DOCSLIB.ORG

The Migration of Identity: Critics Confounded/Karelian Fever Explained

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Migration of Identity: Critics Confounded/Karelian Fever Explained DISCUSSION The Migration of Identity: Critics Confounded/Karelian Fever Explained ”Are my eyes really brown?” Hum- appears to follow a career that is olution emerged most notably in phrey Bogart, in the role of an beset with contradiction. the events that led to the Finnish American expatriate, asks Major My critics on the other hand civil war. In the heated party de- Heinrich Strasser, the Nazi com- contend that both Gylling and the bates of 1917, Gylling opposed a mander of German troops in Casa- Finnish Social Democratic party workers’ insurrection to seize blanca. Bogart is wide-eyed with to which he belonged were un- power.7 He sought to safeguard disbelief as he reads Strasser’s note- qualifiedly Marxist. Echoing Carl Finland’s newly won and fragile book filled with misinformation Ross,3 whom they do not cite, independence rather than imitate about himself and other enemies of they state that the Finnish Social the Bolsheviks in social revolu- the Third Reich in North Africa. Democrats adopted the Erfurt pro- tion. In fact, Gylling’s position, I had a similar reaction when I gram of German Marxism at the shared by many in the party, was read the Hudelson/Sevander essay party’s founding, and that fact suf- to call for the withdrawal of Rus- about my work on the recruitment fices to explain its subsequent sian troops in Finland on the of North American Finns to Kare- politics. They claim that ”Histori- grounds that it was too risky to lia in the early 1930s, which ap- ans of Finland are unanimous in rely on the support of the Bolshe- peared in a recent issue of Siir- their descriptions of the Finnish vik government whose hold on tolaisuus-Migration.1 Bogart’s [Social Democratic] party during power, they believed, would be character mockingly suggests that this time as Orthodox Marxist.”4 short-lived.8 error and irrelevance arise from The truth about Gylling and Kustaa Rovio numbered ideology and fanaticism. Hudel- Finnish Social Democracy is far among those who supported son and Sevander monomaniacal- more compelling than the fiction Gylling’s position. Then head of ly insist ”Karelian fever cannot be of my critics. Upon founding their the Helsinki militia, Rovio understood without appreciating party in 1903, the Finnish Social looked with dismay at the forma- its roots in Marxist ideology.”2 Democrats almost immediately tion of units of Red Guards and I will argue that the phenomena split into two groups.5 One group Civil Guards, both groups set on known as Karelian fever are far in Helsinki wanted to separate it- conflict.9 Rovio would later share more complex; grounded in histo- self from the bourgeoisie in the the administration of Karelia with ry, culture, and ethnicity; and fight against Russification. The Gylling. hence more comprehensible than other, in Tampere, sought to coop- Once the civil war began, the ideological motivation that erate with bourgeois groups to Gylling did everything that he Hudelson and Sevander insist unite the Grand Duchy in opposi- could to prevent radical elements upon. tion to Tsarist oppression. The di- from taking over the leadership of Edvard Gylling, who is central vision plagued Finnish Social De- the Social Democratic party.10 He to any discussion of Karelian fe- mocracy up to 1917. As one lead- remained a firm opponent of revo- ver, presents a paradox that my ing figure in the party explained lution, still seeking a peaceful so- critics have failed to understand. it, Finnish Social Democracy in its lution to the conflict despite the A Social Democrat who opposed early years attempted to cope with violence that had begun to engulf the uprising of 1918 yet served in both class struggle and the strug- Finland by late January 1918.11 the revolutionary government, a gle for national independence.6 It is true that Gylling joined the Finnish nationalist who adminis- Gylling’s preference for Finn- revolutionary government. His tered a Soviet republic, Gylling ish independence over social rev- expertise in finance and econom- 24 DISCUSSION ics (Gylling had been Chairman of of Russian Marxists as irrelevant both to Russification and to the the Seim’s Board of Overseers for for Finland. According to Yrjö continuing dominance of Swed- the Bank of Finland) made him Sirola, Lenin’s writings were al- ish culture in Finland. Gylling’s indispensable