.50 The author is Wallace S. Sayre Professor of Government at Columbia University and director of Columbia’s center for the study of Democracy, Toleration and Religion. In this article the author has made an attempt to analyse 2011 Tunisia positive democratic transition. It did so while adhering to a relationship between religion and politics that follows the pattern of what the author have called the “twin tolerations. The first toleration is that of religious citizens toward the state. It needs that they accord democratically electoral officers the liberty to pass and govern while not having to confront denials of their authority supported non secular claims—such because the claim that “Only God, not man, can make laws. “The second toleration requires that laws and officials must permit religious citizens, as a matter of right, to freely express their views and values inside civil society, and to freely participate in politics, as long as non-secular activists and organizations respect alternative Maulanacitizens’ constitutional Azad Library, rights andAligarh therefore Muslim the law. UniversityNo doubt the article is very helpful in understanding the Tunisian democratic transition into different angles.

 Timo Behr and Mika Aaltola, “The Arab Uprising: Causes, Prospects and Implications”.51 In this paper the authors highlight the essence of the 2011Arab revolution. The popular uprisings in the North Africa and in a

50 Alfred Stepan, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations”, Journal of Democracy 23, no. 2, (April 2012): 89-103, http://journalofdemocracy.org 51 Timo Behr and Mika Aaltola, “The Arab Uprising: Causes, Prospects and Implications”, FIIA Briefing Paper, no. 76 (March 2011): 1-10, http://fiia.fi

27 number of Arab countries have been triggered by a combination of deteriorating living standards and growing inequality, a lack of political freedoms and public accountability and the alienation of the demographically dominant age cohorts from the political order. The outcome of the mass protests is likely to vary in accordance with the nature and level of cohesion of the incumbent regimes and their ability to maintain their monopoly on the use of force. On a systemic level, the authors opinion that the Arab Uprising will create a new political and economic reality in the Middle East and transform the regional balance of power.

 Peter J. Schraeder and Hamadi Redissi, “The Upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia: Ben Ali’s Fall”.52 In this paper the authors has been examine the various factors which contributing the Arab uprising. Tunisia’s Jasmine revolution took scholars and policymakers by surprise. In discernment, declining socioeconomic conditions, intensifying authoritarianism of the ruling regime, and public dissatisfaction with the growing corruption of the president’s extended family suggested that the country was ripe for revolution. Other factors contributing to revolutionary change included the literal and figurative spark of Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation; the regime’s decision to employ deadly force against protestors; the widespread use of cellphones and social media, most notably Facebook; the role of youth and other civil society groups; and the military’s pivotal decision to side with the protestors. International actors, especially the United States, played a facilitating role.

 Mohamed A. El-Khawas, “Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution: Causes and Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Impact”.53 In this paper the author makes an attempt to critically analyse nature of Tunisian Jasmine Revolution. Tunisians were the first in the region to oust a long-time dictator, one who had ruled the country for twenty-three years. It was a genuine popular revolution, started without a leader, and was nonpolitical, no ideological, and nonreligious. After the decline of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s regime, new political parties were established and

52 Peter J. Schraeder and Hamadi Redissi, “The Upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia: Ben Ali’s Fall”, Journal of Democracy 22, no. 3 (July 2011): 5-19, http://journalofdemocracy.org 53 Mohamed A. El-Khawas, “Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution: Causes and Impact”, Mediterranean Quarterly 23, no. 4 (2012): 1-23, https://read.dukeupress.edu/mediterranean-quarterly

28 free and fair multiparty elections were held, a giant step forward in the march toward democracy. The economy continues to be a deep source of discontent, however. Youth blame the government’s inaction for continued unemployment. The Ennahda-led coalition has to get the right mix of resources to make progress in reducing unemployment. Tunisians cannot do it alone; external assistance is badly needed.

 Anne Wolf, “An Islamist ‘renaissance’? Religion and politics in post- revolutionary Tunisia”.54 This article re-evaluates the role of Tunisia's Islamists under the former regimes, as well as the latters' strategy for controlling Tunisia's most important political opposition. Making use of new primary and secondary material, the author argues that the Islamist movements, which, since the late 1980s, also include the ultra-conservative Salafists, have always played an important part in Tunisian society. Although in post-revolution Tunisia the Salafist movement has, in particular, gained international attention, Tunisia's Salafists continue to form a highly heterogeneous movement, which prevents them from regrouping socially and politically as a single force to constitute an alternative to Ennahda.

 Alaya Allani, “The Islamists in Tunisia between confrontation and participation: 1980–2008”.55 This article traces the shifting relationship of the Tunisian government under Bourguiba and Ben Ali with the Islamic Movement. The relationship is now confrontational, but it has not always been so. Rather, it has varied over time between confrontation and participation. The author conclude that, particularly with the recent rise of a violent Salafist movement within the geographical area, there's an occasion of future political Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University participation in Tunisia by moderate Islamists movements such as Ennahda, and that the cost of such participation is far better than the cost of their non- participation.

54 Anne Wolf, “An Islamist ‘renaissance’? Religion and politics in post-revolutionary Tunisia”, The Journal of North African Studies 18, no. 4 (2013): 560-573, https://www.tandfonline.com 55 Alaya Allani, “The Islamists in Tunisia between confrontation and participation: 1980–2008”, The Journal of North African Studies 14, no. 2 (June 2009): 257-272, https://www.tandfonline.com

29  Azzam S. Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism.56 The book is a comprehensive and authoritative work on Sheikh Rachid Ghannouchi—prominent Tunisian thinker and the leader of Hizb al-Nahdah. The book covering with eight chapters; in the opening chapter the author has highlighted the early biography of Ghannouchi—covering the first 25 years of his life. Besides, the other chapters covering the comprehensive analysis of the views of Ghannouchi about democracy, secularism, and civil society; the book also contains an excellent chapter titled Ghannouchi’s Detractors wherein the author through a balanced style has examined and explored the critics of Ghannushi and his response to them. The book careful analysis of Rachid Ghannouchi's political thought and demonstrates a serious effort to reconcile Islam with Western democracy.

 Samir Amin, The Reawakening of the Arab World: Challenge and Change in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring.57The author was an Egyptian- French renowned Marxian economist, political scientist and world-systems analyst. In the book the author tries to examine the complex interaction of nations regarding the Arab Spring and its continuing, turbulent seasons. Beginning with the author compelling interpretation of the 2011 popular Arab explosions, the book is comprised of five chapters – including a new chapter analyzing U.S. geo-strategy. The first chapter of this book sets out an interpretation of the explosions of 2011, while the succeeding four chapters retrace the long evolution of the place of the Arab World in the world systems of past and contemporary, in the framework of global history. This is an indispensable guide to the political struggles of the contemporary Middle East. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University  Mohammad Gulrez, Eds, The Arab Spring & Prospects of Peace in West Asia. The book consists of selection of eleven papers from the scholars belonging to various disciplines working on the Indian subcontinent. The author is an expert in the International Relations and Global Governance. This book contained cover a wide ranging issues such as governance, the rule of law, citizenship, terrorism, the role of the youths in leading the protests and

56 Azzam S. Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001) 57 Samir Amin, The Reawakening of the Arab World: Challenge and Change in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2016)

30 creating new avenues of mobility that have a considerable bearing on the future of the West Asia and North African region. In the book author also to highlight the direct and indirect impact of Arab Uprisings on India in the various aspects. This book helped to the scholars to collectively explore the consequences of the events in West Asia and North Africa in the political and economic aspects, as well as on their implications for peace and stability in the region.58

Above all and more importantly, the study draws on a lecture delivered on 8 April 2015 by Rachid al-Ghannouchi at Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), Aligarh, India and also on the researcher’s brief meeting with him at AMU.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

58 Mohammad Gulrez, Eds, The Arab Spring & Prospects of Peace in West Asia (Aligarh: AMU Publications Division, 2015)

31 Chapter-2

GEO-POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF NORTH AFRICA: THE MAGHRIB REGION

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University CHAPTER-2

GEO-POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF NORTH AFRICA: THE MAGHRIB REGION

2.1 The Maghrib: the Land

The North Africa is an island.1 It is bounded by the Atlantic Ocean to the West, Mediterranean Sea to the North, the desert which stretches into Egypt and Sudan to the East and by an even broader sea of sand, the Sahara which separates from Negro Africa, on the South.2 The North-Western part of the continent that came under Muslim rule is called in Arabia al-Maghrib, or Occident, where the sun sets, as opposed to al-Mashriq, or the Levant, where it rises.3 In the seventh century nomadic Arabs invaders who observed the region named it “Jazirat al Maghrib,” the island of the west, just as always called their own peninsula the “Jazirat al Arab,” the Arab island.4 In addition, it is used as a proper noun denoting the Maghreb, and in Arabic it called al-Maghrib al-Arabia “the Arab Maghreb” or al-Maghrib al-kabir “the great Maghreb”.5

North Africa, the Maghrib of Arab geographers, is an area with a geophysical unity and its own characteristics. In the contemporary day the term is used by the peoples of Maghrib themselves when referring to the four countries: Algeria, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and since the 1989 formation of the Arab Maghreb union,6 by the inclusion of

1 Island, a tract of land completely surrounded by water and not large enough to be a called a continent; 2 Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University I. William Zartman, “Foreign Relation of North Africa,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 489, (January, 1987): 13, http://jstor.org/stable/10045599. 3 Richard B. Parker, North Africa: Regional Tensions and Strategic Concerns (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1984), 1. 4 Charles F. Gallagher, The United States and North Africa: Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia (London: Harvard University Press, 1967), 2. 5 John P. Entails, Comparative Politics of North Africa: Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1980), 2. 6 The Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) was established on 17 February 1989 in Marrakesh. The establishment of the Arab Maghreb Union was signed by five countries: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Mauritania. The treaty document indicated that the common policy aims to achieving harmony among member states and establishing close diplomatic cooperation between them, based on dialogue; safeguarding the independence of each Member State and to achieving the industrial, agricultural, commercial and social development of the member states and taking the necessary means for this purpose, especially by establishing joint projects and preparing general and specific programs in this regard, https://maghrebarabe.org/&prev=search.

32 a fifth nation Mauritania. In the cultural nation, the Maghribi states (Fig-2.1) are a distinct part of Arab world, which share language, religion, ethnic, geographic and historical experiences.7

Figure -2.1 Maghrib Position in the Mediterranean World

[Figure-2.1: This Map is showing the countries of the upper (northern) part of Africa, the Middle East, and the Arabian Peninsula with international borders, the national capitals, and major cities. Map downloaded from https://natinsonline.org/oneworld/map/north-africa- map.htm, accessed on December 28, 2019]

The geostrategic location of the Maghrib has made this region extremely pivotal in the world. The Maghrib countries lie at the crossroads of the European continent; the African continent and the Asian continent with each country having its principal towns located by the side of this sea. Therefore, this region serves as one of the most 8 suitable routesMaulana of transit. AzadGeographically, Library, this Aligarh region divided Muslim into Universitytwo zones that are very different in their natural features: . In the north, the Maghrib proper, the cultivable Mediterranean and subtropical areas; . In the south, the Sahara.

7 Ben Fishman, eds. North Africa in Transition: the struggle for democracies and institutions (London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2015), 11. 8 E.C. Hodgkin, The Arabs (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 7.

33 Thus, the land area of the Mediterranean and Subtropical regions of the Maghrib constitutes almost 765,000 square kilometers, and the Maghrebin Sahara 2,052,000 square kilometers. The Mediterranean Maghreb is isolated from the Egyptian and Eastern Arab world and from black Africa, by the thousands of kilometers of desert and it also separated from Europe by the sea. The Northern Maghreb covers 2,400 kilometers from west to east between the 37th and 29th Parallels. In its geographical arrangement, its climate and way of life, strongly resembles the western half of the Fertile Crescent. The northern part of Maghrib is primarily a mountainous and half of Algeria and Morocco is located at an altitude of more than 1,000 meters. Rainfall is insufficient. Almost one fourth of the region receives not more than 400 millimeters of rain annually, the minimum required to support the Mediterranean ecosystem.9

The Mediterranean zone denotes about one-fifth of the total area of Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco, which includes the Tell Atlas, the Atlantic-facing slopes in Algeria, the high Tell and Dorsal in Tunisia, the Rif’s mountainous region of northern Morocco. In Libya, Mediterranean climatic conditions only exist in a narrow strip, which separated into two strips (the Jabal Nafusa in Tripolitania and al-Jabal al-Akhdar of Cyrenaica) by the Gulf of Sirta.10

Maghrib region has been described as a cold country with a hot sun, the zone of steppe land separates the Mediterranean from the desert. On the other hand, in the steppe region rainfall is considerably less, and its unreliability makes cultivation without irrigation hazardous. The regions of Morocco which are best suited for cultivation, and where consequently the major part of the population lives, are located to the north and the Shibu plain and Meseta plateau, two ranges of the west. Algeria, the middleMaulana state, isAzad composed Library, of low Aligarh plains surroundingMuslim University the cities of Oran and Montagne, while the Chelif Valley runs parallel to the coast towards Oran. The Tunisian steppe from Ham Mamet to Gabes, the Medjerda Valley and the Mateur plain provide the country with a proportionally greater lowland area than either of its neighboring states.11

9 Samir Amin, The Maghreb in the Modern World: Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco (Middlesex: Penguin Book Ltd, 1970), 9-10. 10 Lois A. Aroian and Richard P. Mitchell, The Modern Middle East and North Africa (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1984), 3. 11 Amin, The Maghreb in the Modern World, 11-14.

34 The Sahara spreads across northern Africa from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red sea and it is also separated from the rest of Algeria by the Saharan Atlas Mountains. This range direction over a distance of about 700 km., and includes the Ksur mountains, the Jabal Amur, the Awlad Nail and the Ziban mountains. The central part of Saharan Maghrib is hyper-arid and exist some animal or plants life, but in the northern area of the desert receives some occasional rains. The Eco region of North Saharan steppe and woodlands covers 1,675,300 square km (646,800 square miles) in Algeria, Egypt, Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia, and Western Sahara. The hyper-arid central portion covers Sahara desert, where rainfall is marginal and vegetation is rare, mostly consists of sand dunes, stone plateaus, gravel plains, dry valleys and salt flats. The landscape in plain, is consisting of ergs (sand dunes), regs (plains of boulders), and hammadas (gravel and chalk plateau). There are some occasional rocky stretches of mountainous country, as in the Algerian Hoggar, where the highest peak reaches 2,918 meters. The human settlement is confined to the oases. The Saharan helophytic, cover Tunisian salt lakes of central Tunisia, Chott Melghir in Algeria, and the other area of Egypt, Mauritania, Algeria, and western Sahara. As much as 6,000 feet under the Sahara are huge stores of underground water called Aquifers. In some areas, this water has come to the surface, which is called an Oasis. It supports vegetation and wildlife and is critical for people living in the desert.12

2.2 The Peoples and the Cultural Diversification in the Maghrib Region

Appropriately, majority of historians have focused on these three elements- the Berber, the European and the Arab-Islamic culture, which have great influence to the political and social development of the Maghrib. The essential truth of the historical Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University experience and legacy is that it is highly mixed. No one experience or influence can be seen as hiding all others. The peoples of the region are simply the products of their experience.13 The great Moroccan historian and novelist Abdallah Larouri (born 1933AD) has argued that Maghrib is frequently portrayed as “a land that is conquered, that is civilized by the external forces”.14

12 Gallagher, The United States and North Africa, 9-13. 13 Michal J. Willis, Politics and Power in the Maghreb: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco from Independent to the Arab Spring (London: Oxford University Press, 2014), 10. 14 Abdallah Larouri, In the History of the Maghrib: An Interpretive Essay (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 3.

35 2.2.1 The Native Population

The original known settlers of Maghrib probably came from Europe, long before the boundaries of present Maghrib countries existed. Those settlers were primitive farmers called Berber.15The original Berber population has been subjected to five principal foreign influences. The first was Phoenician and Carthaginian and lasted for some hundred years from about 1200 B.C. The second was the period of Roman supremacy which was definitely established with the destruction of Carthage in 146 B.C. and lasted for about 650 years. There followed the interlude of the Vandals and the Byzantine restoration. This was succeeded by 1,200 years of Arab predominance in Morocco and by about 800 years in the rest of North Africa, where a Turkish regime established itself at the beginning of the sixteenth century and continued in a modified form until the European occupation in the nineteenth century.16

The Phoenician came to the Maghrib region towards the end of the second millennium B.C. and built the magnificent city of Carthage in the present Tunisia and ruled the whole Mediterranean. It was the capital of the Berber king Irbas. The Carthaginians profoundly influenced the whole of African shore of the Mediterranean from Tripolitania westwards and also Sicily, Sardinia, Malta, the Balearic Island, and south Spain. They were distinguished as sailors, as merchants and as miners.17

Later on after the win of three Punic war (began in 245 B.C.), fought between the Roman and Carthage, the Romans dominated in the North African region almost six hundred years. The great Roman period is familiar to all travellers from the glorious remains of Roman cities which are found from Cyrene in Libya to volubilis near Meknes in Morocco. It was a time of great material development, encouraged and Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University directed from Rome as it was throughout the rest of the Empire. Agriculture and forestry were taken up maintained and developed. In fact, the Roman built monuments, cities, roads, dams and aqueducts are still in existence there in the region. After the Roman, the Vandals came in North Africa from the central Europe and in the year 439 AD. The Vandals however allowed Berber confederacies in the western

15 The name Berber comes from the old Latin word barbari, which meaning “foreigner”; name used by Romans for original inhabitants of north-western Africa. 16 Nevill Barbour, Eds, A Survey of North West Africa: The Maghrib (London: oxford university press, 1962), 9. 17 John Gunther, Meet North Africa (New York: Harper and Brothers Publication, 1957), 5.

36 Maghrib and helped in developing commercial and agricultural prosperity especially in the eastern Maghrib.18

In the contemporary Maghrib region, Berber peoples live half of Libya’s population, nearly one-half of Morocco’s and nearly one-third of Algeria’s, but in Tunisia they are minority. They are descended from the inaccessible mountains of the Auras and the desert. They moved there to avoid any contact with the various invaders of the region. During the Ottoman Empire and the French occupation, and even after the independence, the Berbers have managed to maintain a unique identity.19

2.2.2The Arabs

The Arabs have made great contribution to the peopling of North Africa. The Prophet Mohammed (P.B.U.H) rose among them, who united them under his great leadership. In the name of Allah, the Arabs conquer Egypt, all of North Africa and the whole southern half of Europe. They arrived in the Berber lands in the middle of seventh century, fifteen years after the death of the Prophet of Islam. They shortly put the Byzantine military forces out of action. In the very beginning the Arabs face lot of trouble and the Berbers fought the Arabs tooth and nail. Within a period of several centuries they managed to transform Barberry into a part of the Arabo-Islamic world in much the same way that Latin America was later brought into Christion- Mediterranean frame of civilization.20

According to John Ruedy:

“The unbeatable historical reality is that Islam and Arabism in North Africa were elaborated within the context of a predominantly Berber cultural frameworkMaulana which Azad has stamped Library, the Aligarh region linguistically, Muslim University sociologically, institutionally, and perhaps intellectually. At the same time, the fact that the Maghrib was and is closer geographically to the southern Europe and the Sudan than tote Middle Eastern metropole has dictated that the elaboration of Islam in Barbary was almost constantly modified and conditional by influences from these regions”.21

18 Ibid, 6-7. 19 E. Savage, “Berbers and Blacks: Ibadi slave Traffic in Eighth Century North Africa”, The Journal of African History 33, no. 3 (1992): 359-363, http://jstor.org/stable/183137. 20 Wilfrid Knapp, North West Africa: A Political and Economic Survey (London: Oxford university press, 1970), 21 21 Willis, Politics and Power in the Maghreb, 10.

37 The Muslims carried out a phenomenal campaign of spreading the Message of Islam into Persia, Syria, Egypt, Africa and other parts. During the period of third Khali ̄fah of Islam—‘Uthmān (may Allah be pleased with him), the Muslims began their campaigns toward the Maghrib. But these campaigns in the region came to a halt for a substantial period and were reintroduced with the emergence of the Umayyads. To end, it was ‘Uqbah bin Nāfı̇‘(may Allah be pleased with him), who was the first from the Muslims to venture the region successfully and in the year 670 founded Qayrawān and made it as a base for promote campaigns in the region. After that the region witnessed for about a thousand years a series of rise and fall of the several dynasties; governing it from distant places—Umayyad from Damascus, Abbasid from Baghdad, Fatimid from Cairo, Zirid and al-Muwahhid from Morocco and others.22

2.2.3 The European Component

The colons or European colonists was one of the smallest and the most powerful group of people in North Africa, that has played significant role to shape modern North Africa. The Europeans are different to the Romans and the Vandals, brought with them their own social, economic and cultural patterns. Most of them were French. Others came from Spain, Italy, the islands of Sicily and Corsica. They reproduced on the southern shores of the Mediterranean as much as they could the condition of life of their homeland in France, Spain and Italy. They governed most of North Africa by their bosses and ran it pretty much as they pleased, until they began to be forced out by the power of the nationalist movements.23

Like colonial experience in the West Asia and the rest of Africa, the North African situation is different. Most of the population of North Africa has shared the common Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University experience of France colonialism. This study however is not conducted to address the question of whether or not this occupation was in the interest of the original population of the region, but it is clear that what the European did in this land was intended to satisfy their own needs. However, the European occurrence in North Africa in all these years did achieve many great things. These settlers exploited this land in quest of personal wealth, denying the native population any hope of status and

22 Roland Oliver and J. D. Fage, A Short History of Africa (U.S.A.: Penguin Books Ltd, 1962), 70. 23 Leon Carl Brown, eds. State and Society in Independent North Africa (Washington, D.C.: The Middle East Institute, 1966), 8.

38 equality. This common French experience has an important effect in fostering the sense of unity and identity among those North African states. There is no denying, however that their present deeply influenced social life of the people including policy of the western language, and systems of education, administration, law, public finance, inspiration to form political parties and trade union, agriculture, industry.24

Apart from European but some other groups such as Spanish Muslims, the Jews, the Turks and the Negroes also influenced the way of life in North Africa. The Muslims of Spain overwhelmingly converted to Islam when the peninsula was divided religiously. They had even less Arab blood than did North Africans. When the Muslim ruled in Spain, there was great trade relation between Cordova, which at that time was one of the great capitals of the world. The greatest single movement of immigration from Spain to North Africa came after the Christian Reconquest ended in 1492 AD. Finally, very large number of the remaining Spanish Muslim came to swell the population of several Maghribi cities like, Rabat, Tetuan in Morocco, Tlemcen in Algeria and Tunis in Tunisia. Those people included cultural, talented artisans, townsmen and a garden farmer whose migration was a loss to Spanish life and it was a genuine achievement for North Africa.25

Compared with the overwhelming number of Muslims, the Jews are a very small but an active minority of the native population in the North African region. There is a similarity of language and culture that establishes very close ties between them. Jews were also welcomed in North Africa in the past because they were skilled craftsman and active in banking, business etc. They set up communities which were permitted to flourish under Arab rule. They were allowed to retain their identity under successive Vandal and ArabMaulana invasions. Azad However, Library, after the Aligarh nationalization Muslim of the University Maghribi states, more Europeanized Jews choose to go to France and the Jews from rural regions immigrated to Israel. In the 16th century, the Ottoman Turks arrived in North Africa, when the Europeans were beginning to take part in the slave trade. They took over the rule of Egypt in 1517 AD and shortly their influence spread to Algeria, Tunisia and Libya. The Turkish had little interest in these lands except to obtain taxes from their

24 Ibid, 9. 25 Hebe Spaull, Africa: Continent on the move (London: Barrie And Rock life Ltd., 1962), 21-22.

39 people. With the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, the Turkish rule in these African lands came to end.26

Not until the 19th century did Europe, specifically France, activated to view the Maghrib as an important part of its colonial enterprise. French colonial rule began in Algeria in the early 19th century and later extended to Morocco and Tunisia, through Algeria was an actual colony while the other were protectorates. French had several years in to modernize the territories in question including Tunisia and establish the early vestiges of local bureaucracy. According to historian Michael Willis, “whatever political authority succeeded colonial control at independence would inherit a highly efficient, highly centralized and thus highly powerful state apparatus”.27 In contrast, British influence in the region was shorter in duration and more contested by nationalist forces. Libya stands apart as the only country in the region that experienced Italian colonial rule.28 2.3 The Maghrib Nations: the Society and its Environment The countries of the Maghrib region of North Africa (Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania, Libya and Tunisia) have got enormous strategic as well as economic significance by virtue of their geographic location in the contemporary world situation. Table-2.1 Countries of the Maghrib Region

County Capital City Area Population Religion Government Date of Current Name (2019 Independence Constitution estimate) Algeria Algiers 2,381,741 km2 43,000,000 99% Unitary semi- 3 July 10 September Islam presidential 1962(from 1963 constitutional France) republic Morocco Rabat 710,850 km2 35,581,294 Sunni Unitary 7 April 1 July 2011. Islam parliamentary 1956(from constitutional France) Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslimmonarchy University Libya Tripoli 1,759,541 km2 6,653,210 Islam Unitary 10 February July 2017 provisional 1947 (from government Italy) Mauritania Nouakchott 1,030,000 km2 4,403,313 Islam Unitary semi- 28 November 12 July 1991 presidential 1960(from Islamic republic France) Tunisia Tunis 163,610 km2 11,722,038 Islam Unitary semi- 20 March 26 January presidential 1956(from 2014 republic France) Source: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/the-world-factbook/geos/ts.html, (accessed on December 29, 2019.)

26 Ibid, 22-24. 27 Willis, Politics and Power in the Maghreb, 34 28 Fishman, North Africa in Transition, 12.

40 Table 2.1 provides the various structures of the Maghrib countries. Among the other countries of North Africa, Algeria represents an important nation in the geopolitical Mediterranean context. It is the largest and most populous Maghrib state. The Algerians, whether the Arabs or the Barbers, are Muslims and more than 98% of whom, religiously as Sunni Muslims, the majority of them follow the Maliki rite. The huge numbers of Europeans, most of them French, have living in Algeria.29 In economic sense, Algeria is a variant of the classic renter state: hydrocarbon revenues support the state and pay for the social services that the state offers its citizens. The country also has a vast oil and gas resources.30

As an intersection of the Mediterranean, Muslim and African worlds, Algeria inherited a number of Numidian and Romans sites, (in the east of Mauritania, in Aures and in the north of Numidia), as well as Christian and Islamic sites and buildings. The paramount Algerian cities are: Algiers, Oran, Constantine, Annaba, Blida, Chief, Tlemcen, Sidi Bel Abbes, Biskra, Bou Sadda, Tebessa, Ouargla and Skikda. Algeria is above all Algiers, its capital, a window that reflects many of places to be discovered and rediscovered. The Algiers bay is one of the wonderful in the world and offers great perspective on modern Algerian life. The city of Oran has great history and having been the preventing point on the trade route between Spain and Morocco, due to its suitable geographic location. The third largest city of Algeria is Constantine and which is one of the grand spectacles of the north, made by nature but embellished by man. Over time, Constantine has been a city of political, cultural and economic significance. It is also a multicultural place which, over the centuries, has attracted traders, as well as invaders, from around the Mediterranean including Jews from France and Spain, Ottoman Turks, Genoese and others. There are numerous UNESCO WorldMaulana Heritage Azadsites in Library,Algeria, some Aligarh important Muslim are: Al Qal’aUniversity of Hammad, M’Zab Valley, Casbah, Tipasa, Timgad and Tassili n’Ajjer.31

Meanwhile Algeria’s neighbor, Morocco had been under France and small part had been ruled by Spain. The majority inhabitants of Morocco are Berbers, more popularly known as Moors, have a long and proud history. They were the builders of

29 Spaull, Africa, 29-3. 30 Geoff D. Porter, “Algeria: Enter the Oligarchy”, in North Africa in Transition: the Struggle for Democracies and Institutions, ed. Ben Fishman (London: Routledge, 2015), 86. 31 Francesco Cavatorta, “Geopolitical Challenges to the Success of Democracy in North Africa: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco”, Democratization 8, no. 4 (winter, 2001): 175-194.

41 some of the lovely building of all time, both in their own country and in Spain which at one time they conquered and ruled. Their ancient cities, such as Fez and Marrakesh, attract the admiration of tourists from all over the world.32It was the only country in the Maghrib region which has an Atlantic façade and is thus at the same time oceanic and Mediterranean. This huge maritime façade has played a major role in the life of the country. This is because of both natural and human factors. Its main port is the big town of Casablanca. The country is very rich in minerals, mainly: manganese, phosphates, lead and zinc. It also is an agricultural country, producing great quantities of hard wheat, maize, barley, sorghum, olive, fig, almond, pomegranate and orange groves. The desert areas are spread with oases surrounded by date palms. Majority proportion of Morocco’s forests area has been destroyed by human being, although in the mountains area there are still some grand stands of enormous cedar, evergreen oak, and cork oak etc.33

Libya is perhaps the poorest of North African country, however rich in history and tradition. It has also unique cultural, geographical, economic and geopolitical dimensions that should move it toward being a modern democratic nation with untapped potential. It is part of the Greater Middle East and fronts on the Mediterranean, and projects deep into the Sahara. Libya, after being under Turkish rule for four hundred years, was annexed by Italy in 1911, following a war with Turkey. The nation is really three separate countries joined together. The three traditional parts of the country are: Tripolitania, Fezzan and Cyrenaica.34 Libya has five World Heritage sites that are protected by UNESCO. They include the archeological sites of Cyrene, Leptis Magna and Sabratha, as well as the Old Town of Ghadames and the ancient Rock Art site of Tadrart Acacus. The Libyan economy largelyMaulana depends upon Azad revenues Library, from theAligarh oil wealth, Muslim which accountingUniversity for the around 95 percent of export earnings and 25 percent of GDP, and also providing for the 60 percent of government wages. It positively helped to bring about substantial development in Libyan living conditions.35According to the United Nations, among

32 Maurice Roumani, The case of the Jews from Arab countries: A Neglected Issue (Tel Aviv: World Organization of Jews from Arab Countries, 1977), 32. 33 Carveth Wells, Introducing Africa (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1954), 41. 34 Borzou Daragahi, “Libya: From Euphoria to Breakdown,” in North Africa in Transition: The Struggle for Democracies and Institutions, ed. Ben Fishman (London: Routledge, 2015), 39-41. 35 “Libya- CIA World Factbook,” Central Intelligence Agency, accessed on July 24, 2019, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ly.html.

42 the any African nations Human Development Index (HDI) rating, Libya has the highest and fifth highest in the Arab world (behind the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, and Kuwait, but ahead of Saudi Arabia).36Oil wealth powered extensive Libyan military purchases and also financed political benefaction. Apart from oil, other important natural resources of the country are gypsum and natural gas.37

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania is technically a member of the Arab League38 and the barely active Arab Maghreb Union. The country is arguably closer in ethnic and demographic composition. Mauritania is primarily deserted, but it also has a substantial coastline that boasts some of the most plentiful fishing in the world. The climate of this land characterized by warm temperatures and recorded level of sunshine throughout the year. The ocean with its endless sandy beaches, embraces wonderful bays and lagoons. One of the great assets of Mauritania is its strategic location, as it bridges North Africa and sub-Sahara Africa. It is also the tropical destination closest to Europe, which has promoted some foreign investors. This advantageous location of the country has been maintained by the national road network linking Nouakchott to Nouadhibou which on the regional level, allows the connection of Mauritania with Western Sahara and Morocco, while in the south this coastal highway connects Mauritania to the countries of sub-Saharan Africa.39The great Ancient cities of this land: Ouadane, Chinguetti, Tichitt and Oualata, founded between 9th to 13th century, which classified by the UNESCO in 1996 as “World heritage of Humanity”. These cities were mainly advanced through the Saharan trade roads and strengthened later with the Muslim conquest, abandoned by the caravan and invaded by the sand.40Like others African countries, Mauritania’s economy primarily based of agriculture and natural resources. However, despite these features, GDP of Mauritania isMaulana still low. TheAzad country Library, has iron, Aligarh gold, Muslim and copper University mines. Oil was discovered in 2001, and since then Mauritania became one of the ten largest oil

36 United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 2010 (New York, 2010):142, http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2010_EN_Tables_reprint.pdf. 37 “Libya facts and figures,” OPEC, accessed on December 18, 2019, https://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/about_us/166.htm. 38 The League of Arab States, or Arab League, is a voluntary association of 22Arab countries. It was founded on 22 March 1945. Its stated aims are to strengthen ties among member states, coordinate their policies and direct them towards a common good. On 26 November 1973 – Mauritania joins the Arab League thirteen years after independence. 39 Anthony G. Pazzanita, Historical Dictionary of Mauritania (Maryland: Scarecrow Press, NC, 2008), 1-3 40 “Tourism and Culture of Mauritania”,mauritanianembassy.org.uk, accessed on May 12, 2019, http://www.mauritanianembassy.org.uk/tourism-and-culture.php

43 producers in Africa. Since the discovery and exploitation of oil and gas, foreign direct investments flows to the Mauritania have been progressively increasing.41

2.3.1 Tunisia:

The Republic of Tunisia (in Arabic: al-Jumhūrīya at-Tūnisīya; French: République tunisienne) is extremely different nation and perhaps the most interesting Maghribi country.42 It is because of its great strategic importance. The country is almost halfway from the Atlantic Ocean and the Nile River. The Mediterranean shoreline of Africa, which flows from the Atlantic more or less towards east, near Tunisia, turns abruptly south, thus, provides the country two faces on the Mediterranean, one to the north toward Europe and another in east towards Islamic Regions. It is these two regions that have made great influences on the history of the country.43About the country’s vital strategic position coupled with the influence of the two above mentioned powers made Carl Brown to conclude:

“Located thus at the hub of this great inland sea, with both an eastern and northern coastline, Tunisia has been a weathercock for Mediterranean history, revealing from which direction have come the stronger winds of politico-military power.”

“A center of power in its own right in the Carthaginian period, Tunisia later became the heartland of Roman Africa. The territory of the present-day Tunisia and eastern Algeria was also the strongest bastion of North African Christianity. Following the rise of Islam and the beginning the Arab penetration into North Africa in the seventh century, Tunisia embraced Arab- Islamic culture. Thereafter Muslim Tunisia, given its central Mediterranean location, fluctuated between eastern and western Islamic worlds, at times more identified with the one, at times more with the other.”44

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

41 Pazzanita, Historical Dictionary of Mauritania , 28-33 42 Nicole Rowsell, “Tunisia: Foundations of Democratic Compromise,” in North Africa In Transition: The Struggle For Democracies And Institutions, ed. Ben Fishman, (London: Routledge, 2015), p. 19 43 Kenneth J. Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds (London: West View Press, 1986), p.1. 44 Carl Brown, op.cit., pp.19, 21

44 Figure -2.2 Tunisia’s Position in the Mediterranean World

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

[Figure-2.2: This Map is showing the Tunisia’s political, physical, images photos and Tunisia position in World. Map downloaded from https://www.worldmap1.com/political-map-of- tunisia, accessed on January 12, 2020].

Tunisia, with an area of 163,610 square kilometers (63,170 square miles), and a coastline of about 1,600 kilometers indented by the gulfs of Tunis, Gabs and Hammamet, lies between latitudes 37N. (at Bizerte) and 30 N., and between longitudes 8 and 11E., has for over 3000 years of history and rich cultural heritage, a land with deep rooted traditions of openness, peace and progress. The country is

45 bordered by Algeria to the west, Libya to the southeast, and the Mediterranean Sea to the north and east (Fig-2.2). It also contains the eastern end of the Atlas Mountains and the northern reaches of the Sahara desert. Much of the rest of the country’s land is fertile soil and 1,300 kilometers of coastline.45

The country is divided into three main geographic regions— i.e. northern, central, and southern Tunisia.46 The Northern part of Tunisia is a largely mountainous region and is sometimes referred to as the Tell, a term peculiar to North Africa. It is normally defined as a heavily populated area of high ground located close to the Mediterranean Sea. The region is intersected from east to west by the Mejerda River and is divided into sub regions made up of the Mejerda Valley and the several portions of the Tell. The Tell is the mountainous area situated to the north of the dorsal chain, has a verity of small areas where vegetation varies from one place to another. In overall the life style in this region is the usual Mediterranean agricultural. The Dorsale Mountains form a rain shadow separating northern Tunisia from the remainder of the country. The northern parts of the Great Dorsal could be known as the Maritime Tell, the westernmost of which is of a rugged mountainous nature, with a rainfall of about 40 inches.47

The Central Tunisia lies in the South of the Dorsale, a region of generally poor soils and scanty rainfall. Its interior consists of a predominantly pastoral area made up of the High Steppes and the Low Steppes,48 the former occurring at greater elevations near the Algerian border. The Steppes are formed by the rising ground south of Tell. In the region dry farming is the general practice along the various wadis (oueds), and olive-growing in the plains. Rainfall is not noticeably heavier there, but heavy dew has madeMaulana possible Azadthe intensive Library, cultivation Aligarh of olive Muslim and other University tree crops, and there is considerable cereal production.49

45 Tarek Azouz, “Tunisia-India: A Reinvigorated Friendship in the Making,” The Sunday Express, March 20, 2016, 4. 46 Harold D. Nelson, eds. Tunisia: a country study (Washington, D.C.: American University Foreign Area Studies, 1986), 74. 47 Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism5 in Tunisia (Beirut: The American University of Beirut, 1962), 2. 48 The term steppes was used by the French to define the semiarid interior highlands of North Africa, and the area has little in common with the better known steppes of Central Asia than its name. 49 Nelson, Tunisia: a country study, 76

46 South region from the steppes, the arid expanses that constitute southern Tunisia commence with an area where preferment are lower and where the landscape is marked by numerous chotts (saltmarshes, sometimes known as shatts) that lie below sea level. On higher ground around these depressions are various oasis settlements and valuable groves of date palms. The extreme south of Tunisia is a desert proper. In the area, Gabes, Tozeur and Nefta have been endowed with palm groves. The Tunisian Sahara covers the southern sections and beginning with semi-desert conditions and also projects like a wedge between Algeria and Libya. Further, the Sahil, spread along the whole east coast, is something flat and sometimes undulating. It is a zone of smallholding as well as of ancient urban settlement, and Olive Cultivation; famous historical towns line in the coast: Tunis, Sousse, Monastir, Mahdiya, and Sfax. 50

The most distant natural structures that influence the climate are the Mediterranean Sea, which moderates climate conditions; the Atlas mountains; and the Sahara with its hot and dry sirocco winds, which blow northward over much of the country. A Mediterranean climate is characteristic of the northern coastal zone. Temperatures are higher in the interior and the south. Tunisia is in general less favored than the other Maghribi countries with respect to rainfall, and agriculture is heavily dependent on the irregular climatic conditions. The River Mejerda is the country’s most important perennial stream. The Chott el Jerid, the largest of southern Tunisia's salt lakes, is dry during half of the year but is flooded to form a shallow salt lake during the winter months. Even intermittent streams are rare in the Sahara, but rich artesian sources make possible numerous fertile oases.51

Tunisia’s internalMaulana divisions Azad can be Library, trace back Aligarh to the Protectorate Muslim period.University The prime administrative division is the governorate. In 1968, including Tunis, there were 13 governorates. Under the Protectorate, local government of the country was generally a matter of tribal administration, with elected sheikhs in control of the smaller tribal sections. The Protectorate government divided the country into a civil zone in the populated north and a military zone in the south. However, after the liberation, the new Tunisian government abolished the military zones and re-divided the country.

