Appendix: List of Interviews

Oaxaca

1. Sergio Aguayo. Professor and researcher, El Colegio de México. June 13, 2007. El Colegio de México: Camino al Ajusco 20, Col. Pedregal de Sta. Teresa: Mexico City. 2. Gerardo Albino. Ex-secretary of Planning (1996–1998), and current secretary of Social and Human Development of Oaxaca (2010-). April 20, 2007 . Downtown Oaxaca (La Plaza): Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 3. Ernesto G. Altamirano. Mayor of Matías Romero (2002–2004) and SEDESOL’s delegate in Oaxaca. July 18, 2007 . SEDESOL’s offices: Carr. Cristóbal Colón Km. 6.5, Tramo Oaxaca-Tehuantepec, San Agustín Yatareni: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 4. Alejandro Anaya. Professor and researcher, CIDE. May 14, 2007. Division of International Studies, CIDE: Carretera Mexico-Toluca 3655, Col. Lomas de Santa Fe: Mexico City. 5. Moisés J. Bailón. Researcher, National Center of Human Rights (Centro Nacional de Derechos Humanos, CENADEH). May 15, 2007. CENADEH’s offices: Av. Río Magdalena 108, Col. Tizapán: Mexico City. 6. Juan J. Benítez. Advisor to COPLADE’s general coordinator in 2007. July 24, 2007. COPLADE’s offices: Belisario Domínguez 809, Col. Reforma: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 7. Fernando Cabrera. Political activist and APPO member. July 24, 2007. Downtown Oaxaca (La Plaza): Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 8 . D i ó d o r o H . C a r r a s c o . F o r m e r g o v e r n o r o f O a x a c a ( 1 9 9 2 – 1 9 9 8 ) . A p r i l 2 0 , 2007 . Carrasco’s office: José Azueta 32, 3er Piso, Col. Centro: Mexico City. 9 . G a b i n o C u é . G o v e r n o r o f O a x a c a ( 2 0 1 0 – 2 0 1 6 ) . J u l y 1 1 , 2 0 0 7 . C u é ’ s o f f i c e in Oaxaca: Av. Juárez 409, Col. Centro: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 10. Margarita Dalton. Researcher, CIESAS Pacífico Sur. July 10, 2008. CIESAS Pacífico Sur: Dr. Federico Ortíz Armengol 201, Fracc. La Luz, Col. Reforma: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 11. Gustavo Esteva. Political analyst, activist, and founder of Universidad de la Tierra. July 24, 2007. Universidad de la Tierra: Azucenas 610, Col. Reforma: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 166 Appendix

12. Ignacio García. Political activist. July 12, 2007 . Macedonio Alcalá theater’s coffee shop: Independencia 900, Col. Centro: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 13. Víctor García. Writer. July 20, 2007 . Downtown Oaxaca (La Plaza): Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 14. Héctor L. Inocente. Local deputy (PAN). July 15, 2007. Downtown Oaxaca (La Plaza): Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 15. Juan E. Inocente. Communitarian leader and PRD member. July 15, 2007. Downtown Oaxaca (La Plaza): Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 16. Salomón Jara. Senator (PRD). June 26, 2007 . Torre del Caballito: Reforma 10, Piso 26, Oficina 4, Col. Tabacalera: Mexico City. 17. Evencio N. Martínez. Attorney general of Oaxaca in 2007 . July 25, 2007 . Offices of Oaxaca’s attorney general: Avenida Luis Echeverria s/n, Col. La Experimental San Antonio de la Cal: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 18. Víctor R. Martínez. Researcher, UABJO’s Sociological Research Institute (Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, IIS). July 11, 2007. Martínez’s office at IIS: Murguía 306, Col Centro: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 19. Romualdo F. W. Mayrén (“Father Uvi” ). Parish priest of Santo Tomás Xochimilco and coordinator of Oaxaca’s Diocesan Commission of Justice and Peace. July 25, 2007. Parish of Santo Tomás Xochimilco: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 20. Arturo Mejía. UABJO’s director of Social Communication in 2007. July 16, 2007. UABJO’s main building (Mejía’s office): Av. Universidad S/N, Ex-Hacienda de 5 Señores: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 21. Fernando Melo. Director of “Trasparencia Sociedad Civil” and member of the APPO’s State Council. July 24, 2007. Downtown Oaxaca (La Plaza): Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 22. Carlos Moreno. Director of Participation and Consultation, National Commission for the Development of Indigenous Peoples (Comisión Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas, CDI). May 3, 2007. CDI´s offices: Av. México-Coyoacán 343, Piso 5, Col. Xoco: Mexico City. 23. Salomón Nahmad. Researcher and regional director of CIESAS Pacífico Sur in 2007. July 15, 2007. CIESAS Pacífico Sur: Dr. Federico Ortíz Armengol 201, Fracc. La Luz, Col. Reforma: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 24. Diego E. Osorno. Journalist. June 19, 2007 . Café “La Habana”: Morelos 62, Col. Centro: Mexico City. 25. Héctor P. Ramírez. Spokesman and technical secretary of Oaxaca’s Government. July 27, 2007 . Hidalgo 21, Col. San Felipe del Agua: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 26. Bulmaro Rito. Local deputy (PRI) and president of Oaxaca’s Congress in 2007 . July 20, 2007 . Rito-Salinas’s offices: Calle 14 Oriente s/n, Paraje Las Salinas: San Raymundo Jalpan, Oaxaca. 27. Ezequiel Rosales. Secretary of Organization and interim leader of SNTE’s Section 22 in 2007. July 10, 2007. Hotel “Casa del Maestro” (Hotel del Magisterio), Col. Exmarquezado: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. Appendix 167