in that regard. On most unknown in Finland in those doctoral dissertation analyzed the March 8, 1918; he assumed the years.17 exploitation of Finland’s rural position of Minister of Finance in Gylling was not unqualifiedly poor under Swedish rule.19 He the revolutionary government.12 Marxist, Orthodox or otherwise, went on to become the Social But he was its last member to ca- as my critics insist. He was a Finn- Democrats’ expert on agrarian is- pitulate, hoping to the end to ne- ish nationalist, reform minded and sues. gotiate a compromise peace with progressive, who opposed class Gylling’s role as the architect the Whites. Only a price on his warfare and social upheaval, par- of the Social Democrats’ agrarian head compelled him to flee Fin- ticularly within a small and vul- policy and leading expert on the land.13 nerable national group like the rural poor in the Seim confronted Gylling did not join the thou- Finns. His partnership with Kustaa him with the dilemma that threat- sands of Red Finns who found ref- Rovio, subsequently so important ened Finland’s autonomy as sure- uge in the new Russian Soviet So- for the cause of Karelian fever, be- ly as Russification, namely the cialist Republic. Instead he went gan at the time of the Finnish civil massive migration of its rural poor to Stockholm. From there he pro- war because both men shared an to North America in the years be- posed to Lenin that the Red Finns aversion to social upheaval in fore World War I. As a pioneer in who had managed to cross the bor- Finland and to alignment with the application of statistical meth- der should be settled in Karelia, Lenin’s new regime. Finnish iden- ods to social questions,20 Gylling creating a distinctive Finnish en- tity is critical to an explanation of knew just how many Finns consti- clave within the new Bolshevik their conduct both in Finland and tuted the North American Finnish state.14 Lenin had no interest in the Soviet Union. diaspora, a fact that he would later Gylling’s novel proposal, and it In 1996 the Karelian State Ar- put to good use in Karelia. came to nought in 1918. chive produced an extensive ex- It is one of the many ironies to Gylling made the same propos- hibition of Gylling photos and arise from Finland’s civil war that al two years later. This time Lenin documents which the archive’s di- Gylling became the leader of a listened.15 Facing tough negotia- rector N.Ia.Kop’ëv generously put Soviet autonomous republic. His tions over Karelia after repeated at my disposal. Prof. Irina Takala career of reform and compromise, attempts by Finland to seize the of Petrozavodsk State University, of respectability and intellectual region, he now saw Gylling’s pro- with equal generosity, placed at achievement, had sooner prepared posal as a way to consolidate the my disposal her encyclopedic him for the so-called ”ministerial Russian Republic’s claim to it. knowledge of the former Party Ar- socialism” that some Finnish So- Theirs was nonetheless a peculiar chive of Karelia. It was she who cial Democrats pursued in the ear- partnership. Gylling had by now led me to the Special Sector docu- ly 1920s, that is the effort to form a joined the recently formed Finn- ments to be discussed below, em- coalition with bourgeois par- ish Communist party, but he made phasizing their unique impor- ties.21 Edvard Valpas, who had led an odd member of the new party. tance for understanding Karelian the only decidedly Marxist fac- Having opposed revolution in fever. tion within Finnish Social De- Finland in 1917–1918; he still The material in the State Ar- mocracy before 1917, the so- advocated parliamentary means chive permits an overview of called Siltasaarelaisuus group, re- to bring about social change in his Gylling’s career before and after mained in Finland.22 former homeland.16 He also had a 1917. Before he was a Social Dem- Gylling came to Karelia not be- great deal to learn as a new party ocrat, Gylling had belonged to the cause of long time sympathies for member. In the years before 1917, political grouping known as the Bolshevism or even Marxism. He Finnish Social Democrats had re- Old Finns.18 The Old Finns were came to Karelia because he had garded the interminable conflicts socially progressive and opposed carefully negotiated with Lenin 25 DISCUSSION conditions to maintain the auton- danger threatens Karelia of losing workers’ uprising in Finland later omy and Finnish character of the its national character.”26 that year and insulating the former region. According to Gylling