Northern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies

RICE AND MILK IN THAI BUDDHISM: SYMBOLIC AND SOCIAL VALUES OF BASIC FOOD SUBSTANCES Author(s): Penny Van Esterik Reviewed work(s): Source: Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1984), pp. 46-58 Published by: Northern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40860193 . Accessed: 14/05/2012 15:14

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http://www.jstor.org CROSSROAD S- VOLUME2- NUMBER1-1984

RICEAND MILK IN THAIBUDDHISM: SYMBOLICAND SOCIAL VALUES OF BASICFOOD SUBSTANCES PennyVan Esterik Cornell University

Introduction Both rice and milk are food substances that sustain life and religion in BuddhistThailand. Rice is unambig- uously of central importancein both subsistence and symbolic systemsin Thailand. Milk, however,is moreambiguous in bothsystems. Bothsubstances are used to nurture,maintain, and supportchildren and monks. The verb expressing this action is Hang (to nurture,bring up, care for, tend, support,maintain). The idiom for nurturingchildren and monks,then, is Hang dek, to raise a child, and liang phra, to supporta monk. A complexset of beliefs and tradition, both ancient and modern,influence the foods that people consumedaily. Food symbolismis an importantpart of howpeople order their world, providingthem with a set of referencesfor distinguishingacceptable foods fromunacceptable foods in specific cultural contexts. Cereal foods maybe separatedout for special elabora- tion and providekey symbolsin an ideological system. For example,an early domesticatein a region, such as wheatin the formof bread in the Near East, corn in Meso-America, and rice in SoutheastAsia, mayprovide lasting metaphorsin botheveryday life and esoteric doctrine. This paper explores the meaningof rice and milk in cultural historical context,based partlyon the ideological definition in the texts of TheravadaBuddhism. Since food exchangescommunicate to both participants and observers, they can be used to analyze social relationships. Using rice and milk as the two primaryfood substances, I will define the food transactionsbetween mother and infant, and monkand laymanin Central Thailand. Finally, 1 will draw out and makeexplicit what is being communicatedin both contexts. The paper concludeswith a warningagainst assum- ing that ideologyexplains food choices. Thecommunity referred to in this studyisa large rice growingvillage located in Uthongdistrict, Suphanburiprov- ince, west central Thailand. Fieldworkon village religion was conductedfrom July 1971 to January1972, with some additional visits in the springof 1974.

46 TheMeaning of Rice It is difficult to exaggeratethe central position of rice as a meansof satisfying hunger(cf. L. Hanks1972). Colloquially, "hungry"in Thai, translates as "hungryfor rice," and other foods such as noodles or breaddo not leave one full or satisfied. A commonform of greetingin both rural and urban contexts is "have you eaten rice yet?" Acquiringthe best grade of rice is a necessaryvalidation of a household's social status. Skimpingon quality or quantity of rice servings identifies a personas particularly cheap. The whitestmill polished rice is valuedmuch morehighly than the morenutritious handmilled rice. The highly polished white rice is moreaesthetically pleasing and has prestige value since the morenutritious but less attractive hand milled grains are fed to prisoners, sol- diers, and pigs (Sharp 1953:276). Eventhe poorestof villagers keep a special pot for cookingrice, neverusing it for other purposes. Rice is an importantcomponent of studies on folklore and mythin Thailand and elsewhere in Southeast Asia (Attagara 1968; Tambiah 1970; Josselin de Jong 1965; Endicott1970). For example,the mythof the origin of rice reflects certain Buddhistvalues. In the mythicalpast, glorious large grained rice with the fragranceof cow's milk, grew spontaneously. A single grain could satisfy humanhunger. Fromthis point in time there was a pro- gressive deteriorationin the size, fragrance,and yield of rice, to the present time whererice alone cannotsatisfy hungerbut mustbe eaten withother foods. This deteriora- tion in the quality of rice parallels the decline of religion and morality, and is reflected in the rituals which mustbe performedto insure an adequateharvest. Religion supportsrice productionby providingrituals to removebad luck and bring necessaryrain. Since rice, like humansand someanimals, has a soul (khwan),regular offeringsto the rice goddess (Mae Prosob) and the guardian spirits of rice fields are necessary! Theserituals, per- formedin rural agricultural communities,depend for their efficacyon the royal ceremonyof the first plowingperform- ed by the king in Bangkok. In addition, the annualcycle of Buddhistceremonies is closely interwovenwith the cycle of rice cultivation (cf. Tambiah1970:153). Althoughthe cal- endar of Buddhistholy days is fixed, ceremoniesare empha- sized or de-emphasizeddepending on the local agricultural cycle. Rice yields are a good indicator of the state of society and the status of the individual. Rice shortagesdenote a society out of balance withcosmic forces. Traditionally, such national calamities wouldreflect directly on the person of the king as the primaryaccumulator of meritin the country. On the level of the individual, a goodrice yield is evidence of a goodmerit store, and a pooryield, a poor meritbalance.