50 Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds, 2 51 Nelson, Tunisia: a country study, 79

47 Figure-2.3 Map of Tunisia’s Governorates

[Map downloaded from http://www.tunisieindustrie.nat.tn/Fr/doc.asp?mcat= 12&mrub=105&msrub=204&dev=true, accessed on December 9, 2019] Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Figure 2.3 provides the basic information of Tunisia’s Administrative divisions. For the administrative purposes the country is presently divided into 24 governorates (wilayat, singular wilayah):Beja (Bajah), Ben Arous (Bin 'Arus), Bizerte (Banzart), Gabes (Qabis), Gafsa (Qafsah), Jendouba (Jundubah), Kairouan (Al Qayrawān), Kasserine (Al Qasrayn), Kebili (Qibili), Kef (Al Kaf), L'Ariana (Aryānah), Mahdia (Al Mahdiyah), Manouba (Manubah), Medenine (Madanin), Monastir (Al Munastir), Nabeul (Nabul), Sfax (Safaqis), Sidi Bouzid (Sidi Bu Zayd), Siliana (Silyanah), Sousse (Susah), Tataouine (Tatawin), Tozeur (Tawzar), Tunis, Zaghouan (Zaghwan).

48 The governorates are divided into 264 "delegations" or "districts" (mutamadiyat), and further subdivided into municipalities (baladiyat), and sectors (imadats).52

Table: 2.2

Major Cities in Tunisia

Name Administration Population (Census 23April 2014) 1. Tunis Tunis 638,845 2.Ṣafāqis Sfax 272,801 3.Sūsah Sousse 221,530 4. At-Taḍāmun Ariana 142,953 5.Al-Qayrawān Kairouan 139,070 6. Banzart Bizerte 136,917 7. Qābis Gabès 130,984 8. Sukrah Ariana 129,693 Source: Institut National de la Statistique Tunisie (web) (accessed on January 16, 2020)

Table 2.2 provides basic facts of the Tunisia’s major cities and their population according to latest census. Tunis is the capital city as well as main commercial and industrial center of Tunisia grew under the French Protectorate with the progressive centralization of administration. It is also the intellectual capital of the country. Tunis connected to all other major cities by rail and road. It has also air and sea communications with the main cities of Europe and the Middle East. Safaqis is the second town and only big port serving the central and southern regions. Susah is another important town in Tunisia. It has greatly benefited from the growth of tourism Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University and fishing. There is also a small amount of industry. The city of Bizerte (population 136,917) went into a decline after the French naval forces left in 1963. Even earlier the fishing has shown a minor decline since the exodus of the Italian fishermen. However, it is still the center of a governorate. The city Al Qayrawān has long history and rich cultural heritage. In 670 AD it was established by the Arabs. Its strategic location on the steppes, during the early periods of conquest the Arabs used it as a camp. The first mosque in the Maghrib region was established in this site and later it

52 “Map of Tunisia”, Portail de l’industrie Tunisienne, accessed on 9 December 2019, http://www.tunisieindustrie.nat.tn/Fr/doc.asp?mcat=12&mrub=105&msrub=204&dev=true.

49 was the capital of the western Muslim world. It is also remained the holy city of the Maghrib.53

Table: 2.3

Age structures of Tunisian (2020 estimates)

Total percentage Male Female 0 – 14 years 25.28% 1,529,834 1,433’357 15-24 years 12.9% 766,331 745,888 25-54 years 42.85% 2,445,751 2,576,335 55-64 years 10.12% 587,481 598,140 65 years and over 8.86% 491,602 546,458 Source: National Institute of Statistics (accessed on January 15, 2020)

Table: 2.4

Population Growth Rate (Maghribi Countries)

Country Percentage Rank Rank among African nations Algeria 1.52 67 44 Libya 1.94 50 39 Morocco 0.96 110 49 Mauritania 2.09 42 36 Tunisia 0.85 124 51 Source:MaulanaCIA World AzadFactbook Library, (2020 estimates) Aligarh Muslim(accessed on University January 15, 2020)

The current population of the country was estimated about 11,719,369(September 2019).54 Tunisia’s National Institute of Statistics indicates that in 2020 total more than 42% of Tunisian between the ages 25-54 years (Table 2.3). According to the Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook latest report population growth rate of Tunisia

53 Howard C. Reese et al., Area Handbook for the Republic of Tunisia (Washington, D.C.: American University Foreign Area Studies, 1970), 23-24. 54 “Tunisia Population”, Statistiques Tunisie, accessed on September 12, 2019, http://www.ins.tn/en/themes/population.

50 0.85%; Tunisia’s overall rank 124 and among 56 African nations Tunisia position 51(Table 2.4). Through the centuries, the Phoenicians, Romans, Vandals, Byzantines, Arabs, Turks, Spanish and French have intermingled with Berbers, the indigenous people of Tunisia. The principal pattern of rural settlement varies by region, although in all portions of the country most of the sedentary population lived in nuclear villages rather than on farms. The rural population of northern Tunisia usually lived on large, mechanized farms (operated either collectively or individually) or on small ones. The big farms, most of them former properties of the European colonists were found in the lower Mejerda Valley and in the coastal lowlands. The rest of the region was made up of mountainous terrain where small farm villages were scattered on the mountainsides and in the valleys.55

Table: 2.5

Population Distribution by Religion in Maghrib Countries

Country RELIGIONS Algeria Muslim (official; predominantly Sunni) 99%, other (includes Christian and Jewish) <1% (2012 est.) Libya Muslim (official; virtually all Sunni) 96.6%, Christian 2.7%, Buddhist 0.3%, Hindu <0.1, Jewish <0.1, folk religion <0.1, unaffiliated 0.2%, other <0.1 (2010 est.) note: non-Sunni Muslims include native Ibadhi Muslims (<1% of the population) and foreign Muslims Morocco Muslim 99% (official; virtually all Sunni, <0.1% Shia), other 1% (includes Christian, Jewish, and Baha'i); note - Jewish about 6,000 Maulana(2010 est.) Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Mauritania Muslim (official) 100% Tunisia Muslim (official; Sunni) 98.1%, other (includes Christian, Jewish, Shia Muslim, and Baha'i) 1% Source: The data are based on World Development Indicators & World Development Report retrieved on 10 March 2018.

Tunisia has a secular culture that inspires acceptance of other religions and religious freedom. Most of Tunisia's populations (around 98%) are Muslims while about 1%

55 Nelson, Tunisia: a country study, 81.

51 follows Christianity and the remaining 1% hold fast to Judaism or different religions (Table 2.5). The majority of Tunisians influences stem from the Maliki School of jurisprudence and their mosques are easily recognizable by square minarets. However, the Turks carried with them the educating of the Hanafi School during the Ottoman rule which still survives among the Turkish descended families today and even their mosques traditionally have octagonal minarets. The country has a substantial Christian community of around 25,000 adherents, mainly Catholics (22,000) and to a lesser degree Protestants. Berber Christians continued to live in Tunisia up until the early 15th century. Judaism is the country’s third largest religion with 1,500 members. One-third of the Jewish population lives in and around the capital. The remainder lives on the island of Djerba, with 39 synagogues, and where the Jewish community dates back 2,500 years.56

The Arabic is the official language of the country and the Tunisian Arabic known as Tounsi is widely used by the people. Berber, the indigenous tongue, is spoken by substantial ethnic minorities in Algeria and Morocco, but in Tunisia only about 1 percent of the populations use it as their mother tongue. Berber speakers, who numbered about 70,000 in the midl980s, occupy villages on the edge of the desert in such areas as Sened, Matmata, Jerba Island, and Nafusa on the Libyan border. The French, despite having no official status, is used country media, business and educational systems.57

The system of education is the pillar of the Tunisian society and it is always given highly importance. In earlier Tunisian traditional educational systems was based on the village kuttab or Koranic school. Secondary education was obtainable for the extraordinaryMaulanaminority Azad who Library, sought to Aligarh higher studies Muslim at the UniversityEz-Zitouna, an Islamic university established in the 18th century and connected with the Grand Mosque in Tunis. The French introduced four separate types of education system: a French primary and secondary system entirely integrated with that in Metropolitan France; a government controlled system of mixed French and Arabic schools; primary “modern Koranic schools”, some run by the state and others privately with state aid, and lastly the Zitouna University with its secondary education system. After the nation

56 Fishman, North Africa in Transition, 12-13. 57 Lotfi Sayahi, Diglossia and Language Contact: Language Variation and Change in North Africa (London: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 31-32.

52 independence from French Protectorate, education in Tunisia is under the direct responsibility of the state. Tunisia’s first independent government introduced an extensive education reform in 1958 and prepared a single structure education system with nationwide standards for each branch and level of education.58

Table: 2.6

LITERACY (Maghribi Countries)

Country Total Male Female Date of Population (%) (%) (%) Information Algeria 81.4 87.4 75.3 2018 Libya 91.0 96.7 85.6 2015 Morocco 73.8 83.3 64.6 2018 Mauritania 53.5 63.7 43.4 2017 Tunisia 81.8 89.6 74.2 2015 Source: UNESCO Institute of Statistics (accessed on January 18, 2020)

Presently government of Tunisia which spends for 6.6% (2015) of total country’s GNP (Gross National Product) on education. Since the year of 1991, the government of the country provided free and compulsory basic education for the children between the ages of 6 to 16 years.59 According to the Report of UNESCO Institute for Statistics (Table 2.6), the total adult literacy rate in the country was 81.8(2015). Its maximum value over the past 30 years was 80.22 in 2012, while its lowest value was 48.19 in 1984.60According to the Global Competitiveness Report 2008-09, released by the World Economic Forum, Tunisia ranked 17th in the “quality of the higher educational system” level and 21st in the “quality of the primary educational system” Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University level.61 In Tunisia each year with exceptionally high multilingual skills more than 70,000 new graduates join the labour market. Also 35 percent of graduates specialize in the fields of engineering, computer science, communications and other technical

58 Ibid, 103-105. 59 “Education of Tunisia”, Central Intelligence Agency, accessed on March 5, 2019, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ts.html. 60 Report of UNESCO Institute for Statistics accessed on 8 August, 2019, http://data.uis.unesco.org/?ReportId=210. 61 Global Competitiveness Report 2008-09, accessed on 19 June 2018, http://www.weforum.org

53 areas. According to the aforementioned report, Tunisia ranked 22 in terms of availability of scientists and engineers in the labour market.62

Table-2.7

Tunisia—Economy Indicators

2005 2010 2019 GDP (million 32272 44051 40069 current US$) GDP growth rare 4 3 2 (annual Const. 2010 prices) GDP per capita 3194.5 4140.2 3474.5 (million current US$) Economy: 10 8.1 10.2 Agriculture (% of Gross Value Added) Economy: Industry 28.8 31.1 24.6 (% of Gross Value Added) Economy: Services 61.3 60.8 65.2 (% of Gross Value Added) Employment: 20.8 17.7 13.3 Agriculture (% of employed) Employment: 42.2 44.9 42.6 Industry (% of Employment (% of employed) Employment: 37 37.3 44.1 Services (% of employed Unemployment (% 12.9 13 15.1 of labour force) Labour force 23.367.6 24.5/69.7 23.9/69.7 participationMaulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University (female/male pop. %) CPI: Consumer 82 100 138 Price Index Source: https://data.un.org/en/iso/tn.html (accessed on January 16, 2020)

Table 2.7 provides the basic indicators of Tunisia’s economy. The Tunisian economy, among the most competitive economies in Africa and in the Arab world, offers a better business environment. It is characterized by deep liberalization, great

62 Azouz, Tunisia-India, 4

54 integration with the world economy and sustained competitiveness, combined with an incentivizing regulatory and fiscal framework. In 1960s an ill-starred experiment with socialist economic policies, Tunisia effectively focused on bolstering exports, foreign investment, and tourism. Important exports now include textiles and apparel, food products, petroleum products, chemicals, and phosphates, with about 80% going to the European Union. Tunisia accomplished four decades of 4-5% annual GDP progress.63 However after the recent political crisis Tunisia’s GDP annual growth rate decries 1% between 2010 and 2019 (Table 2.7). Table: 2.8 Structure of the Financial System (TUNISIA) Unit: Number Indicator 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 Central Bank 1 1 1 1 1 Deposits Bank 22 23 24 23 23 Institutions of 1 1 1 1 1 collecting and savings OFFSHORE Banks 7 7 7 7 7 Investment 134 134 134 148 148 Companies Postal Cheque 1 1 1 1 1 Centre Exchange Stock 1 1 1 1 1 Companies of 6 6 6 4 4

Factoring Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Leasing companies 13 8 8 8 8

Source: Central Bank of Tunisia Updates: 06/02/2020

Table 2.8 provides a detailed account of Tunisia’s structure of the financial system during the period of 2014 to 2018. The Central Bank, Investment Companies, Companies of Factoring, Leasing companies and Offshore Banks etc. have great contribution to the Tunisia’s financial system

63 “Tunisia Economic Overview”, the World Factbook- Central Intelligence Agency, accessed on December 30, 2019, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ts.html.

55 Table: 2.9

Ease of doing business ranking 2019 (Maghribi Countries)

Rank Economy EODB score EODB score change 60 Morocco 71.02 +2.46 80 Tunisia 66.11 +1.51 1 148 Mauritania 51.99 +0.92 157 Algeria 49.65 +2.06 186 Libya 33.44 +0.23 Source: Doing Business database.

Note: The ease of doing business rankings are benchmarked to May 1, 2018, and based on the average of each economy’s ease of doing business scores for the 10 topics included in the aggregate ranking. For the economies for which the data cover two cities, scores are a population-weighted average for the two cities. A positive change indicates an improvement in the score between 2016/17 and 2017/18 (and therefore an improvement in the overall business environment as measured by Doing Business), while a negative change indicates deterioration and a 0.00 indicates no change in the score.

According to the World Bank Report—Doing Business 2019, which highlights the factors determining the ease of doing business, Tunisia ranks 80th out of 190 countries. Tunisia ranks ahead of other Maghrib countries (except Morocco) and even out performs a number of developed and emerging countries (Table 2.8).

In addition to the mild climate and the variety of landscapes, Tunisia has all facilities and amenities necessary for the foreign investor to live comfortably:

 A rich cultural, artistic, historical and archaeological heritage; Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University  modern residential neighborhoods with luxury homes at reasonable cost, much lower than European cities;  many shopping malls and hypermarkets (CARREFOUR, GEANT, MONOPRIX) offering the most varied products and where all brands are represented;  foreign schools: French , Canadian, British, Italian , Russian and American;  Various and developed infrastructure for tourism, leisure and sports;

56  The incredible diversity of Tunisia’s landscape has made Hollywood choose the country as the location for several of its blockbusters;

 High standard medical services with a network of modern and specialized clinics offering varied medical care and where more and more foreign patients come to treat.64

Table: 2.10 Primary Energy Production

Unit: 1000 Ton of Oil Equivalent

Indicator 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Crude oil 3128 2903 2627 2505 2117 Natural Gas 2510 2301 2231 1969 1850 Primary 36 48 45 45 40 electricity Source: National Institute of Statistics Updates: 07/01/20

There are rich agricultural lands in Tunisia and the country has useful minerals, such as iron ore, lead and phosphates. Tunisia also produces crude oil, Natural Gas and Primary electricity (Table 2.9). The country is more than thousand years of olive cultivation history and the second largest olive oil producer in the world. Tunisia’s olive oil is largely exported to Spain, Italy and other European countries. It is also exported to more than 60 markets around the world including the US, Canada, Russia, China and Japan, under as many as 80 different brands. Tunisia’s olive oil exports represent 40% of its agricultural exports and 10% of its total exports. Some other principal domestic crops are wheat, barley, oats, corn and sorghum. Tunisia also Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University produces the best dates in the world, the famous and succulent “Deglet Ennour, the dates of light”65

According to the country’s National Tourist Office (O.N.T.T) report, Tunisia invested 216.3Million dinars in 2018 on Tourism.66 The Among the Tunisia’s important Tourist Zones are: Tunis and its Medina, Côtes de Carthage, Bizerta, Hammamet-

64 “Discover Tunisia,” Inspiring Tunisia, accessed on 17 September 2019, https://diplomatic.gov.tn/discover-tunisia 65 Azouz, Tunisia-India, 4. 66 “Touristic Investment”, Tunisian National Tourist Office, accessed on 18 December 2019, http://www.ins.tn/en/themes/tourisme

57 nabeul, Yasmine Hammamet, Tabarka and Aïn Draham, Sousse - Port El Kantaoui, Monastir, Mahdia, Kairouan, Sbeïtla-Kasserine, Djerba-Zarzis Island, Sfax-The Kerkennah Islands and the Oases and the Great South.67

According to annual GFP (Global Fire Power) review Tunisia ranked 80 out of 137 countries in 2019. That year, the number of people reached military age was estimated at 201,248 personnel, while military expenditure was estimated at $550 million. In 2018, military expenditure accounted for 2.1 per cent of GDP, compared with 2.1 per cent in 2017 and 2.3 per cent in 2016 (Table 2.11).

Table: 2.11 Tunisia’s military strength in 2019 Index Number Rank out of 137 Total military personnel 36,000 - Active personnel 36,000 - Reserve personnel 0 - Total aircraft strength 155 60 Fighter aircraft 12 85 Attack aircraft 12 64 Transport aircraft 14 41 Total helicopter strength 88 43 Flight trainers 29 57 Combat tanks 199 61 Armored fighting 985 54 Maulanavehicles Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Rocket projectors 0 137 Total naval assets 50 - Source: https://www.globalfirepower.com/country-military-strength- detail.asp?country_id=tunisia (accessed on January 17, 2020)

The country’s history also display at the ruins of cities such as Carthage and Bulla Regia, besides the well-preserved Mosaics, Shrines, Amphitheatres, Bathing House,

67 “Tourist Zones”, Tunisia-Ministry of Tourism and Handicrafts, accessed on 19 December 2019, http://www.tourisme.gov.tn/tourisme-en-tunisie/zones-touristiques.html

58 Souks and Mosques, and many of them listed by UNESCO among the World Heritage Sites.68 Tunisia has nine international airports covering its entire territory. The railway network is 2,167 km long and covers all regions of Tunisia. The road network has approximately 20,000 km of paved roads and 360 km of highways extending over entire country.69 Therefore, In Tunisia, the conditions of life are most pleasant and are similar to those of southern European countries.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

68 Elaine Glusac, “A Night, and Day, In Tunisia at a New Resort”, The New York Times, November 22, 2009, https://archive.nytimes.com/query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage- 69 Azouz, Tunisia-India, 4

59 Chapter-3

ARAB IDEOLOGIES AND NATIONALISM IN NORTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE OF TUNISIA

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University CHAPTER-3 ARAB IDEOLOGIES AND NATIONALISM IN NORTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE OF TUNISIA

3.1 The Concept of Nationalism

It is always challenging to define the origin of a philosophy, mood of political trend. The origin of the term ‘nationalism’ is obscure. Although, the idea of Nationalism has been witnessed in the tribal system of the Greek city-state thousand years ago, and in the modern sense it was developed in the west in the eighteenth century, with this growth of political, civic and individual rights of the people.1 In this preface of the work Nationalism: Its Meaning and History, American philosopher and historian, Hans Kohn (1891-1971) states:

“Nationalism has been one of the determining forces in the modern history. It originated in eighteenth century Western Europe; during the nineteenth century it spread all over Europe; in the twentieth century it has been become a world-wide movement. It was not until the end of eighteenth century nationalism in the modern sense of the word became a generally recognized sentiment increasingly molding all public and private life”.2

According to Ernest Renan3:

“A nation has a soul, an intellectual foundation, which consists of two things: first of all, a people must have shared a common history; secondly, a people must possess the will and desire to live as one. Neither race, language, religion, common needs, nor state boundaries make a nation”.4

The first reference of nationalism appeared in 1409 AD, at the Leipzig University, after aMaulana religious and Azad scholas Library,tic disagreement Aligarh at Prague Muslim involving University Bohemian and non- Bohemian ‘nations’.5 Hans Kohn writes:

1 Taras Kuzio, “The myth of the civic state: a critical survey of Hans Kohn’s framework for understanding nationalism” Ethnic and Racial Studies 25, no.1 (January, 2002): 22 2 Hans Kohn, Nationalism: Its Meaning and History (Malabar: Krieger Publishers, 1982): 4 3 Earnest Renan (1823-1892) was the great French historian and philosopher. He authors a book: What Is a Nation? and Other Political Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 1893) 4 Sukarno, Nationalism, Islam and Marxism, Translated by Karel H. Warouw and Peter D. Weldon (New York: Modern Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, Dept. of Asian Studies, Cornell University,1970), 38 5 Anthony D. Smith, Theories of Nationalism (Surrey: Gerald Duckworth & Company Limited, 1983), 167

60 “Nationalism is first and foremost a state of mind, permeating the large majority of a people, and claiming to permeate all its members; it recognizes the nation state as the ideal form of political organization and the nationality as the source of all creative cultural energy and economic well-being. The supreme loyalty of man is therefore due to his nationality, as his own life is supposedly rooted in and made possible by its welfare”.6

In the words of great American historian, diplomat and educator Carlton Joseph Huntley Hayes, “loyalty and attachment to the interior of the group (namely the nation and homeland) are the basis of nationalism”.7

The great historian and political scientist Benedict Richard O’Gorman Anderson (1936-2015), in the year 1983 on his book Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of nationalism defines the nation as an Imagined community. To him,

“It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion.... [It] is imagined as a community, because regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship”.8

As defined above, the nation is a group with following essential features:

 Territorial contiguity with throughout free mobility;  Social differentiae;  A comparatively large scale (and population);  External political affairs of conflict and alliance with similar groups;  Equal citizenship rights with direct membership;  Substantial group emotion and reliability;  PerpendicularMaulana economic Azad integrat Library,ion.9 Aligarh Muslim University

However, the main fabric of the school of nationalism was laid by French Revolution (1789-1799), where it was first to practice. In France, nationalism seems to have been first used by Abbe Barnel in 1798; but in the early nineteenth century it rapidly gained

6 Hans Kohn, The idea of nationalism: A study in its origins and background (New York: Macmillan, 1944), 10 7 Carlton J.H. Hayes, Essays on Nationalism (New York: Russell & Russell Publisher, 1926), 56 8 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), pp.6-7 9 Anthony D. Smith, Theories of Nationalism, 186

61 popularity.10 The great Genevan philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), was one of the greatest advocates of modern doctrine of nationalism. He explains the case for developing nationalism as a “civic profession of faith”.11 He stressed “the unity, solidarity and the group sprit of the masses and insisted that one should have the highest attachment to one’s home and country where one has been brought up. He believed the fatherland to be the core and center of a person’s and a group’s love and loyalty”.12

Hans Kohn perhaps is best known for developing dichotomy between two types of nationalism i.e. Western and Eastern nationalism. The differences between two types of nationalism were:

 Western nationalism had social base in civic organization and a bourgeoisie; but eastern nationalism has an absence of those establishment’s;

 In the west nations began to develop before the growth of nationalism whereas in the East this only occurred afterwards;

 Nationalism in the West did not settle on historical myths whereas the opposite was true of nationalism in the East;

 Nationalism in the west was connected to individual right and rational cosmopolitanism whereas in the case of East was contradictory.13

The 19th century is the golden era of nationalism. In this century nationalism spread as a scholarly movement and school of thought in the America and the Europe.14 The unique contribution of American nationalism was made by Thomas Jefferson (1743- 1826) and Thomas Paine (1737-1809). Kohn believed that the rise of nationalism in Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University America emerged simultaneously.15 The idea of American ‘nation’ was inspired with ‘individual liberty and tolerance’ that made America with a great power voluntary

10 B. Hyslop, French Nationalism in 1789 according to the General Cahiers (New York, 1934), p.22. 11 Mads Quortrup, “A civic profession of faith: Rousseau’s and nationalism”, Manchester scholarship online, accessed on July 30, 2018, http://manchester.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.7228/manchester/9780719065804.001.00 01/upso-9780719065804-chapter-4. 12 Ali Muhammad Naqavi, Islam and Nationalism (Tehran: Islamic Propagation Organization, 1988), 15 13 Kohn, Theories of Nationalism, 329-30 14 Ibid, 116 15 Hans Kohn, American Nationalism: An interpretative Essay (New York: Macmillan, 1957), 84.

62 assimilation and of creating a spiritual homogeneity.16 In England, Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832) gave nationalism a new space, which later developed by William Gladstone (1809-1898). In Italy, Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872), is regarded as one of the greatest scholars of the school of nationalism of the 19th century. Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807-82) in Italy, Victor Hugo (1802-85) in France and Otto Von Bismarck (1815-98) in Germany were the others great pronouncers of nationalism in that century.17

Nationalism was seen in Europe and Japan resulting in a universal war, in the first half of the 20th century. Majority of the scholars acknowledge that nationalistic sentiments were the main causes for both the World Wars. In this era, the real offspring’s of nationalism who raised this school to its highest position were Mussolini in Italy, Hitler in Germany, Peron in Argentina, Franco in Spain and Salazar in Portugal. In the second half of the 20th century, nationalism made its advent in the third world. At an early looked it likes a movement targeted at uprooting colonization, but on a close analysis the contrary is found thus. As the domination of the western culture and religion which were not compatible with eastern traditions, rebellion against colonization was inevitable in eastern regions, as a consequence nationalism appeared as a motivating force.18

Since it existence, Nationalism has based on certain basic characteristics. The following some traits of nationalism which has affected to Islam:

 Nationalism is a secular ideology which focuses of loyalty, on the other hand, Islam focus on oneness of God (Allah) and religion. As the Qur’an says in the surah Yusuf (Joseph): Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University You worship not besides Him except [mere] names you have named them, you and your fathers, for which Allah has sent down no authority. Legislation is not but for Allah. He has commanded that you worship not except Him. That is the correct religion, but most of the people do not know. (12: 40)19

16 Kohn, Nationalism: Its Meaning and History, 64. 17 C.A. Bayly and E.F. Biagini, eds, Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalization of Democratic Nationalism, 1830-1920 (London: British Academy, 2008), 1-2. 18 Naqavi, Islam and Nationalism, 25-26. 19 The Qur’an, Surah Yusuf (Joseph), Verse: 40.

63  Traditionally, the attachment to a homeland are basis of nationalism, whereas, the basis of Islam is to faith in Allah and complete loyalty to Him. The Qur’an says in the surah Al-Fatihah: It is you we worship and you we ask for help. (1:4)20

 Nationalism support some kind of polytheism, however, Praise is only to God (Allah) is the foundation of Islam. A following Satan’s line in the surah An- Nisa (women) of the holy Qur’an:

Have you not seen those who claim to have believed in what was revealed to you, [O Muhammad], and what was revealed before you? They wish to refer legislation to Taghut, while they were commanded to reject it; and Satan wishes to lead them far astray. (4: 60)21

 Islam attributes great important to belief, conviction. In the surah Adh- Dhariyat (the winnowing winds) of the Qur’an says:

So flee to Allah. Indeed, I am to you from Him a clear warner. And do not make [as equal] with Allah another deity. Indeed, I am to you from Him clear warner. (51: 50-51)22

Again, the Qur’an mentions in the surah Al-An ‘am (the cattle):

Indeed, my prayer, my rites of sacrifice, my living and my dying are Allah, Lord of the worlds. (6:162)23

 The concept of sovereignty in nationalism belongs to nation; but in Islam only Allah is sovereign, and no other factor is of importance before His laws. The holy Qur’an in this respect mentions following places: Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Legislation is not but for Allah. (12: 40)24

The decision is only Allah; upon Him I have relied, and upon Him let those who would rely [indeed] rely. (12: 67)25

20The Qur’an, Surah Al-Fatihah, Verse: 4. 21The Qur’an, Surah An-Nisa (women), Verse: 60. 22 The Qur’an, Surah Adh-Dhariyat (the winnowing winds), Verse: 50, 51. 23The Qur’an, Surah Al-An ‘am (the cattle), Verse: 162. 24The Qur’an, Surah Yusuf (Joseph), Verse: 40. 25The Qur’an, Surah Yusuf (Joseph), Verse: 67.

64 That is because, when Allah was called upon alone, you disbelieved; but if others were associated with Him, you believed. So the judgment is with Allah, the Most High, and the Grand. (40: 12)26

And do not invoke with Allah another deity. There is no deity except Him. Everything will be destroyed except His Face. His is the judgment, and to Him you will be returned. (28: 88)27

Then they His servants are returned to Allah, their true Lord. Unquestionably, His is the judgment, and He is the swiftest of accountants. (6: 62)28

3.2 Foundation of Arab Nationalism

The awareness of an Arab nation in the modern world developed in the early 19 the century. It is not like nationalist movements that appeared in Europe towards the end of the 19thcentury; indeed, it is much older than the Arabs, even older than the Arabs state that emerged with Islam. The basic idea of Arab nationalist movement constituted one single nation, a political entity with a common culture and language that prevailed in an area stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Indian Ocean. In fact, Islam was an intimate part of the Arab national character.29 Former Egyptians President Jamal Abd al-Nasir describes Arab nationalism in the following terms:

“Modern Arab nationalism is the dynamic manifestation of a yearning for certain universal social values which animate a people—freedom, cohesion and progress. It expresses not only the awareness of an entity submerged in the past, but also the consciousness of a new dignity and self-respect of an awakened people.”30

Describing theMaulana characteristics Azad of Arab Library, Nationalism, Aligarh Dr. Taha Muslim Hysayn University writes:

“…This then, is Arab nationalism. At first, it was expressed in poetry but was finally consummated in the Qur’an. It then began to assert itself peacefully throughout the ancient world until it came to occupy the place of the Roman and Persian empires. Even now, after all the disasters it has met with, all the prosecutions it has undergone, especially at the hands of the Turks, all the centuries of weakness and stagnation, Arab nationalism still retains its

26 The Qur’an, Surah Ghafir (The Forgiver), Verse: 12. 27 The Qur’an, Surah Al-Qasas (The Stories), Verse: 88. 28 The Qur’an, Surah Al-An ‘am (the cattle), Verse: 62. 29 Abdel Aziz al-Duri, The Historical Roots of Arab Nationalism: in Political and Social Thought in the Contemporary Middle East (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1968), 33. 30 E.S. Farag, Nasser Speaks: Basic Documents (London: Morssett Press, 1972), 140.

65 language and its own distinctive mentality and emotions. Despite all the divisions, and despite the creation of states within the Arab world, our nationalism has preserved its common sentiments, common Islamic religion, and common aspirations.”31

President Jamal Abd al-Nasir has outlined of the Arab nationalist objectives under the following heads:

 Arab nationalism means self-respect and construction.  To see every inch of Arab territory free from any external occupation and exploitation.  It involves unity, power, and stability.32

Following are the essential features of the Arab nation:

1. A common physical condition: The lands populated by the Arabs nation span two continents, Asia and Africa. This region stretches from Perisia, the Arabian Gulf, and the Indian Ocean in the east to the Atlantic Ocean in the west, and from the Taurus Mountains and the Mediterranean Sea in the north to central Africa in the south. The region is also bounded by such frontiers as oceans, plateaus, and mountains. President Jamal Abd al-Nasir, in one of his public statements spoke of the Arab world:

“This vast sector of the old world, stretching from the shores of the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, has been a veritable melting-pot of peoples, where the victors and the vanquished have merged in an unceasing process through the corridors of time. In this land—among the earliest to be inhabited— Phoenicians, Hittites, Babylonians and Egyptians have made history. With its annals dating back to millennia, the region’s dominant Semitic society has lived under many stresses and strains, yet not without a certain uniformity of pattern, connecting the present with the past, as well as pointing the way to the Maulanafuture. This isAzad the Arab Library, world of today,Aligarh in which Muslim topography University and climate on the physical side and a common cultural background on the human side have fostered a notable unity.”33

The nation of Arab sentiment first arose in the Arabian Peninsula, and then it spread across the Red Sea and the Sinai Peninsula and circulated with the races that inhabited

31 Abdul Qadir, Arab Nationalism and Islamic Universalism (New Delhi: Global Vision Publication House,2013), 40 32 Rafik Asha, “Arab Nationalism,” in The Arab Nation: Paths and Obstacles to Fulfillment, ed. William Sands, (Washington, D.C.: The Middle East Institute, 1960), 31 33 Ibid, 26

66 North Africa. As a result, a mixture society was advanced, that was patently Arab in its parentage, customs, and way of life, language and general outlook on life.

2. A common History: The Arab nation has its roots deep in human history; which developed among Arabs on the basis of common sentiments and aspirations and similar hopes for a renaissance and a great future. For thousands of years, the Arab peoples saw the states and dynasties rose and fell. But the eternal flow of the nomadic Arabians into the plains of Mesopotamia, Syria, and the Nile Valley never ceased. In the case of North Africa they advanced it by land as well as by sea. Finally, the process of spreading out and Arabization was accelerated when the Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H.) was born in Arabia. The Arab peoples have all faced the invasion of great Alexander, they been subjected to Roman injustice, Mongol barbarity, Crusader violence, and Turkish ferocity. In the contemporary world, they face different forms of imperialism and the tragedy caused by Zionism.34

3. Religion: The modern Arab nationalism would be ridiculous without Islam, not only because it has developed within living memory, but for reasons which go back far into the past. The Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H) made Islam the first national cause of the Arabs. Nevertheless, Islam came into being in Arabia and passed through its decisive stages in an Arab Society, the Arabs were its first supporters and carried it with them far beyond the boundaries of their peninsula. Although Muslims are a majority in the Arab World, and their religion teach human being to be tolerant and to live in peace and good will with non-Muslims.35

4. Language:MaulanaThe Arabic Azad dialect Library, is the great Aligarh foundation Muslim of Arab University nationalism. It is a record of Arab imagination, a symbol of the harmony and since the emergence of Islam; it has been the means of communication of both Arab mind and spirit. The imperialists power of this region were also aware of the influence of the Arab language in drawing the Arab nationalism, in binding their past, their present, and in consolidating Arab nationalism. They worked

34 Abdul Rahman Azzam, “The Arab Nation,” in The Arab Nation: Paths and Obstacles to Fulfillment, ed. William Sands (Washington, D.C.: The Middle East Institute, 1960), 6. 35 Joseph F. Schacht, “The Islamic Background of the Idea of an Arab Nation,” in the Arab Nation: Paths and Obstacles to Fulfillment, ed. William Sands (Washington, D.C.: The Middle East Institute, 1960), 16.

67 to present their languages on a large scale and to force them on the Arabs as the languages of education in order to repress the Arab national sentiment. This type of identical policy followed by Britain in Egypt and France in Lebanon and Syria.36

3.3 Development of Islam in Tunisia

Tunisia had long been a unified nation and due to its vital geographical location has commonly been on the historic path of invasions and conquests. At the beginning of recorded history, sometime between 1200 and 1000 B.C., the Phoenician traders were the first to happenstance the Semitic element of people of Tunisia. They established a structure of colonies for their commercial activities; that helped the city to dominate the markets of the area and the mass of wealth, benefiting its own people, created a feeling of antagonism amongst the people ruled by it, especially outside Tunisia itself. The famous colony Qart Hadasht—“new city” (Carthage) was founded in 814 B.C., by the Phoenician, which was the long time as a capital city under the Phoenicians, the Carthaginians, the Romans, the Vandals, and the Byzantines.37 Later on, after the Battle of Carthage in 149 B.C., the country was subjugated to Roman supremacy between 146 B.C. and 439 A.D. Again the Vandals contributed, not only to the racial composition of the country, but were its masters from 439 to 533 A.D. After this short interval, the land was occupied by the Byzantines, who ruled it down to 670 A.D., when the Arabs finally conquered it.38

The first group of Arabs arrived in Tunisia as conquerors around the second half of the 7th century, who founded the city of Kairouan, which became the first Islamic city th of the MaghribMaulana region. Azad However, Library, after Aligarhthe middle Muslim of the 11 Universitycentury A.D., the bulk of the Arab stock arrived in the country and they chose Tunisia as their adopted home. It was as a consequence of the arrival of the Helalians and Banu Sulaym that the face of Tunisia became Arabized and the original older face, known as Berber, terminated to exist. The arrival of Islam changed the spiritual life of Tunisia and brought it within a

36 E. Shouby, “The Influence of the Arabic Language on the Psychology of the Arabs,” Middle East Journal V (summer, 1951): 284-286. 37 Kenneth J. Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds (London: West View Press, 1986), 15. 38 Ibid, 23

68 world whose language was Arabic, whose religion was Islam, and whose civilization was Arabo-Muslim.39

The country (Tunisia) over many centuries ruled by the various dynasties: the Aghlabids (800-909 AD), the Fatimids (909-973), the Zirids, a Sanhaja dynasty (973- 1159 AD), al-Mohades and the Hafsids (1159-1535 AD).40The early formation of independent dynasty of Arab culture in Tunisia was the Aghlabids, founded by the Ibrāhı̇̄ m bin Aghlab, the governor of Zab, who made their capital in Kairouan and who also effectively undertook the conquest of Sicily.41Throughout the supremacy of the Aghlabids, Professor Jamil M. Abun-Nasr observed two important issues of the region: “The recalcitrance of the Arab jund and the hostility of the orthodox religious circles [particularly Mālikı̇̄School] to the Aghlabids system of government.”42 Subsequently, the Maliki school of thought founded by Malik bin Anas (Rahim Allah) follow and dominated of the Maghrib region.43

After the decline of Aghlabids, the Fatimids (909-973 AD), heretical Muslims, flourished their capital in Mahdiya, later conquering Egypt and establishing a Shiah Caliphate in Cairo. In the middle of the eleventh century an Egyptian Fatimid Caliph reacted on the rebellious Tunisians by letting loose on them two Arab tribes, the Beni Hilal and the Beni Sulaim, brigand beduin, described by the great Tunisian Arab historian Ibn Khaldum as ‘an army of locusts’.44 These ravaged first in Tunisia and then the rest of the Maghrib, at the same time often as allies to the Zirids (local Berber dynasty). In the twelfth century the Normans of Sicily, established a brief base on the coast of the Sahil and Tunis; while the al-Mohades, a Moroccan dynasty of Arabized Berbers, gain the control of the region.45 Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University In the thirteenth century the Hafsids dynasty (1159-1535), established by a rebel Almond governor, initiated a Tunisian kingdom over which they governed for three

39 Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: The American University of Beirut, 1962), 5-6. 40 Ibid, 7 41 Nevill Barbour, eds. A Survey of North West Africa: The Maghrib (London: oxford university press, 1962), 295. 42 Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (London: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 55 43 Ibid, 56 44 Barbour, eds, A Survey of North West Africa, 296. 45 Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds, 42- 43.