the Less than a year before, in the Grand Duchy from the revolution- Russian Central Executive Com- summer of 1929, Kustaa Rovio ary turmoil in Petrograd, his mittee had decreed in 1920 that had joined Gylling in the admin- friendship with Lenin notwith- Karelia would have ”its own or- istration of Karelia. Rovio’s ten- standing. gans of self rule with broad free- ure in Karelia coincides precisely It is time now to turn to the Spe- dom of action.”23 with the period of Karelian fever; cial Sector documents and what The Karelian archival docu- his previous career in the Soviet they tell us about the motives be- ments at my disposal reveal the Union helps explain his support hind Karelian fever.32 It is ludi- ways in which Gylling imple- of it.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Socialist Soviet Republic of Scandinavia
    Ajalooline Ajakiri, 2015, 3 (153), 287–326 The Socialist Soviet Republic of Scandinavia Ainur Elmgren ABSTRACT Nationalist and regionalist geopolitical concepts were appropriated in the ser- vice of Communist world revolution by Finnish activists in Sweden, Finland, and Soviet Karelia. The influence of Social Democratic statesman and scholar of geopolitics, Väinö Voionmaa, can be traced in the negotiations that led to the foundation of an autonomous Karelian Labour Commune in 1921. Exiled Finnish revolutionaries persuaded the Bolsheviks that Karelia could become a stepping-stone towards revolution in Finland and Scandinavia. A greater So- cialist Soviet Republic of Scandinavia, united by cultural, geographical and eco- nomical factors, would monopolize the timber market and exercise economic power over Western Europe. The idea of a Scandinavian revolution was aban- doned along with the idea of world revolution in the mid-1920s. The last men- tions of a Soviet Scandinavia can be found in anti-Soviet propaganda long after the demise of its promoters in the Great Terror. Keywords: geopolitics, revolution, regionalism, nationalism, Scandinavia, So- viet Union, Karelian Labour Commune The pursuit of a “Greater Finland” is a well-known chapter in the history of Finnish nationalism. The Greater Finland project uniting the “tribal brothers” of Finland and Karelia, sometimes also the national irredenta of the border regions in Northern Sweden and Norway, the Kola Penin- sula and the Finno-Ugric minorities of Russia, was practically monopo- lized by right-wing intellectual movements after Finland’s independence in 1917 and the subsequent civil war.1 However, it had inspired politicians and scholars identifying as Socialist before, and it would continue to do so.
    [Show full text]
  • Politician and Geopolitician Historiallisia Tutkimuksia 264
    Summary Maria Lähteenmäki1 Väinö Voionmaa – politician and geopolitician Historiallisia Tutkimuksia 264. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. Helsinki 2014. 517 pages. ISBN 978-952-222-556-6. Keywords: Väinö Voionmaa, geopolitics, regional politics, Finnish- Russian border, Greater Finland, Friedrich Ratzel, Rudolf Kjellén, Soviet Union, Treaty of Tartu, Winter War, Continuation War, Väinö Tanner, public history, experiences of an ageing politician Väinö Voionmaa (1869–1947, Wallin until 1906) was a Finnish politician, cabinet minister and member of parliament and also professor of Scandinavian and Finnish history at the University of Helsinki.2 The present work describes and analyses the evolution and signi�cance of his thinking with regard to the Finnish-Russian border and Finland’s geopolitical policies, and also his position within the �eld of activity of 1 The author, Maria Lähteenmäki, is a professor of history at the University of Eastern Finland and adjunct professor in Finnish and Scandinavian history at the University of Helsinki. As a historian she has specialized in the study of the political and cultural circumstances surrounding the northern and eastern boundaries of Finland, the history of everyday life and the role of women in this. She has published numerous works that have achieved notable recognition, including Jänkäjääkäreitä ja parakkipiikoja (Forest Fighters and Barracks Barmaids, Finnish Literature Society 1999) on the social history of the Lapland War of 1944–45, Kalotin kansaa (Finnish Literature Society 2004; also
    [Show full text]
  • Finnish Nationalism