47 The symbolicimportance of rice is reinforcedby refer- ence to rice in Buddhistpreaching. Weeklyservices, annual ceremonies,and private householdmerit-making activities provideopportunities to listen to sermonsand stories that often use analogies fromrice farmingto clarify their par- ables. (See particularly The Questions of King Nilinda [Rhys-Davids1963]). The simile of good acts becomingas fruitful as a rice field communicatesclearly to farmers sowingand harvestingtheir rice crops. In the Traiphuwi- katha, a cosmoiogicaltreatise that providesthe basis for sermonsand stories, there are manyreferences to a "super rice11that growsby itself withouthaving to be plantedor milled. "Superrice" cooks perfectlywhen set on a certain stone, and all condimentsappear magically. In a perfect Buddhistsociety whereeveryone practices Buddhistmorality, the rewardsinclude perfectand abundantsupplies of rice.

TheMeaning of NiIk Aversionto animal milk in its natural state is much morecommon in the worldthan the reverse. The exceptions are areas that have a long history of pastoralism such as East Africa, Europe, Central Asia, and northernIndia (McCracken1971). To understandthe meaningof milk in SoutheastAsia, we mustconsider the historical process of Indianization,and the potential influenceof Hinduideology in the area. Milk is defined as a sacred and purifying substancein the-Vedi e tradition, wherecow's milk is iden- tified with somaand amrita (the elixirs of life), and can wardoff sicTcness,old age and death (Bosch1960:60). The moreconcentrated the elixir, the morepotent it is thought to be. Diluting the milk decreases its quality of purity. Pastoralism was not developedin SoutheastAsia, and available animalswere not milked. In the late seventeenthcen- tury, Persian traders wrotethat . . . "althoughthere are manycows and buffalos in Siam, the natives will not milk themand extract butter. Because of their religion they considerthese foods sinful" (O'Kane 1972:156). In orderto provide butter for the Iranians, the Siamese Kingordered his peasantry". . . to milk the cows and buffaloand extract butter and oil fromthe milk." The peasants were aghast at the king's tyrannyand oppression,accusing him of "confiscatingthe food of youngcalves" (O'Kane1972:157). However,Wheat ley records the extensionof ceremonies requiring sacred cattle, milk and butter into the Hindu- Buddhistkingdoms of AngkorWat and Paganin the eleventh century(Wheatley 1965). Khmerepigraphy also suggestthat fermentedmilk productswere used in the proto-Khmerking- doms(Wheatley 1965:586). There is extensiveevidence for the association of milk and religious ritual in the Indian- ized regions of SoutheastAsia, despite the lack of pastoralism in the subsistence systemsof the Hindu-Buddhist states. If milkwas a sacred and purifyingsubstance in India,