69 centuries. Tunis was the capital, and during the regime of the great Hafsids ruler Abu Zakaria (1228-1249 AD), the developments of European commerce give an important. In 1157 AD, a trade treaty was contracted with Pisa which is the oldest commercial treaty to be signed between North Africa and Christian Europe. Abu Zakariya’s successor, Abu Abdallah continued good relations with the cities and power of Europe and had been established diplomatic relations with Paris.46 In general, through the Hafsids period, Tunisia first instigated to benefit from the advent of refugees from Spain Muslim; they formed an academic and social elite and their skill as artisans backed greatly to the prosperity of the capital.47

The decline of the Hafsid dynasty was accompanied of a new power over the greater part of north-west Africa, and Tunisia as well as Tripoli and Algeria became regencies of the Ottoman Empire. Tunisia had come into the Ottoman system first in 1534 under the command of Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha and after an interval of Spanish rule, definitively after 1574. In the region, under the authority of Sinan Pasha, the administration system introduced into Tunisia as follows: A Wali (governor), with the title ‘Pasha’, ruled the country on the behalf of the Sultan of Turkey. He was assisted by a diwan (council) composed of army officers. The commander-in-chief of army was called a Dey.48 It was an officer put in charge of financial affairs called Bey (for more details see Appendix-A).49 Consequently with the advance of time, the order of authority was more or less along this line of the Dey, the Pasha, the Bey and the Diwan.50

In the year 1705, a new Husaynid dynasty founder by Husain ibn Ali, declared as the sovereign by the troops under the title of bey. According to A. Rousseau, Husain ibn Ali wasMaulana a Turk of AzadGreek Library,origin whose Aligarh conversion Muslim to Islam University took place only a short time earlier, when he obvious to join recruits for Tunisia. During his era, Tunisia

46 Wilfrid Knapp, Tunisia (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), 57-58. 47 Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds, 46. 48 Dey is a Turkish word meaning “maternal uncle” and is generally used to designate official functions in the Regencies of Algeria and Tunisia. It was also used to designate a lower rank in the Janissary militia toward the end of 16th century in Tunisia. 49 Bey is a Turkish word meaning “lord” and is used in a number of ways and has various dialect forms viz bäg, bäk, bek etc. Sometimes the word bäg is used to denote the second rank in the hierchy of high dignitaries. All the uses of the term bäg or begor bey very rarely designates a specific position or duty, rather is essentially honorific. The term Bay (Bey) is applied to the ruler of Tunisia and it was ‘Uthmān Bey, who established the office atthe expiry of the 16th century. 50 Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period, 171.

70 authorized clarified and a defined the political entity and gave her an independence which was more than just paper recognition.51 However, in the first decades of the 19th century to the Beys of Tunisia, under the supremacy of Husain Bey (1824-35 AD) handled two threats: on the one hand France occupied Algiers in 1830 and on the other, Constantinople brought to an end the autonomous rule of the Karamanlis in Libya.52

The Tunisian period 1837 to 1881 should be viewed from three directions. There is on the one the developments work being pushed forward by the Beys. Secondly, the foreign communities rapidly developed interests in the Tunisian territory. Thirdly, one must remember the European political condition during that period, which ultimately led to the occupation of Tunisia.53

During this period (1837-81) three great rulers ruled in Tunisia: Ahmad Bey (1837- 1855), Muhammad Bey (1855-59), and Muhammad as-Sadiq Bey (1859-1883). Three ministers were assisted by them: Mustafa al-Khaznadar (1840-73), Khair al-Din (president of the Grand Council 1858-63, then Ministers from 1873 down to 1877), and Mustafa bin Ismail (1878-1882).54

The three rulers were very much involved in consolidating their independence vice versa the Ottoman Government. Ahmad Bey (1837-1855) was very much interested in the modernization efforts of his country. For this purpose, he established the Bardo Polytechnic School in 1840, on whose nature and mission Ahmed Ibn Abi al-Diyaf has provided first-hand information.55 Its main purpose was to train army officers and increasing army’s size with new weapons and attempted to create a modern navy had significance long-term effects for the country. In his academy, Italian, British and Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University French teachers taught the cadets in sciences, military, history, geography and languages. At his academy about 40 books in the various fields were translated into Arabic. He created Porto-Farina (Ghar al-Milh) become the naval base and twelve

51 Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia, 8-9. 52 Mahmud Brelvi, Islam in Africa (Lahore: Din Muhammadi Press, 1964), 89. 53 Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia, 10. 54 Ibid. 55 Ahmed Ibn Abi al-Diyaf (1804-74), a Tunisian scholar and statesman who had graduated from the Zaytuna Mosque-University, started his career in 1822 as a court witness. Shortly afterward, he was chosen as private secretary of Hussein Bey, a post he held under six successive beys until his retirement in the late 1860s. His Ithaf Ahl al-Zaman bi Akhbar Tunis wa Muluk `Ahd al-Aman (Tunis: 1963-68) is a primary source for Tunisian history during that period.

71 ships were constructed for the purpose of the navy. Besides contributing to costly military modernization, the traditional subjects were entrusted to Shaykh Mahmud Qabadu (1812-71), an eminent Zaytuna Ulamā and poet-scholar. During his regime, the slavery was completely abolished in 1848 and privateering suppressed in response to European objectives. His Slavery policy consisted of two things: “the ban of selling slaves on the market likes animals” and the subsequent abolition of the slave market. For the development of economy for his country, he had introduced a special tax called majba (medjbe) and he also designed foundries, textile mills, and other factories which make Tunisia as a self-sufficient nation.56

Ahmad’s successor, Muhammad Bey (1855-1859), was not induced about the need of reform. He was not concerned towards European civilization. However, he was prevailed upon to issue in 1857 his ‘Fundamental Law’, known as ‘Ahd al-Aman’, that attempted to introduce a positive reform plan which stated as a principle that all individuals had the right to liberty and security before the law and established common harmony between Muslims and non-Muslims.57

Muhammad’s successor, Muhammad al-Sadiq Bey (1859-1882), was amiable, handsome, of noble and intelligent ruler. In 1861 he officially promulgated ‘organic law’ for the country. Tunisia was the first nation in the Ottoman Empire to have a constitution. It recognized a responsible constitutional monarchy, created newly legislative body (Grand Council), as well as a penal court and a court of appeals.58

Of the three ministers, Mustafa al-Khaznadar (1840-73), was of Greek origin and one of the most influential people in the Tunisian modern history. During his period, the financial condition of Tunisia was worsened, as he used his office to make large Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University profits on state funded. Due to his earlier pressures reform, investments of European business people on Tunisia economy were increase. On this regard, to control the financial situation of the country, on 4th April 1868 the Franco-Tunisia debt commission was created. Eventually, on 1 May 1864, the constitution was suspended and the Grand Council and all other institutions created to implement the reforms based on the ahd al-aman were dissolved. However, he arranged for concessions to

56 Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds, 70-71. 57 M.M. Safwat, Tunis and the Powers, 1878-1881, (Alexandria, 1943), 23-24. 58 Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds, 74.

72 establish a bank, build a railway, to build a telegraph line, and provide Tunis with a gas. Finally, he was sacked for having abused his office in 1873. Khayr al-Din was succeeded him.59

Khair al-Din was of Circassian origin, and the great man was discovered by Ahmad Bey, who first put him in responsibility of his military academy. Later he becomes the President of the Grand council (1858-63) and finally Minister (1873-1887). He is famous of his views of reform. During his experience of European (from 1862 to 1869) political systems and philosophies, he had established his own views on government in an 1867 essay entitled “The Surest Path to Knowledge Concerning the Condition of Countries,” and future he apply them in Tunisia.60

Among the more enduring of Khair al-Din’s action, one may count the following: he re-established the government’s respectability and efficiency; made a heroic effort to prevent a European annexation. He justified his actions in Islamic terms, often citing Muslim equivalents of European political and economic ideals.61 He introduced a modest educational reform by founding Sadiqiyah National School in 1875, the reform of the Zaytuna, and the reassurance of printing and the press. The role played of his institute was to teach modern European languages and sciences, side by side with the standard Arabic religious education available at the Zaytuna and its branch institutions. He further founded a well-organized public library which kept huge number of ancient and modern books. During his tenure of minister, a printing press (ar-raid at-tunisi) had been appearing, that published articles on existing problems of education, social life and thought.62

However, his effort to set up a mixed courts system was unsuccessful because of Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Italian and French opposition. Only a provisional tribunal with limited authority came into force. Later a difference arose with the Bey on the several issues, and his opponents, especially with the French consul Roustan, took the opportunity to oust

59 Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds, 74-75. 60 Ibid, 80. 61 Lois A. Aroian and Richard P. Mitchell, The Modern Middle East and North Africa (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1984), 140. 62 Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia, 16-17.

73 him. He finally resigned in July 1877 and entered the service of Abdul Hamid II in Istanbul, acting briefly as grand vizier.63

Khair al-Din was replaced by Mustafa bin Ismail (1878-82), who had been Minister of Marine. He had neither the vision nor the enthusiasm of his predecessor, and Tunisia was being more closely enmeshed by external political conflicts and conspiracies, so that the French occupation found her an easy prey.64

3.4 Tunisia: under the French Protectorate

In the mid of the 19thcentury Tunisia, with her badly organized economic life and her archaic dogmatic regime in acute financial difficulties, was an obvious field for European expansion. After a long power struggle between the Great Britain, Italy, and the France, the latter, determined to avoid another great power from occupying a position on the line of Algeria, decided on military interference in order to bring Tunisia under her own control.65

However, when Muhammad al-Sadiq Bey refused to agree to a protectorate in 1879, the French prompted to seek a pretext for intervention. On 8th April 1881, the French Parliament allowed for appropriations to Premier Jules Ferry for an excursion into Tunisia, which was to help possess the law and order and defense under the Algerian possessions. Finally, the French armies entered into Tunisia on 24th April 1881 (Figure: 3.1). As the result of intervention, al-Sadiq Bey on 12th May 1881 signed a treaty at Kassar Said (the Bardo) with the French Government.66

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

63 Perkins, Tunisia: Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds, 82-83. 64 Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia, 17. 65 Magali Morsy, North Africa 1800-1900 (London: Longman, 1984), 199. 66 A.M. Breadley, The Last Punic War, Tunis, Past and Present, vol. 1, (London: William Backward, 1992), 313-315.

74 [Figure-3.1: Signing of the Treaty of Bardo that subjugated Tunisia to France from 1881 until 1956. Image downloaded from https://eltaher.org/docs_photos/Memorabilia-1881-Signing- of-the-Treaty-of-Bardo-image1131_en.html, accessed on January 13, 2020]

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

[Figure-3.2: Tunisia Becomes a French Protectorate (1881-1956). Map downloaded from https://www.timewisetraveller.co.uk/tunisia2.html, accessed on January 19, 2020]

75 Four people were opposed to the French intervention into Tunisia in 1881. One was Mustafa bin Ismail, then the Grand Minister, who considered French involvement a means of blocking his speculations. The second was Reade, and then British Consul in Tunis, who could not, liberated himself of the tradition established by his predecessor in opposing the French. A third was Pestalozza, the interpreter at the Italian Consulate, who worked very clearly with Maccio, the Italian Consul. And the fourth was Broadley, The Times correspondent. All those four had fight with Roustan, the French Consul, but then his advances to and efforts with the Bey of Tunisia failed.67

The French policy in Tunisia after the Treaty of Bardo, as described below:

(1) France took control of Tunisia’s foreign relations, including the holding of veto power over international agreements arranged by the Bey. (2) By virtue of the first article of this agreement the Bey undertook to introduce administrative, judicial, and financial reforms as the French Government should deem advisable. France gave the first say in those policies in Tunisia to the colons, so that they become the real rulers of the country. (3) In the country actual direct possessor of authority was the representative of France, who bore the title of Resident General. The power of government reduced to two ministers—the Premier and the ‘Minister of the Pen’ and autonomy of the Bey was also abridged. (4) The France has left the traditional hierarchy of local administrative authorities, such as kaid, kahia and shaikh, for the Tunisians, but placed under the strict control of a body of French officials, known as Controleurs Civils. (5) ForMaulana the purpose Azad of Library, the machinery Aligarh of a Muslim modern administration,University under the direction of the Resident General, the France were created large number of modern departments—Finance, Public Works, Public Instruction, Agriculture, Commerce, Health, and Justice. (6) The protectorate has facilitated the acquisitions of land by Europeans and this gave an impetus to the development of the country. They followed a process is known as enzel (exchange).

67 Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia, 28.

76 (7) The protectorate at the same time Tunisian secular courts established; while only in the matter of Muslim personal status the Sharia courts retained.

(8) All the European was granted to French citizenship. Certain Jews have accepted it, but the Arabs have completely refused it because of their intention to not becoming a part of France.

(9) For the protection of the human dignity of the French community, they were granted large number of liberties, including the freedom of the press, the rights of meeting, of free speech, and of forming associations.68

Paul Cambon, who on 18th February 1882 had assumed the office Resident General, France’s chief representative in Tunisia (for more details see Appendix-B). The death of Muhammad al-Sadiq Bey in October 1882 removed an obstacle, for brother Ali Bey, his successor, seemed to be more cooperative and docile. Finally, on 8th June Ali Bey had signed the ‘La Marsa Convention’ with the Paul Cambon, which established a French protectorate over Tunisia. It was approved by France’s Chamber of Deputies in April 1884.69 Cambon carefully kept the appearance of Tunisian sovereignty while reforming the country administrative structure. He proceeded to organize justice, municipalities, education, etc. He introduced French legal systems into the country without interfere of the functions of the Shari ’a courts. In 1883 he modernized the Municipal Council (founded in1858) and the French Chamber of Commerce in Tunisia was founded in 1885.70 For the development of the Tunisian education system, Paul Camborne formed the College of St. Charles, founded Cardinal Lavigerie, making it a model of other institution. The country other important institution such as—the Sadiqiyah, the Alawiyah and the Zaytuna was brought under the jurisdictionMaulana of the Bureau Azad of Library, Education. Aligarh It must Muslim be mentioned University however that Cambon organized the Controleurs Civils.71

68 Barbour, A survey of North West Africa, 298-299 69 Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period, 292. 70 Perkins, Tunisia, 86-88. 71 In 1885 six Civil Controllers were appointed. Later, in 1887, seven more were appointed, by a decree of the President of the French Republic, bringing the number 13. “The controllers were French vice-consuls; but were paid by the Tunisian Exchequer. Their duties were administrative, judicial and diplomatic”.

77 The work begun by Paul Cambon which continued by the three Residents General represented France in Tunisia. They were: Massicault (1886-1892)72, J. Rovier (1892- 1894) and R. Millet (1894-1900). A brief analysis should to determine of their main activities. They changed the Tunisian monetary system into the piaster to the metric and became dependent on the France franc. In 1890 they confirmed a customs union with France. Their other great work was the establishment of a special directorate of agriculture which make beneficial for technical activities. In their period, the government assumed the monopoly of tobacco plantations. They further developed the Chamber of Commerce, established under Cambon, into a Consultative Conference. In 1894 the enlargement of the port of Tunis was completed. For the welfares of the settlers in the Northern parts of Tunisia a chamber of agriculture was founded in 1895. The French population of the country received in 1897 a civil hospital. So it became quite clear that during that time the administration system in Tunisia was not only run by the French Resident General, but mainly worked in the interest of the French settlers.73

During the reign of Stephen Pichon, the French Resident General, in 1902, the Bey of Tunisia Ali Pasha died and he was succeeded by al-Hadi Bey. Pichon’s main contribution as a Resident General was building of roads, railways and waterworks through formations of a Chamber of Commerce at Bizerte. In 1905 he reformed the Consultative Conference and allowed the French members to be elected by (French) universal suffrage and set the way for the foundation of a Tunisian section. In 1903 the President of the French Republic Loubet was visited to Tunisia, which followed by returned visit to France by al-Hadi Bey.74

After theMaulana death of Azad al-Hadi Library, Bey, an-Nasir Aligarh succeeded Muslim to the University throne of the Regency, while Gabriel Alapetite succeeded Pichon, as a French Resident General in the year of 1906. Alapetite introducing Tunisian members into the Consultative Conference in 1907 and him later separated Conference into—a French and Tunisian section in 1910. He remained of his post till 1918, so that he observed the years of the First World War (1914-18), and who encouraged of French settlers in the country. He took

72 Massicault as a good and capable administrator, trying to procure for the Tunisians some privileges and advantages to improve the languishing condition of commerce. 73 Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia, 31. 74 Arthur Pellegrin, Histoire de la Tunisie: depuis les origins jusqu’a nos jours (Tunis: Namura, 1948), 184.

78 strong handle when the incident of Jellaz took place in 1911. He declared Martial law in 1912 (which lasted till1922) and several Tunisian leaders were sent into exile.75

During the period between the two World Wars, Tunisia had three rulers. An-Nasir continued till 1922, when he was succeeded by Muhammad al-Habib (1922-29), who was followed by Ahmad Bey (1929-40). The French Resident General were Etienne Flandin (1918-21), Lucien Saint (1921-29), Francois Manceron (1929-33), Marcel Peyrouton (1933-36), Armand Guillon (1936-38) and Erik Labonne, who took office in 1938 and was still worked when the Second World War broke out. During this period, the Tunisian national movement, which had already arose late in the last century, emerged more active and was eventually better organized and more vital.76

3.5 The Nationalist Movement after the Occupation

Tunisia was the first maghribi nation to be influenced by modern nationalism. Its nationalism took shape in reaction to French rule. The national movement in Tunisia slowly progressed from a moderate position towards more radical attitudes, without a real break at any given time. Moreover, the national movement had no popular experiences, as in Algeria, because the situations of colonial conquest of Tunisia were different.77

In Tunisia, the first protest against the intervention in the administration of the country was organized under the leadership of Sheikh Muhammad al-Senusi, one of the great accomplished Ulamā of the Zaytunah mosque. He was the instructor of Muhammad Nasir Bey. After al-Senusi, a new spiritual leader—Sheikh al-Makki ibn Azzuz of the Zaytunah Salafiyah Ulamā, started a reform movement against the Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University stagnant approaches and policies of those theologians who had effectively resisted the reforms of Khayr al-Din and his successors, but was forced to leave the country for the East. However, after the exile of Sheikh Makki, his followers, among the distinguished leaders—Ali Kahiya, Sheikh Zarruq, and al-Hadi al-Sabi, started a new transitional movement for the avowed purpose of defending Tunisian rights and interests. They also started and publishing a newspaper—“al-Mustaqbal al-Tunisi”

75 Ibid, 185 76 Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period, 355. 77 David E. Long and Berrnard Reich, eds, The Government and Politics of the Middle East and North Africa (Boulder: Westview Press, 1986), 435

79 (the Tunisian future) in the French language, “Habib al-Ummah” (the nation’s beloved) and “Sabil al-Rash ad” (the road to truth) both in the Arabic language.78

In 1888, a group of students from al-Sadiki institute and French universities, in collaboration with a number of people engaged in teaching, founded the first Tunisian non-official Arabic newspaper, al Hadira. The editing was entrusted to Sayid Ali Abu Shushah. The group launched a nationwide religious movement having a dual purpose: one was uniting the Tunisian movements with Pan-Islamism; the other was to implementation of Tunisian constitution. However after this visit of Shaikh Muhammad Abduh and Muhammad Farid to Tunisia the work of the group was furthers strengthened.79

From 1907 political activities in Tunisia were largely carried out by this organized group, the first of which was “Young Tunisians,” with its own newspaper, Le Tunisian, founded with the purpose to in maintain the right of Tunisians to manage their affairs themselves. The movement was led by Ali Bash Hambah, which in 1908 became the Young Tunisia Party.80

After the end of the First World War with the defeat of the Ottomans, three things shaped the political thinking of some leaders of the Young Tunisian movement: a better acquaintance with other parts of the Arab and Muslim countries; the Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points, especially that of self-determination; and a hope that France would remember the sacrifice and help Tunisia extended to her in the war. In November 1918, invitation of Abd al-Aziz Thaalibi and some of his friends in a meeting at the house of Ali Kahya, which later came to be known as bait al-Ummah at-tunisiyah (the House of the Tunisia Nation). After a week discussed on Tunisian Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University problems, they conclude three point’s general argument—understanding of and cooperation with the France; the need for immediate administrative reform; and the demand for reinstatement of the Destour of 1861.81

78 ‘Alāl al-Fāsı̇̄ , The independence Movements in Arab North Africa, tr., Hazem Zaki Nuseibeh (Washington: American Council of Learned Societies, 1954), 45. 79 Wilfrid Knapp, Tunisia, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), p.121 80 Norma Salem, Habib Bourguiba, Islam and the creation of Tunisia (London: Croom Helm, 1984), 25 81 Amin Sa’id on his book ad-Dawla al-arabiya al-muttahida, pp.359-60, speaks of these meetings as a conference or congress, in which people of all walks of life were represented, and which took

80 Abd al-Aziz Thaalibi attended the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and submitted a memorandum to the President Wilson demanding the independence of Tunisia, while the Amir Khalid, leading a delegation of Algerian officers, made a similar demand for Algeria. Disillusioned by his failure, in1920, Abd al-Aziz Thaalibi and his colleague, Ahmad Saqqa, published a valuable booklet in French entitled “La Tunisie martyre ses revendications” in which he exposed the misdeeds of colonial rule.82This resulted in the emergence of the al-Hizb al-Hurr al-Dustūri ̄al-Tūnisi ̄ (Destour Party),83 with Abd al-Aziz Thaalibi as it leader. On March 7, 1920, a proclamation was made by the Destour Party which included its political Programme of nine points. The demands of the Destourian are the following:

1. To create of a deliberative legislative assembly composed of Tunisians and French members elected by the people, with freedom of forming its own agenda and having wide budgetary powers. 2. The government to be responsible to the assembly. 3. The separation of powers between—legislative, executive and judiciary. 4. Tunisians to be eligible for administrative posts, if they possess the necessary qualifications. 5. Equality of pay for both Tunisian and French officials. 6. The formation of elected municipal councils in all towns of Tunisia. 7. Tunisians to be allowed to share in the buying of land from the Directorate of Agricultural Affairs and Public allotments. 8. Compulsory education. 9. Freedom of the Press, of meeting and of association as a right of the Tunisians.84 Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

definite resolutions. He further says that ath-Thaalibi was elected as president of this conference and that at the conclusion of the meetings he was entrusted with full powers to act in the interest of Tunisia. One has to keep in mind that the country was still under a state of emergency, a situation which would hardly make it possible for the people to call for such a conference—the authorities would not have allowed it. It is also doubtful that Thaalibi had already become the unchallenged leader of the movement. 82 Knapp, Tunisia, 127. 83 Dustūr in modern Arabic means “constitution” or “constitutional charter” and it is now used in the same sense in Arab countries. Here it deals with the development and establishment of the party al- Hizb al-Hurr al-Dustūri ̄ al-Tunisi ̄ and al-Hizb al-Dustūri ̄ al-Jadi ̄d. 84 L’Afrique Francaise 30, (1920): 230

81 However, the policy of the Destour Party produced a series of incidents. In 1922 the reigning Bey, Sidi Naceur (al-Nasir), threatened to abdicate in support of the claims of the Destour. The Resident General, Lucien Saint, consequently initiated systematic measures of repression, while at the same time promoting liberal reforms.85

In 1923, under strict observation, Shaikh Thaalibi left Tunisia for the East, where he remained until 1937. The long absence of Thaalibi ushered in a period of timid political activity for the Party. This continued till 1933 when a number of Tunisian Youth, led by al-Habib Bourguiba, Mahmoud Materi and Tahir Safar, brought fresh blood to the Party and finally on 2nd March 1934, they founded a new organization, under the title of al-Hizb al-Dustūri ̄ al-Jadi ̄d (the Neo-Destour Party). The new party was more modern in outlook and more dynamic, which fascinated the support of the younger generation, reducing the Destour to handful of old fogeys who proceeded to depart from the scene without any fuss.86

Habib Bourguiba, son of a small army officer under the Bey of Tunis, was born in the quiet little sea-side town of Monastir on 3rd August 1903. He was sent to Tunis at the age of five to get primary education at the Sadiki College’s elementary school. After having fulfilled his studies from Sadiki College he studied the French lycee Carnot in Tunis, and also received a diploma in Arabic language and literature. Then his family sent the gifted young man to the Sorbonne, where he studied law and political science. He finally returned to Tunisia in 1927 with a French Law Degree, and worked continuously for Tunisian independent.87

Before the formation of the Neo-Destour Party, Bourguiba edited a new newspaper, La Voix du Tunisien. Two years later he founded another newspaper, significantly Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University called L’Action Tunisienne. He joined the battle on two fronts i.e. counter to the older generation of the Destour, and against the growing Communist Party in Tunisia.88

In 1933 at the Qism al-Jabal conference, the Neo-Dustur Party adopted a basic policy, for the achievement of an independent and sovereign Tunisia. The party while busy in

85 L.C. Brown and Micaud Charles, Tunisia: The Politics of Modernization (New York: Praeger, 1964), p.38 86 Clement Henry Moore, Tunisia Since Independence: The Dynamics of one-Party Government (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), p. 29 87 Salem, Habib Bourguiba, 20. 88 Anthony Sylvester, Tunisia (London: Badly Head, 1969), 47-48.

82 pursuing the above presented dream also insisted the immediate implementation of the reform measures as are below.

I. Ending of the “colonial allowance”. (An allowance amounting to one-third of the basic salary paid to French employees in Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco). II. Finish of official colonization of the land. III. Compulsory education for all. IV. Formation of elected municipal councils. V. Employment of Tunisians to different government jobs, including a better share in crucial posts. VI. A more effective relief program. VII. Creating anti-usury legislation. VIII. Cessation of a Grand Council and its replacement by a duly elected Tunisian 89 parliament and a government responsible to it.

In this conference, Bourguiba expressed another demand of the party for an elected parliament with universal suffrage and added: “The independence of Tunisia completed by treaty of friendship and of union with the great French Republic, securing for France the interests of the whole foreign policy, will be the ideal of the Tunisian nationalist movement”.90

Neo-Destour party was the political manifestation of the new elite. It was mainly a Sahilian Movement.91 Most of its leaders including Bourguiba came from the Sahil. Its Programme was purely political as it did not attempt to confront the great social and economic problems of the time.92

However, likeMaulana the Destour Azad Party, Library, the Neo- DestourAligarh Party Muslim latter remainedUniversity a strictly urban party. Although in the absence of a national trade unionist movement, the Neo- Destour Party at times expressed their labor grievances, through the Tunisian workers

89 ‘Alāl al-Fāsı̇̄ , The independence Movements in Arab North Africa, 69 90 Hassan Sayet-Saliman, The Nationalist Movements in the Maghrib (Uppsala: The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1987), 20. 91 Tunisia’s new order drew its social and political values from the Sahil, a coastal plateau region heavily influenced by its traditional exposure to foreigners. In marked contrast to the more Arabized remainder of the country, the Sahilian community was intensely industrious, flexible in accepting new methods, independent and rather secular in spirit, and highly cooperative. Habib Bourguiba and the vanguard of the independence movement were of Sahilian origin. 92 Salem, Habib Bourguiba, 96.

83 managed confederation generals Tunisienne du Traviel (C. G.T.T).Since its creations in 1946, the Union Générale des Travailleurs Tunisiens (U.G.T.T) remained its political ally until countries independence.93

After the six months of the appearance of the party, it was banned and in the latter two decades it carried on its activities illegally. In 1934, the conflicts and clashes which occurred between Neo-Destour and Old-Destour culminated with the imprisonment of Bourguiba and other top leaders of the party. Bourguiba spent almost ten of the following twenty years in numerous French prisons (1934-36, 1938-43, and 1952-54). Before his release from the first imprisonment in 1936, he emerged himself as the dominant leader by capturing the imagination of the young generation.94

After the Popular Front Government came to power in France, and Armand Guillon appointed as a French Resident General in Tunisia in March 1936, a liberal policy was adopted in Tunisia. The expelled members of the Neo-Destour recovered their right and initiated a strong propaganda campaign throughout the country. Throughout this period Bourguiba tried to put forward his political activity, especially in a memorandum sent to Pierre Vienot95 in August 1936, in public speech at Tunis and he publicized his views in the pages of L’Action. This incited strong competition from the Old Destour Party who were able to make use of the prestige of Shaikh Thaalibi who had been permitted to return to Tunisia in1937 after fifteen years of exile. A short and sometimes bloody struggle resulted in the complete triumph of the Neo- Destour.96

Subsequently, Bourguiba recommended a series of measures for the future development towards independence beginning with the abolition of the privileges Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University given to the French in Tunisia. During this period, Habib Bourguiba largely organized his party, sure of the support of Tunisian opinion, undertook a campaign in France to convince France opinion of the justice of Tunisian national demands. Jamil Abun- Nasr, highlighting the mass character of the Neo-Detour Party, observed: “The mass character of the party is evident from its membership of about 100,000 in 1937

93 Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period, 359. 94 Perkins, Tunisia, 104. 95 Pierre Vienot was State Secretary for foreign affairs during the government of Leon Blum in 1936 in France and was also in charge of affairs of the protectorates and mandates of the Levant. 96 Hassan Sayet-Saliman, The Nationalist Movements in the Maghrib, 22.

84 organized into 400 branches. The membership remained steady: in 1954 it was estimated at 106,000”.97

Meanwhile, after fifteen months in power, the Popular Front Government fall, Bourguiba changed his strategies and launched a campaign of civil disobedience. Demonstration followed demonstration in Tunis in April 1938 and police action followed. This terminated in a riot in Tunis accompanied by bloodshed on 9th April 1938. Habib Bourguiba and other prime Neo-Destour leaders were arrested and brought before courts martial; the party itself, though dissolved and disorganized, continued to work underground.98

The Second World War in Europe diverted Tunisian attention from the internal political situation. In the war France collapsed when the Nazis attacked and the Germans promptly took over command in Tunisia. One of the first moves of the Axis powers was to set Bourguiba free and invite him to join over to their cause. Bourguiba refused to do this, which shows that he had always meant what he said when he declared he didn’t hate the French. He did, however, accept his freedom, and finally released from prison by the Germans and brought to Rome in 1943, where he was received with great splendor by the Italian government, and it was proposed to him that he form a government in exile.99

3.6 Tunisia: the Path to Independence (1943-56)

After coming back to Tunis in April 1943, Bourguiba established contact with the Gaullists. However, after the liberation, disappointed with France, he again went into exile from 1945 to 1949.During this period he established links with the East; he first Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University visited to Cairo to lobby at the newly created the Arab League. For the next four years, Bourguiba went all over the Middle East, as well as in the United States of America, where influential labor organization sympathized with the Neo-Destour because of the nationalist’s links with the trade union. In November 1946, he presented the French ambassador in Cairo a note entitled—France in Face of in Tunisian Problem, in which he stated: “what Tunisia claims is the status of a

97 Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period, 362. 98 Ibid. 99 For Text of the Speech sec, Habib Bourguiba, La Tunisie et la France, 182-84.

85 sovereign state, attached to France by a treaty of alliance freely negotiated in order to guarantee to the latter its strategic, economic and cultural interests. An elected constituent assembly will give the country a modern democratic constitution…”100 In 1948, he assisted to create a committee for the liberation of the Arab Maghrib, an agency headquartered in Cairo that harmonized contacts among nationalist leaders from all of France’s North Africa possessions.101

In June, 1950 the French Government decided to grant internal sovereignty by negotiated stages. Louis Perillier was appointed a new Resident General to carry out the new policies following the creation of a new Tunisian cabinet. After he requested the Moncef Bey, in August 1950, a new government was formed under the Premiership of Mohammed Chenik, and by giving ministerial office to Salah ben Youssef, Secretary General of the Neo-Destour, and to Salah Farhat, Secretary General of the Old-Destour.102

The succeeding negotiations resulted in an extension of the powers of the Tunisian Government. However, the persistent resistance of the French colony, unwilling to abandon the co-sovereignty which it in fact exercised, slackens off the implementation of the reforms and embittered Franco-Tunisian relations. The core nationalist of Tunisia demand was for the formation of a Tunisian Parliament; and on 12 May 1951, the Bey expressed in his speech from the throne, instructing his ministers to seek the agreement of the French Government. For the demand of Tunisian independence and the recognition of total Tunisian sovereignty, the Prime Minister Mohammed Chenik and three others three Tunisian ministers went to Paris in October 1951. However, the French Government, received them badly, and on 15 DecemberMaulana 1951 they Azad were Library,replied them Aligarh in writing Muslim that they wereUniversity unwilling to proceed with further reforms. The shortly worded letter made a violent effect on public opinion in Tunis. Bourguiba decided to take up again the struggle, to stir the country, and to bring issue before the United Nations Origination.103

100 R. Le. Toumeau, Evolution Politique de l’ Afrique du Word Musulmane: 1920-1961 (Paris: A Colin eds, 1962), 115. 101 Kenneth J. Perkins, Tunisia, 111. 102 Toumeau, Evolution Politique de l’, 119 103 Leon Laitman, Tunisia Today: Crisis in North Africa, (New York: The Citadel Press, 1954), 200.

86 At that period Mr. Jean de Hauteclocque, appointed as a new Resident General who gesturing a definite change to a policy of “firmness” towards the Tunisians. On 17th January 1952, state police and troops broke up gigantic nationalist event in Bizerte, and when the ensuing riots were quelled, the Neo-Destour Party found itself officially banned. In the short-term Habib Bourguiba was arrested on 18th January 1952 and sent off to Tabarka (North Tunisia) to be protected by the state. By March 1952, the condition in Tunisia had become extremely serious and the Resident General Jean de Hauteclocque was on to put still more radical measures. The principal supporters in the Neo-Destour Party and the leading Tunisian Ministers of the Chenik Government, including Premier Chenik, were all arrested and sent to the Sahara desert under protective custody. Agitation now becomes general in nature all over the country and acts of violence began to take place against French police and against Tunisian personalities who cooperated with the representatives of France.104

For resolving the Tunisian issues Pierre Voizard subsequently began his tenure as a Resident General in 1954 by releasing many political activists, excluding Bourguiba. However, his tactic did lead to new reforms, but proved impracticable. Finally, the French Prime Minister Pierre Mendes strongly appreciated the gravity of the Tunisian situation. On 30 July 1954, he decided that yielding internal autonomy offered the best prospects of bringing the situation in Tunisia under control. In the next day Prime Minister Pierre Mendes went to Tunis to clarify the new policy and to request the Bey to choice a new government to negotiate the form of Tunisian freedom.105 His programmed concerned these following issues:

 The formation of a customs union between France and Tunisia in which FrenchMaulana commodities Azad will have Library, special Aligarhtreatment; Muslim University  utilization of the mineral wealth of the country to be given to French or Tunisian companies  binding of Tunisian currency to the French franc;  protection of French interests in real estates and government offices; and  Increase the teaching of French in the country.106

104 Toumeau, Evolution Politique de l’, 130 105 Ibid, 134 106 Nicola A. Ziadeh, Whither North Africa (Delhi: India Printers, 1957), 40

87 In 1955, after the Habib Bourguiba released by the France and allowed him to take charge of the Tunisian negotiating team, then the real progress invented to Tunisian national movement. A negotiation on granting self-government to Tunisia was concluded with Bourguiba on 22 April 1955, and on 3rd June 1955, he signed an agreement with France proclaiming Tunisia’s internal autonomy. The most important matter of the agreement is:

 The foreign policy of Tunisia remains under the French control;  Three-sevenths of membership of municipal councils, where a huge French population exists, should be French;  Tunisia should remain within the Franc bloc and the French union;  For the next ten years internal security of the country should continue to be French;  Judicial system will be slowly but surely transferred to the Tunisians within the period of next twenty years; and  Arabic will become the official language of the country, but French should continue to be taught in all schools.107

On the other hand, Salah Ben Youssef the Secretary-General of the Neo-Destour party, who returned from Cairo on September 1955, opposed to the conventions with France as a “step backward” which accepted by Bourguiba. Instead, Ben Youssef called for immediate Tunisian independence within the outline of pan-Arabism, openly challenged Bourguiba’s policies and leadership. On November 1955, the Congress of the Neo-Destour party was held; Bourguiba won the support of the majority and eliminated his rival group.108 Habib Bourguiba’s long struggle was not in vain.Maulana Finally, France Azad agreed Library, and officially Aligarh recognized Muslim the University independence to Tunisia on 20 March 1956; a protocol was signed by Tunisian Prime Minister Taher Bin Ammar, and French Foreign Minister M. Pinay, even in foreign and defense matters leading to the abolition of the treaty of Bardo (1881) and on this agreement for further negotiations between both the countries on all issues.109

107 Ziadeh, Whither North Africa, 41 108 Toumeau, Evolution Politique de l’, 132 109 Rolf Italiaander, The New Leaders of Africa, tr., James McGovern (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, INC, 1961), 28.