    State and Revolution in Finland Historical Materialism Book Series Editorial Board Sébastien Budgen (Paris) David Broder (Rome) Steve Edwards (London) Juan Grigera (London) Marcel van der Linden (Amsterdam) Peter Thomas (London) volume 174 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hm State and Revolution in Finland By Risto Alapuro LEIDEN | BOSTON This title is published in Open Access with the support of the University of Helsinki Library. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. First edition of State and Revolution in Finland was published in 1988 by University of California Press. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2018043939 Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill‑typeface. ISSN 1570-1522 ISBN 978-90-04-32336-0 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-38617-4 (e-book) Copyright 2019 by the Authors. Published by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
    [Show full text]
  • Soviet Karelia in the Letters & Memoirs Of
    LIFE MOVING FORWARD: SOVIET KARELIA IN THE LETTERS & MEMOIRS OF FINNISH NORTH AMERICANS SAMIRA S. SARAMO A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, CANADA SEPTEMBER 2014 © SAMIRA SARAMO, 2014 Abstract In the first years of the 1930s, some 6500 Finnish Canadians and Finnish Americans moved to Soviet Karelia, motivated by the economic depression and the dream of participating in the building of a Finnish-led workers’ society, with employment, education, and healthcare for all. Their recruitment as “foreign specialists” who would modernize the Karelian economy secured for them preferential access to food, housing, and work postings, but life in Karelia was very different than what the immigrants had previously known. Despite difficulties and a heavy return migration, those who stayed threw themselves into the building of socialism. However, by 1936, the Stalinist regime viewed ethnic minorities and foreigners as threats to the Soviet order, and the Finnish leadership in Karelia was ousted and a violent attack on ethnic Finns and Finnish culture took over the region, shattering the dream of the ‘Red Finn Haven.’ This dissertation examines letters written by Finnish North Americans in Karelia to friends and family remaining in Canada and the United States, as well as memoirs and retrospective letter collections that look back on life in Karelia in the 1930s. These sources, brought together under the umbrella of life writing, are analysed in two ways. They are used to construct a history of the immigrants’ everyday life, with chapters exploring topics such as travel and first impressions, housing, food, health and hygiene, clothing, children’s experiences, formal labour, political participation, celebrations, popular culture, sociability, and repression.
    [Show full text]
  • Abolishing Ambiguity: Soviet Censorship Practices in the 1930S
    Abolishing Ambiguity: Soviet Censorship Practices in the 1930s JAN PLAMPER After reading Andrei Platonov’s 1929 story Usomnivshiisia Makar, Joseph Stalin re- portedly reacted by calling it “an ambiguous work” (dvusmyslennoe proizvedenie). Leopold Averbakh later wrote about Platonov’s story: “There is ambiguity (dvusmyslennost’) in it. ... But our era does not tolerate any ambiguity.”1 Both reactions point to an obsession with reducing signs to a single meaning, an undercurrent of Soviet culture in the 1930s.2 Cen- sorship practices offer a rare glimpse at how the Soviet regime attempted to achieve “one- meaningness” (odnoznachnost’). While it is true that throughout the Soviet era censorship was primarily concerned with excising what was deemed heretical, during the 1930s, with outright heresy effectively effaced from public discourse, the abolition of ambiguity be- came an important secondary mode. Much of the available literature on European and especially Russian censorship has defined censorship as the repression of the inherently and essentially free word.3 The binary pairing of censorship and cultural production has generated further binaries of writers vs. censors and is ultimately embedded in a dichotomy of state vs. society. While the state/ society dichotomy has been questioned in other areas of historical research, the binary I wish to thank Greg Castillo, Carla Hesse, Peter Holquist, Brian Kassof, Malte Rolf, Yuri Slezkine, Reginald Zelnik, and my audiences at AAASS in Boston (1996), at Berkeley and Stanford, and at Erlangen, Humboldt, and Tübingen Universities for their helpful comments. 1L. Averbakh, “O tselostnykh masshtabakh i chastnykh Makarakh,” Na literaturnom postu, no. 21–22 (1929): 164 (quoted in Viktor Chalmaev’s foreword to Andrei Platonov, Gosudarstvennyi zhitel’: Proza, pis’ma [Moscow, 1988], 23).