28. Daniel Rosas. Spokesman for SNTE’s Section 22 in 2007 (secretary of Press and Advertising). July 25, 2007. SNTE’s Section 22 offices: Armenta y López 221, Col. Centro: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 29. Carlos J. Sorroza. Professor, UABJO’s IIS. July 13, 2007. Sorroza’s office at IIS: Murguía 306, Col Centro: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. Murguía 306, Col Centro: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 30. Francisco Toledo. Artist. July 19, 2007 . IAGO: Alcalá 507, Col. Centro: Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 31. Jesús R. Trujillo. Leader of Oaxaca’s student movement and APPO member. July 28, 2007 . Downtown Oaxaca (La Plaza): Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 3 2 . I s m a e l S a n m a r t í n . E d i t o r i a l d i r e c t o r , Noticias newspaper. July 29, 2007. Noticias newspaper’s offices: Libres No. 411, Oaxaca, Oaxaca. 33. Nahum Vázquez. Entrepreneur (saloon/tavern owner). July 28, 2007. Cantina La Zapoteca: Oaxaca, Oaxaca.

Nuevo León

1 . H i l a r i o A . B a l l e s t e r o s . U n i o n a d v i s o r , N a t i o n a l F e d e r a t i o n o f I n d e p e n d e n t Unions (FNSI). December 15, 2007. FNSI’s offices: Isaac Garza y Galena 311 Oriente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 2. Hugo A. Campos. Deputy attorney general of Nuevo León in 2007 (Judicial Affairs). November 23, 2007. Attorney General’s offices: Ocampo 470 Poniente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 3. Obed Campos. Journalist, July 30, 2011. Café Nuevo Brasil: Zaragoza 224 Sur, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 4. Juana A. Cavazos. Local deputy (PRI) and president of the Local Congress’s Directive Board in 2007. December 13, 2007. Local Congress (Administrative Tower): Matamoros 555 Oriente, Fifth Floor, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 5. Filiberto Ceceña. Director of Political Development, General Secretariat of Government. December 14, 2007. General Secretariat of Government building (Ceceña’s office): Washington 823, Oriente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 6 . J o s é d e C ó r d o b a . M e x i c o - b a s e d c o r r e s p o n d e n t , T h e Wall Street Journal . September 27, 2011. The Wall Street Journal’s offices in Mexico City: Tennyson 96, Col. Chapultepec Polanco: Mexico City. 7. María G. Dib. Deputy secretary of Industry and Commerce, Nuevo León’s Secretariat of Economic Development. November 27, 2007. Nuevo León’s Secretariat of Economic Development building (Dib’s office): 5 de Mayo 525 Oriente (Edificio Daniel Elizondo Páez), 8th Floor, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 8. José L. Elizondo. Technical coordinator, General Secretariat of Government. December 14, 2007. General Secretariat of Government building (Elizondo’s office): Washington 823 Oriente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 168 Appendix