88 CHAPTER-4

THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF TUNISIA

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University CHAPTER-4

THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF TUNISIA

4.1 Post-Independence and State Building: Habib Bourguiba (1956-87)

The struggle for national independence was over by 20 March 1956. On that day seventy five years-old French rule in Tunisia was brought to end by the transfer of political authority to Tunisian hands. However, the achievement of independence was not an end itself. It was only beginning of a new struggle, the struggle to live as a sovereign nation, and at the same time, to found a democracy based upon the ideals of justice, liberty and equality. The twentieth century Tunisia opened up with one renowned personality, Habib Bourguiba—‘Father of the Nation’, a nationalist hero and the architect of modern Tunisia (Figure: 4.1), who ruled the country virtually unchallenged for thirty years (1956-87).1 After coming to power Bourguiba was able to begin his supremacy not only in party (Neo-Destour) but also in the formal machinery of the state. He first served as the Second Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Tunisia (from 11 April 1956 to 25 July 1957) and finally in July 1957 the National Constituent Assembly dethroned the elderly Bey who belonged to the Husaynid dynasty, declared an end to the monarchy and proclaimed Tunisia a republic with Bourguiba as its President. After assuming the power, he started to formulate the policies required to lead the country toward modernization, progress, and development and formed new institutions to suit his personality.2

4.1.1 HabibMaulana Bourguiba Azad: The Library, President Aligarh (1956-57) Muslim University

On 25 March 1956, a National Constituent Assembly was elected for the purpose to draft a national constitution. The Assembly held its inaugural session on 8 April 1956 and in the same day; Bourguiba was also elected as President of the National Constituent Assembly. According to National Constitution the Executive power remained constituted by the office of the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister.

1 Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (London: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 367 2 Dirk Vandewalle, “Bourguiba Charismatic leadership and the Tunisian one Party System”, Middle East Journal 34, no.2 (1980):150

89 The Executive Council headed by respective department’s i.e. Interior, Justice, Finance, Public Works, Education, Agriculture, Economics, Social Affairs, Town Planning, Posts.3

As Prime Minister, Bourguiba functioned to secure the complete independence of the country. His administrative system was outlined by philosophy, nationalist development, and a pro-West policy. The first care of his Government was the rebuilding of order; the security services which had been still in French hands were now handed over to the Tunisian authorities. In the meantime, on 3 October 1956 French gendarmerie was replaced by the National Guard and nominated Ismail Zouiten—the first Tunisian to hold office to be chief of police.4 The recognition of foreign powers was secured and on 3 May 1956 he created a Tunisian minister of Foreign affairs and Embassies were established in the principal western and Arab countries. Finally, on 16 May 1956 the France signed a settlement with the Tunisian government and decided with the opening of respective Embassies. On 17 May 1956, the U.S.A was the first great power to recognize the sovereign state of Tunisia and moved its Embassy to Avenue de la Liberte.5 Tunisia became an official United Nations member on 12 November 1956.6 Internally, the Bourguiba government organized a small Tunisian Armed Forces with the aid of the French, combining 850 men from the Beylical Guard, 1500 from the French army and 3000 conscripts, on 30 June 1956.7

For the purpose to modernize Tunisian society, Bourguiba started several reforms during his Premiership. In this sphere, he developed certain old traditional institutions. On 31 May 1956, he abolished Beylical privileges, which made Tunisian citizens equal before law and equal protection before law. In the same day, he transferred the Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University control of habous or religious endowments, known in the east as awqaf, to the department of state domains. He also reduced the importance of the Zaituna Mosque

3 Gwendolen M. Carter, ed., African One Party States (New York: Cornell University Press, 1962), 47-48. 4 Dirk Vandewalle, “Bourguiba Charismatic leadership and the Tunisian One Party System,” Middle East Journal 34, no. 2 (1980): 149-150. 5 Howard C. Reese et al., Area Handbook for the Republic of Tunisia (Washington, D.C.: American University Foreign Area Studies, 1970), 205-206. 6 General Information: Tunisia, Tunisia UN data, accessed on October 31, 2019. http://data.un.org/en/iso/tn.html. 7 Hicham Bou Nassif, “A Military Besieged: The Armed Forces, the Police and the Party in Ben Ali’s Tunisia, 1987-2011,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 47 (2015): 65-66.

90 education setup by establishing the Zaituna University. He also started a gender equality campaign and in this respects the Personal Status Code (CSP) on 13 August, was promulgated which gave women a status equal to that of men and included the abolition of plural marriage.8 The Personal Status Code became a symbol of Tunisia’s liberal, modern stand on women’s rights, and a stern dismissal of Islamists who sustained that men and women are not equal.9 The Code of Personal Status had been given multiple rights to the Tunisian women in different fields such as:

 The abolition of polygamy and veil.  The establishment of legal equality between men and women in the case of divorce.  The ban of minors from marrying against their will.  The abolition of the right of a father to force his daughter to marry against her will.  Change in the legal age for marriage of a man to 20 and for a woman to 17.  The right of being a principal guardian of minor children regardless of gender.  Renovations of the inheritance laws to improve protection of the rights of women.  The right of Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men.  Free education for both sexes.10

4.1.2 The Tunisian 1959 Constitution and Political Development

The Tunisia has more than 3,000 years an illustrious constitutional practice. The powerful Phoenician city Carthage—located in the Gulf of Tunis, had its own constitution.Maulana After Azadmany centuries, Library, the Aligarh 1857 Declaration Muslim of RightsUniversity gave all citizens of the kingdom of Tunisia certain rights and freedoms, regardless of religion, language, or color. The Tunisian 1861 constitution recognized the first written constitution in

8 During his famous speech dedicated to the Tunisian women speech on 13 August 1956, inspired by Tahar Haddad’s determination and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s vision, Bourguiba announced that he had issued a Code Of Personal Status (CPS), called ‘majala’ in Arabic. The ‘majala’ is considered the most contemporary and advanced family law of all times in the Arabic world, available at: https://womenoftunisia.weebly.com/the-radical-transition.htm. 9 M. Amine Tais, “Islamic Perspectives in Post-revolutionary Tunisia: The Work of Olfa Youssef”, Journal of Religion & Society 17, (2015): 2-3, http://moses.creighton.edu/jrs/toc/2015.html. 10 “Women in Tunisia”, The Radical Transition, https://womenoftunisia.weebly.com/the-radical- transition.html

91 the Arab world. Shortly after the country independence, Tunisian Constitutional Assembly drafted a new constitution, which was adopted on 1 June 1959.11

The Tunisian constitution of 1959, attempts to tackle this by laying down the fundamental law of the new nation. It is not merely a document dealing with the governmental machinery for running the administration of the country, but in fact, an embodiment of the ideals and aspirations of the people of Tunisia. The 1959 Constitution contained a Preamble, 78 Articles which are divided into 10 Chapters.12

Following are the key highlights of the 1959 Constitution:

 The Preamble of the constitution articulates the basic objectives of the independent Tunisia; it adherences human values respected by free and progressive people of the world, whose faith is Islam; the unity of the Greater Maghreb, to cooperation with the peoples of Africa; to found a stable political system with the principle of the separation of power.

 Articles 1 to 17 under Chapter-I deals with the “General Provisions” which describes the nature of Tunisia as a state. Article 1 of the constitution declares that Tunisia is a sovereign state, whose religion is Islam; language is Arabic and has a republican regime;  Article 2 declares the Republic of Tunisia to be the part of the Great Arab Maghreb, an entity which it endeavors to unify within the framework of mutual interests;  Article 3 specifies that Sovereignty belongs to the Tunisian people, who exercise it in conformity with the Constitution. Article 4 of the constitution describes the structure of the Tunisian national flag; Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University  Article 5-17 defines the rights and duty of Tunisian. Article 5 guarantees the personal integrity, conscience and belief of all peoples of the republic. Article 6 declares that the state shall not deny to any person equality before the law within the territory of Tunisia. According to Article 7 these rights can be limited only by laws enacted to protect the rights of others, the respect of public order, national defense, the development of the economy and social

11 The Carter Center in Tunisia, The Constitution Making Process in Tunisia (Atlanta: The Carter Center, 2014): 4 12 Excerpts Document, “The Tunisian Constitution”, Middle East Journal 13, no. 4 (1959): 443

92 progress. Article 8 deals with Freedom of opinion, expression, the press, publication, assembly and association;  Article 9 dealt with the inviolability of the home and secrecy of correspondence. Article 10 deals that every citizen has the right to free movement and to residence within the country. Article 11 deals that no citizen can be expatriates from the country or prevented from returning to it. Article 12 states that Police custody shall be subject to judicial control and preventive detention shall be exercised only following judicial instruction. Article 13 states about the personal punishment;  Article 14 guarantees the property right, within the framework by the law. Article 15 deals with the duty of each citizen to protect the country and to safeguard its independence, its sovereignty and the integrity of the national territory. Article 16 deals with duty of every individual to pay taxes and Article 17 deals with Political refugees cannot be extradited;  The Articles 18 to 36 in Chapter-II of the constitution deal with the “Legislative Power”. Articles 18 and 19 deal with the organization, composition and election of the National Parliament (Majlis al-Ummah):  Articles 20 and 21 state the eligibility and voting right of the Tunisian citizen;  Article 22 to 24 state about the term, continuing and seat of the national parliament.  Articles 25 to 27 provide responsibility of every deputy and for immunities against arrest for opinions expressed, or act done in the parliament;  Article 28 states that the National Parliament exercises the legislative power, in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. The power to initiate Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University laws is shared equally by the President of the Republic and the members of the Chamber of Deputies. Priority is given to bills submitted by the President of the Republic. Bills submitted by the members of the Chamber of Deputies are not acceptable if their adoption leads to the reduction of public resources or adds new costs or expenses;  Articles 29 to 30 deals with the sessions, permanent committees of the national parliament. Articles 31 to 33 dealt with the consent of the interested permanent committee, ratification and approval of treaties;

93  Articles 34 to 36 deal with the fundamental principles of the legislative competence, the state budget and International financial agreements;13  The Articles 37 to 63 in Chapter-III of the constitution deal with the “Executive Power of Tunisian President and functions of the Government”;  Section-I in the Chapter-III (Articles 37-57) deal with “election, eligibility and power and function of the President of the Tunisian republic”. The President is the head of the Tunisian Republic. Under Article 37 of the Constitution the executive power of the republic vested to him. The President is elected for a period of five years by universal, free, direct and secret ballot. A person to be eligible for election as President should be a citizen of Tunisia, by religion of Islam by faith and should have completed 40 years of age. The President of the Republic is the guarantor of national independence, of the integrity of territory and of respect for the Constitution and the laws as well for the execution of treaties. The President of the Republic is the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and all the diplomatic representatives are accredited to him. He also has the power to ratify the treaties, declares war and concludes peace. He exercises the right of pardon. He may submit to a referendum any bill relating to the organization. He can nominates the Prime Minister, and on his suggestion, the other members of the Government. He also nominates the highest civil and military officers on the recommendation of the Government. It refers to the ability of the President to withhold his assent to a bill given by the Parliament. In addition to the normal powers, the Constitution confers extraordinary powers on the President to deal of emergencies.14

 SectionMaulana-II in the ChapterAzad Library,-III (Articles Aligarh 58-63) Muslimdeal with Universitythe “Powers and Functions of the Government”. The Government puts into effect the general policy of the Nation and is responsible to the President of the Republic for its conduct. The Prime Minister of the Republic directs and coordinates the work of the government;

 The Articles 64 to 67 in Chapter-IV of the constitution deal with the “Judicial Authority” of the President. The Judiciary is independent and Judgments are

13 Excerpts Document, the Tunisian Constitution, 443. 14 Ibid, 445

94 rendered in the name of the People and in the name of the President. The magistrates are nominated by decree of the President upon the recommendation of the superior council of the magistrature;  Chapters V, VI, VII and VIII, is single article provisions, establishes the following agencies through constitutional articles 68 to 71. Article 68 states that the High Court meets in case of high treason committed by a member of the government. The jurisdiction and composition of the high court, and the procedures applicable before it, are specified by law. Article 69 states that the State Council is composed of two bodies: The Administrative Court and the Audit Office. Article 70 states that the Economic and Social Council is an advisory body regarding economic and social matters. Article 71 states that Municipal councils, regional councils and the structures to which the law gives the quality of local authority, manage local affairs according to the terms set by law;  The Articles 72 to 75 in Chapter IX of the constitution deal with the “Constitutional Council”. The Constitutional Council is composed of nine members having a confirmed competence, irrespective of the age. Four of them, including the president, are appointed by the President of the Republic, and two by the President of the Chamber of Deputies, for a period of 3 years renewable twice. Three members are appointed in their capacity: the first president of the Court of Cassation, the first president of the Administrative Court and the first president of the Audit Office. The Constitutional Council looks into bills submitted to it by the President of the Republic to ensure their conformity with the Constitution;  MaulanaThe Articles Azad 76 to 78Library, in Chapter AligarhX of the Muslim constitution University deal with the procedure for “Amendment of the Constitution”. The initiative for the amendment of the Tunisian constitution belongs to the President of the Republic. The President also promulgates the law which contains the provisions of the Constitution under the form of a constitutional law in conformity with Article 52.15

15 Excerpts Document, the Tunisian Constitution, 445-46

95 4.1.3 The President Bourguiba (1957-87): Politics, Personality and Nation Building

After assuming the office of the first President of the republic on 25 July 1957, Habib Bourguiba made a presidential form of government, a constitution with a single party system. Micaud while transcribing the charismatic character of Bourguiba writes:

“His message is direct, forceful, and easily comprehended. Philosophical principles and practical advice are poured forth in colorful and simple language. The frequent speeches are eagerly awaited and listened to over the blasting radios in the cafes and shops. The themes that he constantly reiterates reflect Bourguiba’s deep faith in the perfectibility of man and in his own ability to mould his people in the image he has formed of the new Tunisia”.16 In the same vein, Henry Moore, describing the personality of the President. He writes:

“… Bourguiba once exclaimed, when asked about his roles in the “political system,” “What system? I am the system!”… Bourguiba is vitally active leader. He does not hesitate to expend his prestige, to take political responsibilities, to exercise his personal power directly and ubiquitously. …He drinks orange juice in public during the Muslim feast of Ramadan, though most Tunisians consider fasting to be a religious duty. He seems temperamentally obliged always to be at the center of the stage, while privately—and even publicly—he goads his minsters and other high”.17 In the beginning he was successful, but later his domination of the political system led to some domestic and foreign challenges. Despite the problems that must be met by every new nation, Bourguiba give importance to education, health, to the detriment of arming and defense. Therefore, he introduced new educational policy with focus on national culture, using the Arabic language. However, initially the educational authorities were unable to dispense with French as a medium of education. His educational reform designed, firstly, to make Arabic the basic language of instruction in the primaryMaulana stage; secondly, Azad toLibrary, merge the Aligarh different Muslim types of educationUniversity (modern education in French; mixed French-Arab education; Muslim education in Arabic) into one unified national system.18 In this regards, he established a Ministry of Education and appointed great writer—Mahmoud Messadi as his first education minister. He launched Ten-year Education Plan hoping that one child out of three graduating from

16 Charles A. Micaud, L. C. Brown, and C. H. Moore, Tunisia: The Politics of Modernization (London: Pall Mall Press, 1964), pp. 140-141 17 Clement Henry Moore, Politics in North Africa: Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1970), pp.95-96 18 “New education system” based on free and public and classified as—Primary and technical courses, Secondary courses, Higher education and Training schools for teachers;

96 primary schools will continue his studies and also to achieve universal primary education by 1969.19 In 1958, Bourguiba took another important step for the nationalization of Zaytunah University by abolishing its curriculum, by promulgating new set of curricula for the unified education system.20 Marion Boulbly mentions about impact of the Bourguiba new educational policy on Tunisian society:

“The effect of the education reforms on the Ulamā was drastic. Unification of education system meant the elimination of religious schools and Zaytouna scholars were deprived of their traditional role as teachers. The Zaytouna mosque was integrated into the new Université de Tunis with a western-styled curriculum. Religious education in all schools was cut to two hours a week. Although some job openings were created for Zaytouna graduates as religious instructors, the content and method of religious instruction were strictly controlled by the state”.21 Further, he established a Secretariat of State for Youth and Sports directly under the Presidency of the Council. For the rapid growth of the population and infant mortality rate, he developed of the country medical services and tried to improve the general hygiene. During the period he also increased Public Health budget. The Health Budget which was earlier 2 per cent of the total budget (1920) had risen to 8 per cent by 1955 and in 1957 amounted to 7 million.22

For the accountably judicial system, Habib Bourguiba introduced number of judicial reforms. In this purpose he first abolished the dual system of justice, ended the influence of religious on the judiciary and established entirely secular Tunisian courts. He also reformed the Code of Criminal Procedure. At the same time he reorganized Tunisian own judicial machinery, decentralizing and increasing the numbers of courts.23

However, after the five years of Tunisian independent existence, Bourguiba faced Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University certain domestic and foreign challenges, the Bizerte Crisis (1961) as the most important among them. The Bizerte Crisis occurred in 28 July 1961 when Tunisia imposed a blockade on the French naval base at Bizerte, Tunisia, hoping to force its evacuation. Habib Bourguiba had over the years alternated between threats to take the base by force and assurances that he would wait for the problem to be settled by

19 Nevill Barbour, A Survey of North West Africa (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), p.321 20 Clement Henry Moore, Politics in North Africa, 266. 21 Marion Boulby, “The Islamic Challenge: Tunisia since Independence,” Third World Quarterly 10, no. 2, April, 1988: p. 592 22 Barbour, A Survey of North West Africa , 319-325 23 Ibid, 310-312

97 negotiation. His tactics had secured some gains for Tunisia, including French withdrawal from the city of Bizerte to the base proper. Prospects for a peaceful solution seemed particularly good after a meeting between French President Charles de Gaulle and Bourguiba on 17 February 1961. But in July the French military lengthened an airstrip by a few yards. Tunisia saw this as evidence that the French had no intention of leaving, and Tunisian troops and young volunteers surrounded the base. After a French helicopter was fired upon, French paratroops seized much of the city in bitter fighting. Hundreds of Tunisians, including civilians, were killed. President Bourguiba charged that the paratroopers had shot many prisoners in cold blood and committed other atrocities. However, in the ensuing month, Tunisia won resounding diplomatic victories in the United Nations and at the Belgrade conference of non-aligned nations in September 1961. But the French refused to budge, as de Gaulle made clear in a press conference in Paris on 5 September 1961. Then to the astonishment of even his closest political associates, Bourguiba suddenly reversed himself, declaring that the de Gaulle statement provided the basis for a Bizerte settlement. Some weeks later French troops evacuated the city and withdrew to the base on 15 October 1963.24

There are several internal and external consequences of Bizerte Crisis. Bourguiba’s personal prestige and influence fell sharply. The clash seemed too many to mark the failure of "Bourguibism," i.e., active cooperation with the Western powers to get their economic and political support, and firm but peaceful pressures for concessions such as those desired at Bizerte. Internally, there was muted but undeniable criticism of Bourguiba for the bloody consequences of the Bizerte attack, on the one hand, and for not having carried it through, once begun, on the other. Moreover, leading intellectual’s Maulanain Bourguiba's Azad Neo Library,-Destour Aligarh party, including Muslim Information University Minister Mohammed Matemoudi, chafed openly in print against Bourguiba's virtual one-man rule.25

The crisis pointed up Tunisia's economic weakness and dependence on outside aid, and particularly on the French government's help. Efforts to create new economic ties with the Communist bloc, and promises of help from other Islamic and neutralist

24 Werner Klaus Ruf, The Bizerte Crisis: A Bourguibist attempt to resolve Tunisia’s border Problems, The Middle East Journal 25, no. 2, 1971: 201-11. 25 Clement Henry Moore, Bourguibism in Tunisia, Current History, 44, no. 257, (January 1963): 36

98 states, had relatively meager practical results. French and United States aid—Tunisia got some $90 million of aid from the United States during the year under review— remained the major pillars of the economy; particularly as drought severely affected the major Tunisian crops.26

Conscious of the nation's basic economic weakness, the Bourguiba government turned increasingly to state planning. Socialism wasn't at first a significant a part of the modern Destour project, but the government had always held and implemented redistributive policies. A large structure program was launched in 1961. Nonetheless, in 1964, Republic of Tunisia entered a passing socialist era. The Neo Destour party became the Socialist Destour (Parti Socialiste Dusturien or PSD) in 1964. The President himself defined the philosophy of socialism in a speech delivered on 29 July 1963 at a youth rally in Tunis.

He said:

“... Our method—I mean constitutional socialism—is derived from our Tunisian situation; to meet this situation we have to set up a basic goal: the creation of a better society by raising the standard of living, improving production, and establishing equitable distribution. After assuring ourselves of our aim we have proceeded to find ways that lead to it [constitutional socialism]; our search has directed to us to this fundamental general principle: that the Tunisian citizen in this new era is a partner of every other member of society; it is thus that our socialism is derived, not as a reaction to capitalism, but to extreme individualism. It becomes amply clear that a way of life based on narrow individualism, allowing everyone to do what he pleased was not good or profitable; it becomes necessary to change it and to find the means whereby individuals could be guided and their efforts combined into an effective collective effort. We all are responsible for this land and we should live in it with dignity. We have called this approach “socialism”; the individual is no longer equated with the nation as a whole nor considered a final goal; we have become a 27 Maulanacomplete social Azad organism”. Library, Aligarh Muslim University In this respect, the former labor leader Ahmed Ben Salah was placed in charge of economic planning and in January1961 he was also named minister of finance and commerce. Ben Salah finally, drafted a Ten-Year Perspective for Economic Development (Perspective Décennale de Développment 1962-1971) on 23 August 1961, after initial consolations with different interested groups even the students. His plan for economic development based on the private, public and cooperative sectors

26 Ibid., p.38 27 Hisham Sharabi, Nationalism and Revolution in the Arab World: The Middle East and North Africa (Princeton, NJ: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1966), 113-114

99 was ideologically attractive.28 According to Micaud, there were four major objectives set in the perspective, they were:

“The first is the “Tunisification” of the economy. Its aim is to reduce Tunisia’s dependence upon France for exports and imports, and to decrease the foreign element in the financial, industrial, and agricultural sectors of the economy. The second goal is the “promotion del’ homme,” which is to be translated into equality of opportunity and the improvement of living standards; this involves a redistribution of income to provide better nourishment, housing, education, and health conditions for the mass of the people. The third is a reform of the basic structures of the economy; institutional reforms and investment are to remove the imbalance between different sections of the country and sectors of the economy. The last goal is self-development, the attainment of the stage of self-sustained growth, which will be reached when domestic savings are sufficient to cover gross investment requirements”.29 For a time, Bourguiba attempted to modernize his nation in terms of institutions building. The government decree of September 1961 declared that foreign nationals could no longer be brokers, insurance agents, or building managers unless exempted by terms of agreements between their governments and Tunisia. From January 1962 onward, even Tunisian nationals would need the approval of the authorities to engage in such activities. Government planning set to become effective as of January 1962 implied tighter control over all commercial activity. Imports were, in principle, to be limited to necessities for the national economy, and specified major imports (e.g., textiles, foodstuffs, electrical equipment) were to be taken over directly by the government.30 However by 1966, the government’s start of production in Saharan Oil fields prompted the construction of a refinery, which lessened Tunisia’s need to import Petroleum products that were crucial to industrialization.31

After, Bourguiba sudden illness in 1968, there was a struggle for power among his lieutenants. TheMaulana major competition Azad Library, was between Aligarh Ahmed MuslimBen Salah Universityand the supporters of the cooperative Programme on the one side and liberal members of the PSD Central Committee, led by Ahmed Mistier, on the other side. However, in 1969 Bourguiba’s health improved and he was re-elected President on November 2, 1969 election. President Habib Bourguiba appointed Bahi Ladgham of the PSD as Prime

28 Elbaki Hermassi, Leadership and National Development in North Africa: A Comparative Study (London: California University of California Press, 1972), 177 29 Micaud , L. C. Brown, and C. H. Moore, Tunisia: The Politics of Modernization , 177-178 30 Dirk Vandewalle, From the New State to the New Era: Toward a Second Republic in Tunisia, Middle East Journal 42, No. 4 (Autumn, 1988): 610-613 31 Ibid., p.615

100 Minister on 6 November 1969. At the same time he expelled Ben Salah from the party on the charges of high treason. Ben Salah remained in prison until 1973, when he escaped and fled to Europe.32 On 8 June 1970, Bourguiba addressed to the Tunisian people about the failure of this experiment saying:

“Constitutionally the first and only responsible is me, Habib Bourguiba. It is because I am human, therefore subject to error, that I was wrong, I say in all modesty. I apologize for the people and especially the activists who suffered [...] I know they are convinced of my good faith [...] but I was abused by a man who wielded lies with diabolical address”.33 During early of 1970s the President Bourguiba again adopted social, economic and judicial reforms aiming to restructure both the party (the Socialist Destourian Party)34 and state organization. Therefore, the key party leaders switched from a political office to a high committee. In 1971, Bourguiba appointed Hedi Amara Nouira, the former Director of the National Bank, as the country new Prime Minister.35 He increasingly took control of the day-to-day running of the country as Bourguiba’s health and alertness deteriorated in the 1970's. Considered the architect of Tunisia's economic renewal in the 1960's, Nouira was faulted by many workers and dissidents in the late 1970's for the Government's tough labor policy and refusal to allow a multiparty system.36

Through Bourguiba was initially supported by many Tunisians for his nationalist development Programme, economic malaise and increased political domination led to student and Labour unrest during the 1970s. During this period clashes with the government increased and even the overall message of the Party Congress was anti- Bourguiba. However, despite the initial setback, Bourguiba was able to rally support

32 Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Mark Tessler, “Tunisia at the Crossroads”, Current History 84, no. 502, May 1985: 218 33 Tahar Belkhodja, Les trois décennies Bourguiba: témoignage (Paris: Arcanteres, 1998), 77 34 The Socialist Destourian Party was the ruling political party of Tunisia from 1964 to 1988. Bahi Ladgham was the first Prime Minister from the party and Hédi Baccouche was the last. It was founded on 22 October 1964 and disbanded on 27 February 1988. Habib Bourguiba was the first president of the Socialist Destourian Party 1964–1987. 35 Hedi Amara Nouira was born on April 6, 1911, in Monastir and was trained as a lawyer. He began his political career as an ally of Habib Bourguiba, helping him found the Neo-Destour Party, a more radical offshoot of the nationalist Destour Party, in 1934. He was detained by the colonial authorities from 1938 to 1943 for his activities but continued to press for Tunisian independence, and acted as the party's representative at talks in Paris in the 1950's. He served as Finance Minister after the country gained independence from France in March 1956 and was the governor of Tunisia's central bank from 1958 to 1970. He headed the Government throughout the 1970's and retired from politics in 1980 after suffering a stroke. 36 The Associated Press, “Hedi Nouira Is Dead; the Former Premier of Tunisia Was 81", the New York Times, January 27, 1993, https://www.nytimes.com/1993/01/27/world/hedi-nouira

101 among the party delegates and on 3 November 1974 Legislative elections were held and the PSD won 112 out of 112 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. President Habib Bourguiba was again re-elected President without opposition and in 1975, Bourguiba was proclaimed president for life, though his health was increasingly poor.37

However, Economic hardship and political repression resulted in the late 1970s in student and Labour unrests, led by the Tunisian General Labour Union (Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail, UGTT), the government’s most powerful opposition. In 1978, a strike turned violent when Bourguiba cracked down on demonstrators, resulting in the deaths of at least 30 protesters and the arrest of 200 trade-union militants, including senior officials such as UGTT’s Secretary General Habib Achour. Finally, Achour was released in December 1981, when he was allowed to resume his position as the head of the UGTT.38

After the Gafsa Incident (January 1980)39, politics in Tunisia took a new turn, the Prime Minister Nouira—the protege of Bourguiba, suffered a stroke early in 1980 and was replaced with Mohammad Mzali,40 a former minister of Education.41 The new government moved in the direction of political liberalization. Later in the special PSD Congress of April 1981, Bourguiba declared that opposition groups allowed participating for the first time in election to the National Assembly and in favor of political pluralism he said:

“The degree of maturity reached by Tunisian people, young people's aspirations and the interest there is to involve all Tunisians in taking decisions, whatever their views are, whether they are inside or outside the party, invites us to say that we see no objection to the emerging of political or social national organizations”.42 The decision to allow multi-party elections reportedly grew out of a concern over the Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University apparent gains in popularity made by the fundamentalist critics of the government.

37 Tessler, Tunisia at the Crossroads, 218-219 38 Manich Msamah, “The Tunisian Movement That Will Not Forgive”, fanack.com, accessed on October 19, 2019, https://fanack.com/tunisia/history-past-to-present/ 39 In January 1980, during a period of heightened tension between Libya under Muammar al-Qaddafi and Tunisia under Habib Bourguiba, Tunisian guerrillas (trained by the Libyan military) crossed into Tunisia and attacked the south-central city of Gafsa. Tunisia responded by severing ties with Libya; in turn, Libya ordered some 10,000 Tunisian workers in Libya to return home. 40 Mzali (23 December 1925 – 23 June 2010), was a minister in Tunisia's Cabinet for several years before serving as prime minister from 1980 to 1986. He was elected a member of the IOC in 1965 and held several top positions on the committee. 41 Tessler, Tunisia at the Crossroads, 219 42 Tahar Belkhodja, Les trois décennies Bourguiba: témoignage (Paris: Arcanteres, 1998), 175

102 Any opposition group receiving five per cent of the vote would be recognized as a political party. In 1981 the Islamic Trend Movement (ITM) was established and the Communist Party of Tunisia (CPT) was legalized as an opposition political party on July 18, 1981. Legislative elections were held on 1 November 1981, and the National Front alliance, including the Socialist Destourian Party (Parti Socialiste Destourien – PSD), won 136 out of 136 seats in the Chamber of Deputies (Table 4.1). A faction of the Popular Unity Movement (PUM) headed by Mohammed Bel Hadj Amour was legalized as an opposition political party on November 19, 1983.43

Table-4.1 Summary of the 1 November 1981 Tunisian Chamber of Deputies Election Results

Parties Voters % Seats +/- National Front 1,828,363 94.2 136 +15 (PSD-UGTT) Movement of 63,234 3.3 - - Socialist Democrats Popular Unity 18,755 1.0 - - Movement Tunisian 14,677 0.8 - - Communist Party Independents 7,966 0.4 - - Valid votes 1,941,858 99.0 136 +15 Blank or invalid 20,269 1.0 - - votes Total 1,962,127 100 Voter turnout 84.9 Electorate 2,311,031 Source: Nohlen et al. (Accessed on January18, 2020)

In the Maulanalast years of Azadthe Bourguiba Library, era, AligarhTunisia was Muslim racked by University economic problems and discontent. In 1984, implementation of a structure adjustment plan signed with the IMF forced the elimination of food subsidies and resulted in a rise in bread prices. This action, in turn, sparked unrest and Tunisia’s first wave of “bread riots” erupted over the following year. As a consequence, public sector workers, supported by the UGTT, organized strikers demanding pay increases. Unemployment was painfully

43 Tessler, Tunisia at the Crossroads, 219-220

103 high, particularly among the young, and the government ran so short of foreign exchange that the IMF had to come to its rescue in 1986.44

In the wake of all these political and economic challenges Bourguiba sought to take the initiative by bringing the so called economic stabilization plan. However, during this time for the development of the Islamic tendency movement in Tunisia and the strengthened of his paranoia the policy was not successful. On 8 July 1986, President Habib Bourguiba dismissed Prime Minister Mzali and appointed Rachid Sfar as Prime Minister on 9 July 1986,45 to restore the country's financial and economic equilibrium. It then tries to restore a degraded financial situation, depleted foreign currency reserves and a weakened economy. Under the pressure of Bourguiba who wanted to take over the reins of his power and the rise of the Islamist movement, the normalization of political life and democratization initiated in the early 1980s were no longer the priority of the state. After the Legislative elections were held on 2 November 1986, and the Patriotic Union alliance, including the Socialist Destourian Party (Parti Socialiste Destourien – PSD), won 125 out of 125 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, opposition political parties boycotted the legislative elections. Thus, there was a gradual and steady erosion of Bourguiba’s popularity and credibility of the regime. In such conditions, President Habib Bourguiba was declared mentally unfit to govern and on 7 November 1987, he was removed from office at the age of 84 in a bloodless coup by general Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali assumed the presidency on same day. Bourguiba had appointed him as Prime Minister only about a month before the coup.46

4.1.4 Foreign Policy of President Bourguiba

As Tunisia’s Maulana first President Azad and Library, Foreign Affairs Aligarhminister Muslim (Ministère University des Affaires étrangères), Habib Bourguiba played a major role in shaping modern Tunisia’s government and political culture along with sound foreign policy. After the

44 Moore, Bourguibism in Tunisia, 180-181 45 Rachid Sfar born on September 11, 1933 in Mahdia is a Tunisian technocrat who has had to assume heavy political responsibilities during difficult times for his country. From 1960 to 1977, he was in charge of high administrative functions including the Ministry of Finance of which he will be the director general of taxes from 1969 to 1970 and the general secretary from 1974 to 1977. After occupying several ministerial portfolios (Industry, National Defense, Public Health, National Economy and Finance) from 1977 to 1986, Sfar was appointed by Bourguiba as Prime Minister on 8 July 1986. 46 AP, "A coup is reported in Tunisia", New York Times, November 7, 1987, accessed February 8, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/1987/11/07/world/a-coup-is-reported-in-tunisia.html

104 independence, Tunisia's foreign policy was based on a set of principles that are significant to Tunisia's concern, as a peace-loving country committed to international legality, to strengthen the conditions of understanding, tolerance and solidarity between States and peoples, to bring more justice, democracy and balance to international relations, and to spread security, stability, well-being and progress for the benefit of all humanity.47

Tunisian Policy with the Arab Countries during the Bourguiba era had been complicated and troubled. Although, Tunisian attachment to the Arab-Islamic belonging, which is deeply rooted in it and to the values of openness, tolerance and moderation for which it is known throughout history, is the essence of identity of Tunisia. The nationalist movement in the Arab World also inspired Tunisian nationalism. However, Bourguiba and his party sought and enjoyed the support of the Arab League but the leadership conducts their own struggle with their own process.48

Bourguiba was one of the most consistently pro-Western of all the Arab leaders and was one of the first leaders in the world who call for a negotiated settlement of the Palestinian problem. As a matter of fact, in April 1965, he proposed direct talks with Israel on the UN partition plan of 1947. In a speech he gave at a refugee camp near Jericho, under Jordanian sovereignty at the time, he openly criticized the strategies adopted by the Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world in their conflict with the Zionist movement and, since 1948, the State of Israel. He condemned the approach that characterized according to him the Arab leadership on the Palestinian matter, “As for the policy of the “whole or nothing”, it brought us to the defeat in Palestine and reduced us to the sad situation we are struggling with today.” Recalling his own attitude during the Tunisian quest for independence, when he accepted autonomy as a Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University first step towards sovereignty, he lamented the fact “that in Palestine, on the contrary, the Arabs pushed away the compromise solutions.49 This led to a major crisis in the Arab League and ties with Nasser’s Egypt were stressed.50 He had poor opinion about

47 Tunisia’s Foreign Policy, Republique Tunisienne: Ministere desAffaires Étrangères, accessed on May 18, 2018, https://www.diplomatie.gov.tn/politique-etrangere/politique-etrangere-de-la-tunisie/ 48 Arab-Muslim World, Republique Tunisienne: Ministere desAffaires Étrangères, accessed on July 12, 2018, https://www.diplomatie.gov.tn/politique-etrangere/politique-etrangere-de-la- tunisie/monde-arabo-musulman/ 49 Michael M. Laskier, Israel and the Maghreb: From Statehood to Oslo (Florida: University Press of Florida, 2004), 192-198 50 Representatives from Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Transjordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Yemen meet in Cairo to establish the Arab League, a regional organization of Arab states on 22 March 1945.

105 the Arab League in the period from 1945 to 1949 as he made desperate efforts win its support for the Tunisian cause, but he was told that the first priority of the Arab League was to settle the Palestine issue.51 However, Tunisia is one of the founding members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC),52 created in the wake of the fire unleashed in the Al-Aqsa Mosque in 1969. In the same year, Tunisia adhered to this organization and took part in all its activities at all levels. It is one of the major countries that have given a flip to the joint Islamic action and support it deserves.53

Since Tunisia’s independence, Habib Bourguiba laid emphasis on the “non- alignment” aspect of Tunisian foreign policy. To support the policy, in 1963 his son Habib Bourguiba, Jr., then Ambassador to the United States, written an essay and explained Tunisian foreign policy as follows:

“As a former colonized nation Tunisia stands for the principle of complete and total decolonization for all peoples. We back all nations still colonized be they from Africa or any other continent. Opposition to colonialism is a question of human dignity which goes far beyond geography or race. Cooperation is certainly a better relationship than domination. No nation is entitled to rule another nation. Another principle of our foreign policy, linked to the first two, is self-determination. We believe that liberty should be given to peoples to freely choose their destiny. However, this liberty must be limited in order to prevent any fractioning, hence weakening of former colonized nations. Another aspect of our foreign policy is non- alignment. We believe that the best way for the developing countries to

Formed to foster economic growth in the region, resolve disputes between its members, and coordinate political aims, members of the Arab League formed a council, with each state receiving one vote. When the State of Israel was created in 1948, the league countries jointly attacked but were repulsed by the Israelis. Two years later, Arab League nations signed a mutual defense treaty. Fifteen more Arab nations eventually joined the organization, which established a common market in 1965. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), now the Palestinian Authority, was granted full membership in 1976. Other current members include Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Kuwait, Libya,Maulana Mauritania, Azad Morocco, Library, Oman, Qatar, Aligarh Somalia, Muslim Sudan, Tunisia, University the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. In 2011 Syria was suspended due to its government's violent suppression of the opposition uprising, www.LasPortal.org 51 Pierre Rossi, Bourguiba’s Tunisia (Tunis: Editios Kahira, 1967), 184 52 The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) is the second largest inter-governmental organization after the United Nations with a membership of 57 states spread over four continents. The Organization is the collective voice of the Muslim world. It endeavors to safeguard and protect the interests of the Muslim world in the spirit of promoting international peace and harmony among various people of the world. The Organization was established upon a decision of the historical summit which took place in Rabat, Kingdom of Morocco on 12th Rajab 1389 Hijra (25 September 1969) following the criminal arson of Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied Jerusalem. The Organization has consultative and cooperative relations with the UN and other inter-governmental organizations to protect the vital interests of the Muslims and to work for the settlement of conflicts and disputes involving Member States. https://www.oic-oci.org 53 Tunisia serving international causes, Republique Tunisienne: Ministere desAffaires Étrangères accessed on July 12, 2018, https://www.diplomatie.gov.tn/politique-etrangere.