    [Show full text]
  • Cultural Trauma of the Civil War of 1918 Staged and Commemorated in Finland
    NORDIC THEATRE STUDIES Vol. 31, No. 2. 2019, 102–131 Cultural Trauma of the Civil War of 1918 Staged and Commemorated in Finland PENTTI PAAVOLAINEN ABSTRACT: The Centennial of one of the cruelest of European civil wars fought in Finland between the Reds and the Whites from January to May 1918 has evoked a spectrum of theatre productions illustrating variations of styles and approaches on the events. The turn in the treatment of this cultural trauma occurred with the interpretations and narrative perspectives that were fixed in the 1960s, when an understanding for the defeated Red side was expressed in historiography, literature and theatre. Since that, the last six decades the Finnish theatre and public discourse on the Civil War have been dominated by the Red narrative as the memory of the 1918 Civil War provided an important part in the new identity politics for the 1969 generation. Since the 1980’s the topic was mostly put aside so that before the 2018 revivals of the Civil War topic, the productions seem to have been reactions by the artists confronting the developments at the end of the Cold War. Some theatrical events can even be tied to the cultural trauma of the 1969 left evoked by the collapse of the socialist block. The Centennial productions repeated the Red narrative but they also provided more balanced interpretations on the tragic events. KEYWORDS Civil War, Finland 1918, Revolution in Finland, War of Independence in Finland, War representations in theatre, political narratives in theatre, cultural trauma, Piotr Sztompka,
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin's Soviet Union: New Dimensions of Research
    Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin’s Soviet Union New Dimensions of Research Edited by Andrej Kotljarchuk Olle Sundström Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin’s Soviet Union New Dimensions of Research Edited by Andrej Kotljarchuk & Olle Sundström Södertörns högskola (Södertörn University) Library SE-141 89 Huddinge www.sh.se/publications © Authors Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) This publication is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. Cover image: Front page of the Finnish-language newspaper Polarnoin kollektivisti, 17 December 1937. Courtesy of Russian National Library. Graphic form: Per Lindblom & Jonathan Robson Printed by Elanders, Stockholm 2017 Södertörn Academic Studies 72 ISSN 1650-433X Northern Studies Monographs 5 ISSN 2000-0405 ISBN 978-91-7601-777-7 (print) Contents List of Illustrations ........................................................................................................................ 7 Abbreviations ................................................................................................................................ 9 Foreword ...................................................................................................................................... 13 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 15 ANDREJ KOTLJARCHUK & OLLE SUNDSTRÖM PART 1 National Operations of the NKVD. A General Approach .................................... 31 CHAPTER 1 The
    [Show full text]
  • In the Forge of Stalin of Forge the in Kotljarchuk AUS Andrej Gammalsvenskby Is the Only Swedish Settlement to the East from Finland, Founded in 1782
    AUS AndrejAUS Kotljarchuk In the Forge of Stalin Gammalsvenskby is the only Swedish settlement to the east from Finland, founded in 1782. In the past of Gammalsvenskby the history of the Soviet Union, Sweden, Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis the international communist movement and Nazi Germany combined in a bizar- Stockholms Studies In History, 100 re form. And even when the ploughmen of the Kherson steppes did not left their native village, the great powers themselves visited them with the intention to rule forever. The history of colony is viewed through the prism of the theory of “forced normalization” and the concept of “changes of collective identity“. The author intends to study the techniques of forced normalization and the strategy of the In the Forge of Stalin collective resistance. Swedish Colonists of Ukraine in Totalitarian Experiments Andrej Kotljarchuk is an associate professor in history, working as a university of the Twentieth Century lecturer at the Department of History, Stockholm University; and as a senior rese- archer at the School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Södertörn University. His research focuses on ethnic minorities and role of experts’ communities, mass Andrej Kotljarchuk Stockholm 2014 violence and the politics of memory. His recent publications include the book chap- ters “The Nordic Threat: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula” (2014), “The Memory of Roma Holocaust in Ukraine: Mass Graves, Memory Work and the Politics of Commemoration” (2014); as well as the articles “World War II Memory Politics: Jewish, Polish and Roma Minorities of Belarus”, in Journal of Belarusian Studies (2013) and “Kola Sami in the Stalinist terror: a quantitative analysis”, in Journal of Northern Studies (2012).