9 . J u a n F . F e r n á n d e z . E n t r e p r e n e u r ( d i r e c t o r - g e n e r a l o f C r e d i c l u b , S . A . d e C.V., SOFOM ENR). December 5, 2007, and July 25, 2010. Crediclub’s offices: Montes Cárpatos 111, Col. Francisco Garza Sada: San Nicolás de los Garza, Nuevo León. 10. Lester B. García. Professor at EGAP. July 25, 2011. EGAP (García’s office): Av. Fundadores y Rufino Tamayo, Col. Valle Oriente: San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León. 11. Eloy Garza. Entrepreneur (CEO of Dickens Group, S.A. de C.V.). August 2, 2011. Dickens Group’s offices: Roberto G. Sada 117, Col. Bosques del Valle: San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León. 12. Javier Garza-y Garza. President of Nuevo León’s Electoral Tribunal. November 26, 2007. Offices of Nuevo León’s Electoral Tribunal: Liendo 602 and 604, Col. Obispado: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 13. Vidal Garza. Director of FEMSA Foundation and professor at EGAP. November 29, 2007. FEMSA Foundation’s offices: Av. General Anaya 601 Poniente, Col. Bella Vista: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 14. Guillermo Gómez. Local deputy (PRD). November 20, 2007. Local Congress (Administrative Tower): Matamoros 555 Oriente, Edificio Anexo PA, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 15. Bernardo González-Aréchiga. EGAP’s dean. July 29, 2011. EGAP (González-Aréchiga’s office): Av. Fundadores y Rufino Tamayo, Col. Valle Oriente: San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León. 16. José M. Guajardo. Local deputy (PAN). November 21, 2007. Local Congress (Administrative Tower): Matamoros 555 Oriente, Third Floor, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 17. Blanca N. Guerra. Director of Membership and Communications, COPARMEX-Nuevo León. December 1, 2007. COPARMEX-Nuevo León: Cuauhtémoc 757 Sur, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 18. Abel Hibert. Professor at EGAP. November 28, 2007. EGAP (Office 611-H): Av. Fundadores y Rufino Tamayo, Col. Valle Oriente: San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León. 1 9 . E r i c J u r g e n s e n . D i r e c t o r o f Parque Fundidora. December 11, 2007. Parque Fundidora: Av. Fundidora y Adolfo Prieto S/N, Col. Obrera: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 20. Salvador Kalifa. Economic analyst/consultant; member of the Administration Council, IMSA Group; and independent counselor, FAMSA Group. November 22, 2007. Kalifa’s office: Ricardo Margáin 240, Third Floor, Col. Valle del Campestre: San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León. 21. Carlos C. Leal. General secretary of Agreements, Nuevo León’s Electoral Tribunal. November 26, 2007. Offices of Nuevo León’s Electoral Tribunal: Liendo 602 y 604, Col. Obispado: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 22. Roberto Madero. Entrepreneur (partner at Danilo Black ). December 6, 2007. Coppel Stores’ main offices: Calle República 2855 Poniente, Col. Recursos Hidráulicos: Culiacán, Sinaloa. 23. Jesús Marcos. President of CANACO-Monterrey in 2007 and president of Hemsa. December 2, 2007. CANACO-Monterrey: Ocampo 411 Poniente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. Appendix 169

24. Freddy Mariñez. Professor at EGAP. November 28, 2007. EGAP (Mariñez’s office): Av. Fundadores y Rufino Tamayo, Col. Valle Oriente: San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León. 25. David Martínez. Director of Economic Studies, Nuevo León’s Secretariat of Economic Development. November 21, 2007. Nuevo León’s Secretariat of Economic Development building (Martínez’s office): 5 de Mayo No. 525 Oriente (Edificio Daniel Elizondo Páez), 8th Floor, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 26. Elia Martínez-Rodarte. Writer. August 1, 2011. Café Nuevo Brasil: Zaragoza 224 Sur, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 2 7 . R o d r i g o P l a n c a r t e . D i r e c t o r - g e n e r a l o f C O P A R M E X - N u e v o L e ó n i n 2 0 0 7 . December 1, 2007. COPARMEX-Nuevo León: Cuauhtémoc 757 Sur, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 2 8 . J o s é A . R a m ó n . D i r e c t o r - g e n e r a l o f C A N A C O - M o n t e r r e y i n 2 0 0 7 . December 2, 2007. CANACO-Monterrey: Ocampo 411 Poniente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 29. Alejandra Rangel. Executive president of the Social Development Council. November 29, 2007. Social Development Council’s offices: Av. Churubusco 495 Norte, Col. Fierro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 30. Cordelia Rizzo. Writer, human rights activist, and coordinator of the Executive Secretariat at Nuevo León State Commission of Human Rights (Comisión Estatal de Derechos Humanos de Nuevo León, CEDHNL). July 29, 2011. Rizzo’s offices at CEDHNL: Ave. Ignacio Morones Prieto 2110–2 Poniente (edificio Manchester), Col. Loma Larga: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 31. Javier A. Salazar. Entrepreneur (citric fruits producer). December 1, 2007. Salazar-García’s office: San Carlos 103–2do Piso, Residencial Santa Bárbara: San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León. 32. Alfonso Teja. Director of Information, TV Azteca Northeast. December 7, 2007. TV Azteca’s offices: Río Tamesí 300, Col. México: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 33. Javier Treviño. Nuevo León’s lieutenant governor. July 29, 2011. Palacio de Gobierno (Government’s House): Zaragoza y 5 de Mayo, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo Léon. 34. Miguel B. Treviño. Political analyst and editorialist, El Norte and Reforma newspapers. November 30, 2007. El Norte and Reforma newspapers’ offices: Washington 629 Oriente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 35. Roldán Trujillo. Journalist. December 4, 2007. Sheraton Ambassador Hotel, Monterrey: Hidalgo 310 Oriente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo Léon. 36. Edwin Valdés. Political analyst and activist. December 3, 2007. Toks res- taurant: Ave. Insurgentes 3901, Col. Colinas de San Jerónimo: Monterrey, Nuevo León 37. Armando Valdés. Chief clerk of CTM-Nuevo León; and secretary-general of the Labor Federation of San Nicolás de los Garza. December 16, 2007. CTM-Nuevo León’s offices: Treviño 211 Poniente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 170 Appendix