48 it was the opposite in Chinawhere cow's milkwas not regu- larly utilized by adults or children. Traditionally,milk was viewedas a noxious substance (Chang1977). Although dairy products in the formof cheese or fermenteddrinks wereeasily digestedby individuals physicallyintolerant of lactose, theywere not culturally acceptable to mostpeople throughmost of Chinese history (McCracken1971; Chang 1977). SoutheastAsia, influencedby and interactingwith both Indian and Chinesepopulations for several centuries, exhibits ambivalentattitudes towarddairy products. In the hill regions of Southeast Asia stretchingfrom India to China»animal milk is viewedas an unclean»revolting substance likely to cause nausea (Simoons 1968:192). But cattle are ritually importantto mostgroups in the hills. Cattle sacrifices are the basis for feasts of merit that validate a person's status in this worldand improveit in the afterworld. In the lowlands,belief in the purityof milkproducts maybe related to the retentionof certain Brahmanie rituals associated with personal life crises (birth, tonsurepre- ordination, marriage) in rural communitiesand in royal ceremonies(Quaritch Wales 1931; P. VanEsterik 1973, 1980). Lowlanders,then, probablyhad religious motivationfor the consumptionof milk products in the major Hindu-Buddhist centers, but such ideas were not sharedby the hill groups and soon endedin the mainland(Simoons 1968:157). Thereis an ongoingdiscussion on whetherthis can be explainedbest by lactose intolerance in the local populationsor by ideological and cultural factors (Latham1974:156-161). The symbolismof milk derived fromIndian ideology is expressedin the Buddhistcanon. In the rules of monastic order, dairy productsare singled out as special foods, and prohibitedto monkswho should not crave superiorfoods. In the Patimokkha,(rules of monasticorder), recited bimonthly by aM monks,this admonitionis repeated: "Theseare the followingsuperior foods, namelyghee, butter oil, honey, molasses, fish, meat, milk and curd. Should any bhikku (monk)who is not sick havingasked for such superiorfoods for his own use consume them, it entails expiation11 (Nanamoli1966:56). These dairy products are viewed as medicinesand are givento sick monksafter the middayfast. Like rice, referencesto bothhuman and animalmilk can be foundin canonical and non-canonicalBuddhist texts. For example,production of butterand curds frommilk is used to clarify a difficult point of doctrine in The Questionsof King Milinda (Rhys-Davids1963). Other stories, such as Sujata's presentationof rice milk at the momentof the Buddha'senlightenment, emphasize the qualities mostadmired in milk products, richness, sweetness, and concentration. The milk she used was obtained by feedingthe milk of 500 cows to 250 cows, and so on downto feedingthe milkof 16 cowsto 8. "This working'the milk in and in ... was done to increase the thickness and sweetnessand the strength- giving properties of the milk" (Warren1969:72). In other texts, the Buddhaconfirms that mother'smilk is greater

49 than the water in the four seas. But generally, references to cow's milk are much more commonthan references to mother's milk.

FoodTransactions Wehave definedsome of the ideological dimensionsof rice and milk in Southeast Asia. We mustnow determine whetherthese values are cognitivelysalient in the mindsof individuals choosing these foods. One way to understand foodbeliefs is to examinecontexts where food is exchanged. Rice and milk are used to supportboth infantsand monksin the rural communityunder study. The symboliccode under- lying both exchangesmay reveal similarities in the way infantsand monksare treated. The symbolismmay also have implications for the most beneficial distributionof food resourcesin these communities.

Mother-infant Infantsare, of course, totally dependenton adults for food and security. In rural Thai communities,the nutritional and social needs of infants are met by breast- feeding. In a sample of 177 householdsin a village in Uthongdistrict, most mothersreported breast-feeding all their children with no supplementsof cow's milk or infant formula. A fewmothers made use of sweetenedcondensed milk or powderedmilk to supplementtheir breast milk. Children wereweaned at varyingtimes dependingon the mother'ssub- sequent pregnancies. Accordingto the mother'srecall of the age of weaning,the mostpreferred times of weaningwere twoyears (18X of children), eighteenmonths (14X), one year (12%), three years (6X), four years (3%), and five years (2%). The remainingmothers said theyweaned their infants wheneverthey discoveredthey were pregnant. Threeolder mothersreported that they breast-fedtheir youngestchil- drenfor ten years because theywere sickly. Lactation failure is almostunknown in this community. Oietaryrestrictions for nursingmothers are not so onerous as to discouragebreast-feeding milk (cf. Hanks1963; Hauck 1959). Potential problemsof milksupply are alleviated by the villager's tradition of drinkinga vegetablesoup (gaenq liang, nurturer'ssoup). Womenreceive social supportand assistance fromclose female relatives or friends in the first three days of an infant's life beforetheir ownmilk supply is established. For the first breast-feeding, mothersmay give their infantsto a "goodnurturer" (one who liang di) to teach their infants to breast-feed,since they do not~"Teedtheir infants colostrum. The rejection of co- lostrumis widespreadin Asia and elsewhere,and is a seri- ous problemsince colostrumprovides importantprotective factors to the newborn(cf. Ferro-Luzzi1974). The "good nurturer"is not usurpingthe mother'splace, but setting a properhabit so that the motherand infantwill formlasting bonds. The womanretains a special relation to the child