106 work for peace and eliminate the Cold War is to abstain from being integrated militarily or politically into either of the two blocs which are challenging each other in pursuing our support. We do not say we are neutral, because complete neutrality is impossible. But we try to approve of this or that bloc in so far as it acts in accordance with highly acclaimed moral principles on one particular issue. Similarly, we might side with the other bloc on another issue. If it happens that one of the two blocs is, during a certain period, more often on the side of justice, we shall be more often on its side, without systematically supporting it on any issue. That is what we understand by non-alignment”.54 Relations between Tunisia and the United States were close and historical. From the beginning of the existence, the United States has had strong diplomatic relations with Tunisia. In 1778, two years after the U.S. Declaration of Independence, then President of United States John Adams noted that “There are other nations with which it is more urgent to conclude treaties … By this; I mean Morocco and the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli”. This suggestion was taken seriously and, on March 26, 1799, the first agreement of friendship and trade was concluded between Tunisia and the United States.55 The first American consulate was established in Tunis on January 20, 1800, one of the many diplomatic buildings clustered around the Place de la Bourse in the Medina. In September 1805, U.S. President Thomas Jefferson received a Tunisian special envoy, and in 1865, after the Civil War, another Tunisian ambassador was sent to the U.S. with a message of friendship to the American people.56

During Tunisia’s struggle for independence, leaders of the national liberation movement established good relations with the United States. On 17 May 1956, the U.S. was the first great power to recognize the sovereign state of Tunisia and, soon after that, moved its Embassy to Avenue de la Liberte. In March 1957, an agreement for American economic and technical aid, the first in a long series, was signed in Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Tunis.57 In May 1961, President Bourguiba arrived in Washington as the first Head of State to visit the United States under the Kennedy administration. In a speech to a joint session of Congress highlighting his visit, he said:

54 Habib Bourguiba, Jr., The Foreign Policy of Tunisia, in Joseph E. Black and K. W. Thompson, eds. Foreign Policies in a world of Change (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), 352-53 55 U.S. Relations with Tunisia, U.S Department of State, accessed on February 17, 2018, https://www.state.gov/u-s-relations-with-tunisia/ 56 Ibid, 57 Foreign relations of Tunisia and America, Republique Tunisienne: Ministere desAffaires Étrangères, accessed on July 12, 2018, https://www.diplomatie.gov.tn/politique-etrangere/politique- etrangere-de-la-tunisie/amerique/

107 “What your country needs are not satellites who vote with you automatically on all issues because they want your money, but friends who support you from conviction I can assure you that Tunisia will always tell you when we disagree with you, just as we will always applaud you when we believe you to be right. And we expect from you as a reciprocal frankness”.58 Tunisia has historically maintained cordial and friendly relations with India since establishment of diplomatic relations in 1958. The Tunisian Embassy in New Delhi was started in 1981.The first resident Indian Mission at the level of Cd’A was established in Tunisia in 1963 and raised to the Ambassador level in 1976. Tunisian leaders have expressed admiration for India’s democracy and its leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and state that India’s freedom struggle has served as an inspiration for Tunisia. Under the government of President Bourguiba, the two countries also shared a respect for secularism, and moderation was a hallmark of the Tunisian foreign policy.59

4. 2 Tunisia under Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011): Early life, education and military career

Habib Bourguiba’s successor, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali—assumed the office as a President of the Republic Tunisia on 7 November 1987 in a bloodless coup d'état and ruled the country from 1987 until his fall in January 2011. Ben Ali was born on 3 September 1936, in Hammam-Sousse, at that time a coastal village to the north of the port city of Sousse where his father Selma Hassan worked as a ducker. He belonged to a moderate-income family which brought him up to respect tradition, and imbued him with a sense of dignity, patriotism and respect for others. From his family upbringing, he developed a propensity for simplicity, perseverance and rigor, as well as a sense of moderation and tolerance.60 His formal education started in the Sousse Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University secondary school, where he observed the call of patriotic duty. Outraged by colonial oppression, he resolutely joined the national movement, acting as liaison between the regional structures of the Neo-Destour Party and the armed struggle. As a result, he was imprisoned and dismissed from all educational institutions in Tunisia. Appreciating in him his intelligence and his work force, the Party decided to send him

58 Bourguiba's speech to Joint Meeting of US Congress, May 4, 1961, Vital Speeches, June I, 1961, p. 488 59 India-Tunisia Bilateral Relations, The Embassy of Tunisia, New Delhi, accessed on August 17, 2018, http://www.tunisianembassy.in/tunisia.php?id=Bilateral 60 Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, global security organization, accessed October 22, 2018, https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/tunisia/ben-ali.htm

108 to France. It is thus part of the first nucleus of the future national army. He first obtained the diploma of the Special School Inter-Armes of Saint-Cyr, then other degrees in institutions no less prestigious: the School of Artillery Châlons-Sur-Marne (France), the Higher School of Intelligence and Security and the School of Anti- Aircraft Artillery (USA). He also obtained a degree in electronics engineering.61

In 1964 he returned to Tunisia and initiated his profession as a young military staff officer. In the same year he made the military security directorate and headed it for ten years. In 1974 he was appointed military attaché in Morocco and Spain. He was then assigned to the cabinet of the Minister of Defense before serving as Director General of National Security. In 1980 after the Gafsa incident, Ben Ali was sent to Poland as ambassador and worked in that position for four years.62 After the civil disturbances of January 1984, the leadership of the Ministry of Interior and the internal security forces was completely revamped. To run the security forces, Prime Minister Mzali brought back Ben Ali, reappointed him to old job and Director of the Sôreté and Director of National Security within the Ministry of Interior. However, as the unrest grew rapidly in 1987 Tunisia's first president, Habib Bourguiba replaced the incumbent Prime Minister with Minister of Interior Zine al Abidine Ben Ali63

4.2.1 President Ben Ali and his Reforms (1987-2011)

In the night of 6 November 1987 a team of seven doctors signed a medical report and declared to the mental incapacity of President Bourguiba. This resulted, in the taking over of Ben Ali as President of Tunisia in place of Habib Bourguiba.64 In a statement read over the national radio on same day, new President Ben Ali said:

“…The great sacrifices made by the Leader Habib Bourguiba, first MaulanaPresident of Azad the Republic, Library, together Aligarh with otherMuslim men ofUniversity valor, for the liberation and development of Tunisia, are countless. And that is why we granted him our affection and regard and worked under his leadership for many years confidently, faithfully and in a spirit of self-denial, at all levels, in the ranks of our popular and national army and in the government. But the onset of his senility and the deterioration of this health and the medical

61 Other Personalities, “Zine El Abidine Ben Ali”, accessed July 14, 2018, https://abidjan.net/qui/profil.asp?id=252 62 Yahya Abu Zakaria, “the Islamic movement in Tunisia from Thaalibi and Ghannouchi”, accessed on October 21, 2018, http://www.arabtimes.com/ 63 Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, global security organization, accessed on October 22, 2018, https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/tunisia/ben-ali.htm 64 AP, "A coup is reported in Tunisia", New York Times, November 7, 1987, accessed February 8, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/1987/11/07/world/a-coup-is-reported-in-tunisia.html

109 report made on this called us to carry out our national duty and declare him totally incapable of undertaking the tasks of President of the Republic. Thereby, acting under article 57 of the Constitution, with the help of God, we take up the Presidency of the Republic and the high command of our armed forces. In the exercise of our responsibilities, we are counting on all the children of our dear country to work together in an atmosphere of confidence, security and serenity, from which all hatred and rancor will be banished. The independence of our country, our territorial integrity, the invulnerability of our fatherland and our people's progress are a matter of concern for all citizens. Love of one’s country, devotion to its safety, commitment of its growth is the sacred duties of all Tunisians…”65 Immediately upon assuming the Presidency, Ben Ali promised to the peoples of his nations and he said:

“…Our people have reached a degree of responsibility and maturity where every individual and group is in a position to constructively contribute to the running of its affairs, in conformity with the republican idea which gives institutions their full scope and guarantees the conditions for a responsible democracy, fully respecting the sovereignty of the people as written into the Constitution. This Constitution needs urgent revision. The times in which we live can no longer admit of life presidency or automatic succession, from which the people are excluded. Our people deserve an advanced and institutionalized political life, truly based on the plurality of parties and mass organizations. We shall be soon putting forward a bill that will concern political parties and another concerning the press, which ensure a wider participation in the building up of Tunisia and the strengthening of her independence in a context of order and discipline. We shall see that the law is correctly enforced in a way that will proscribe any kind of iniquity or injustice. We shall act to restore the prestige of the State and to put an end to chaos and laxity. There will be no more favoritism or indifference where the squandering of the country's wealth is concerned. We shall continue to keep up our good relations and positive cooperation with all other countries, particularly friendly and sister countries. We shall respect our international engagements. We shall give Islamic, Arab, African and Mediterranean solidarity its due importance. We shall strive ourselves to achieve the unity, based on our common interests, of the Great Maghreb”.66 In accordance with his promises after taking power, President Ben Ali introduced number of reforms.MaulanaBen Ali Azad quickly Library, began to Aligarh introduce Muslimdemocratic University reforms and took steps to end most oppressive practices that had followed under Bourguiba. In February 1988, to signal the new administration’s commitment to democratic reform, he changed the ruling party name from Socialist Destourian Party (PSD) to the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) and opened its membership to all Tunisians. In July 1988, the National Assembly approved a series of proposals to reform the constitution. Under the amendments, he abolished the office of President for life and

65 Andrew Borowiec, Modern Tunisia: A Democratic Apprenticeship (London: Praeger, 1998), p. 141 66 Ibid, p.142

110 the President was to be elected by universal suffrage every five years and to have limit two-term for Presidency.67

Ben Ali also finished the one-party system, permitted opposition groups to form political parties and reduced restrictions on forming associations and on freedom of the press. During his first four months in office, he released over five thousand political prisoners, including the Islamic Tendencies Movement (MTI) leaders who had been persecuted by his predecessor, Bourguiba, and called on exiles to return home.68

Moreover, Human rights exploitations stopped almost entirely during the first year of the new regime. The new Tunisian government established a positive dialogue with the Ligue Tunisienne des Droits de l’Homme (LTDH) and other human rights organizations; it even allowed Amnesty International to open an office in Tunis. Ben Ali’s government was the first Arab government to ratify the 1984 United Nations Convention against Torture. His government was also permitted to the opposition newspapers that had been suspended under Bourguiba. Ben Ali removed most of Bourguiba’s close associates from top positions in the state apparatus and had several of them prosecuted for corruption or other offenses.69

During this period, Ben Ali also made efforts to reinforce representative organizations other than parties. He extended recognition to two powerful student groups: the left- leaning Union Generale des Etudiants Tunisiens (UGET) and the Islamist Union Gtntrale Tunisienne des Etudiants (UGTE). He relaxed the state's heavy-handed attitude toward the Union Gtntrale des Travailleurs Tunisiens (UGTT), a powerful labor federation that Bourguiba had worked assiduously to control. The UGTF began to reorgaMaulananize itself Azadin 1988 Library, and held an Aligarhextraordinary Muslim congress University in April 1989 at which a new, independent leadership was elected. It also reduced its involvement in national political matters and focused more narrowly on labor issues during this period.70

67 Christopher Alexander, Tunisia: Stability and Reform in the Modern Maghreb (New York: Routledge, 2010), 63 68 I. William Zartman, “The Conduct of Political Reform: The Path toward Democracy,” in Tunisia: The Political Economy of Reform, ed. I. William Zartman (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, 1991):16- 22 69 Mark J. Gasiorowski, “The Islamist Challenge: The Failure of Reform in Tunisia,” Journal of Democracy 3, no. 4, (October 1992): 87, https://www.journalofdemocracy.org 70 Ibid, p.88

111 Moreover, in September 1988 Ben Ali brought together representatives from all of the country's major political tendencies to sign a “National Pact” that would establish guiding principles for a new, more democratic political regime. This initiative was broadly applauded by both Tunisians and foreign observers. Discussions soon began with the legally recognized parties, with al-Nahda and several other unrecognized parties, and with the Union Gtntrale des Travailleurs Tunisiens (UGTT), Union Tunisienne de l’industrie, du Commerce, et de l’Artisanat (UTICA), Union Nationale des femmes de Tunisie (UNFI), Union Generale des Etudiants Tunisiens (UGET), the Islamist Union Gtntrale Tunisienne des Etudiants (UGTE), and other organizations. Officially promulgated on 7 November 1988—just one year after Bourguiba's departure—the National Pact proclaimed Tunisia's commitment to democracy, human rights, and tolerance; guaranteed certain basic political freedoms; emphasized the importance of women's rights and equality; and reaffirmed the country's Arab and Islamic identity. It also moved up the parliamentary elections scheduled for 1991 to April 1989.71

Table- 4.2 Summary of Tunisian Presidential Election Results (Ben Ali Era)

Candidates Parties Votes Votes Votes Votes Votes (1989 ) (1994 ) (1999 ) (2004 ) (2009 ) Zine El- Constitutional 2,087,028 2,987,375 3,269,067 4,204,292 4,238,711 Abidine Democratic (100%) (100%) (99.45%) (99.49%) (89.62%) Ben Ali Rally Source: http://archive.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/arc/2321_99.htm (accessed January 18, 2020)

On 2 April 1989 Tunisian Presidential election, Ben Ali’s victory was unchallenged Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University for a full term and his party the Constitutional Democratic Rally won all 141 seats in the Chamber of Deputies (Majlis Al-Nuwab).72 However, after the election Ben Ali did not bring full democracy to Tunisian. In the election he permitted Ennahda to contest as independent candidates and it won over 13.7 percent of the national vote.73 As the Islamists proved very popular, Ben Ali was worried about the possibility of a

71 Lisa Anderson , “Political Pacts, Liberalism, and Democracy: The Tunisian National Pact of 1988,” Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (April 1991): 244-260 72 It was the first time presidential elections had been held since 1974, as Habib Bourguiba had been declared President-for-life the following year. 73 Kenneth Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 187-190

112 strong opposition bloc that might challenge his party’s hegemony. He announced in November 1989 that “there is no room for religious party….It is never necessary to mix religion and politics.”74

The April 1989 elections not only assured Ben Ali and the RCD of control over the state apparatus until 1994, but also showed conclusively that the secular opposition did not have broad popular appeal and that al-Nahda had become Tunisia's leading opposition organization. Before the 1994 general election, President of the Republic Ben Ali introduced political pluralism in the Chamber of Deputies. In the election Ben Ali, for his party, was re-elected President for a second five-year mandate with 100% of the votes (Table 4.2). In the Tunisian Chamber of Deputies (Majlis Al-Nuwab), altogether some 630 candidates were in the fray for the enlarged Chamber’s 163 seats and six legally-constituted opposition parties challenged the ruling Democratic Constitutional Rally (Rassemblement constitutionnel Democratique – RCD); as a result RCD triumph for the 144 constituency seats as some opposition groups alleged electoral fraud. The nineteen “national” seats were assigned to four parties, topped by the Mouvement des Démocrates socialistes (MDS). 75

In the 1999 Presidential elections, for the first time in the country's history, there were three candidates, namely, outgoing President Zine El-Abidine Bel Ali, Mohemed Belhaj Amor, Secretary General of the People's Union Party (PUP) and Abderrahmen Tlili for the Union Democratic Union (UDU). President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali was re-elected for a third and last term as per the existing Constitution of Tunisia. One month after the elections, President Ben Ali announced the appointment of Mohamed Ghannouchi to the post of Prime Minister. Several changes were made in the composition of the government, including the establishment of a ministry in charge of Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University human rights, communication and relations with the Chamber of Deputies, and the promotion of four women to the Government.76

74 Emma C. Murphy, Economic and Political Change in Tunisia: From Bourguiba to Ben Ali (New York: Macmillan,1999), p.193 75 General elections were held in Tunisia on 20 March 1994 to elect a President and Chamber of Deputies. In the election—Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD) won 144 seats and 97.73 vote percentage; Democratic Socialist Movement (MDS) won 10 seats and 1.08 vote percentage; Renovation Movement won 4 seats and 0.40 vote percentage; Unionist Democratic Union (UDU) won 3 seats and 0.32 vote percentage; Popular Unity Party (PUP) won 2 seats and 0.29 vote percentage, available at: http://archive.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/arc/2321_94.htm 76 Tunisia 24 October 1999 General Election, President Ben Ali received 99.45% of the votes, with Amor received 0.31% and Tlili 0.23%. in the Chamber of Deputies—the RCD was awarded with

113 President Ben Ali was again re-elected with 94.49 percent of the vote on 24 October 2004 election and his party the Constitutional Democratic Assembly (Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique – RCD) won 152 out of 189 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. The Movement of Socialist Democrats (Mouvement des Démocrates Socialistes – MDS) won 14 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Opposition groups, including the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) which boycotted the elections, claimed that the results were fraudulent.77 This result upset many secularists and human rights activists, who were waiting for the strongman to leave so that political system could be opened up and a real democracy could be introduced.78 However, after the election, the US State Department acknowledged the actual condition of Tunisian. The Annual Human Rights Report on Tunisia that year declared:

“Tunisia’s human rights record remained poor, and the Government continued to commit serious abuses….There were significant limitations on citizen’s right to change their government. Members of the security forces tortured and physically abused prisoners and detainees. Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained individuals.”79 In July 2008 the Ben Ali government introduced new eligibility to contest nation’s highest office. In the new rule specified that a presidential candidate must have headed a political party for two years, thus eliminating most candidates for the 2009 race.80 During the last election held in Ben Ali era on 25 October 2009, the African Union (AU) sent observers to monitor Elections. President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was re-elected for a fifth term and secured 89.62 percentage of vote. The government reported electoral participation was at 89 percent of the 4.9 million eligible voters. However, before elections, the government rejected 15 of the 26 legislative from the

148 seats and five opposition parties, the Democratic Socialist Movement (MDS), the Unionist Democratic Union (UNU), the People's Unity Party (PUP), the Renovation Movement and the Liberal SocialMaulana Party (PSL), dividedAzad up Library, the 34 seats Aligarhwhich are by Muslim law reserved University for parties which did not obtain an absolute majority of votes in the legislative elections, available at: http://archive.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/arc/2321_99.htm 77 In 2004 election VOTER TURNOUT 91%; Zine El Abidine Ben Ali got 94.49% votes and other candidates Mohamed Bouchihi (Popular Unity Party) got 3.78% vote, Mohamed Ali Halouani (The Ettajdid Movement) got 0.87% vote and Mounir Beji (Liberal Social Party) got 0.71% vote. Tunisian Assembly has a unicameral Chamber of Deputies (Majlis al-Nuwaab) with 189 seats; RCD won 152 seats, Movement of Democratic Socialists (MDS) won 14 seats, Popular Union Party (PUP) won 11 seats, The Ettajdid Movement won 3 seats, Liberal Social Party (PSL) won 2 seats and Unionist Democratic Union (UDU) won 7 seats in this election, available at: http://www.electionguide.org/results.php?ID=265 78 Angelique Chrisafis, “Tunisian Elections: The Key Parties,” Guardian, October 19, 2011, p.1-2 79 U.S Department of State, Tunisia: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – 2004 (U.S: the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, February 28, 2005), p.1, available at: http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41733.htm. 80 Angelique Chrisafis, “Tunisian Elections: The Key Parties,” Guardian, 19 October 2011, p.1-2

114 Progressive Democratic Party (PDP) and 12 of the 26 proposed by the Ettajdid Movement.81 This was under the circumstances there was thousands of official, established non-governmental organizations; civil society remains weak and divided. The Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH), the first human rights organization in Africa and the Arab world, operated under restrictions and suffered from state intrusion. The government denied legal status to a handful of other human rights advocacy groups who, nonetheless, attempted to organize and publicize information on the human rights situation in the country.82 According to the 2009 US State Department Human Rights Report on Tunisia:

“There were significant limitations on citizen’s right to change their government. Local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) reported that security forces tortured and physically abused prisoners and detainees and arbitrarily arrested and detained individuals. Security forces acted with impunity, sanctioned by high-ranking officials. There were also reports of lengthy pre-trial and incommunicado detention. The government remained intolerant of public criticism, and there were widespread reports that it used intimidation, criminal investigations, the judicial system, arbitrary arrests, residential restrictions, and travel control to discourage criticism. Corruption was a problem.”83 Although the rapidity with which the Ben Ali regime folded was spectacular, several socio-economic and political-military indicators suggested Tunisia was ripe for change. The economic reforms, implemented in this context, allowed the country to achieve, during the two terms of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, a sustained rate of economic growth of about 5% and a rate of inflation not exceeding the 3.1%.84 His authoritarianism was accompanied by a push to rush economic development through cooperation with International financial Institutions and close relations with the European Union. In 1993 the Europe emerges as Tunisia’s main trading partner, purchasing 80 percent of its export and supplying 70 percent of imports.85 The Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

81 In 2009 election, RCD won 161, MDS won 16, Popular Unity Party won 12, Unionist Democratic Union won 9 seats, Social Liberal Party won 8, Green Party for Progress won 6 and Ettajdid Movement won 2 seats out of 214 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, available at: https://www.businessnews.com.tn/article,520,19192,1 82 Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, global security organization, https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/tunisia/ben-ali.htm, accessed on October 22, 2018. 83 International Monetary Fund, Tunisia: 2010 Article IV Consultation—Staff Report; Public Information Notice on the Executive Board Discussion; and Statement by the Executive Director for Tunisia (Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, September 2010), https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2010/cr10282.pdf 84 The Boston Consulting Group , The African Challengers: Global Competitors Emerge from the Overlooked Continent, June 2010, https://www.bcg.com/documents/file44610.pdf 85 Country Coverage Tunisia Oxford Business Group, 2010 , https://oxfordbusinessgroup.com/country/Tunisia

115 economic boom in Tunisia raised living standards for the middle class and created jobs annually to employ university graduates. In 2002, Tunisian politician and former Minister of Professional Training and Public Management—Faiza Kefi, boasted about her countries miracle economy, she said that “no one is hungry in Tunisia; there are no people sleeping under bridges. Tunisians have a roof on their head and a decent income that allows them to handle their basic expenses.”86 However, due to Europe’s financial crisis in 2008, Tunisia began to experience an economic downturn.87 In September 2010, the IMF estimated that economic growth rate reach 3.8 percent in 2010, after having slow down to 3 percent in 2009; the IMF expected that Tunisia’s growth could continue to increase progressively, “provided that policies and reforms planned by the authorities aimed at enhancing Tunisia’s competitiveness, developing new markets, and supporting new sources in sectors with high added value bear fruit.”88

The education reform, which establishes compulsory schooling up to the age of 16 since 1991, achieved an enrollment rate of about 79.13 percent in 2010, fostering values of openness, tolerance and innovation, and to further promote the spirit of equality between men and women. This equality is, moreover, reinforced by many avant-garde measures taken by President Ben Ali.89 During his regime—the Personal Status Code (CPS), was one of the most far reaching social reform experimented. The CPS was promulgated in 1957, revised in 1963, and revised again in 1993. The new reform guaranteed women the same rights and duties as men. Polygamy was abolished and divorce was decided in Courts.90

On the external front, President Ben Ali provided Tunisia with active and dynamic diplomacy. He maintained a definitely pro-Western path; mainly with regard to Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University integration of the Maghreb ensemble, the establishment of an inter-Arab consensus and for the creation of a Euro-Mediterranean co-development space. Ben Ali was actively contributing to the search for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.

86 Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia , 211 87 Tunisia: Data The World Bank, 2008, https://data.worldbank.org/country/tunisia 88 Joel Toujas-Bernate and Rina Bhattacharya, International Monetary Fund, “Tunisia Weathers Crisis Well, But Unemployment Persists,” September 10, 2010 89 Tunisia: Country Information, UNESCO, accessed on August 5, 2016, https://en.unesco.org/countries/tunisia 90 Mounira M. Charrad, Tunisia at the Forefront of the Arab World: Two Waves of Gender Legislation, 64 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 1513 (2007):1522-1523, https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol64/iss4/11

116 Although having maintained West, Tunisia was home to the Arab League and the PLO until late 1993, two institutions which much heightened its international profile. The period 1990-91 was a time of stimulating political lessons for Tunisia's leaders. Their (reluctant) alliance with Saddam Husayn during the Kuwait war taught them that blindly supporting Arab causes can result in very heavy economic and political costs for the country's relations with the West. Tunisia suffered a public relations debacle for this stance and economic issues followed due to tourists staying away in droves. Some of political ground was regained, however, when Ben ‘Ali strongly supported the 1991 Madrid conference and engaged in behind-the-scenes assistance to further Israeli-Arab mutual recognition. However, after the Oslo accords (1993), the establishment of "interest sections" with Israel involved an exchange of (low-level) diplomats between Tunis and Tel Aviv. 91 For its part, Tunisia had to place itself in a more observable position by increasing its relations with America and actively following lobbying and marketing efforts in the United States. By increasing these, it expanded opportunities in America trade, tourism, and investment.92

President Ben Ali took several initiatives to promote solidarity, dialogue and cooperation among nations. On 4 January 2005, in an Exclusive interview with the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, he described his groundbreaking plan for the World Solidarity Fund for the Eradication of Poverty, he said: “It is imperative to create new recipes and mechanisms to inspire the spirit of solidarity between the various peoples of the world in order to address the problem of the existing imbalances between rich and poor nations.”93 Tunisia launched its own National Solidarity Fund in 1993, after President Ben Ali toured poor rural areas of his country that had been left behind in Tunisia’s rush to prosperity. He again told, “We were able to provideMaulana them withAzad the Library, basics of Aligarh a decent livelihoodMuslim andUniversity reduce the country’s poverty rate to 4.2 percent. In fact, Tunisia ranks among the first 10 countries that have managed to improve overall development indicators during the period 1990- 2002, thanks to the evolution of economic indicators as well as those related to

91 Jerry Sorkin ,"The Tunisian Model”, Middle East Quarterly (Fall 2001): 2529, https://www.meforum.org/107/the-tunisian-model 92 Ibid 93 Delinda C. Hanley , “Tunisia’s President Ben Ali Seeks Solidarity in Fight to End Poverty”, Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, April 2005:39-41, https://www.wrmea.org/005- april/special-report-tunisias-president-ben-ali-seeks-solidarity-in-fight-to-end-poverty.html

117 education, training, social security and health care.”94 As part of the Decade for the Eradication of Poverty (1997-2006), the United Nation’s General Assembly on 20 December 2002 adopted U.N. Resolution A/57/265, which called for the establishment of the World Solidarity Fund.95

In January 2011, President Ben Ali faced an unprecedented mass revolt initially sparked by discontent over joblessness; and left the country amid violent protests on 14 January 2011, which ended his 23 years of iron-fisted rule.96

4.3 Sheikh Rashid Al-Ghannouchi and role of the Islamic Tendency Movement

Sheikh Rashid Al-Ghannouchi was born on 22 June 1941 in the city of Hama, Gabes, where he received his primary education, having medium of instruction in Arabic and French. His father, Shaykh Muhammad was a religious person and also a farmer by profession. When Sheikh was thirteen year old, his father decided to take him out from the school as highlighted by Azzam S. Tamimi:

“The school he frequented was a part of an-nizam al-gharbi (Western system of education), introduced to Tunisia by the French [amounting to religious reason]. Ailing Sheikh Muhammad could no longer support the family and his only remaining son at home—young Ghannouchi—had to do his father’s work, plowing and harvesting outside the village [amounting to financial reason]”.97

94 Ibid 95 The concept of solidarity has defined the work of the United Nations since the birth of the Organization. The creation of the United Nations drew the peoples and nations of the world together to promote peace, human rights and social and economic development. The organization was founded on aMaulana basic premise Azadof unity andLibrary, harmony amongAligarh its members Muslim expressed University in the concept of collective security that relies on the solidarity of its members to unite “to maintain international peace and security”. The General Assembly, on 22 December 2005, by resolution 60/209 identified solidarity as one of the fundamental and universal values that should underlie relations between peoples in the Twenty-first century, and in that regard decided to proclaim 20 December of each year International Human Solidarity Day. By resolution 57/265 the General Assembly, on 20 December 2002, established the World Solidarity Fund, which was set up in February 2003 as a trust fund of the United Nations Development Programme. Its objective is to eradicate poverty and promote human and social development in developing countries, in particular among the poorest segments of their populations, available at: https://www.un.org/en/events/humansolidarityday/background.shtm 96 Angelique Chrisafis, “Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali forced to flee Tunisia as protesters claim Victory”, the guardian, January 15, 2011, https://theguardian.com/world/2011/jan/14/tunisian-president- flees-country-protests 97 Azzam S. Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 5

118 However, at the age of fourteen, Ghannouchi again restarted his studies with financial help from an older brother, in a preparatory school (that was the part of Zaytūnah school system) in the same village of al-Hama. In the new environment, he get a degree in the origins of religion and during that period he was very impressed with the philosophy, which was one of the most important materials that added the curriculum of olive education and that within the framework of the reform process that targeted Arab-Islamic culture.98 In October 1964, he went to Egypt to complete his university studies and joined the Faculty of Agriculture at Cairo University, but after the expulsion of Tunisians from Egypt, he left for Syria.99 In Syria, he got himself enrolled at the University of Damascus, where he studied philosophy instead of agriculture. During the years in the University of Damascus (1964-68), he found himself in the center of raging intellectual discussions and debates between several groups like Islamic activists, Nationalists, and Secularists. The occupation of Palestine at the hands of Israel and its implications and ramifications were the most premier topics of discussion.100

After completing his studies in Syria in 1968, he moved to France to study to complete his graduate studies in philosophy and he learned there aspects of the lives of students from North Africa. The Tunisian students were communists of different orientations or Arab nationalists, Baathists and supporters. The Islamic orientation was strange in those quarters, and Sheikh attended many seminars and discussions, especially on the Palestinian issue, which was strongly present in Paris at the time.101 In 1968, a small nucleus formed of five individuals, Sheikh Rashid and Hamida Al- Nefer, who were advanced in his studies in Syria, Ahmed Al-Mannai, a student of graduate studies, Hassan Al-Ghadhban, a student of the Faculty of Philosophy and anotherMaulana student of theAzad Faculty Library, of Agriculture. AligarhThe Muslim Sheikh anotherUniversity area parallel to the life of the mosque, which was in his relationship with the Tablighi group and later he engaged himself with the Tablighi work.102

98 Ibid., pp. 6-7 99 Munahid Ahmad, “Rashid al-Ghannushi: A Leader of Pure Islam,” Islamic Scholars World Wide, accessed on 7 April, 2016, http://islamicscholarsbd.blogspot.in/2012/04/rashid-al-ghannushi-leader- of-pure.html 100 Francois Burgat and William Dowell, The Islamic Movement in North Africa (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993), 57 101 Ahmad, Rashid al-Ghannushi: A Leader of Pure Islam 102 John L. Esposito and John O. Voll, Makers of Contemporary Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 92

119 Continuing his determinations to reform the society, Ghannushı̇ on 6 June 1981, organized a conference of al-Jamā‘ah al-Islāmi ̄yah, where he announced publicly al- Jamā‘ah’s decision to form a political organization.103 He named the Movement Ḥarakat al-Ittijāh al-Islāmī (MTI). The organization was to meet its objective of reestablishing Islamic identity of the country.104 The MTI was established at a time when the ruler wanted to destroy the religious and ideological side of every Tunisian. Bourguiba sought to make Tunisia as a French or European colony, not military but cultural, and ridiculed religious rituals and removed the veil from the heads of women. He further adopted all means to silence the leaders of the movement, including imprisonment, torture and space in the hands of the Authority. For three years from 1981 to 1984 he went out in a general amnesty, and in 1985 permitted the MTI to form a cultural society. However, he was again arrested in March 1987 along with dozens of other party members. After the Ben Ali’s palace coup in 7 November 1987, was a new hope for Islamists, for freedom of political activity, especially after the signing of the National Charter document called for by Ben Ali as a base for organizing political action in the country. But after the 1989 elections, the same practices of the Bourguiba regime resurfaced and trials returned, forcing the sheikh to leave the country in April 1989.105

The new journey started from Tunisia to Algeria on April 11, 1989 and then to Sudan. In 1991, Sheikh Rashid Ghannouchi settled in Acton on the outskirts of London. In 1991, he was elected president of the movement and obtained political asylum in August 1993. He was sentenced in absentia to life imprisonment for belonging to an unauthorized association and conspiring against state security in 1991 and 1998. While in exile, Sheikh Rashid was prevented from entering the United States, Germany, Italy,Maulana Saudi Arabia, Azad and Library, Iran. He remainedAligarh in Muslim exile for University21 years until the Tunisian revolution broke out, the revolution of freedom and dignity, through which power was taken from Ben Ali's hands in January 2011.106 However, on 30 January 2011 the great leader in world politics returned to Tunisia and to the family after a long separation. After he did not nominate in the legislative elections to the

103 Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism, p. 59 104 Willis, Politics and Power in the Maghreb, 161 105 Michael Collins Dunn, “The An-Nahda Movement in Tunisia: From Renaissance to Revolution,” in John Ruedy, ed., Islamism and Secularism in North Africa (London: Macmillan, 1994), 156 106 Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism, 72

120 membership of the National Constituent Assembly but he given priority was to re- establish the Renaissance Movement,107

Rashid al-Ghannushı̇̄ is not only renowned political leader in the world, but also activist, thinker, reformer, and at the same time intellectually a highly productive writer as well. He has authored numbers of books and his writings touched the basics concerns about education, identity loss, civil liberties, human rights, freedom, modernization, westernization, democracy, and pluralism. His most widely held works are: Al-Ḥurri ̄yyāt al-‘Ᾱmah fi ̄ al-Dawlah al-Islāmiyyah (Civil Liberties in the Islamic State); Al-Mar’ah Bayn al-Qur’ān wa Wāqi‘ al-Muslimi ̄n (The Woman Between the Qur’ān and the Muslim Reality); Ḥuqūq al-Muwāṭanah: Ḥuqūq ghayr al-Muslim fi ̄ al-Mujtama‘ al-Islāmi ̄ (The Right to Nationality Status of non-Muslim Citizens in a Muslim Nation); Muqāribāt fi ̄ al-‘Ilmāniyyah wa al-Mujtama‘ al- Madani (Approaches to Secularism and Civil Society) and Min al-Fikr al-Islāmi ̄ fi ̄ Tūnis (From the Islamic Thought in Tunisia).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

107 "Rashid Ghannouchi de retours à Tunis après 20 ans d’exil: un accueil exceptionnel", Leaders, January 30, 2011, https://www.leaders.com.tn/article/3880-rached-ghannouchi-de-retour-a-tunis- apres-20-ans-d-exil-un-accueil-exceptionnel

121 CHAPTER-5

ARAB SPRING AND ITS IMPACT ON TUNISIA

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University CHAPTER-5

ARAB SPRING AND ITS IMPACT ON TUNISIA

5.1 The concept of Arab Spring

―The Arab Spring‖ refers to the social movements and popular uprisings that arose at the end of 2010 in Tunisia and what it eventually led to was a chain of revolutionary uprisings across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), toppling dictatorial governments in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Yemen.1 This outburst of popular anger began in Tunisia on 17 December 2010, when a desperate fruit vendor—Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire outside a police station in the provincial town of Sidi Bouzid, and frustration among his compatriots, who staged protests that spared nationwide.2 Karen Kaya3 opts to define the Arab Spring as:

―A complex, rapidly unfolding phenomenon of uprisings, revolutions, mass demonstrations, and civil war, a diverse set of movements with diverse instigators and aspirations, including freedom, economic opportunity, regime change, and ending corruption. It started in Tunisia in December 2010 and spread to the rest of the Middle East throughout 2011. Although it is the most significant event to happen in the Middle East in recent history, we do not yet understand its trajectory and cannot predict its outcome. Despite the fact that the process is apparently advancing the values of freedom, justice, and democracy, it can still produce less desirable outcomes, requiring alternate approaches to standard diplomatic and economic approaches with a long- term view‖.4 The event of ―Arab Spring‖ or more offensive ―Arab Awakening‖ was spread mainly by Western media, and it reflects European political concepts; this is the major problem of the term when applied to the MENA region.5 The Western political analyst tying in the concept of ―spring‖ into the Enlightenment ideas of human progressMaulana that fed into Azad 19th Library, century ideologies Aligarh such Muslim as materialism University (e.g. socialism in Marxist economics and Darwinism in biology). The term ―spring‖ was used by the

1 M.Souza and B. Lipietz, ―The Arab Spring and the city: Hopes, contradictions and spatiality‖, City: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action 15, no. 6 (2011): 618-624 2 ―Tunisia marks one year of freedom‖, The Hindu, January 15, 2012, 12 3 Karen Kaya is an analyst on Middle East and Turkey at the Foreign Military Studies Office at Fort Leavenworth, KS. She provides military analysis and is responsible for writing and publishing on Middle East security issues from open sources and foreign language media, including Turkish. 4 Karen Kaya, ―Turkey and the Arab Spring‖, Military Review 92, No. 4 ( July- August 2012): 26, accessed August 31, 2017, https://www.armyupress.army.mil/Portals/7/militaryreview/Archives/English/MilitaryReview_20120 831_art007.pdf 5 Maytha Alhassen, ―Please Reconsider the Term Arab Spring‖, Huff Post (blog), October 2, 2012, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/please-reconsider-arab-sp_b_1268971,