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of the Karelian Workers' Commune, 1920-1923
    The NEP Era: Soviet Russia, 1921-1928, 1 (2007), 1-20. ARTICLES/СТАТЬИ MARKKU KANGASPURO (Helsinki, Finland) THE ORIGINS OF THE KARELIAN WORKERS’ COMMUNE, 1920-1923: NATIONALISM AS THE PATH TO COMMUNISM The establishment of the Karelian Workers’ Commune was much more a consequence of Bolshevik foreign and domestic policy (Realpolitik) than a result of Marxist theories or Leninist ideological principles. The Soviet system of the 1920s was not so much a result of ideologically driven decision-making as it has some times been defined. This does not mean that ideology was irrelevant. But its role was rather a sort of matrix or model of decision-making than a decisive source of policy-making. The political need to stabilize the new Soviet state and to pacify the international situation forced the Bolsheviks to carry out a concilia- tory policy toward their neighbors as well as toward national minorities and the peasants. In Karelia two decisive factors dominated: the political and military pressure of Finland and the general dissatisfaction of the Karelian population. Under those circumstances the Red Finns, emigrants from Finland in 1918, dom- inated Karelia during its first fifteen years. Finnish-Karelian nationalism and the weakness of the central government were the two most important reasons why Karelia obtained politically and economically broader autonomy than any other autonomous region in the Soviet Union in the 1920s.17 The Karelian question acquired a new dimension following the independence of Finland in 1917. In a general way Karelia had been a prominent subject of Finnish nationalism. The Kalevala, the Finnish national epic, was formed from poems collected in North Karelia (East Karelia from the Finnish point of view), 17.
    [Show full text]
  • The Death List of Sandarmokh: Mayme Sevander's Work As Emancipatory International and Intercultural Professional Communication
    Journal of Rhetoric, Professional Communication, and Globalization Volume 9 Number 1 Article 3 2016 The Death List of Sandarmokh: Mayme Sevander's Work as Emancipatory International and Intercultural Professional Communication Kyle Mattson University of Central Arkansas Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/rpcg Part of the Rhetoric Commons Recommended Citation Mattson, Kyle (2016) "The Death List of Sandarmokh: Mayme Sevander's Work as Emancipatory International and Intercultural Professional Communication," Journal of Rhetoric, Professional Communication, and Globalization: Vol. 9 : No. 1, Article 3. Available at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/rpcg/vol9/iss1/3 This document has been made available through Purdue e-Pubs, a service of the Purdue University Libraries. Please contact [email protected] for additional information. ISSN: 2153-9480. Volume 9, Number 1. December - 2016 The death list of Sandarmokh: Mayme Sevander's work as emancipatory international and intercultural professional communication Kyle Mattson University of Central Arkansas, USA Introduction Professional communicators work on international and intercultural projects in dynamic assemblages. Recent scholarship has defined assemblages as powerful institutional, cultural, and material configurations that affect life and work in diverse situational contexts or geographies. For example, Stephen J. Collier (2006) described global assemblages as "actual configurations through which global forms of techno-science, economic rationalism, and other expert systems gain significance" (p. 400). Likewise, about the instrumentalist logic behind such systems, Dale L. Sullivan (1990) asked us to critique "the technological mindset" and allow critical action to inform technical and professional communication practice (pp. 375-377). In international and intercultural professional communication (IIPC), Angela Haas (2012) critiqued technological, racial, and rhetorical assemblages complicit in many dominant forms of professional communication (pp.