50 she breast-feeds, and gains merit for her act of loving kindness. Infantsare nursedor fed wheneverthey show any signs of discomfort. The center of familyattention, they are indulged totally until a second child arrives, when indulgenceand mother'smilk are abruptlytransferred to the newborn. There is, however,an indirect expectationof return for her provision of mother'smilk. The youngestdaughter maybe breast-fedfor a long period of timeto "draw"her to her mother. To repayher mother,she remainsin the paren- tal householdto care for her parentsin their old age. Her husband,then, resides with her and theyinherit the paren- tal house. But a parallel rationalization for extended breast-feedingmay be madefor sons. A manis ordainedas a monkpartly to pay his motherback for her care. Sponsoring a son's ordinationis one of the best waysfor a motherto gain merit. Texts recited at the preordinationceremonies emphasizethat by ordainingas a monka manmay pay his motherback for her breast-milk. Prolongedbreast-feeding maycreate a debt that the child mustrepay later in life. Hoskins writes that one often hears Vietnamese"telling their toddlers that they mustnot nursefor too manyyears or they will build a debt they cannot repay" (Hoskins 1976:133). Althoughfresh animal milk is not available in most areas of Thailand, powderedmilk products and sweetened condensedmilk are available at rural stores for families withsubstantial cash incomeand the desire to express their superiorityover other villagers by emulatingwhat they view as modern,urban, life styles. In addition to the televi- sion set, and electric rice cooker,these fewfamilies laud importedtonic drinks such as Ovalti ne and Milo madewith sweetenedcondensed milk. These drinksare also given to toddlers and school children. The sweetnessof the milk productsidentify them as rich and thereforenutritious to the villagers. Infants mayalso be fed rice-milk, the cookingwater fromrice, at a '/eryyoung age. This product, too, is thoughtto have special properties. The Buddhalauds rice- milk: Tenfold, 0 Brahmana,is the merit attached to rice- milk. In what way is it tenfold? He who gives readiness of mind; rice-milkwhen it is drankremoves hunger;dispels thirst; sets right the humorsof the body;purifies the bladder; and promotesthe digestion. (Rhys-Davids& Oldenberg1881:5) Rice milk, mashedbananas, and often a rice gruel are fed to infants almost frombirth and mothershave a real sense of accomplishmentwhen an infant can consumerice. Consumptionof rice signifies that the infantis maturing. In the Vedic tradition, the first feeding of solids (annaprasana)was ceremoniallymarked (Basham 1959:160), and

51 althoughother rites such as tonsureceremonies were adopted in Thailand, the first solid meal is not ritually marked (possibly since solids are introducedat so early an age). To summarize»it is humanmilk rather than cow's milk whichbonds mother and child. Accordingto village women, mother'smilk drawsa child to its motherand encouragesa child to have a mindlike the mother;cow's milk woulden- couragea child to have a mindlike a cow»with connotations of slowness and laziness. Sweetenedcondensed milk, is lauded for its richness and thicknessand viewedas a special food. Finally, rice watercombines the purifyingprop- erties of rice and milkand is treated like milk becauseof its whitemilk-like appearance.

Honk-laynan Buddhistmonks residing in village monasteriesare dependenton the contributionsof the laity for their existence. But monksand laymenare clearly in two separate worlds, linked in part by food exchanges. These exchanges are characterizedby formality,distance, and impersonality. The ideal offeringis froma laypersonwith qood intentions to a monkwho is not personallyknown to the layperson. The laity supportsthe monkhoodthrough donations of rice. Substantial meritaccrues fromthe donationof rice fields to a templecomplex. Althoughthe monkscannot work the land, others providethe labor, makingmerit for themselves, and providinga continuoussupply of rice to the temple for reeding monksand distributing to the poor. Opportunitiesto maximizemerit and resourcesare available only to wealthy individuals with substantial resources. Withample food supplies, the wealthydemonstrate to the communitytheir substantial merit; with those same food supplies, they can gain even moremerit by supportingthe monksand the less fortunatein the community,a synergis- tically beneficial advantageover their poorerneighbors. Cooked rice, presented in an attractive bowl, is offeredto monksevery Buddhist holy day (4 timesa month), usually by the womanof the household. The food is not requestedby the monks;rather the monksoffer the laity a chance to makemerit. Rawrice is presentedto monkson importantBuddhist festivals such as the beginningand end of the rains retreat, the traditional NewYear celebration, and for sermonspreached after twelveo'clock whenthe monks are fasting. Rawand cookedrice are the formsmost commonly offered to monks. But rice in other formsis importanton ritual occasions. For example,rice mixedwith sweetened condensed milk or with coconutmilk and sugar is the basis of sweet rice desserts importantfor Brahmanicrites of passage such as birthdays,tonsures, marriages and pre-ordinationrites. These brightly colored treats are offered to guardian spirits, as well as to the monkswho come to preachand to

