A Relapse of Karelian Fever
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A Relapse of Karelian Fever Richard Hudelson, Mayme Sevander n a series of recently published But there are serious problems At the center of Pogorelskin’s Ipapers, Alexis Pogorelskin ap- even with this more moderate argument stand Edvard Gylling, pears to be arguing that the at- claim. For, even in her latest work Kustaa Rovio, and Matti Ten- tempt to establish the Karelian Pogorelskin continues to privi- hunen. Gylling had been a leader Workers Commune in Soviet lege ”national” over ideological in the Social Democratic Party of Karelia, commonly understood as factors in understanding Karelian Finland before the First World an experiment in utopian commu- fever. Thus, she argues that the War and the Finnish civil war. nism, is better understood as the ”real explanation” for Karelian fe- Following an agreement with product of a Finnish nationalism ver lies in immigrants’ Finnish Lenin formed in 1920, Gylling that has little if anything to do ethnic identity and tells us that served as the leader of the Autono- with Communism, Marxism, or ”national pride and identity lay at mous Republic of Karelia which socialism.1 This, or something the heart of the recruitment mes- was eventually established within like this, seems to be at the heart of sage” that drew North American the boundaries of the newborn the ”new perspective” Pogorel- Finns to Karelia.2 This idea that state. Kustaa Rovio, also a Finn, skin brings to the study of Karelia. ”nationalist” factors outweighed served as Gylling’s second in In fact, Pogorelskin’s new per- ideological factors is a persistent command in Karelia. Matti Ten- spective is not altogether clear. In theme in Pogorelskin’s ”new per- hunen, a Finnish-American, its most extreme forms it seems to spective.” In much of her work served as the first Director of the be denying any role to communist this theme is also coupled with an Karelian Technical Aid Agency, ideology. In its more reasonable analysis of the primary actors in an agency in North America re- form, it concedes the importance the Karelian drama that divides sponsible for recruiting North of ideology but insists on the these actors into two camps. American Finns to come to Kare- greater importance of national- We believe this ”new perspec- lia. ism, of a sense of Finnish identity, tive” is deeply flawed, that in her In making her case that Finnish in accounting for Karelian fever. determination to maintain the nationalism was more important In her most recent article ”Why view that the ”real explanation” than Marxism or Communism for Karelian ’Fever’?” (published in of Karelian fever is Finnish na- understanding Karelian fever, Siirtolaisuus-Migration 1/2000) tionalism, Pogorelskin is led to Pogorelskin advances the follow- for example, Pogorelskin con- make claims that are patently ing claims: (1) That the Finnish cedes that ideological motives false, that the two camp model cre- Social Democratic Party, was not were necessary but not sufficient, ates divisions that are not real, and Marxist, (2) That Gylling was not with Finnish ethnic identity sup- that Pogorelskin’s new perspec- a Marxist, (3) That in working to plying the missing motivating tive obscures more than it reveals. create the Autonomous Republic condition. While we agree with Pogorelskin of Karelia, Gylling, Rovio, and that Finnish identity was an im- Tenhunen were motivated by Richard Hudelson, Ph.D., and portant aspect of Karelian fever, it Finnish nationalism rather than Mayme Sevander, Doc. This pa- does not belong to one camp rath- by any support for Communism or per was presented at “First Rea- er than to another and did not ex- the Soviet Union, and (4) That the ding XX,” University of Minnesota, ist in isolation from ideological emigration of North American Duluth, April 28, 2000. factors. Finns to Karelia was more a prod- 31 Siirtolaisuus-Migration 2/2000 uct of Finnish nationalism than ranged for, and wrote an introduc- shevik uprising of July 1917, it communist ideology. We believe tion for, a Finnish translation of was at the home of Kustaa Rovio that each of these claims is false Marx’s Capital. For over a decade in Helsinki that he stayed. And, and that Karelian fever cannot be he worked within the leadership until his death, Lenin remained on understood without appreciating core of the Finnish Sdp, a core close friendly terms with Rovio.7 its roots in Marxist ideology. made up of individuals who Pogorelskin’s claim that for Pogorelskin herself identifies as Rovio, Soviet Russia did not mat- Marxist. And, when, against the ter, is wildly untenable. Was the Social Democratic best efforts of Gylling and others Pogorelskin also claims that Party of Finland marxist? within the leadership group, the