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Europeans historians during the European revolutions of 1848 and they dubbed ―springtime of the peoples‖ or‖ spring of nations‖. Those terms are translations of German Völkerfrühling and French printemps des peuples. In the twentieth century, the first political movement to make the spring label was Russia's Liberal reform of 1904, a forerunner to the country's revolutions of 1905 and 1917. The Russian born writer Moissaye Joseph Olgin (1878–1939) in his book the Soul of the Russian Revolution clarified that "the second half of 1904, known as 'spring,' was marked by a powerful Liberal movement." The Oxford English Dictionary's record for spring notes that along with the Prague spring of 1968, there has been a Polish spring of 1956 (and again in 1982), and even a Seoul spring in South Korea in 1979.6

In 1989 during the turmoil in Eastern Europe, the concept ―Autumn of Nations‖ was used, when seemingly impregnable Communist regimes began falling under pressure from mass popular protests in a domino effect. In a short period of time, maximum countries in the former Communist bloc implemented democratic political systems with a market economy.7

Paradoxically, to describe the politics in the Arab region the term ―spring‖ first extensive used when the Syrian president Bashar Al-Assad came to power in July 2000. As a young and western educated President, the Syrian peoples believed and wanted that he would reform the regime and bring change to the country, which produced temporary talk of ―Damascus Spring‖.8 George Packer, American journalist, novelist, and playwright in his article entitled ―Dreaming of Democracy‖ published in the New York Times Magazine in 2003 used the term ―spring‖ to define the US invasion of Iraq, which he felt would sow the seeds of democracy in the Middle East.9

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

6 Ben Zimmer, ―The Arab Spring Has Sprung‖, Word Routes (blog), May 20, 2011, http://www.visualthesaurus.com/cm/wordroutes/the-arab-spring-has-sprung/ 7 Primoz Manfreda, ―What Is the Arab Spring? An Overview of the Middle East Uprisings in 2011‖, ThoughtCo (blog), 2011, https://www.thoughtco.com/definition-of-the-arab-spring-2353029, 8 Roger Owen, State, Power and Politics in the Making of the Modern Middle East (London : Routledge, 2004), 93 9 George Packer, ―Dreaming Of Democracy‖, The New York Times, March 2, 2003, accessed on November 15, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2003/03/02/magazine/dreaming-of-democracy.html

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However, the first Arab born scholar to use the term ―Arab Spring‖ was Egyptian Saad Eddin Ibrahim.10 He wrote on 28 February 2005 in the Project Syndicate Magazine:

―If seriously implemented, these steps [proposed Egyptian reforms] will transform Mubarak‘s legacy. Along with events in Lebanon, Iraq, and Palestine, it may well usher in an Arab spring of freedom, one long overdue‖.11 Similarly, several media observers used the term ―Arab Spring‖ to refer to the blossoming of Arabic democracy movements in 2005 that lasted for a short period of time in the Middle East. Protests, demonstrations, unrest and other changes began to take place in the Arab world, particularly in Lebanon, Egypt and Iraq after the US invasion; these movements were called ―Arab Spring of 2005‖.12 Discussing to the events of January 2011, Marc Lynch,13 posted an article entitled ―Obama‘s Arab Spring‖ in the Foreign Policy Magazine on 6 January 2011, which talked about the protests in different Arab states and how the public media played an essential role in covering them. He marked: ―Are we seeing the beginnings of the Obama administration equivalent of the 2005 "Arab Spring", when the protests in Beirut captured popular attention and driven in part by newly powerful satellite television images inspired popular mobilization across the region that some hoped might finally break through the stagnation of Arab autocracy? Will social media play the role of Al-Jazeera this time? Will the outcome be any different?‖14 The term also used in an editorial post in the Christian Science Monitor about the overthrow of Ben

10 ―Arab Spring Facts You Should Know – Add Your Own‖, Middle East Voices, November 14, 2011, http://middleeastvoices.voanews.com/2011/11/arab-spring-facts-you-should-know/, 11 Saad Eddin Ibrahim is Professor of Political Sociology at the American University in Cairo and Chairman of the Ibn Khaldum Center for Development Studies. Dr. Ibrahim gained global attention after he was sentenced to seven years imprisonment at a trial Amnesty International described as politically motivated to punish him for his human rights activism. His conviction was overturned in 2003, available at: https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/democracy-on-the-nile?barrier=accesspaylog 12 CharlesMaulana Krauthammer, Azad ―The Library, Arab Spring Aligarh of 2005: TheMuslim Democracy University Project is, of Course, Just Beginning‖, The Seattle Times, March 21, 2005, accessed on November 9, 2018 http://seattletimes.com/html/opinion/2002214060_krauthammer21.html 13 Marc Lynch is professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University. He served from 2009-2015 as director of the Institute for Middle East Studies. He is the founder and director of the Project on Middle East Political Science. He is also a non-resident senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a contributing editor at the Monkey Cage blog for the Washington Post. He is the co-director of the Blogs and Bullets project at the United States Institute of Peace. In 2016, he was named an Andrew Carnegie Fellow. Lynch publishes frequently on the politics of the Middle East. His new book, The New Arab Wars: Anarchy and Uprising in the Middle East, was published by Public Affairs in 2016. His recent books include The Arab Uprisings Explained (Columbia University Press) and The Arab Uprising: The Unfinished Revolutions of the New Middle East (Public Affairs), which the Economist called ―the most illuminating and, for policymakers, the most challenging‖ book yet written on the topic. 14 Joshua Keating, ―Who First Used the Term Arab Spring?‖, Foreign Policy, November 4, 2011, http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/11/04/who_first_used_the_term_arab_spring

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Ali in Tunisia on 14 January 2011.15 Moreover, Mohammed El-Baradei, an Egyptian opposition leader, in an interview on 25 January 2011, stated that the current events at that time were the first signs of an ―Arab Spring‖ in the region.16

5.2 The Factors Affecting of the Arab Spring

The ―Arab Spring‖ is an umbrella term used to define the 2011 mass revolutions in the MENA region. However, it is not developed as a homogeneous social movement or a set of national events, as each country is unique in terms of its own domestic causes, unique national issues, and different experiences, diversity in living conditions, regimes and ruling systems.17 Moreover, demands of the each Arab nation are diverse, consequences varied as did the diversity of internal dynamics between each country‘s military and political leadership, as well as between the military and society in general.18 On the other hand in spite of all these significant factors, Arab societies and Arab people do indeed have tight interconnections and share important characteristics.19

The events of 2011 ―Arab Sprig‖ not resulted in a single cause; although both domestic and foreign factors played a role in instigating the Arab Spring. Following, the main causes that led to the mass uprisings in the MENA region:

5.2.1 Direct Domestic Causes of the Arab Spring

The Arab uprisings that ascribe to the multiple and intertwined Socio-economic sources can be seen as a major revolution for the social, political and economic transformations people desired for. By the end of the 1950‘s most Arab Nations had

15 The Monitor's Editorial Board, ―Ouster of Tunisia president: An opportunity for Arab autocrats to respond to Maulana the people‖, Azad The Library, Christian Aligarh Science Muslim Monitor, JanuaryUniversity 14, 2011, https://www.csmonitor.com/Commentary/the-monitors-view/2011/0114/Ouster-of-Tunisia- president-An-opportunity-for-Arab-autocrats-to-respond-to-the-people accessed July 9, 2017 16 Koert Debeuf, ―The Arab Spring Seven Years On: Failure or Just the Beginning?,‖ Turkish Policy Quarterly (TPQ), December 14, 2017, http://turkishpolicy.com/article/876/the-arab-spring-seven- years-on-failure-or-just-the-beginning , accessed November 18, 2019 17 Alexander Kazamias, ―The ‗Anger Revolutions‘ in the Middle East: an answer to decades of failed reform‖, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 13, no.2 (June 2011): 143–156, accessed February 20, 2016, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19448953.2011.578857 18 Karen Kaya, ―Turkey and the Arab Spring‖, Military Review 92, no. 4 ( July- August 2012): 26, accessed August 31, 2018, https://www.armyupress.army.mil/Portals/7/militaryreview/Archives/English/MilitaryReview_2012 0831_art007.pdf 19 Katerina Dalacoura, ―The 2011 Uprisings in the Arab Middle East: Political Change and Geopolitical Implications‖, International Affairs 88, no. 1(January 20, 2012): 63, accessed on May 19, 2019, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2012.01057.x

125 gained their freedom. However, they failed to deliver on promises of political freedom, real democracy, and freedom of speech, political justice and economic development, along with other untold social and economic predicaments such as unemployment, low wages, high prices and general bleak economic conditions were the stepping stone which stirred people particularly the youth to move into the future. The disorder of the country‘s education system was also an important factor in shaping the path of Arab revolts, which was directly reflected in the use of social media and the internet in the Arab Spring.20 Hamze Abbas Jamoul, in his article “The Arab Spring: The Root Causes?” argued:

―Economic and political factors are always the two main factors that bring revolutions. Unemployment and inflation in the Arab region are also a major source of economic insecurity and for destabilization of any political system… Even when most states arrived a very high level of democracy and political rights, the Arab region still suffers from bad political systems based on corruption, state of emergency laws, and the lack of free elections and freedom of speech‖.21 In regard to economic performance, most countries in the MENA region after the independence, chosen economic models and those were ineffective in creating sustainable and competitive economies. The first factors that contributed to poor economic performance in the region was the increased power of the state and the centralized economy, where the leading planning system was based on ―rapid industrialization, tight control over foreign capital and a huge extension of public ownership‖.22 Other consequences such as high unemployment and low living standards on an unprecedented scale especially among Arab youths (and an educated youth at that epitomized by university graduates forced to drive taxis to survive); rampant and ingrained institutional corruption; internal regional and social inequalities;Maulana disenfranchisement Azad Library, and aAligarh further deterioration Muslim University of economic conditions because of the global 2008 financial crisis; and food price increases were among the several socio-economic reasons that triggered the Arab youths anger. It can be said that the width of the gap between governments and people in the region has created an

20 House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, British Foreign Policy and the "Arab Spring" (London: The Stationery Office Limited , 19 July 2012 ): 16-18, https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmfaff/80/80.pdf 21 Hamze Abbas Jamoul, ―The Arab Spring: The Root Causes?‖, Almanar TV Website, February 12, 2012, accessed February 18, 2019, http://archive.almanar.com.lb/english/article.php?id=45439 22 Owen, State, Power and Politics in the Making of the Modern Middle East, 115

126 unsustainable deficit that led to irreparable disorder between weary people and their vaunted rulers.23

On the other hand, the events cannot be restricted to purely socio-economic grounds; other psychological reasons have also played an evident role. Education system and the rapid increase in literacy in the region were crucial factors in revealing the concealment of frustrating facts and realities.24 In 2009, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) background paper specified that: ―low and perhaps deteriorating quality [has been] the major failing of Arab [public] education systems, private for-profit education has not helped improve quality of education significantly‖.25

Based on this socio-economic analysis, it could be said that political domination, rather than being the vital cause of the Arab Spring, was in fact a final straw:

―The lack of basic freedoms was another important impetus for protesters to take to the streets. Furthermore, police violence and the abuse of public authority have also been a routine part of daily life, and corruption has been endemic at every level of society‖.26

5.2.2 Indirect Domestic Causes of the Arab Spring

There are some essential factors that aided the escalation of the 2011 Arab Uprisings. These factors do not found and cannot be measured as direct sources for triggering or instigating revolution, but should be considered as facilitators. One of the main contagion effects revolution, while the uprisings broke the apparent wall of fear. Revolutionaries steadfastly copied and shared their tactics and challenged their dictators and Maulana rulers. As aAzad result, Library, bungled state Aligarh reactions Muslim to the massUniversity protests that ranged from dismissal to brutality and later hurried to reforms, elicited a widespread and increasing determination to effect change. Samuel P. Huntington in his work—

23 Dalacoura, ―The 2011 Uprisings in the Arab Middle East: Political Change and Geopolitical Implications”. 24 El Hassane Aissa, ―The Arab Spring: Causes, Consequences, and Implications‖, USAWC Strategy Research Project, Carlisle: U.S. Army War College (2012): 5-6, https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-Arab-Spring 25 Ibid., p.7 26 Timo Behr & Mika Aaltola, ―The Arab Uprising: Causes, prospects and implications‖, The Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA), Briefing Paper, no. 76 (March 2011): 1-10, https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/bd7b/7da08aa4b1fcce2fc18efe2f296e77ffe3c8.pdf

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The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (1991) highlights the significance of the demonstrative effect referring to the process as a snowballing effect of ―earlier transitions in terms of stimulating and providing models of subsequent efforts at democratization‖.27

Secondly, many experts in the region have tried to put Arab uprisings in the channels of Arab nationalism or Islamism. However, it could be said that 2011 Arab revolts cannot be colored in one specific ideological brand as the uprisings have not sought to impose a particular set of beliefs or order. Islamists, seculars, Arab nationalists, youth, liberals and others have all grouped and unified their efforts to remove authoritarianisms.28 Lebanese academic, writer, and socialist—Gilbert Achcar, author of The People Want: A Radical Exploration of the Arab Uprising (2013), said in an interview:

―Not only is Islamic fundamentalism not the answer, but Islam itself is not the answer – nor is it the problem. The 2011 uprising is not an uprising about religion. It is a culmination of the socio-economic crisis and political oppression that exist in the region‖.29 Thirdly, levels of education have played a vital role in Arab uprisings, however, how the impact of education in the revolution, remains debatable. One group considers that the lower the level of education, the more likely it is to have a long and violent revolution.30 Another group realizes that the chances of a revolution associate positively with the level of education. This argument is sustained with the remarkable advancement in telecommunication technology, social media, satellite and internet. Juan A. Macias Amoretti said:31

27 KemalMaulana Kirisci, "Turkey's Azad ‗Demonstrative Library, Aligarh Effect‘ and Muslim the Transformation University of the Middle East‖, Insight Turkey 13, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 33-55, accessed July 5, 2019, https://www.insightturkey.com/articles/turkeys-demonstrative-effect-and-the-transformation-of-the- middle-east 28 Leonid Grinin, Andrey Korotayev, Arno Tausch, Islamism, Arab Spring, and the Future of Democracy: World System and World Values Perspectives (New York: Springer, 2018), 128 29 Vidya Venkat, Arab Spring has now turned into a winter‖, The Hindu, December 23, 2014,accessed on September 23, 2017, https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/interview/quotarab-spring-has-now- turned-into-a-winterquot/article10958060.ece 30 Raymond Tanter and Manus Midlarsky, ―A Theory of Revolution‖, Journal of Conflict Resolution 11, no. 3(September 1967):264-80, accessed on September 11, 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/172594?seq=1 31 Juan A. Macías-Amoretti is a Senior Lecturer in Arabic and Islamic Studies at the University of Granada, a Research Fellow in Contemporary Arab Studies at UGR, and a Research Associate Fellow at the Jacques Berque Centre in Rabat. His areas of research include political Islam and contemporary Arab political thought.

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―The technological development has acted sort of a natural accelerator of the revolutionary processes that had origin within the center of the Arab World. (…) In Maghreb, like the rest of the world, the new technologies have increased their importance in the political and social scenes (…) in such way that their use is not just an elitist question anymore, like it used to be in their early days (…). Increasingly larger sectors of the urban Maghrebi population square measure accessing such technologies, specially the younger sectors‖.32 Fourthly, social networking media and digital technology was a vital element in inspiring people, and henceforth in encouraging them to topple their rulers. The mass media have turned an online fantasy world into a reality that has ushered in a new era different from the previously distasteful epoch. It proved a powerful mobilization tool that helped the activists to outwit the police.33 For instance, social media were particularly pivotal in Tunisia due to the country‘s high rate of internet usage. During the uprising one-third of the Tunisian used Internet, which among the highest usage rates in Africa. With such social networks and the development in communications technology, the Arab youth originated to see real democracy, progress, development and success in other countries. They started to share their feelings, concerns, fears, frustration, ambitions and dreams, equipped with their uncharacteristic revolutionary tools: Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, and bloggers appeared as powerful voices, spreading news whilst evading the state-controlled press.34

5.2.3 International Effects of the Arab Spring

The explosion of events in the MENA region was not only limited to domestic (direct or indirect) factors, but other foreign causes had an important impact including the global economic crisis and the effects of globalization, as well as other sources of inspiration. One of the most evident sources of the Arab Spring can be attributed to the weakened Maulanaeconomies thatAzad could Library, be linked Aligarhwith the unsuccessful Muslim University economic models that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB) austere and stifling policies only served to worsen. The 2008 world financial condition, together

32 Gladys Lechini and Norma S. Rabbia, ―Arab Spring Incidents in the End of the Green Era in Libya: Questions on the Right to Intervene and the Duty to Interfere‖, AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 2, no. 3 ( Jan-Jun 2013):148 33 Carol Huang, ―Facebook and Twitter Key to Arab Spring Uprisings‖, The National UAE, June 6, 2011, accessed October 30, 2019, http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae 34 Michele Penner Angrist, "Understanding the Success of Mass Civic Protest in Tunisia, The Middle East Journal 67, no. 4 (2013): 548-549

129 with its effects, like unemployment, loss of social gains, famine and food shortage for many popular sectors, has also affected the Arab world.35

Globalization played another vital role in the Arab Uprising in 2011. Globalization made technology available for all and provided people with unparalleled advantage over their ruling elites. In the same way, globalization made it available for everyone to see and observe the real practices of democracy, freedom of speech, justice, equality and other empowering principles sought after by Arab people.36

5.3 Protest Uprisings and the Arab States

The Arab Uprising however did not generate similar results, for all the countries affected by Arab Spring syndrome. For many reasons, post-uprising Arab Spring states (Figure 5.1) suffered different trajectories.

Figure-5.1: Summary of Arab Spring Regions

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Source: https://www.economist.com/graphic-detail/2016/01/11/the-arab-spring-five-years-on (accessed on January 19, 2020)

35 El Hassane Aissa, ―The Arab Spring: Causes, Consequences, and Implications‖, USAWC Strategy Research Project, Carlisle: U.S. Army War College (2012): 2, https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-Arab-Spring 36 Ajibade-Samuel and Abiodun Akeem Oladiti, ―The Forces of Globalization and the Arab Spring in Modern Libya‖, Journal of Globalization Studies 5, no.2(November 2016): 112-123, https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/the-forces-of-globalisation-and-the-arab-spring-in-modern- libya/viewer

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The new phenomenon (Arab Spring) has engulfed in the end of the first decade of the twenty first century in the countries of the Arab region. It started with Mohammed Bouazizi, a twenty-six year street vender set himself alight south of Tunis in protest on 17 December 2010. With his death on 11 January 2011, nationwide protest broke out in Tunisia. President of Tunisia Ben Ali responded with a mixture of force and halfhearted pledges to meet the demands of protesters. Eventually through, less than a month after the first protests, he conceded and fled the country on 14 January 2011 (for more details see Appendix-E). After Ben Ali‘s ousting, Tunisians took part in first post revolution election to elect a constituent assembly in October 2011 and responsible for drafting the new constitution.37

Egypt showed to be first country to catch the Tunisian contagion. The protests arose on 25 January 2011 and rapidly spread across the country. The Tahrir Square in Cairo turned into a huge camping ground with protesters pitching tents and activists providing services. By February 11, the 30 years old reign of President Hosni Mubarak collapsed. Initially the power was taken over by Army. The state of emergency which remained imposed for over three decades was lifted. Hosni Mubarak, his ministers and family members had to face prosecution and Mubarak along with his former interior minister awarded life sentence. In the subsequent democratic election, Mohamed Morsi Issa Al-Ayyat of Muslim Brotherhood was elected and sworn in 5th President of Egypt on 30 June 2012.38 The next to be affected was Libya. Anti-government protests started on 17 February 2011. Benghazi, the second largest city of the country, emerged as the focal point of rebellion. A Transitional National Council (TNC) was set up there with the express goal of overthrowing the Muammar Gaddafi regime. It paved the way for external interference inMaulana Libyan domestic Azad Library, discord. On Aligarh 17 March Muslim 2011, proposed University resolution 1973 in the United Nations Security Council was adopted, authorizing a ―No Fly Zone‖ over Libya and all necessary measures to protect the civilian population. Shortly U.S.A., U.K., and France intervened in Libya by bombing pro-Gaddafi forces. Very soon a coalition of 27 countries from Europe and West Asia joined the campaign against pro-Gaddafi government forces. The opposition forces took about six months to defeat pro-Gaddafi forces despite coalition air strikes. In late August, the

37 Peter J. Schraeder and Hamadi Redissi, ―Ben Ali‘s Fall,‖ Journal of Democracy 22, no. 3 (July 2011): 5-19 38 Vijay Prashad, Arab Spring, Libyan Winter (New Delhi: Leftword Books, 2012), 22-25

131 opposition forces was captured Tripoli and in the process Gaddafi was killed on 20 October 2011. The Gaddafi regime collapsed with the rebels entering Bab al-Azizia compound in Tripoli and seat of his authority on 23 August 2011.39

In January 2011, shortly after the Arab Uprising began in Tunisia, Yemeni people (particularly youth) took to the streets to protest their grievances. However, gradually it grew into warfare between opposition and security forces loyal to the President Ali Abdullah Saleh. After a series of armed conflict with opposition forces Saleh signed the Gulf Cooperation Council (G.C.C) initiated agreement and agreed to leave office and transfer power the Vice President Abid Rabbo Mansour Hadi.40

The Bahraini day of rage on 25 February 2011 was to mark the ninth anniversary of King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa‘s announcement of reforms. Bahrain‘s political discord is not new. A small island Kingdom with a Sunni ruler and roughly seventy percent Shia population, Bahrain has always been divided along the sectarian cleavage. The spring, predictably, turned into the Shia struggle for equality. However, very soon it turned into violent clashes between Shiites and Bahraini police. The clashes became so acute that G.C.C. forces had to intervene on behalf of Bahraini government to bring the situation under control. Further, the Kingdom of Bahrain was established—the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) on 29 June 2011. The Commission was tasked with investigating and reportage on the events that took place in Bahrain from February 2011, and the consequences of those events. The situation in Bahrain has been under control but at the cost of over hundred casualties.41

Among all of the Arab Spring affected states, case of Syria remains the most tragic and different.Maulana Demonstrations Azad Library, in Syria Aligarh started onMuslim 26 January University 2011, the immediate cause being the assault of a man by a police officer in public at al-Hareeka Street in old Damascus. The protests progressively developed into Civil War. Large defection took place from Syrian Army. The free Syrian Army was formed to fight with the Syrian government forces. It has taken control of substantial portion of the country. The Syrian National Council was formed on 23 August 2011 and supported in exile

39 Talmiz Ahmad, The Islamist Challenge in West Asia: Doctrinal and Political Competitions After the Arab Spring (New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2013), 52-53 40 Ibid., 66-67 41 Clement Henry and Jang Ji-Hyang, Eds, The Arab Spring: Will It Lead to Democratic Transitions? (New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012), 16-25

132 by 15 countries. The country‘s civil war has been internationalized by the intervention of Arab League, Turkey and Iran. While Russia has been in favor of President Bashar al-Assad regime, USA and its allies have been lending their support to the resistance forces.42 Ironically, President Assad won the presidential elections on 3 June 2014 while the country was, and still is, engulfed with civil and regional wars.43

Algeria has a completely different narrative; politics did not grow especially strained until 2014. In 2011, protests were limited; the president Abdelaziz Bouteflika has implemented some reforms, lifted the state of emergency that had been in place for 19 years, government spending 20 billion US dollar in public sector pay raises, and popular apathy ensured the regime did not face an existential threat. The President assured to revise Algeria‘s constitution towards the democratic reforms.44 Protest against the ruling regime took place in Iraq also. On 12 February 2011 protest demonstrations demanding fair and accessible public services investigation into cases of corruption and effective national security took place in various Iraqi cities. The Prime Minister of Iraq Nouri Al-Maliki in his effort to control the situation announced that he would not run for a third term in 2014 elections. The Iraqi government initially was successful in culminating these protests. However, later stage Iraq unpredictability and eventually follows civil war.45

The ruling monarchy in Saudi Arabia has shown its ability to avoid the challenges set by the Arab Spring uprisings. In Saudi Arabia minor protests have occurred over labor rights and against anti-Shia discrimination. Protestors have called for prisoners held without charge or trial to be released. Women have also organized demanding electoral rights and have organized a right-to-drive campaign. As a result, on February 2011 then Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz—demanded a number of national Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University reforms including: the establishment of an elected Consultative Council with full authority to pass new laws and oversee the government; a separation of the authority of the Prime Minister from that of the King; efforts to combat financial and

42 Ahmad, The Islamist Challenge in West Asia, 53 43 Anne Barnard, ―Assad's Win Is Assured, but Limits Are Exposed‖, The New York Times, June 3, 2014, accessed February 19, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/04/world/middleeast/amid- fear-and-pressure-syrians-vote-for-president.html 44 Geoff D Porter, ―Algeria: Enter the Oligarchy‖, in North Africa In Transition: The Struggle For Democracies And Institutions, ed. Ben Fishman (London: Routledge, 2015), 79-80 45 Ahmad Rasheed, ―Iraq Subsidies Power after Protests over Services‖, Reuters Africa, February 12, 2011, accessed December 12, 2019, https://aljazeera.com

133 administrative corruption; urgent solutions for homelessness and unemployment; encouragement for the establishment of NGOs; a broader acknowledgment of the freedom of expression and release of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience.46

In Kuwait, on February 2011, Young Kuwaiti protesters citing inspiration from the Arab Spring demand a constitutional monarchy and elected government. Others in the opposition spoke of fighting corruption and called for political reform without amending the constitution. Kuwait‘s Prime Minister Sheikh Nasser Al-Mohammed Al-Sabah and his Cabinet subsequent resigned, following months of protests calling for his ouster and a change of government.47 In Oman, protesters turned out on 17 January 2011 and the protesters demanded democracy, employments, lower living costs and a decline in corruption. As resulted, Oman's sultan Qaboos bin Said Al Said announced following reforms: reshuffled his cabinet, though long-serving ministers were not affected; issued a decree announcing a raise in stipends for university students - which will reportedly be boosted by between US$65 and US$234 a month and announced the creation of a consumer protection bureau.48

There have been protests in Sudan also. On 30 January 2011 protests and demonstrations took place in Khartoum and other cities. President Omar al-Bashir has declared that he would not seek another term in 2015. Small scale of protests and demonstrations also took place in the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Morocco and Mauritania.49

5.4 The Jasmine Revolution and Transition to Democracy in Tunisia

The 2011 Arab Uprising was a major break from a half-century of an oppressive systemMaulana characterized Azad by authoritarian Library, controlAligarh and Muslim political domination. University In Tunisia, the self-immolation of a young street vendor—Mohamed Bouazizi, in the provincial town of Sidi Bouzid on 17 December 2010, sparked a political revolt that rapidly spread through the country, culminating in citizens of all ages and social classes demanding

46 Talmiz Ahmad, The Islamist Challenge in West Asia, 61-63 47 Fiona MacDonald, ―Kuwait Government Resigns amid Growing Opposition Protests‖, Business Week, November 28, 2011, accessed February 1, 2019, http://www.businessweek.com/news/2011- 11-28/kuwait-government-resigns-amid-growing-opposition-protests.html 48 Thomas Fuller, ―Rallies in Oman Steer Clear of Criticism of Its Leader‖, The New York Times, March 2, 2011, 8, accessed on August 12, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/02/world/middleeast/02oman.html 49 ―Sudan Police Clash with Protesters‖, Aljazeera, April 28, 2011, accessed October 16, 2019, , https://aljazeera.com

134 an end to the dictatorial regime.50 It became a symbol of the regime‘s corruption and united Tunisian and gave them the courage to protest against widespread unemployment.51

After the three days of the incidents, Tunisia‘s Development and International Cooperation minister—Mohamed Al Nouri Al Juwayni, arrived in Sidi Bouzid and promised a new $10m employment Programme. Though he recognized the legitimacy of the demands for employment, he argued that a solution could be found through dialogue, not violence. Lena Ben Mhenni, a Tunisian blogger, reacted that the Tunisian government was ―trying to solve the problem by making promises. They did the same thing in 2008, but these are not real solutions‖.52 However, new government program did not finish demonstrations, for the reason that people were tired of hearing promises that went unfulfilled. On 22 December 2010, a twenty-two year youth— Houcine Falhi commits suicide by electrocuting himself in the midst of another demonstration over unemployment in same town, after shouting "No to misery, no to unemployment‖. Soon this local protest turned regional and violence spread to neighboring towns Kairouan, Kasserine, and Gafsa. After the five days, the momentum shifted to the capital Tunis, where the police fired on protesters who were trying to burn police cars and public properties.53

On 28 December 2010, president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali warned in a national television broadcast that protests are unacceptable and will have a negative impact on the economy. He blamed the violence on a few ―minority of extremists‖ and threatened to punish them. However, the president message did not have any impact on the protesters. On 2 January 2011, government websites were hacked and shut down.54 After four days, on 6 January, Thousands of Tunisia‘s lawyers launch a Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

50 Kareem Fahim, ―Slap to a Man's Pride Set Off Tumult in Tunisia‖, the New York Times, January 21, 2011, accessed January 23, 2015, 2, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/22/world/africa/22sidi.html 51 Mohamed A. El-Khawas, ―Tunisia‘s Jasmine Revolution: Causes and Impact‖, Mediterranean Quarterly 23, no. 4 (2012): 9, accessed May 19, 2014, https://muse.jhu.edu/article/492974 52 Bilal Randeree, ―Protests continue in Tunisia: Clashes erupt between security forces and residents in Sidi Bouzid amid wave of social unrest‖, Al Jazeera and Agencies, December 26, 2010, accessed September 18, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2010/12/2010122682433751904.html 53 Ryan Rifai, ―Timeline: Tunisia's uprising—Chronicle of nationwide demonstrations over the country's unemployment crisis, Al Jazeera and Agencies, January 24, 2011, accessed September 21, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/tunisia/2011/01/201114142223827361.html 54 Yasmine Ryan, ―Tunisia's bitter cyber war: Anonymous has joined Tunisian activists to call for end to the government's stifling of online dissent‖, Al Jazeera and Agencies, January 6, 2011, https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/01/20111614145839362.html

135 strike, demanding an end to police brutality against peaceful protesters. In the following day, the authorities arrested a group of bloggers, journalists, activists and a rap singer in a crackdown on dissent.55

For the period of the January 8 to 12, violence erupted in Thala, a provincial town near the border with Algeria, where six protesters were reportedly killed by the police. Another three people were killed in similar clashes in the town of Kasserine. There are other incidents of such nations as laying roped the seeds for nationwide uprisings in Tunisia. 56

Demonstrators made good use of all types of social media, to spread pictures of the police beating and arresting protesters. The Tunisian people assembled peacefully in front of the interior ministry, demanding an end to Ben Ali‘s rule. However, when the crown began to disperse, the police and security forces were ―cornered and soaked with teargas while secret police pick them off and beat them‖.57 The opposition Democratic Progressive Party (PDP) ―asked the government to stop arresting young people and instead focus on dialogue and job creation‖.58

After the overwhelming demonstration in the country, the president Ben Ali changed his tactics. In his Television address on 13 January 2011, he announced not to seek re- election in 2014. He pledged to introduce more freedom to peoples by introducing widespread reforms and to investigate the killings of protesters during demonstrations‖.59 However, this very next day the president imposed a state of emergency in the country, dissolved the government, and closed Tunisian airspace, newspapers, universities and schools. He ordered his army to shoot into the crowds of protesters. Unlike the police, however, the soldiers refused. Instead of following

55 AlexandraMaulana Sandels, Azad ―Rioting Library, spreads across Aligarh Tunisia; unrest Muslim also reported University in Algeria‖, Los Angeles Times, January 8, 2011, https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2011-jan-08-la-fg-tunisia-riots- 20110108-story.html 56 Ryan Rifai, ―Timeline: Tunisia's uprising—Chronicle of nationwide demonstrations over the country's unemployment crisis, Al Jazeera and Agencies, January 24, 2011, https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/tunisia/2011/01/201114142223827361.html 57 Peter Walker, ―Tunisian president declares state of emergency and sacks government‖, the Guardian, January 14, 2011, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/jan/14/tunisian-president- dismisses-government-violence#maincontent 58 Bilal Randeree, ―Protests continue in Tunisia: Clashes erupt between security forces and residents in Sidi Bouzid amid wave of social unrest‖, Al Jazeera and Agencies, December 26, 2010, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2010/12/2010122682433751904.html 59 Peter Walker, ―Tunisian president declares state of emergency and sacks government‖, the Guardian, January 14, 2011, accessed November 5, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/jan/14/tunisian-president-dismisses-government- violence#maincontent

136 orders, army chief of staff Gen. Rachid Ammar advised the president Ben Ali to quit.60

On the country President Ben Ali left the country this same day and flew first to Malta and then France but was denied landing permission in France. He ended up in Saudi Arabia, resulting for an end to his 23 years of authoritarian ruled.61

5.4.1 Emerging Actors in the Tunisian Revolution

 Union Generale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT): The Tunisian General Labor Union played a most important role in the 2011 Tunisian uprising and in the succeeding democratization process. It was formed in the mid-1940s and was a force in Tunisia‘s independence movement. In the Cold War, it positioned itself as pro-Western (non-Communist) and formed links with the American labor movement. During the president Habib Bourguiba tenure (1956-87), it strove to keep the unions under the government‘s wing. However, in the mid 1980‘s, which were met with heavy state repression, the UGTT led a series of mass strikes and demonstrations. During Ben Ali‘s presidency, the government again tried to co-opt the UGTT, including through manipulating its leadership selection process.62 While it was slow to support the demonstrations when they first initiated in December 2010, the federation played an active role after local and regional UGTT offices began protesting. On 12 January 2011, the national UGTT called local general strikes and then a national strike on 14 January, the day Ben Ali resigned. After the fall of Ben Ali, the UGTT with four others prominent civil-society groups, led to propose a roadmap referred to as the ‗National Dialogue‘ process. They had four main aims: Maulana ―forming aAzad political Library, government Aligarh of Muslim technocrats University to replace the multilateral coalition government; reaching agreement on final sticking points in the draft constitution; appointing the leadership of an independent election

60 Delinda C. Hanley, ―Tunisia's Jasmine Revolution‖, Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 30, no. 2 (March 2011): 12, https://www.wrmea.org/011-march/three-views-tunisia-s-jasmine- revolution.html 61 David D Kirkpatrick, ―Tunisia Leader Flees and Prime Minister Claims Power‖, the New York Times, January 15, 2011, accessed November 11, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/15/world/africa/15tunis.html? 62 Clement Henry Moore, Tunisia Since Independent : The Dynamics of One-Party Government (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), 159-162

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administration responsible for drafting the election law; and agreeing on the sequence and timing of presidential and parliamentary elections‖.63

 Parti des ouvriers communistes tunisiens (POCT): The Tunisian Communist Workers Party is a Marxist‐ Leninist political party established on 3 January 1986. However, throughout the Ben Ali years, it was banned and hundreds of its followers were imprisoned, some tortured to death. After the 2011 revolution, the party was finally legalized on 16 March 2011, the day before it General Secretary—Hamma Hammami, met with the delegation. During the uprising, the PCOT endorsed a nationalist line, in opposition to a socialist and internationalist perspective. It has called for a constitutional assembly to establish a democratic republic on a capitalist basis. As a part of this pro- capitalist program, the PCOT and Hammami are engaged during a politically criminal effort to encourage illusions within the army, portraying it as a patriotic defender of the people against Ben Ali‘s police and security forces.64 In its party congress on 22-24 July 2011, General Security Hammami described the overthrow of Ben Ali as ―a revolution of the people not by a coup‖.65 POCT sees the Tunisian revolution as a possible model in the region, and also worldwide, of people making peaceful revolution for dignity, freedom, and social justice. In this regards to the issue of Arab Nationalism, party‘s spokesman—Abed Jabbar Bdouri, said on a Live talked: ―The revolution can unite the Arabs… Since we are Tunisians we believe in Arab nationalism… We believe in our capability of forming a solid unity, thanks to… a mutual language, heritage and history. The unity of the Arab world depends on, and should revolve around, unifying the working class‖.66 Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University  Hizb An-Nahda (Nahda): Tunisia‘s formerly banned main Islamist group— Hizb Al Nahda, is the prominent Islamic party in the country, which is headed

63 Nicole Rowsell, ―Tunisia: Foundations of Democratic Compromise‖, in North Africa in Transition: The Struggle for Democracies and Institutions, ed. Ben Fishman (London: Routledge, 2015), 30 64 Ann Talbot, ―Anti-government protests continue in Tunisia during official mourning period‖, World Socialist Web Site, January 22, 2011, accessed November 18, 2019, https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2011/01/tuni-j22.html 65 ―Tunisia: Left group holds first legal congress in 25 years‖, green left weekly, issue. 899, (July 29, 2011), accessed November 21, 2019, https://www.greenleft.org.au/content/tunisia-left-group-holds- first-legal-congress-25-years 66 Houssem Sta Ali, ―How Communist is Tunisia's Communist Party?", tunisialive, October 11, 2011, accessed February 22, 2018, https://archive.is/20130222085757/http://www.tunisialive.net/2011/10/11/how-communist-is-tunisias-communist-party/

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by Rachid Ghannouchi. Its roots can be traced to 1970 with the establishment of Qur'anic Preservation Society (QPS), originally a political organization dedicated to encouraging piety within Tunisian society. In 1981, the Mouvement de la Tendence Islamique (MTI) was founded by Sheikh Rachid al‐ Ghannouchi and other former members of the QPS as a loose coalition of Islamist groups seeking political and economic change. However, after Ben Ali bloodless coup in November 1987, he denied the An-Nahda party legal status and initiated a crackdown targeting suspected Islamists. This resulted Ghannouchi left the country and by 1992 all of Ennahda‘s leadership was virtually imprisoned or went to exile and its organizational capabilities within the country destroyed.67 After in exile in London for the past two decades, Ghannouchi, nearly 70 of his fellow fighters and his daughter Soumaya, returned to Tunisia on 30 January 2011. Thousands of Tunisian peoples who came to welcome the historic leader of this movement were not recognized by the former regime of the ousted president. In the front of huge crowd he assured: ―The blood of the martyrs freed us and allowed thousands of the sons of this country to return to the country from exile. I'm back. It is my full right to find my country and my family after more than 20 years of exile; I do not seek any post. Only, I dream of a free and prosperous Tunisia‖. He also noted ―Islam is not the preserve of the Ennahda movement and this religion grants all the legitimate rights of women and men; I salute the young people, the region of Sidi Bouzid, the memory of Mohamed Bouazizi and all the regions of the country who participated in this glorious revolution which freed the people from the yoke of tyranny‖.68