52 the Brahmanpractitioner. The hard, dried rice on the bot- tomof the cookingpot is used in housebuilding rituals. Funerals are events that require substantial financial investmenton the part of laity. In addition, the laity are extremelydependent on the services of monkson these occasions. Puffedrice is a variant closely associated with death. Tambiahcites an informantwho said that "deathis like puffed rice which canft be planted to growagain11 (Tambiah1970:156). Puffedrice withoutsugar is strewnon a path followinga funeral procession. Puffedrice with sugar is offered to the spirits of the dead to keep them satisfied. Ancestorsare especially recalled at the half point of the year in Septemberin the ritual called sat (Pali, sarada, autumn). At this time, the dead ancestors are honouredin the fields, the house compound,and at the temple;again withofferings of puffedrice and sugar. In 1928, the Kingrevived a royal versionof this ceremony,combining the idea of a first fruits harvestfestival, and offerings to spirits of the dead. At this ceremony, puffedrice is mixedwith corn, sugar, milk, and coconutto makea rich concoction called "heavenlyrice" (Quaritch Wales 1931:232). Brahmanicin origin, the celebration was observedin the royal court everyyear, and in less elab- orate formin provincial centers. For example,in a com- munityclose to the formerroyal capital of Ayuthaya, villagers carried out a modestversion of the royal ceremony,complete with vats of heavenlyrice preparedwith cannedsweetened condensed milk. To summarize,rice is the primaryfood substancepre- sented to the monksby the laity. However,milk is viewed as a special food that can be given to monkswhen they are sick. Like infants, monksbecame more dependent on lay- persons in this condition. In the communityunder discussion, monksaccepted drinks made with ice, fruit flavor, and sweetenedcondensed milk well into the afternoon. The villagers emphasizedthat these were special foods with medicalproperties, and their consumptionwas not a lapse of monasterydiscipline. Moermanpoints out that cans of im- ported sweetenedcondensed milk are consideredobjects for religious giving, and a material expression of Buddhist piety (Moerman1969:148-9). Milk, then is a public symbol of a healing substancethat retains its Indian meaningfrom its association withauspicious rituals.

ComparingTransactions Wehave seen that both rice and milkare importantin Buddhistideology and in food transactionsbetween mothers and infants, and monksand laity. Whatfurther comparisons can be madebetween these two transactions? Do these food substancescarry the samesymbolic value in bothcontexts? Superficially, the contexts are dissimilar. Newborn infants are clearly dependenton adults, primarilytheir

53 mothers,for protection, food, and life itself. Monksare males above age twentyone, healthy, with no physical deformities. Yet, the similarities betweenthe two categories have not been lost on the Burmesewho claim these riddles come fromthe Jataka tales (tales of the formerlives of the Buddha): One is ill-treated by the other, and yet does not hate him. Whocan it be? One always gives to the other, but the other squanderswhat is given and still asks for more. Whocan it be? (Spiro 1976:415) The first refers to motherand infants; the secondto laymen and monk. Neithermonks nor infants do any "work,"and bothmust be totally dependenton others for their survival. Others assumethe financial burdens,the protectivefunctions, and the responsibilityto providefood and services to themeven before they are requested. Parents (particularly mothers) and the laity (particularly women)accept these burdens, even if it meansdepriving themselves. Supportis freely given to infants and monkswithout their asking and, as a result, individuals in both categories exist in complete security, totally providedfor. In their total dependency on others, monksand infants are in the same structural position (cf. Spiro 1970:342). In addition, both monksand infantsmay appear to have an over-ridingconcern with self and lack of concernfor the needs of others. This is a developmentalinevitability for immatureinfants, but monksmay also be viewedas primarily concernedfor their ownsalvation, and not for the salvation of the laity. Tambiahwrites that the "ethic of non-action and contemplationis the ideal wayfor the monk11(1970:92). Recentlymonks have becomeinvolved in communitydevelopment work,and it remainsto be seen howthe laity will accept the monks1more active role. In both cases, the food exchangesare only indirectly reciprocal, but the giver - the motherand the layperson- have someexpectation of futurereturn. In the case of the parent, there is an expectation,that their children will care for themin their old age, and makemerit for themboth before and after the parents1 death. Childrenare taught veryearly in life that theyowe this to their parents. The relation betweenmonk and laity is morecomplex. On one level, there is an implicationof direct reciprocity - provision of food in returnfor ritual services. This obligation to providespiritual services is expressedin an expositionin the Buddhistcanon: "Renderhelp in returnby spiritual gifts to lay people whoalways support you with material gifts" (Tambiah1970:67). On the otherhand, well intentionedgiving with no expectationof rewardresults in merit increase for the donor. The monksare a "field of