    [Show full text]
  • On Monta Eri Karjalaa — There Are Many Different Karelias
    ЕСТЬ МНОГО РАЗНЫХ КАРЕЛИЙ — ON MONTA ERI KARJALAA — THERE ARE MANY DIFFERENT KARELIAS The project There are many different Karelias has established a new framework to facilitate, coordinate, and strengthen collaboration of scholars to develop and promote knowledge of the shared, complex history of Finland and Russia and to make that knowledge widely accessible. Rather than a single research project, There are many different Karelias acts as an umbrella to unite different projects, individual researchers, events, activities, and publications that have shared and complementary goals. The umbrella project was initiated in 2018 with an aim of popularising historical knowledge about central topics in the common history of these nations. In order to accomplish this, the project provides a framework in which to effectively organise the activities of Russian and Finnish experts studying and teaching the history and culture of Finland in Russia and vice versa. Although the people of Russia and Finland have been neighbours for centuries, they do not know each other very well. For many Finns, the concept of “Karelia” is primarily associated with the territories lost in 1944, whereas for Russians it is only the present Republic of Karelia. Few people realise that there have been many different Karelias at different points in history and that Karelians have lived on both sides of the shifting border, separated geographically, linguistically, religiously and culturally, and yet have maintained close ties with each other for centuries. This umbrella project is important for overcoming outdated stereotypes and developing positive perceptions of people in the neighbouring country. Popularisation of historical knowledge is crucial for creating mutual understanding by getting to know one another.
    [Show full text]
  • Petri Jussila Tarkastelee Väitöskirjassaan Edvard Gyllingin Maat- Alouspoliittista Ajattelua Ja Toimintaa Suurlakon Ja Sisällissodan Välisenä Aikana
    Edvard Gylling (1881–1938) tunnetaan parhaiten toiminnastaan ASIALLA TILASTOMIES TORPPARIEN Karjalan neuvostotasavallan johtajana, joka teloitettiin Stalinin puhdistusten aikana. Tätä ennen Gylling oli Suomen työväen- liikkeen merkittävimpiä johtajia, jonka toiminnassa yhdistyi pyrkimys yhteiskunnan taloudelliseen tehokkuuteen ja halu so- siaalisen oikeudenmukaisuuteen. Petri Jussila tarkastelee väitöskirjassaan Edvard Gyllingin maat- alouspoliittista ajattelua ja toimintaa suurlakon ja sisällissodan välisenä aikana. Gylling oli sosialidemokraattisen puolueen maatalouspolitiikan asiantuntija ja linjanvetäjä, joka painotti his- toriallista taustaa ja tilastotieteellistä analyysiä yhteiskunnallisen uudistustyön perustana. Hänen ajattelussaan marxilainen teoria oli rinnakkain sosiaalipoliittisen intressin kanssa, joskin näiden kahden asian sovittaminen yhteen oli välillä vaikeaa. Edvard Gylling ajoi väsymättä torpparien ja muiden maan- vuokraajien sekä maaseudun työväestön asiaa. Gyllingin johdol- la sosialidemokraatit ajoivat suurlakon jälkeen viljelyspakkoa ja vuokraehtojen parantamista, mutta siirtyivät joitakin vuosia myöhemmin kannattamaan torpparien itsenäistymistä. Poliit- tisten puolueiden välisten suurten erimielisyyksien takia maas- eudun kasvavia ristiriitoja ei saatu ratkaistua, mikä osaltaan vei Suomea kohti sisällissotaa. Petri Jussilan väitöskirja tuo lisävalais- tusta myös kansallisen tragediamme taustoihin. Petri Jussila Petri Jussila Tilastomies torpparien asialla Edvard Gyllingin maatalouspoliittinen ajattelu ja toiminta
    [Show full text]