DuringMaulana the democratic Azad t ransitionLibrary, in Aligarh Tunisia, heMuslim and his University Islamist party— Ennahda emerged an unquestionable actor. The members and followers of his party, who were the main victims of Ben Ali‘s repression, have had a positive image in the 2011 events. The popularity of the party immediately awakened the concerns of numerous commentators and political actors in Tunisia, Europe and the United States. To assuage these concerns, the party have

67 Ramazan Yildirim, ―Transformation of the Ennahda Movement from Islamic Jamā‘ah to Political Party‖, Insight Turkey 19, no. 2 (Spring 2017): 203-208, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26300510 68 ―Rached Ghannouchi returns to Tunis after 20 years of exile: an exceptional welcome‖, Leaders, January 30, 2011, accessed November 25, 2019, https://www.leaders.com.tn/article/3880-rached- ghannouchi-de-retour-a-tunis-apres-20-ans-d-exil-un-accueil-exceptionnel

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boundlessly insisted on their moderation and firmly committed to not reform the Personal Status Law, not to establish an Islamic state and to work for the development and modernization of the country.69

 The Tunisian Security Forces: The Tunisian armed forces played a vital role in the fall of Ben Ali, and their reaction to the pro‐ reform movement can be explained by the particular nature of civil‐ military relations in Tunisia. Mehran Kamrava described to the incident of the Ben Ali overthrow, as an ‗autocratic officer‐ politician‘ regime, and status of the Tunisian armed forces as quite unique in the Arab world.70 However, when the army was positioned in different parts of Tunis, the soldiers, according to media reports, immediately fraternized with the demonstrators—in sharp contrast to the police, which by that time had already shot dead a significant number of protestors. Moreover, the army Chief of Staff, General Rachid Ammar, forbade his men from firing on the demonstrators, and in the streets of Tunis. Many demonstrators are said to have sought shelter from police gunshots behind the military‘s tanks and armored vehicles.71 The Tunisian Security Forces not only played a significant role in ultimately pushing Ben Ali from power but also refrained from using force against the demonstrators.72

 Role of Tunisian Women: Women in Tunisia are exceptional in the Arab world for enjoying near equality with men.73 In Tunisia, huge number of females injured showed their active involvement within the revolutions. They were the demonstrators who defied tear gas, volunteered as nurses, and wrote blogs. They remained part of each opposition movement that has shaken the Arab world, even on the front lines. The women stood for solidarity with Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

69 Nadia Marzouki and Hamza Meddeb, ―Tunisia: Democratic Miracle or Mirage‖, Carnegie Middle East Center, June 11, 2015, accessed January 12, 2019, https://carnegie- mec.org/2015/06/11/tunisia-democratic-miracle-or-mirage-pub-60387 70 Mehran Kamrava, ―Military Professionalization and Civil‐Military Relations in the Middle East‖, Political Science Quarterly 115, no. 1, (2013): 69–72, https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.2307/2658034 71 Olfa Belhassine, ―Tunisia: Return to the Role of the Army in January 2011‖, justiceinfo.net, January 13, 2016, accessed January 15, 2019, https://www.justiceinfo.net/fr/commissions-verite/25410- tunisie-retour-sur-le-role-de-l-armee-en-janvier-2011.html 72 David D. Kirkpatrick, ―Military Backs New Leaders in Tunisia,‖ The New York Times, January 16, 2011, accessed January 21, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/16/world/africa/15tunis.html? 73 Eleanor Beardsley, ―In Tunisia, Women Play Equal Role In Revolution‖, npr, January 27, 2011, accessed January 24, 2019, https://www.npr.org/2011/01/27/133248219/in-tunisia-women-play- equal-role-in-revolution

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Bouazizi mother Mannoubia, and his sister Samia. Old women including young girls came out to the streets in headscarves wearing black judge‘s robes, and marched along with men down the streets demanding that the former president Ben Ali should go. They also united men at night when the secret police investigated their where about.74 However, during the first protests that Ben Ali and until the fall of his regime, political and social claims of male and female protesters alike have failed to include women and equal rights. Even in Tunisia, calls and needs of women have not been considered a priority. It is only after reaching these goals that women engaged in campaigns calling for an end to their exclusion and demanding an equal role for them in these transitory periods. This was especially true in Tunisia where women‘s movements are stronger and are part of a longer running tradition. However, in Tunisia, women were very active and present in demonstrations, unions, associations and political parties. Sihem bin Sedrine and Naziha Rejiba, both journalist and human rights activist and also co-founder of international online magazine Kalima, also prepared the ground for the revolution by teaching Tunisians to fight for democracy, independence, self-confidence and tolerance.75

5.4.2 The Role of the Interim Government

The abrupt and speeding of the fall of the Ben Ali regime resulted in a political vacuum in the country required a transition to a new form of governance and the creation of new institutions. This is in according to Article 57 of the 1959 constitution that addressed the possibility ―of vacancy of the presidency of the Republic due to death, resignation, or absolute incapacity‖. Foued Mebazaa, subsequently dissolved Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University the Parliament, became interim president and tasked Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi with forming a new government. On 17 January 2011, Tunisia‘s interim Prime Minister Ghannouchi promised to proclaim a new coalition government and also announced widespread reforms, promising press freedom, the lifting of a ban on human rights groups operating in Tunisia. Political prisoners were also released. The

74 Imed Labidi, ―Mothers of the Jasmine Revolution‖, Foreign Policy In Focus, January 31, 2011, accessed March 15, 2019, https://fpif.org/mothers_of_the_jasmine_revolution/ 75 Atul Aneja, ―Tunisian revolution and its fallout‖, The Hindu, January 20, 2011, accessed on October 13, 2018, https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/Tunisian-revolution-and-its- fallout/article15527693.ece

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Prime Minister also announced the creation of three new commissions for the fulfillment of Revolutionary Goals, Political Reforms and Democratic Transition.76

Table-5.1: Tunisian Prime Minister after Arab Uprisings

Name of Prime Lifetime TERM OF Party Minister OFFICE Independent Beji Caid Essebsi 29 November 1926 27 February 2011- – 25 July 2019 24 December 2011 Ennahda Hamadi Jebali Born: 1949 24 December 2011- 14 March 2013 Ennahda Ali Laarayedh Born: 1955 14 March 2013- 29 January 2014 Independent Mehdi Jomaa Born: 1962 29 January 2014- 6 February 2015 Independent Habib Essid Born: 1949 6 February 2015- 27 August 2016 Nidaa Tounes & Youssef Chahed Born: 1975 27 August 2016- 27 February 2020 Tahya Tounes Elyes Fakhfakh Born:1972 27 February 2020 Ettakatol to present Source: www.rulers.org/rult.html#tunisia (accessed on February 29, 2020)

However, a sizable number of the newly formed parties after the revolution opposed the interim government on the basis of its inclusion of various members of Ben Ali's formerMaulana ruling party, Azad the Constitutional Library, Aligarh Democratic Muslim Rally ( RCDUniversity). In response, on 20 January, the RCD ministers in the interim government quit the party but remained in their cabinet posts. Thousands of protesters took to the streets yet again, continuing to ask for the removal of all RCD members from the interim government, and the election of a constituent assembly. In that time, around 2,000 police officers join the civilian protesters, demanded for better working conditions and a new union and complaining about their association with Ben Ali's repressive regime. On 27 January, Tunisia's foreign minister, Kamel Morjane, announced his resignation. Ghannouchi

76 Duncan Pickard, ―Challenges to legitimate governance in post-revolution Tunisia‖, in North Africa’s Arab Spring, ed. George Joffe (London: Routedge, 2013), 134

142 had little choice but to resign, which he did on 27 February 2011. Ghannouchi and his Cabinet were replaced by a new government headed by Beji Caid Essebsi (Table 5.1), a former adviser and minister under Bourguiba.77

Prime Minister Beji Caid Essebsi took actions to show protesters that he meant business. He arrested some RCD officials including Ben Ali associates and relatives who were doubted of corruption and abuse of power. On 9 March 2011, Tunisian court also dissolved the former ruling RCD party and its assets were confiscated. He also took steps to dissolve secret police agency, which had been used solely to shore up Ben Ali regime. Moreover, he released political prisoners and relieved restrictions on media, both print and electronic.78 After the Ben Achour commission publicized a transition ‗road map‘ on 3 march 2011, Tunisian interim President Fouad Mebazaa announced, that a National Constituent Assembly should be elected to draft a constitution, setting in motion a process that entailed elections on 24 July that were later postponed to 23 October 2011.79

5.4.3 Political Parties and the Constituent Assembly Elections of October 2011 The Instance Supérieure Indépendante pour les Elections (ISIE) is an independent public body endowed with legal personality and with financial and administrative autonomy, and whose main mission consists in ensuring free and pluralist, honest democratic elections and referendums created under organic law on 20 December 2012.80 On 23 October, after the nine months of a popular uprising in Tunisia, the milestone elections for the Constituent Assembly took place under the watchful eyes of thousands of domestic and international observers. The excited Tunisians were proud to participate in the first truly democratic election in more than fifty years.81 In the election, 7.2 Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

77 Ryan Rifai, ―Timeline: Tunisia's uprising—Chronicle of nationwide demonstrations over the country's unemployment crisis‖, Al Jazeera and Agencies, March 2, 2011, accessed November 12, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/tunisia/2011/01/201114142223827361.html 78 Alexis Arieff, ―Political Transition in Tunisia‖, CRS Report for Congress, no. 7-5700 (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 16 December 2011): 3 79 ―Tunisia's interim president announces election of constitutional council‖, People's Daily, March 4, 2011, accessed June 22, 2018, http://en.people.cn/90001/90777/90855/7308013.html 80 ―ISIE official website‖, Tunis, December 27, 2018, http://www.isie.tn/bienvenue-sur-notre-site/ 81 Atul Aneja, ―Tunisia votes today in the first Arab Spring polls‖, The Hindu, October 23, 2011, 10

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million Tunisia‘s eligible voters elected 217-member assembly through proportional system from a party based list system.82

Table-5.2: Summary of the 23 October 2011 Tunisian Constituent Assembly Election Results

Main Parties Voters % Seats

Ennahda Movement 1,501,320 37.04 89

Congress for the 353,041 8.71 29 Republic Popular Petition 273,362 6.74 26

Democratic Forum 284,989 7.03 20 for Labour and Liberties Progressive 159,826 3.94 16 Democratic Party

The Initiative 129,120 3.19 5

Democratic 113,005 2.79 5 Modernist Pole

Afek Tounes 76,488 1.89 4

Tunisian Workers' 63,652 1.57 3 Communist Party

People's Movement 30,500 0.75 2

Movement of Socialist 22,830 0.56 2 Democrats

Valid votesMaulana Azad Library,4,053,148 Aligarh Muslim94.06 University217 Blank or invalid votes 255,740 5.94 Total 4,308,888 100.00 Voter turnout 51.97 Electorate 8,289,924 Source: Tunisia-Live. Net (accessed on January 15, 2016)

82 Mariette Le Roux, ―Tunisians gear up for historic vote‖, Modern Ghana, October 22, 2011, accessed October 12, 2018, https://www.modernghana.com/news/357146/tunsians-gear-up-for- historic-vote.html

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Table 5.2 provides the analysis of the result of the 2011 Tunisian Constituent Assembly election. However, insufficient public outreach and civic education and limited knowledge by the public of parties and candidates contributed to a turnout of only 51.97 percent of voters. The ISIE announced preliminary election results on 27 October 2011, and final election results were released on 14 November 2011. According to official results from the Tunisian elections commission, the Islamist party Ennahda won the greatest number of seats, securing 89 of the assembly‘s 217 seats.83 The big surprise was Congress of the Republic (CPR), which received 29 seats and ranked second. They were followed by Al-Aridha Al-Chaabia (Popular Petition) with 26 seats; Ettakatol with 20 seats; Democratic Progressive Party (PDP) with 16 seats; Al-Moubadra (The Initiative) with 5 seats; the Democratic Modernist Pole with 5 seats; Afek Tounes with 4 seats; Al-Badil Athawri (The Revolutionary Alternative) with 3 seats; the Democratic Socialist Movement (MDS) with 2 seats; Harakat Achaab (The Movement of the People) with 2 seats and independents had won 16 seats.84

In the election, out of 65 women those elected to the Constituent Assembly, forty-two of them represented Ennahda. Tunisian Youth also managed to secure representation at the NCA, with approximately 10 percent of NCA members having 30 years of age or younger.85

5.4.4 Political Transition in the Post Electoral Period (2011-2014): the Challenges

However, the Constituent Assembly elections marked a significant point in the democratization process and put in place new structures of governance in Tunisia. After the election the largest single party—Ennahda played a major role in shaping a new constitution,Maulana forming Azad an interim Library, government Aligarh and Muslim election a University president for one year. Ennahda formed a power sharing agreement with two secular former opposition parties to Ben Ali, the Congrès pour la République (CPR) and the Forum Démocratique pour le Travail et les Libertés (usually referred to as Ettakatol). On 22 November 2011, during its inaugural session, the NCA‘s newly elected members were officially sworn and elected Ettakatol party member Ben Jaafar as a speaker of the assembly. Ennahda also supported Congress of the Republic (CPR) party‘s

83 Atul Aneja, ―Moderate Islamists win in Tunisia‖, The Hindu, October 29, 2011, .12 84 ―ISIE official final results‖, http://www.isie.tn/resultats/election-2011/ 85 Marwan Muasher, ―The Islamists are not coming‖, The Indian Express, November 4, 2011, 13

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Moncef Marzouki (2011–2014) to be country‘s President (Table 5.3) on 12 December 2011.86 The President also quickly named Ennahda security general Hamadi Jebali as Prime Minister. On 24 December 2011, his cabinet was sworn in, and after the few days the assembly approved by a vote of 154 in favor, 38 against, with 11 was abstentions87

During its opening sessions, two significant features of the NCA‘s work became evident: ―Assembly members, elected to draft a constitution, felt that it was more appropriate to draft the new document from scratch instead to use this language from the 1959 constitution as a base. They also considered that, as the sole elected officials, the NCA should also serve as a legislative body to draft, debate, and pass legislation to govern the country during the interim period‖.88

Table-5.3: Tunisian President after Arab Uprisings

POLITICAL NAME OF LIFETIME TERM OF PRESIDENT OFFICE PARTY The Democratic Fouad Mebazaa Born: 15 June 1933 15 January 2011- 13 December 2011 Constitutional Rally (Acting president) (DCR) Congress for the Moncef Marzouki Born: 7 July 1945 13 December 2011- 31 Republic December 2014 Nidaa Tounes Beji Caid Essebsi 29 November 31 December 1926-25 July 2019 2014- 25 July 2019 Nidaa Tounes MohamedMaulana AzadBorn: Library, 21 March Aligarh 25 JulyMuslim 2019- 23University Ennaceur 1934 October 2019 (Acting president) Non-partisan Kais Saied Born: 22 February 23 October 2019 – 1958 present

Source: rulers.org/rult.html#tunisia (accessed on December 28, 2019)

86 Charles Baeder, ―Tunisia: Moncef Marzouki is Next President‖, All Africa, December 12, 2011, accessed December 2, 2019, http://www.allafrica.com/stories/printable/201112130347.html 87 ―Tunisia: Government Sworn In‖, Morocco World News, December 24, 2011, accessed November 13, 2019, https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2011/12/20424/tunisian-government-sworn-in-2/ 88 The Carter Center, the Constitution-Making Process in Tunisia (Atlanta: The Carter Center, 2014): 25

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However, Jebali government faced many challenges that needed cooperation among diverse parties to draft a constitution and fix rampant unemployment. For economic downturn in Europe, country‘s largest trade partner; resulted new government had failed to tackle unemployment, the main issues underlying the Tunisian revolution, led to growing public discontent. On the security issue, the rise of extremist armed groups and the transferring of weapons in the country that tied in part to the porosity of Tunisia‘s borders with Algeria and Libya, presented a new challenge of the government in the aftermath of the revolution.89

The post-election stage also saw important shifts in the political landscape. After the election, upset by their respective parties‘ alliance with Ennahda, many members and supporters of Ettakatol and CPR defected to join other parties. In January 2012, five parties, particularly PDP, Afek Tounes, and the Parti Républicain merged to form Al Joumhouri party. Later that year, Parties that were unable to register in 2011, such as Hizb Al Tahrir, the Salafist party was legalized, while new parties emerged. One such party, Nidaa Tounes, would later become a major player in the political scene. However, delays in drafting the constitution, interrupted by a complete stall of the NCA‘s work following assassinations in 2013 of two prominent secular politicians (Chokri Belaid and Mohamed Brahmi) allowed Nidaa Tounes to further build its base. It established an electoral alliance with four other secular parties, under the banner ‗Union of Tunisia‘.90

After the assassinations of the two leading opposition leaders, political crisis again started in the country, the UGTT called for a general strike in the country, while the NCA temporarily suspended its activities. Thousands of demonstrated around the country took to the streets in protest. These tensions eventually led to Jebali‘s Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University resignation from the position of head of government on 19 February 2013. After weeks of negotiations, Ali Laarayedh (14 March 2013-29 January 2014), Jebali‘s minister of interior and a senior Ennahda figure, was chosen to lead the new government.91

89 Nicole Rowsell, ―Tunisia: Foundations of Democratic Compromise‖, in North Africa in Transition: The Struggle for Democracies and Institutions, ed. Ben Fishman (London: Routledge, 2015), 24-25 90 Ibid., pp. 26-28 91 Kareem Fahim, David D Kirkpatrick and Alan Cowell, ―Tunisia prepares for burial of slain leader‖, the Indian Express, February 9, 2013, p.13

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However, after the long political tensions and for better political process, President Marzouki launched a new national dialogue on 15 April 2013, that assembled some of the main political parties and brought Ennahda and Nidaa Tounes around the same table for the first time. Though some opposition parties and the main trade union UGTT boycotted the dialogue, the discussions were positive in addressing numerous contentious issues regarding the political regime and the elections.92

5.4.5 The 2014 Tunisian Constitution: Key Issues

After the several difficulties for the constitution-making process, the Tunisian government adopted a new constitution on 26 January 2014, with an overwhelming majority (200 votes for, 12 against and 4 abstentions) in the National Constituent Assembly, a key goal of the revolution that touched of the Arab Spring. It replaced the 1959 Constitution, suspended since March 2011. The historical document was signed by outgoing Islamic Premier Ali Larayedh, National Constituent Assembly Speaker Mustapha Ben Jaafar, and President Moncef Marzouki during a ceremony at the National Constituent Assembly. In this ceremony, the President said in his speech: ―With the birth of this text, we confirm our victory over dictatorship; much work remains to make the values of our constitution a part of your culture‖.93

The Constitution is emblazoned, as its preamble statuses, in ―the objectives of the revolution for freedom and dignity, the revolution of December 17, 2010 through January 14, 2011, with loyalty to the blood of our virtuous martyrs, to the sacrifices of Tunisian men and women over the course of generations, and breaking with injustice, inequity, and corruption‖. It sanctifies a two-headed executive and grants a limited place to Islam. For the first time in the Arab world, a gender objective has been introducedMaulana in elected Azad assemblies. Library,94 Aligarh Muslim University

The main provisions of the 2014 constitution are listed as follows:

 The general principles (Articles 1-20): The Constitution establishes, in its preamble, "a democratic and participative republican regime within the framework of a civil state governed by law and in which sovereignty belongs

92 The Carter Center, the Constitution-Making Process in Tunisia (Atlanta: The Carter Center, 2014): 28 93 ―Tunisia‘s Constitution officially signed‖, the Hindu, January 28, 2014, 12 94 Tunisia's Constitution of 2014, Preamble, accessed January 14, 2019, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Tunisia_2014.pdf

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to the people who exercise it on the basis of peaceful alternation through free elections, and the principle of the separation and balance of powers‖. Articles 1 and 2 of the Constitution specify the features of the State: Article 1 describes, Tunisia is a free, independent and sovereign State, and Islam is its religion, Arabic its language and the Republic its regime. It is not permitted to amend this article. Article 2 stated, Tunisia is a civil state, based on citizenship, the will of the people and the rule of law. It is not permitted to amend this article. Article 14 of the constitution declared that the state commits to strengthen decentralization and to apply it throughout the country, within the framework of the unity of the state. The constitution assurances in the Article 16, to impartiality of educational institutions from all partisan instrumentation. In the Articles 17 to 19, the constitution mentioned the process of requirement and their basic functions. The constitution also defined the process of approved and ratified of International agreements in Article 20.95

 A mixed parliamentary system: Tunisia has adopted a mixed political system, according to Article 77, a parliamentary regime in which the President of the Republic has certain prerogatives such as dissolving the Assembly of People's Representatives and retouching texts of laws. The President defines general policies in the fields of defense, foreign relations and national security, after consultation with the Head of Government. Article 71 of the constitution stated, the Executive power is exercised by the President of the Republic and by a government which is presided over by the head of the government. The President of the Republic elected for a five-year term by direct universal suffrageMaulana and he designates Azad Library,the candidate Aligarh of the electoral Muslim party University or coalition who leads the legislative elections as head of government. The President of the Republic may request the Assembly of People's Representatives to vote in confidence in the government, utmost twice during the presidential term. Legislative power is exercised by the people through their representatives in the Assembly of People's Representatives or by referendum. The members of the Assembly are elected by direct universal suffrage for a term of five years.

95 Tunisia's Constitution of 2014, Title One – General Principles, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Tunisia_2014.pdf a

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According to Article 88, the Assembly can present a motion to dismiss the President of the Republic in case of violation of the Constitution and vote a motion of no confidence against the government. Marked by decades of hegemony of the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD), the party of ex- President Ben Ali, Tunisian representatives have introduced guarantees for the respect of political pluralism by reaffirming the rights of the opposition within the Assembly of People's Representatives.96

 The place of religion: The preamble recognizes ―the attachment [of the people] to the teachings of Islam and to its ends characterized by openness and moderation, noble human values and universal human rights principles". Article 1 recognizes the place of Islam as the religion of Tunisia, but Islamic law (sharia) is not mentioned as a source of law, as the Islamists originally wanted. However, the NCA also debated vigorously the concepts of freedom of religion and conscience. Freedom of conscience, included in the fourth and final draft of the constitution, had been absent prior to that. Its inclusion in the fourth draft was the product of months of debate and the result of extended negotiations between political parties and other stakeholders during the national dialogues that took place in 2013. The NCA eventually stipulated in Article 6 of the fourth draft that ―the state protects religion, guarantees freedom of belief and conscience and religious practices, protects the sacred, and ensures the impartiality of mosques and places of worship away from partisan instrumentalization‖.97

 Fundamental rights and freedoms: Articles 21 to 49 of the constitution discuss several rights and duties to citizens, which is the most dynamic, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University evolving to a significant degree over time. However, the scope and interaction of fundamental rights and freedoms sparked heated discussions throughout the process; all fundamental rights were consolidated in the fourth draft, with the exception of the freedoms of religion and conscience. The final text of the constitution upholds several key civil and political rights, such as freedom of expression, gender equality, and the protection of women‘s rights. Several key

96 Tunisia's Constitution of 2014, Title Four – The Executive Authority, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Tunisia_2014.pdf 97 The Carter Center, the Constitution-Making Process in Tunisia, 81

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economic, social, and cultural rights are also protected. In the end of this chapter, Article 49 mentions ―The limitations that can be imposed on the exercise of the rights and freedoms guaranteed in this Constitution will be established by law, without compromising their essence. Any such limitations can only be put in place for reasons necessary to a civil and democratic state and with the aim of protecting the rights of others, or based on the requirements of public order, national defense, public health or public morals, and provided there is proportionality between these restrictions and therefore the objective sought‖.98

 Women's rights: The Tunisian Constitution is, in the Arab and Muslim world, the fundamental law offers the most guarantees for the rights of women. Thus, in its article 34, the Constitution guarantees for women‘s representation in elected bodies. Article 40 states that "every citizen has the right to work in decent conditions and at a fair wage". Article 46, devoted more particularly to the rights of women, and the principle of parity : ―The State undertakes to protect the acquired rights of women, supports them and works to improve them. The State guarantees equal opportunities between women and men to assume different responsibilities and in all areas. The State works to achieve parity between women and men in elected councils. The state is taking the necessary measures to eradicate violence against women‖.99

 The Constitutional Court: The creation of a Constitutional Court (arts. 118 to 121) is a fundamental advance for Tunisia in the sense that it limits the legislative power and the possibility, for the legislator, to pass laws contrary to fundamental rights and freedoms. The review of the constitutionality of laws is Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University exercised at the request of public authorities (government, president) or may be required by the parties during a trial (art. 120). Any proposal to revise the Constitution is submitted to it (art. 144). Article 125 also establishes five

98 Ibid, 82 99 Helene Sallon, ―Freedoms, women's rights: advances in the Tunisian Constitution‖, Le Monde, January 27, 2014, accessed January 28, 2014, https://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2014/01/27/des-avancees-majeures-dans-la-constitution- tunisienne_4354973_1466522.html

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constitutional and independent regulatory authorities (human rights, media, elections, good governance and the fight against corruption, environment).100

5.4.6 Post-Arab Spring Parliamentary and Presidential Election in 2014

First five-year Parliamentary election held in Tunisia on 26 October 2014, after the adoption of the new constitution in January 2014, and more than three years marked by political turmoil, terrorist attacks and a faltering economy.

Figure 5.11

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Source: IFES Elections Guide and tunisiaelection.blogspot.com (accessed on January 15, 2020)

100 The Carter Center, the Constitution-Making Process in Tunisia , 92-94

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The 5.2 million registered voters in the 27 districts across Tunisia chose a 217 seat in Parliament.101 After the declaration of results, Tunisia‘s well-organized Islamists party Ennahda was defeated in parliamentary elections. The party Nidaa Tounes (Tunisia Calls) led by an 87-year-old veteran politician from the previous regime took 86 (37.56 per cent) of the seats of the parliament, giving it the right to present a prime minister and form a governing coalition. The Islamists trailed with just 69 (27.79 per cent) of the seats. The others political parties such as: Salim Rialhi UPL party took 16 seats, Hamma Hammami—Popular Front won 15 seats, Yassine Brahim—Afek Tounes got 8 seats and Imed Daimi—CPR part won 4 seats in parliament.102 However, on 5 January 2015, Nidaa Tounes nominated—Habib Essid,103 a former government official of the dictatorship in Tunisia, to be prime minister and charged with forming a new government.104

On 23 November 2014, a month after the parliamentary election, the presidential election was held in Tunisia. In the election Nidaa Tounes party, Beji Caid Essebsi (31 December 2014 – 25 July 2019), a veteran of Tunisia‘s political establishment, won the country‘s presidency. He canvassed on reestablishing the ―prestige of the state‖ and a return to stability from the years of turmoil that followed this North African country‘s 2011 overthrow of dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali that kicked off the regional pro-democracy uprisings of the Arab Spring. He received 55.68 percent of the vote, Campaigners for his rival, CPR party Moncef Marzouki received 44.32 percent vote.105 However, Protests erupted in various places in Tunisia after Essebsi declared victory in Sunday‘s run-off. He was criticized because he enjoyed various positions during the Ben Ali era. But, as frontrunner, Essebsi dismissed critics who said victory for him would mark a return of the old guard. He said that ―he was the Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

101 ―Tunisians cast post-Arab spring vote‖, the Hindu, October 27, 2014, p.10 102 ―Tunisians shun Islamists in vote for stability‖, the Hindu, October 28, 2014, p.10 103 Habib Essid (6 February 2015 – 27 August 2016 in office), an American-trained agricultural economist, served in a variety of government positions under the autocratic President Zine el- Abidine Ben Ali, who was ousted in a popular uprising in 2011. After the uprising, Mr. Essid was appointed interior minister in the interim government, and stayed on as a security adviser in the Islamist-led government in 2012. 104 Carlotta Gall, ―Ally of Deposed Leader Is Nominated to Be Premier of Tunisia‖, the New York Times, January 6, 2015, , accessed July 18, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/06/world/africa/ally-of-deposed-leader-is-nominated-to-be- premier-of-tunisia.html?_r=0 105 ―Veteran politician Essebsi wins Tunisian polls‖, the Hindu, December 23, 2014, accessed December 19, 2019, https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/veteran-politician-essebsi-wins- tunisian-polls/article6717147.ece

153 technocrat Tunisia needed following three messy years of an Islamist-led coalition government‖.106

For many, Essebsi victory in the election signifies Tunisia‘s achievements and his party Nidaa Tounes victory a setback of Islamism. However, for many others, the results of the elections were challenging. Given that the 2010 uprising demanded an end to nepotism and corruption, Nidaa Tounes success was deliberated a setback for the transition. However, the new political scene that emerged in Tunisia should not be decried as the end of the democratic transition or, even worse, the reversal of the youth-driven aims of the revolution. Moreover, the victory of Nidaa Tunis in the elections should not be interpreted as a defeat for Islamism. On the contrary, debates over political parties and ideological differences in the everyday lives of Tunisians are integral to democratic principles. Expressing frustration over certain aspects of democracy and debating the different forms of democracy, should be considered a vigorous indicator of the success of the Tunisian transition towards democracy.

5.4.7 European and US Support for Post-Transition in Tunisia

After the 2011 democratic uprising, Tunisia has held three free and fair elections and put the country on the path towards democracy. The main political parties of the country have demonstrated a crucial willingness to compromise and govern inclusively. However, after the several years of the democratic transitions, democratic reform in Tunisia is shaky and the public mood is darkening. The nation faces major challenges in three key areas: economic development, security, and democratic development. The government of the country has failed to undertake needed economic reforms; growth remains low, and high unemployment—particularly among youth—Maulana persists. Azad Socioecon Library,omic Aligarh dissatisfaction, Muslim worsened University by continued marginalization of the interior regions and that was the major driver of the revolution. A weak security condition has also contributed to economic stagnation. Following major terror attacks in March 2015 at Bardo Museum by the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), the tourism industry has declined, threatening the livelihood of many

106 Tarek Amara, ―Clashes Rock Tunisia After Essebsi Claims Victory In Presidential Election‖, Huffington Post, December 22, 2014, accessed September 15, 2018, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/tunisia-clashes_n_6365750

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Tunisians.107 In response, the United States, European Union (EU), and key EU member states—namely France, Germany, and the United Kingdom—considerably boosted their help to the country. To support Tunisia because it moves far away from the immediate post-revolutionary period, the America and the European Union must require developing a joint intercontinental strategy that recognizes Tunisia as significance for Western engagement with the Arab world.108

However, US Government has rightly insisted that each country involved in the Arab Spring has its own dynamic and that in terms of US policy there is no cookie cutter approach. On 19 March 2011, US president Obama remarked on US policy towards the Middle East and North Africa, he said: ―…to show that America values the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity‖.109 On 25 February 2012, the Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Tunisia and described herself as ―a very strong champion for Tunisian democracy‖.110 She also stated support for negotiations toward a free trade agreement (FTA) with Tunisia before Congress.111 President Obama called President Beji Caid Essebsi of Tunisia to congratulate him on his victory in Tunisia‘s first presidential election under its new constitution.112 On February 2014, Secretary of State John Kerry visited to Tunis, where he assured ―our commitment to stand with Tunisia ... to help move down this road to democracy‖.113 He also announced a new

107 Thessa Lageman, ―Tunisia‘s Tourism Struggling One Month after Massacre‖, Al Jazeera, July 29, 2015, accessed January 3, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/07/tunisia-tourism- struggling-month-massacre-150727080510954.html 108 African Development Bank, ―The Revolution in Tunisia - Economic Challenges and Prospects”, May 17,2011,Maulana accessed Azad March 10,Library, 2019, https://www.afdb.org/en/documents/document/the Aligarh Muslim University - revolution-in-tunisia-economic-challenges-and-prospects-23377 109 The White House, ―Remarks by the President on the Middle East and North Africa‖, May 19, 2011, accessed February 19, 2019, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press- office/2011/05/19/remarks-president-middle-east-and-north-africa 110 U.S State Department, ―Secretary of State Clinton Delivers Remarks Following Meeting with Tunisian President Marzouki‖, February 25, 2012, accessed May 28, 2019, http://iipdigital.usaembassy.gov/st/english/texttrans/2012 111 Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, testimony before the Senate Appropriations Committee, Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs, February 28, 2012, transcript via Congressional Quarterly (CQ). 112 The White House, ―Readout of the President‘s Call with President Caid Essebsi of Tunisia‖, January 5, 2015, accessed February 15, 2019, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press- office/2015/01/05/readout-president-s-call-president-caid-essebsi-tunisia 113 State Department, ―Secretary of State Kerry Holds News Conference in Tunis, Tunisia,‖ February 18, 2014

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U.S.-Tunisia Strategy Dialogue, the first session of which was held in Washington in April 2014.114 Prominent elements of U.S. economic assistance since 2011 include:

. a $100 million cash transfer in 2012 to support Tunisia meet its international debt obligations; . $85 million for the cost of two sovereign loan guarantees (in 2012 and 2014) that enabled Tunisia to raise nearly $1 billion on the international bond markets; . $80 million allocated to date for a Tunisian-American ―Enterprise Fund,‖ which is designed to make transformative investments in certain sectors of Tunisia‘s economy while also spurring economic reforms; . $49 million for programs administered by the State Department‘s Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), focusing on strengthening civil society, political parties, the media, electoral processes, and local entrepreneurship; and $16 million allocated for a USAID ―Information and Communication Technology Competitiveness Project‖.115

After the 2011 revaluation, relations between Tunisia and European Union are very significant, as both sides shown especially by the unprecedented momentum of exchange of high-level visits and the establishment of a "Privileged partnership" in November 2012. This reinforced partnership resulted in the adoption of a multi- Action plan which identified priority cooperation areas for 2013-2017. Within the framework of this privileged partnership, cooperation and negotiations between Tunisia and therefore the European Union are launched during a number of areas, including:

. MaulanaNegotiations Azad between Library, Tunisia Aligarhand the EU Muslim have been University underway since 2013 to conclude an agreement aiming at liberalizing air transport services between Tunisia and the European Union and achieving legislative rapprochement with European standards in the field of safety and security of civil aviation and air traffic management, and also to support cooperation in the field of air navigation in order to establishing a common airspace. Following a series of

114 The White House, ―Joint Statement by the United States of America and the Tunisian Republic‖, April 4, 2014, accessed February 16, 2019, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press- office/2014/04/04/joint-statement-united-states-america-and-tunisian-republic 115 State Department Bureau of Foreign Assistance, response to CRS query, February 2015, https://www.cgdev.org/publication/foreign-assistance-agency-brief-united-states-department-state

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official negotiations and technical meetings, the final version of the text of the agreement was agreed upon in December 2017 and it will be signed in a near future;

. The establishment of a high-level political dialogue between Tunisia and the European Union: a high-level political dialogue on security and counter- terrorism was initiated in September 2015 and this has led to an agreement on a number of cooperation projects in support of the National Counter-Terrorism Strategy adopted in November 2016;

. Negotiations on Partnership for Mobility were launched in October 2016 consisting in negotiating of two parallel agreements on visa facilitation and on re-admission respectively. To date, two rounds of official negotiations are held (October 2016 in Tunis and November 2017 in Brussels). The third session of the negotiations was held in April 2018 in Tunis;

. On the commercial level, negotiations on a Deep and Comprehensive Trade Agreement (DCFTA) were launched in October 2015. This agreement aims, especially, at completing and expanding the 1995 Association Agreement to incorporate additional sectors within the trade zone for industrial products like services, investment and investment protection, agricultural products and fishing, public tenders, competition policy, technical barriers to trade). Following the primary round of the negotiations (Tunisia, April 2016), a joint plan was adopted in December 2017 for negotiations‘ process and technical meetings related to the sectors covered by this track;

. On the financial level, the quantity of grants allocated by the EU to Tunisia has graduMaulanaally increased. Azad In Library, fact, the EU Aligarh side committed Muslim to grantUniversity Tunisia from 2017 until the top of the implementation of the five-year development plan in 2020, an annual grant of 300 million Euros. In addition, Tunisia also received two loans under the macro-financial assistance amounted to 300 million Euros the primary and 500 million Euros the second.116

The Tunisians were the first to start a genuine popular revolution in the Arab Spring in 2011. After the uprising, the nation adopted the new constitution, regular

116 Republic of Tunisia, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ―The Relations between Tunisia and the European Union‖, accessed on March 3, 2109, https://www.diplomatie.gov.tn/en/foreign-policy/foreign- policy-of-tunisia/europe/

157 parliamentary and presidential elections held; citizens enjoying fundamental and democratic rights, political parties and various civil societies were active in the country. However, still there are lots of challenges for the nation building process. Just after 2014 elections, Tunisians voiced their commitment to democratic values, but also voiced concern about their newly elected leaders ability or interest to make difficult reforms. Tunisia‘s new democracy should not only be arbitrated by the extent to which politicians drive a reform agenda, but also the degree to which country‘s heartened electorate pressures its leaders to do so, while respecting the hard-fought rights and liberties enshrined in the constitution, in the midst of security threats.

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CHAPTER-6

CONCLUSION

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University CHAPTER-6 CONCLUSION

6.1 Summing Up the Argument

The Arab Uprising was triggered through a young Tunisian street vendor—Mohamed Bouazizi’s, death by self-immolation in Sidi Bouzid on 4 January 2011 and consequently toppled the regime of president Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, the autocrat who ruled the North African nation with an iron fist for twenty-three years. This dramatic event was followed by local protest in Tunisia, which eventually sparked a figurative fire in the entire Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. However, apart from Tunisia, post-uprising Arab states are either in civil war or are back to authoritarian rule.