54 merit"for the laity and not dispensersof merit. The indirect and ambiguousnature of the reciprocityin both transactionsmay well be apparentto Thai Buddhists. Etothfood exchangesare emotion- laden, and maybe tension- filled and problematic. If monkswere in the secular world, theywould look extremelygreedy and break eyeryconvention of Thai hospitality. The rules of the monasticorder emphasize the limits that monksshould place on themselvesin their food habits. Elsewherein the Buddhistteachings there are referencesto the need to avoid gluttonyand set limits on food consumption,and meditatingmonks may focus on the idea of the repulsivenessof food. In a studyof Sherparituals, Ortnersuggests similar tensionswith regard to the Sherpa monk'sacceptance of gifts: "The monk's unprotestingacceptance of anythinggiven himmay fuel, at someunperceived level, the Sherpa occasionally expressed notionthat monksare even greedierthan lay people" (Ortner 1978:178). Spiro records similar ambiguityamong Burmese laity whofear that monksmust be greedy,and points out the real paradox arising fromthe constantgiving of food to monks: ". . . the greater his rejection of worldlygoods, the holier the monkis deemedto be, but the holier he is, the morelavishly he is supplied withworldly goods" (Spiro 1970:414). The paradoxis also apparentin mother-infantinterac- tion. The morethe motherfeeds an infant, the strongeris their mutual attachment. The greater the attachmentof motherto son, for example,the harderit is to give himup to the monkhood- but the greater the merit accumulation for the mother. Andin old age, whenparents expect their children to reciprocate by caring for them,parents should be beginningto detach themselvesfrom social bonds, re- nouncingthose theyare closest to, and preparingfor death. Theseparadoxes, expressed through food exchanges, emphasize real and significant problemsin Thai social life.

Conclusion Rice and milk, as emotion-ladensubstances forming the basis of these food transactions, carry heavy symbolic loads. This comparisonof rice and milkas nourishmentfor monksand infants indicates that Buddhist ideology may informfood choices in Thai rural communities.More exten- sive fieldworkwould be necessaryto demonstratehow cogni- tions about the supply,preparation, and consumptionof food relate to the actual utilization of food in that cultural context. Acknowledgingthe existence of food ideology does not implythat cultural beliefs are the primarydeterminants of foodchoices. Clearly the ideological basis for foodchoice is only one potential causal factor, along with socio- economicfactors, for example. Exclusiveemphasis on ideological factors withoutattention to the ecological context could lead to nutritional policies that emphasizeeduca-

55 tional efforts to "change"people's cultural beliefs about food rather than programsto increase people's access to food (cf. DeWalt& Pelto 1976; OeWaltet al. 1980). The popularityof sweetmilk tonics, the meritaccruing fromextended breast-feeding,the preferencefor highly polished white rice, the rejection of colostrum,and self- control to avoid gluttonyare all food beliefs and practices that could best be explained by a research strategyinte- gratingboth ecological and ideological variables. Thereis no need to oppose these positions as manyanthropologists have (cf. Ross 1977; Harris 1979). Rather,the task at hand is to develop methodsof study that can relate ideological' and ecological variables to food choices in particular set- tings. An importantstep in that direction is Laderman's discussion of the symbolicand ecological approachesto food avoidancesin Malaysia (Ladertnan1981). If Buddhistideol- ogydoes informfood choices it mustalso informthe analyst seeking to understandthe cultural contextof food in Thai communitiesin orderto improvethe nutritionalstandards of individuals.

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