Matti Tenhunen was more of a na- Finnish Sdp resorted to a revolu- tionalist than a communist and Contrary to what Pogorelskin tionary rising, Gylling served as claims that Tenhunen was not a says, there is overwhelming evi- Finance Minister in the ”Red” strong supporter of Soviet Russia. dence that the Social Democratic government and the last Chief of But Tenhunen had served as an Party of Finland was Marxist. His- Headquarters of the revolutionary editor of Työmies, a Communist torians of Finland are unanimous Red Guard, justifying his action Party newspaper published in Su- in their descriptions of the Finnish on the grounds of the necessity of perior, Wisconsin, long before he party during this time as orthodox solidarity with the working class.5 became involved in recruiting Marxist. North American Finns to go to Karelia, and Työmies had been an Did Gylling, Rovio and enthusiastic supporter of the Sovi- Was Gylling a marxist? Tenhunen support Soviet et Union.8 Pogorelskin gives us Pogorelskin says that Gylling Russia? no reason to think that Tenhunen ”converted to Marxism belatedly, had abandoned his support for So- if not reluctantly, in 1918.”3 She In 1918, well before the Karelian viet Russia. also tells us that, ”To save Karelia experiment began, though In summary, then, there is sim- for the Finns, Gylling fabricated a Gylling remained loyal to the ply no evidence for Pogorelskin’s Marxist revolutionary past for hope of a parliamentary path to claim that Gylling, Rovio, and Ten- himself and maintained a facade socialism, he wrote a letter to com- hunen were not supporters of the of loyalty to the cause of the pro- rades meeting in Moscow, asking Soviet Union, and there is over- letariat, albeit the Finnish one.”4 to be included as a founding mem- whelming evidence to the contrary. There is strong evidence that ber of the Finnish Communist Par- 6 Pogorelskin is mistaken and that ty. This is an action that makes Was Karelia more about Gylling was telling the truth no sense except in the context of a about his earlier Marxism. general support for the Bolshevik nationalism than In Berlin where he was exposed revolution in Russia. communism? to the Marxian socialism of the Pogorelskin depicts Kustaa German Social Democratic Party Rovio as a Finnish radical for Pogorelskin argues that for both in 1904, Gylling wrote to friends whom ”communism” meant Finn- the leaders and the mass of North that he had become a socialist. ish Karelia rather than any support American Finns who emigrated to Upon returning to Finland, in for Soviet Russia. But evidence Karelia, Karelian fever had a great 1905 he joined the Finnish Sdp belies this. Rovio had worked in deal to do with the role of Finns in which was committed to the his younger days in metal shops in the Republic of Karelia. We have Marxist Erfurt Program. In 1906, Petrograd where he learned Rus- no quarrel with this claim. How- Gylling became editor of a theo- sian and joined the Bolshevik fac- ever, we do reject Pogorelskin’s retical journal, affiliated with the tion of the Russian Social Demo- claim that this implies a lack of party, that professed a moderate cratic Party. When Lenin was in support for Marxism, Commu- Marxist standpoint. He also ar- hiding following the failed Bol- nism, or the Soviet Union.9 32 A Relapse of Karelian Fever In Finland and North America were Finnish nationalists who ist for whom the fate of Soviet the Finnish labor movement un- were not loyal to the Soviet Un- Russia was unimportant, Corgan derstood itself both as a move- ion. People who knew Gylling was a committed Communist with ment for national restoration and and Rovio found these charges strong loyalties to Moscow. In- as a part of the international strug- preposterous. What new evi- deed, she goes on to speculate that gle for communism. When North dence, then, does Pogorelskin Corgan ”may” have been ”in ef- American Finns sailed for Karelia find in these Special Sector docu- fect” working for the security ap- they undoubtedly took pride in ments? paratus of the Soviet Union. And, being Finns and looked forward to What is truly astonishing about noting that Corgan was also mur- showing the world what the Finns Pogorelskin’s use of NKVD (se- dered by Stalin’s agents, she ob- could do in Karelia. But they also cret police) documents is that she serves that, ”if true, Korgan’s con- sailed to build in Karelia a work- takes the documents as providing nection with Moscow did not save ers paradise that would advance credible evidence of the truth of him.”12 the cause of Soviet Russia. The the charges made against Gylling Pogorelskin points to the ab- decade long research done by and others upon their later arrest. sence of early charges against Mayme Sevander with the fami- But, based on what has long been Corgan.