After an introduction to the topic in chapter one; chapter two highlights the geopolitical importance of the Maghrib region in the present world situation. The Maghrib countries include Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia had distinct cultural, historical and strategic importance. Through the centuries, the Phoenicians, Romans, Vandals, Byzantines, Arabs, Turks, Spanish and French have intermingled with Berbers, the indigenous people of Maghrib. Although the region is predominantly Arab, minority groups include ethnic Berbers, Touareg and other tribally based societies that extended beyond the region’s formal borders have remained part of into less-governed territory. The vast majority of Maghrib is Sunni Muslim and dominant religious influences stem from the Maliki School of jurisprudence and the spiritual influence of Sufism.

The regionMaulana is strategically Azad Library, vital in terms Aligarh of energy Muslim resources University and gains even more relevance when the economic development of beneficiaries is compared to the poor domestic economic situation of the exporting states. Among the maghrib countries— Algeria, Libya and Tunisia, significant share of western Europe’s gas need, with Algeria contributing with the provision of crude oil. It also physically constrained to look to southern Europe for trade, migration opportunities, and political recognition, as the rest of Africa remains isolated from Maghrib region by the geographic barrier of the Sahara desert. This geographical condition renders these countries heavily depended on the West.

159 Among all Maghrib nations, Tunisia is strikingly different from its neighbors. Tunisia, the hospitable land of color with more than 3000 years of history attracting, to people of the world to enjoy its natural beauty, ancient cities, lively festivals and the warm friendliness of its people. The country has a large middle class; its population is relatively well educated, and its society is ethnically homogeneous. It has always been a country of attraction by the great powers because of its geographic location. Tunisia is doubly exposed to the sea, with one coast looking out in the direction of Western Europe—France, Italy, Spain; while the others faces Egypt and the Near East, that remained cradle of the earliest great Mediterranean civilizations.

Tracing her historical roots, on may appreciate that during the first half of the 19th century Tunisia was developing her own personality and trying to explore and identify herself in the light of the limited experience available to her. In as far as the Bey of Tunisia were inclined to reinforce their position as rulers “independent” from the Ottomans, the trend accepted within the educated circles was one of a Tunisian consciousness. One may say, although with reservation, that whatever national or patriotic feeling existed in the country had Tunisia its center.

The French occupation in 1881 gradually introduced other factors that helped shape the national destiny of Tunisia. The dissimilarities between the two nations, Tunisia and France, become more real than apparent as time went on. The administrative measures applied by France could not, by their nature, enrich the situation. Secondly the Ottoman Empire becomes a harbour of refuge and a hope for the possible salvation of Tunisians. Over the years the Islamic bonds have become of paramount importance, and the tendency to think in terms of “Islamic nationalism” coinciding with nationalism have become the usual means of expressing such sentiments. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University It is in this sense that, after two decades proceeding to First World War, the national leadership in Tunisia was very much concerned, and struggled against the protecting Power, with internal reform. Hereafter the cries for more national schools, development of Awqaf and reform of Zaytuna, and of Shari ’a courts; all were attempts to reform Islamic institutions.

After the end of First World War, many Tunisians had enjoyed university education and had brought back with them numerous ideas which helped them graft the national movement with new contents and concepts. The Ottoman Empire had collapsed and a

160 modernized Turkey, with a drive for progress, came to exist. Other countries in the wide world of Islam were developing national movements. Tunisia felt she was one of them.

During the decade following the war national leaders were very active in Tunis and in Paris, as in other Arab and Islamic countries. They organized their petitions with diligence, maturity and precision. They began organizing their followers, and interested the youth and the workers in the national life at large. At the proceeding time, the movements had gained the support of the masses and it had permeated throughout the country. However, results of years of patient, dynamic and calculated work by the leaders of nationalist movement, the Tunisians enjoyed its freedom on 20 March 1956.

The constitution development process compiled with Post-independent nation building process in Tunisia. It can be appreciated to the fact that Tunisia remained as one of the oldest constitutions on earth that called Carthage Constitution dating back almost 3000 years, which attracted Aristotle’s interest. The institutional practice and method of reform in Tunisia can be counted since 1861 when Bey of Tunis Muhammad as-Sadiq drew-up the first written constitution in the Arab World. This was the culmination of a significant struggle between two movements in the Tunisian elite: the Zaytuna movement of the Zaytuna School and the Destour School.

Following Tunisia’s independent in 1956, the leader of the Neo-Destour party, Habib Bourguiba (1956-1987) become the head of the new nation. In 1959 he enacted new constitution that based on Destour ideology and remained in place, first through the Parti Socialiste Destourien (PSD), and later by the Rassemblement Constitutionnel DemocratiqueMaulana (RCD) Azad under Library, Ben Ali, until Aligarh the 2011 Muslim uprising. University

The 1959 constitution was designed to inspire Bourguiba’s modernist vision for Tunisia and included many progressive elements. Particularly of note was the inclusion of the Personal Status Code that included constitutional protection for women’s rights unparalleled in the Arab world and beyond. Tunisia has been the first Arab Country to abolish slavery during his time. It should be pointed out that although Bourguiba’s vision was notably progressive, this is not to suggest that this was in opposition to ‘non-progressive’ Islamic groups. When he was removed from office by a former military official and his own Prime Minister Zine al-Abidine Ben

161 Ali in November 1987, old legal institutions were abolished and new institutions came into existence.

As soon as Ben Ali (1987-2011) became president in Tunisia, he declared that the Tunisians were ready for participation, pluralism and a multiparty system and also for "the differentiation of the government and politics from other spheres of social life". A National Pact was accepted to market pluralism within the parliament; and eventually in 1994, opposition parties found the chance to require seats within the parliament under the control of the ruling party. Transition from a single party regime to a multiparty regime requires a distinction between the ruling party and the state apparatus; however, this was not possible even after the Pact and authoritarianism was kept alive in the territory. During his presidency, Ben Ali suppressed civil society organizations, banned politicians from becoming alternative centers of power, and strongly controlled opposition political parties.

However with the passage of time in the early 2011 the people realized that they are being governed for a long-term by authoritarian ruler as also similar to others countries of MENA region. Under the banner of public representatives they raised their voices against their autocratic rulers through widespread public protests which led to the removal of Tunisian President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali, Libyan President Muammar al-Gadhafi, Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. The Arab Uprisings popularly known as Arab Spring came as a result of an inter-relationship between historical, political, sociological and psychological factors on a domestic level and external, foreign factors rooted in the phenomenon of globalization.

Tunisia is theMaulana only country Azad in Library, the Arab worldAligarh to dateMuslim that hasUniversity experienced a democratic transition. The strength of state institutions, the autonomy of the labor movements, its small and ineffective military, state and religion differentiation, and its geo-political insignificance, all these factors contributed to a democratic transition in Tunisia.

In the Tunisian uprising the role of social media, military and the support of the UGTT during and after the uprising and the role of the interim government has played an important role. Moreover, the electoral reforms and the drafting of the new constitution that culminated in the second elections guaranteed a smooth democratic

162 transition. Tunisia’s political actors, such as Ennahda’s leadership, helped protect the new democratic principles that avoided political deadlock through compromise. As such, the inclusive and transparent constitution-making process proved to be vital in ensuring a democratic transition. The consequent electoral reforms allowed several political parties to participate in elections, thus strengthening pluralism in the country. Tunisia’s small military also helped the democratic transition process by defying regime orders and refusing to crush the protests.

Several institutional developments after the uprising are also important for understanding Tunisia’s transition. First, the Tunisian interim government on March 2011 issued a legal decree to dissolve institutions strongly influenced by the old regime, including the Chamber of Deputies, the upper house and the Constitutional Court. The new electoral law enjoyed the support of almost all Tunisians as it was a break from Ben Ali's one party rule. Second, the leaders of interim government have repeatedly noted that they have two main tasks: saving an economy damaged by strikers and revolutionary turmoil, and rebuilding security throughout the country. In an attempt to meet public demands for justice, the interim government continued to arrest former RCD members and to publicly confiscate the property of individuals associated with Ben Ali. Third, Tunisia's first elections, after the removal of Ben Ali, were described as fair and free. According to a report published by the National Democratic Institute (NDI) in 2011, there was a high degree of efficiency and dedication among the Tunisian polling station officials and staff. Moreover, civil society organizations were able, for the first time in Tunisia's history, to deploy monitors to observe the electoral process in the country. This contributed to the public confidence in the electoral process and added to it a measure of transparency and credibility.MaulanaForth, theAzad newly Library, elected interim Aligarh government Muslim had University succeeded to draft a new constitution that was described as an inclusive document. According to a report published by the Carter Center (2011-2014), the Tunisian constitution, over the span of two years, significantly evolved from the first draft to the currently adopted constitution. It favored, in many instances, a relatively higher degree of protection for fundamental freedom and human rights.

Although there has been a considerable delay with the constitution-drafting process (one year), the Tunisian experience can be enriching to other countries undergoing democratic transitions. Moreover, the constitution-making process in Tunisia is a 163 stark reminder that the process is as important as the end result. For instance, the strength of the Tunisian constitution drafting-process lies in the consensual work of the different political parties, who were forced to put their differences aside. Fifth, the newly adopted constitution offers a clear distinction between the executive, legislative and judiciary. According to a study published by the European Parliament (2014), Tunisia has "embraced a new constitutional paradigm that is based on a modern approach to human rights protection and institutional framework that treats the legislature, the Presidency, the Prime Minister and his or her Cabinet and the judiciary as the four corners of a fairly balanced structure”.

6.2 Theoretical Implications of the Tunisian Uprising

The difference between the Tunisian and other post-uprising Arab Spring states is central for a remarkable number of comparative analyses. The different consequences generated after the Arab Spring makes such comparison predictable: Tunisia produced a successful democratic transition, while the rest of the post-uprising Arab Spring states not fully successful.

Tunisia's experience raises important theoretical implications regarding the democratic transition literature. As the birthplace of Arab uprisings, Tunisia’s transition has been supported by several factors. First, it has been repeatedly emphasized that Tunisia has a small and a relatively homogenous population. However ideological divergence in Tunisia exists between the Islamists and the secularists. In fact, Tunisia has witnessed two political assassinations and several months of political deadlock due to the deep divisions between the two camps. Second, another common argument states that Tunisians, in general, are more cultured than other ArabMaulana countries. AzadMoreover, Library, some claim Aligarh that Tunisians Muslim are University more disposed to democratic attitudes since they are heavily influenced by the French colonial era. Third, Tunisian democratic transition lies in the limited capabilities of its state institutions. In Tunisia, the judiciary was incapable and the military was unwilling to partner with the Tunisian opposition. Through the political crisis of the 2013 summer, the Tunisian opposition organized massive demonstrations demanding the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and the ouster of Ennahda. However, at that time, the highest judicial body in Tunisia was the Court of Cassation, which did not have the jurisdiction to rule on the constitutionality of electoral laws. Moreover, the Tunisian

164 army has been historically marginalized ever since Bourguiba's rule. Thus, it had no enthusiasm or economic and institutional interests in overthrowing Ennahda. Therefore, the Tunisian opposition had no state institutions to partner with. Fourth, the 2015 Noble Peace Prize, which was awarded to the four civil-society organizations that sponsored the critical national dialogue, highlights strength of Tunisian political life. Fifth the geo-political context regarding the Tunisian experience was favorable to the successful democratic transition in the country. The personal appeal of Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi and role of President Caid Essebsi also helped the country’s democratic transition. Different regional and international actors, such as the United Nations, the European Union, the Arab League, Russia, Iran and the US played a significant role in the events of the Arab Spring. Consequently, the democratization process in post-uprising Arab states was heavily affected by different competing, and sometimes similar, interests.

The events of the Tunisia transition have also given hope to millions of people across the Arab world that meaningful political change for the better is a distinct possibility. For one, it's a rare example of individuals trying to force out a regime, instead of yet one more coup effecting regime change. Two, this is, started without a leader and was “non-political, non-ideological, and non-religious”, and it is based on universal values as freedom, social justice, human rights, and specially dignity. Three, the high discipline of the protesters kept things nonviolent, neutralized the military, marginalized the regime, and garnered international support.

6.3 Tunisia’s Future Challenges

As a result of electoral returns in the fall of 2014, Tunisia witnessed a change of governmentMaulana from one Azad led by Library, the country's Aligarh Islamist Muslim movement University to one led by a different party composed of politicians united in their anti-Islamist stance. However, beyond numerous reforms, Tunisia has struggled with a security sector oriented to protect state rather than citizens interests, amid instability on its borders. Protecting the country’s borders and addressing illegal trafficking of goods and arms, and growing radicalization of segments of the population, while also building trust between citizens and armed services, will remain major challenges. In large measure, Tunisia’s fate is of course interrelated to its immediate neighbors to the east and west. The country’s democratically elected leaders will need to deal with upholding

165 constitutional values, including freedom of speech and association, while also protecting citizens against the threat from radicalized and armed groups within and beyond Tunisia’s borders. These include the large numbers of Tunisians who have joined jihadists fighting in Iraq, Syria and in Libya.

This delicate balance was first tested just months after elections; on 18 March 2015 three terrorists attacked the Bardo National Museum, a cultural landmark, killed 22 people. The terrorist’s activities in the Tunisia does not stop here; the country witnessed single terrorist attacks in three successive years (November 2016 to July 2018), and more recently suicide attack on 28 June 2019. Furthermore, in what way, Tunisia balances the imperative to strengthen its security establishment with the values of respecting human rights that were at the core of the revaluation will shape the future of its democracy.

The recent terrorist attacks in Tunisia came on top of social and economic unrest. The tourism industry in Tunisia has been particularly hard hit. Subsequently, terrorism could lead to a serious, long-term damage to the country's economy. Neo-liberal reforms also were at the heart of the 2011 Tunisian revolution. However, the country’s elected government is focusing on the following main priorities: reducing unemployment, restoring economic growth, reducing regional disparities, and assisting Tunisians in need. With a population of ten million, Tunisian has thousands of unemployed, with large numbers of recent graduates unable to find work. To restore economic growth the ministry of finance is starting major initiatives on infrastructure projects and financial reform. The government has also created a confiscation committee to investigate and recover states assets stolen by the former president and his family. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University It is said that, of all the Arab countries affected by this wave of political protest, only Tunisia looks like political transitions to a more representative form of government. By the time it became clear to observers that Egypt’s democratic transition had gone wrong, the situation in post-uprising Arab Spring states was spiraling downwards. Two more states, Syria and Libya, were driven into civil war with Yemen also showing signs of following them. The rest of the countries of the region retain the ruling elite they had before the Arab Spring started. Successful revaluations are very rare indeed. It is hoped that like Tunisia all countries will adopt democratic norms and

166 practices and restore order in the interest of their countries in general and its peoples in particular.

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167 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Miscellaneous

The Qur’an, Surah Yusuf (Joseph), Verse: 40.

The Qur’an, Surah Al-Fatihah, Verse: 4.

The Qur’an, Surah An-Nisa (women), Verse: 60.

The Qur’an, Surah Adh-Dhariyat (the winnowing winds), Verse: 50, 51.

The Qur’an, Surah Al-A ‘ (the cattle), Verse: 162.

The Qur’an, Surah Yusuf (Joseph), Verse: 40.

The Qur’an, Surah Yusuf (Joseph), Verse: 67.

The Qur’an, Surah Ghafir (The Forgiver), Verse: 12.

The Qur’an, Surah Al-Qasas (The Stories), Verse: 88.

The Qur’an, Surah Al-A ‘ (th ttl ), V rs 62.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

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APPENDICES

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University APPENDIX-E

Significant Dates in Tunisia’s History

TUNISIA BEFORE FRENCH PROTECTORATE

 Circa 1100 BC - Phoenicians settle the North African coast. The city of Carthage, near the site of present-day Tunis, becomes a naval power.  146 BC - Carthage falls to the Romans.  439 AD - Vandals invade; Roman buildings and artifacts are destroyed.  600s - Arabs conquer the territory of present-day Tunisia.  909 - Berbers wrest the region from the Arabs.  1705- Ottoman Turks rule through the Husseinite Dynasty of Beys. The period was marked by the weakening of the power of Istanbul or “Sublime Porte”, and the adoption of Tunisia’s first constitution in 1861.

TUNISIA UNDER FRENCH PROTECTORATE

 1881-French Protectorate is imposed after an invasion by land and sea of colonial troops, mainly from neighboring Algeria. Beys remain as figurehead monarchs who “rule but do not govern”. French control is made formal by the Treaty of Bardo.  1920-The liberal party known by its Arabic name Destour (constitution) is created. The party spearheaded Tunisia’s struggle for independence.  1924-Creation of the Tunisian General Confederation of Labor (Confederation Generale Tunisienne du Travail).  Maulana1934-The DestourAzad Library, Party is split Aligarhand Neo Muslim-Destour University Party is created at the Congress of Ksar Helal.  1938-Major nationalist demonstrations in Tunis cause a French ban on Neo- Destour Party and the Labor Confederation.  1946-The General Union of Tunisian Workers (Union Generale des Travailleurs Tunisiens—UGTT) is created.  1948- Neo-Destour names Habib Bourguiba as its President.  1952-Members of the Neo-Destour Political Bureau, including Bourguiba, are arrested. UGTT calls a general strike. Unrest and armed resistance begins.

188  1954-French Premier Mendes-France recognizes the principle of internal autonomy for Tunisia in a speech at Carthage.  1955- Habib Bourguiba returns from exile.  1956-Independence is proclaimed March 20. Bourguiba forms Tunisia’s first independent government April 14.

TUNISIA AFTER INDEPENDENCE

 1957-The Bey is dethroned, and Bourguiba is designated President. Tunisia joins the United Nations.  1959-Tunisia adopts its first post-independence constitution on 1 June. Bourguiba, unopposed, is elected President in November.  1961-Tunisian “death volunteers” fail to oust French troops from the naval base of Bizerta during a bloody five-day battle in July.  1963-The small Communist Party and the lest-wing press are banned in January. The Destour Party becomes the “Socialist Destour Party” following a Congress in Bizerta in October. Also in October, the last French troops leave Bizerta as the result of an earlier evacuation agreement.  1964-Tunisia nationalizes land held by French settlers. Economic reprisals by French flow.  1965- Habib Bourguiba tour of Middle East and his call for recognition of Israel antagonize many Arab governments.  1967- Habib Bourguiba suffers a major heart attack in March. In June, rioting sweeps Tunisia after the Arab defeat in the war with Israel.  1968-Ahmed Ben Salah, minister of planning and economy who introduced socialistMaulana reforms, Azad is removed Library, and subsequentlyAligarh Muslim sentenced University to prison. He escaped five years later and fled to Algeria.  1970-Hadi Nouira becomes Prime Minister and launches a major program of economic liberalization.  1974- Bourguiba signs a short-lived “treaty of union” with Libya’s Muammar Gadhafi.  1975- The constitution is amended to allow Bourguiba to become “president- for-life”.

189  1976- Tension with Libya causes Libya to expel thousands of Tunisian workers.  1978-A strike called by the UGTT is drowned in blood and a state of emergency is proclaimed in January.  1979-The Arab League moves its headquarters from Cairo to Tunis following Egypt’s peace treaty with Israel.  1980-Clashes arise in Gafsa with Libya-backed opponents.  1982-The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) moves its headquarters to Tunis.  1984-Riots caused by an increase in the price of bread erupt in Tunis.  1986-Student and Labour unrest causes severe repression by the government.  1987-On November 7, Prime Minister Zine El Abidine Ali removes Habib Bourguiba from power, citing his incapability to govern. The act has been known since as the Change. Economic and political reforms follow.  1989-Tunisia held elections which were heavily falsified. An Islamist-backed coalition still managed to win 17 percent of the vote. Islamist leader Rached Ghannouchi fled to Algeria. Hundreds of Islamist activists who stayed behind were thrown into prison, often on flimsy charges. In 1991 Ghannouchi moved to Britain.  1989-The Arab Maghreb Union was created to encourage free trade between Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia. It failed to hold summit meetings after 1994.  1991-In Tunisia military officers allegedly held secret meetings with a view to toppling Ben Ali. The case became known as the "Bakaret Essahel affair", Maulananamed after Azad a village Library, 45 km (28 Aligarh miles) south Muslim of Tunis. University The officers involved were tortured.  1992-Tunisia’s President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali banned the Islamist Ennahda party.  1994-Tunisia held its first multiparty parliamentary elections.  1999-Mar 26, Hillary Clinton continued her 12-day African tour with a speech in Tunis at a women's rights conference.

190  1999- Oct 25, In Tunisia Pres. Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali won a 3rd term in office with over 99% of the vote. It was the nation's first multiparty presidential vote.  1999-Algeria, Libya and Tunisia agreed to share the northwest Sahara aquifer system (NWSAS).  2000-Apr 6, Habib Bourguiba former president and independence leader, died at age 96.  2002- Jun 17, It was reported that fundamentalist Tunisian Jews on Djerba Island were exempt from the country’s mandatory secular education. The numbered about a 1,000.  2002-Sep 2, Tunisia's highest court upheld jail terms against opposition leader Hamma Hammami, head of the outlawed Communist Workers Party, and two officials of his political party.  2003-The African Development (ADB) fled its home in the Ivory Coast and set up operations in Tunisia.  2004-Feb 18, President Bush praised social progress in Tunisia and welcomed its leader, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, as a partner in the fight against terrorism while also urging political reforms in the moderate Muslim nation in North African nation.  2004-Oct 23, Tunisia’s Pres. Ben Ali (68) won elections with 94.5% of the vote.  2005-Jan, Tunisia’s 1st private television station began broadcasting under the name “Hannibal TV."  2005- Oct 18, In Tunisia 8 prominent opponents of the government went on a hungerMaulana strike ahead Azad of a world Library, summit Aligarh on information Muslimin Tunis.University They called for freedom of the press and of association and want Tunisia’s 600-odd political prisoners to be freed.  2006-Feb 11, In Tunis US Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and leaders of Tunisia pledged to build closer military ties to help combat Islamic extremism.  2007-Jan 3, In Tunisia at least 14 people, including two security forces, were killed in the shootout in Soliman, 25 miles south of the capital, Tunis. Fifteen people were arrested. On Jan 12 the interior minister said nearly 30 Islamic

191 extremists involved in a deadly gun battle with police had blueprints of foreign embassies and documents naming foreign envoys.  2009-July, Police charge nine men, including two air-force officers, with plotting to kill US servicemen during joint military exercises.  2009-Oct 25, Tunisians cast ballots for president and parliament in elections expected to hand another landslide victory to incumbent leader Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (73), who warned opponents they would face legal retaliation if they questioned the elections' fairness. Pres. Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was re-elected for a fifth 5-year term with an overwhelming 89% of the vote, his weakest performance yet but more than enough to show his solid grip on the nation.  2009-Nov 26, In Tunisia Taoufik Ben Brik (49), a journalist known for his critical stance toward Tunisia's government, was sentenced to six months in prison for what his lawyer called a trumped-up assault charge. Brik was released on April 27, 2010.  2010-Dec 17, In Tunisia Mohamed Bouazizi (26), a university graduate without a steady job and trying to support his family, burned himself after police confiscated the fruits and vegetables he sold without a permit. His self- immolation left him in intensive care and sparked protests over unemployment that led to at least three deaths. Bouazizi died on 4 January.

ARAB SPRING AND TUNISIA

 2010-Dec 22, In Tunisia a 24-year-old jobless protester was electrocuted after announcing he wanted to end his life and mounting a high-voltage electricity Maulanapole in the Azad town Library, of Sidi Bouzid. Aligarh Police Muslim fired tear University gas at stone-throwing protesters after simmering tensions linked to unemployment erupted after the demonstrator committed suicide.  2011- Jan 12, In Tunisia police and protesters clashed in the center of the capital, Tunis, bringing unrest to the government's doorstep after nearly a month of deadly protests that pose the most serious challenge to the president's two decades of iron-fisted rule.  2011 - Jan 14, Tunisian police fired rounds of tear gas at thousands of protesters in the capital after some climbed atop the roof of the Interior

192 Ministry, a symbol of the iron-fisted government they want to oust. Tunisian President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali stepped aside after failing to quell the worst anti-government unrest in his two decades in power. The official death toll in the riots was 23, but opposition leaders put the figure at three times that. Medical workers reported another 13 new deaths and over 50 injuries from the previous day alone. PM Mohammed Ghannouchi went on state television to say he is assuming power. Ben Ali and his wife, Leila Trabelsi, fled to Saudi Arabia. The Trabelsi and Ben Ali's families were said to have a stake in Tunisian banks and airlines, car dealerships, Internet providers, radio and television stations, industry and big retailers.  2011-Jan 15, Tunisia swore in a new interim president, the second change of power in this North African nation in less than 24 hours, and grappled with looting, deadly prison riots and chaos in the streets after protests forced the country's leader to flee. At least 42 people were killed in a prison fire in a resort town and the director of another prison let 1,000 inmates flee after a deadly rebellion. Interim president, Fouad Mebazaa (77), the former president of the lower house of parliament, ordered the creation of a unity government that could include the opposition.  2011-Jan 17, Tunisia's PM Mohamed Ghannouchi announced a national unity government, hoping to quell simmering unrest following the ouster of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali amid huge street protests.  2011-Jan 18, four ministers quit Tunisia's day-old government, undermining its hopes of quelling unrest by sharing power with members of the opposition to the old regime.

 2011-FebMaulana 25, In Tunisia Azad tens Library, of thousands Aligarh of people Muslim filled the University streets of central Tunis in what they called a "day of rage," calling for the resignation of PM Mohamed Ghannouchi, a former ally of the ousted president.  2011-Feb 27, Tunisian PM Mohamed Ghannouchi (69) said he will resign, amid renewed violence during protests in this North African country. Officials said that at least five people have died during violent street protests since Feb 25 with nearly 200 people were arrested over the last two days. Interim president Fouad Mebazaa chose Beji Caid-Essebsi (84), a former government minister, as the new prime minister.

193  2011- Mar 11, In Tunisia a new eruption of violence between police and protesters killed 2 and injured 20.  2011-Mar 13, Tunisia’s TAP news agency said that a 7 pm to 5 am curfew has been imposed on the mining town of Metlaoui, where clashes 2 days earlier left 2 people dead and 20 injured. Protests had begun amid rumors that a regional phosphate mining company was secretly recruiting in a specific tribal area, instead of opening its jobs to the entire local population.  2011-Oct 23, Tunisia held its first truly free elections since independence in 1956. Voters elected a 217-seat constituent assembly that would shape their fledgling democracy, choose a new government and write a new constitution that would pave the way for future elections. The moderate Islamist party Ennahda, led by Rached Ghannouchi (b.1941), claimed the biggest block of votes. Ennahda (Renaissance), banned for decades, emerged the official victor taking 41.47% of the vote and 89 of 217 seats in the new assembly.  2011-Oct 26, Tunisia's Islamist Ennahda party vowed to form a new government within a month as early results gave it a commanding lead in the Arab Spring's first free election.  2011-Oct 27, Five Arab Spring activists won the European parliament's Sakharov prize awarded to campaigners for freedom. They include Mohamed Bouazizi of Tunisia, awarded posthumously, Egyptian militant Asmaa Mahfouz, Libyan dissident Ahmed al-Zubair Ahmed al-Sanusi, Syrian lawyer Razan Zeitouneh and Syrian cartoonist Ali Farzat.  2011-Dec 10, Tunisia's constituent assembly adopted a provisional constitution that will allow the North African country to name a government, a Maulanamonth and aAzad half after Library, its first postAligarh-revolution Muslim election. University  2011- Dec 12, Tunisia’s new assembly chose Moncef Marzouki of the Congress for the Republic Party to serve as the country’s first democratically elected president.  2012 May - Hundreds of Salafi Islamic extremists clash with security forces and attack a police station in Jendouba in a dispute over Salafi attacks on alcohol sellers.

194  2012 June - The government imposes an overnight curfew in eight areas following riots by Islamists against an art exhibition. One man died after being shot in the head.  2012 August - Thousands protest in Tunis against moves by Islamist-led government to reduce women's rights. Draft constitution refers to women as "complementary to men", whereas 1956 constitution granted women full equality with men.  2013 February - Prime Minister Jebali resigns after Ennahda party rejects his proposals to form a government of technocrats after the killing of an opposition anti-Islamist leader. Ennahda rejects opposition allegations that it was behind the killing of Chokri Belaid, whose death prompted violent protests.  2013 May - At least one person is killed in clashes between police and Salafi Islamists of the Ansar al-Sharia group in the Tunis suburb of Ettadhamen, where it was holding a meeting. Police also clashed with protesters in the city of Kairouan, where the government had banned an earlier Ansar al-Sharia meeting on security grounds.  2013 July - Assassination of opposition politician Mohamed Brahmi prompts mass demonstrations, a general strike and calls for the government to resign.  2013 December - After months of wrangling, Ennahda and mainly secular opposition agree on appointment of Mehdi Jomaa as head of interim government.  2014 January - Parliament passes the country's first constitution since President Ben Ali was ousted in 2011.Prime minister-designate Mehdi Jomaa forms Maulanacabinet of independents Azad Library, and technocrats, Aligarh to Muslim govern until University new elections.  2014 February - The government says the suspected assassin of opposition politician Chokri Belaid has been killed in an anti-terrorist operation.  2014 March - President Marzouki lifts state of emergency imposed in 2011 during ouster of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali.  2014 October - Nidaa Tounes, which unites secularists, trade unionists, liberals and some players from the Ben Ali era, wins largest bloc of seats in parliamentary election, overtaking the Islamist Ennahda.

195  2014 December - Nidaa Tounes candidate Beji Caid Essebsi becomes president after decisively beating outgoing president Moncef Marzouki in run- off elections.  2015 March - Islamic State extremist group claims responsibility for an attack by three gunmen on the Bardo Museum in Tunis, in which 21 people, mainly foreign tourists, were killed.  2015 June - Islamic State gunman kills 38 people, mainly tourists, on beach at resort of Sousse, in Tunisia's worst terror attack. Government announces closure of extremist mosques.  2015 October - National Dialogue Quartet receives Nobel Peace Prize for helping transition to democracy. Made up of General Labour Union, Confederation of Industry, Trade and Handicrafts, Human Rights League, and Order of Lawyers.  2017 May - Demonstrations against proposed economic reconciliation law that would grant amnesty to businessmen and civil servants accused of corruption under former regime.  2017 April - Morocco and Algeria become embroiled in a diplomatic row over a group of Syrian refugees stranded on their common border.  2017 May-June - Protesters close oil pipeline valves as part of demonstrations demanding job creation and development in poorer inland areas.  2019 October - Retired law professor Kais Saied wins presidential election on an anti-corruption platform.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

196 APPENDIX- A

LIST OF BEYS OF TUNISIA (1705-1956)1

Name of Beys2 Lifetime Reign Period Family Al-Husayn ibn Ali 1669-1740 15 July 1705- 7 Banu al-Husayn September 1735 dynasty Abu Has an Ali-I 1689-1756 7 September 1735-22 Banu al-Husayn September 1756 dynasty Muhammad ar- 1710-1759 22 September 1756-11 Banu al-Husayn Rashid February 1759 dynasty Ali-II ibn Hussein 1712-1782 12 February 1759-9 Banu al-Husayn February 1777 dynasty Hammuda ibn Ali 1759-1814 9 February 1777- 15 Banu al-Husayn September 1814 dynasty Uthmān ibn Ali 1763-1814 16 September 1814- 21 Banu al-Husayn November 1814 dynasty Mahmud Ibn 1757-1824 21 November 1814- 28 Banu al-Husayn Muhammad March 1824 dynasty Al-Husayn-II ibn 1784-1835 29 March 1824- 20 May Banu al-Husayn Mahmud 1835 dynasty Mustafa ibn 1786-1837 20 May 1835-10 Banu al-Husayn Mahmud October 1837 dynasty Ahmad-I ibn 1806-1855 10 October 1837- 30 Banu al-Husayn Mustafa May 1855 dynasty Muhammad-II ibn 1810-1859 30 May 1855- 22 Banu al-Husayn al-Husayn September 1859 dynasty Muhammad-III as- 1813-1882 23 September 1859- 27 Banu al-Husayn Sadiq October 1882 dynasty Ali-III ibn al-Husayn 1817-1902 28 October 1882- 11 Banu al-Husayn January 1902 dynasty Muhammad-IV al- 1855-1906 11 January 1902- 11 Banu al-Husayn Hadi May 1906 dynasty Muhammad-V an- 1855-1922 11 May 1906- 10 July Banu al-Husayn Nasir 1922 dynasty MuhammadMaulana-VI al -Azad1858 Library,-1929 Aligarh10 July Muslim 1922- University11 Banu al-Husayn Habib February 1929 dynasty Ahmad-II ibn Ali 1862-1942 11 February 1929- 19 Banu al-Husayn January 1942 dynasty Muhammad VII al- 1881-1948 19 January 1942- 15 Banu al-Husayn Munsif May 1943 dynasty Muhammad VIII al- 1881-1962 15 May 1943- 20 March Banu al-Husayn Amin3 1956 dynasty

1 www.rulers.org/rult.html#tunisia 2 The Beys of Tunis were the monarchs of Tunisia from 1705 Banu al-Husayn dynasty (Husaynid Dynasty) acceded to the throne, until 1957, when monarchy was abolished. 3 He also first king of the independent Tunisia (20 March 1956-25 July 1957)

184 APPENDIX-B

LIST OF FRENCH RESIDENT-GENERAL IN TUNISIA (1881-1956)4

Name of Resident-General Lifetime Tenure Theodore Justin Dominique 1833-1906 13 May 1881- 28 February 1882 Roustan5 Pierre Paul Cambon6 1843-1924 28 February 1882- 28 October 1886 Justin Massicault 1838-1892 23 November 1886- 5 November 1892 Charles Rouvier 1849-1915 November 1892- 14 November 1894 Rene Millet 1849-1919 14 November 1894-November 1900 Bonoit de Merkel7 1849-1907 November 1900- 27 December 1901 Stephen Pichon 1857-1933 27 December 1901-7 February 1907 Gabriel Alapetite 1854-1932 7 February 1907-26 October 1918 Etienne Flandin 1853-1922 26 October 1918-1 January 1921 Lucien Saint 1867-1938 1 January 1921- 2 January 1929 Francois Manceron 1872-1937 18 February 1929- 29 July 1933 Marcel Peyrouton8 1887-1983 29 July 1933- 21 March 1936 Armand Guillon 1880-1968 17 April 1936- 18 October 1938 Eirik Labonne 1888-1971 22 November 1938- 3 June 1940 Marcel Peyrouton 1887-1983 3 June 1940- 22 July 1940 Jean-Pierre Esteva 1880-1951 26 July 1940- 10 May 1943 Charles Emmanuel Mast 1889-1977 10 May 1943- 22 February 1947 Jean Mons 1906-1989 22 February 1947-13 June 1950 Louis Marcellin Marie 1900-1986 13 June 1950 -13 January 1952 Perillier Jean Marie Francois de 1893-1957 13 January 1952- 2 September 1953 Hauteclocque Pierre Voizard 1896-1982 2 September 1953-5 November Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim1954 University Pierre Boyer de Latour du 1896-1976 5 November 1954- 31 August 1955 Moulin Roger Seydoux Fornier de 1908-1985 13 September 1955- 20 March 1956 Clausonne9

4 www.rulers.org/rult.html#tunisia 5 1st Resident Minister 6 2nd Resident Minister (28 February 1881 to 23 January 1885) than Resident-General (23 January 1885 to 28 October 1886) 7 Only interim Resident-General 8 Twice (29 July 1933- 21 March 1936 and 3 June 1940- 22 July 1940) 9 High Commissioner

185 APPENDIX-C LIST OF GRAND VIZIERS OF THE BEYLIK OF TUNISIA10

NAME LIFETIME TERM OF OFFICE

Sidi Yusuf Sahib al-Tabi 1765-1815 1800-1815

Sidi Husain Khoja ?-1858 1822-1829

Sidi Rashid al-Shakir 1795-1837 1829-1837 Sahib al-Taba’a

Mustapha Khaznadar 1817-1878 1837- 22 October 1873

Kheireddine Pacha 1822-1890 22 October 1873- 21 July 1877

Mohamed Khaznadar11 1810-1889 21 July 1877- 24 August 1878

Mustapha Ben Ismail 1850-1887 24 August 1878- 12 September 1881

Mohamed Khaznadar 1810-1889 12 September 1881-October 1882

Aziz Bouattour 1825-1907 October 1882- 4 February 1907

Mhamed Djellouli 1834-1908 18 February 1907- June 1908

Youssef Djait 1830-1915 June 1908- June 1915

Taieb Djellouli 1857-1944 October 1915- May 1922

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

10 www.rulers.org/rult.html#tunisia 11 Twice (21 July 1877- 24 August 1878 and 12 September 1881-October 1882)

186 APPENDIX-D LIST OF PRIME MINISTER OF THE BEYLIK OF TUNISIA12

NAME LIFETIME TERM OF OFFICE

Mustapha Dinguizli 1865-1926 May 1922- 20 October 1926

Khelil Bouhageb 1863-1942 3 November 1926- 2 March 1932

Hedi Lakhoua 1872-1949 2 March 1932- 31 December 1942

Mohamed Chenik13 1889-1976 1 January 1943- 15 May 1943

Slaheddine Baccouche14 1883-1959 15 May 1943- 21 July 1947

Mustapha Kaak 1893-1984 21 July 1947- 17 August 1950

Mohamed Chenik 1889-1976 17 August 1950- 26 March 1952

Slaheddine Baccouche 1883- 1959 12 April 1952- 2 March 1954

Mohamed Salah Mzali 1896-1972 2 March 1954- 6 July 1954

Georges Dupoizat15 1909-1975 6 July 1954- 7 August 1954

Tahar Ben Ammar 1885-1985 7 August 1954- 11 April 1956

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

12 www.rulers.org/rult.html#tunisia 13 Twice (1 January 1943- 15 May 1943 and 17 August 1950- 26 March 1952) 14 Twice (15 May 1943- 21 July 1947 and 12 April 1952- 2 March 1954) 15 Acting (6 July 1954- 7 August 1954)

187