38. Isaías Vázquez. Secretary of Conflicts and Labor Relations, CROC-Nuevo León. December 17, 2007. Howard Johnson Macro Plaza: Morelos 574 Oriente, Col. Centro: Monterrey, Nuevo León. 39. Héctor J. Villarreal. Professor at EGAP. December 10, 2007. EGAP (Office 611-H): Av. Fundadores y Rufino Tamayo, Col. Valle Oriente: San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León. Notes

INTRODUCTION

1 . The concept of electoral exclusion refers to low levels of participation and electoral competition, significant degrees of government control on political participation, and repeated instances of fraud, repression, or manipulation of the electoral process. 2 . This term is taken from Marshall and Jaggers 2–3.

1 POLITICAL FACTIONALISM IN “DEMOCRATIC” MEXICO: THE CONTEXT, THE VARIABLES, AND THE MAIN ACTORS

1 . It is important to mention that the term “factionalism” here does not refer to party politics or intraparty dynamics. The study of political party factionalism is a dominant analytical approach in political science represented by the works of V. O. Key, Maurice Duverger, Giovanni Sartori, Raphael Zariski, Richard Rose, Frank. P. Belloni, Dennis C. Beller, and others. These works refer to a different phenomenon than the one analyzed in this book, which has to do with noninstitutional forms of political action. On the work of the aforementioned authors and their perspectives on political party factionalism see Boucek 1–31. 2 . Consociationalism is a form of democracy in which harmony in segmented societies is maintained through the distinctive roles of elites and the autonomy of organized interests (Lijphart 2). 3 . It is worth noting that socioeconomic variables are often closely related. High and increasing levels of income inequality are often mentioned as major causes of growth retardation and increasing poverty levels. 4 . Other socioeconomic factors that are apparently involved in the occurrence of major civil upheavals and violent political turmoils are the actual stages (thresholds) of economic development, levels of education, and the development of social consciousness among the population. A deteriorating socioeconomic situation does not necessarily cause APF. In fact, major civil 172 Notes

protests and violent political actions can only take place when a sufficient level of economic and human development furnishes the requisite resources for rebel groups. Certain socioeconomic improvements—such as higher levels of education—may actually increase the likelihood that APF will occur. 5 . It is worth noting that most analysts dealing with this topic try to explain either regime change or regime collapse. Their focus is either on the sources of democracy or the relationship between income distribution and democratic consolidation. Thus, most authors present a stark choice between democracy and authoritarianism or dictatorship. Consider, for example, Manus Midlarsky’s 1997 analysis of the relationship between inequality, democracy, and economic development (1–12). Consider also Carles Boix’s 2003 study offering a complete theory of political transitions in which political regimes ultimately hinge on the nature of economic assets, their distribution among individuals, and the balance of power among different social groups. 6 . Numerous studies of this kind evaluate quantitatively the significance and variance of the different variables allegedly causing political conflict and violence. Most of them find what they believe to be a significant positive relationship between inequality and political stability—measured in different ways. 7 . Relative deprivation theory links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of people’s situation, particularly their socioeconomic conditions. In Why Men Rebel, Ted Robert Gurr explains social mobilization using a model of relative deprivation as a psychological source for violence. According to Gurr, absolute deprivation does not pro- duce mobilization; rather, it is relative deprivation that accounts for collective action. 8 . However, Powell finds no link between high levels of voter participation and political turmoil. 9 . By political opportunities, Tarrow refers to “consistent—but not necessarily formal or permanent—dimensions of the political environment that pro- vide incentives for collective action by affecting people’s expectations for success or failure” (76–77). 10 . This phenomenon is related to what is termed “relative deprivation.” 11 . Major political conflict that is directly attributable to distributive problems implies a very small “middle class.” If income distribution is highly polar- ized, the middle class would be small and would probably play a minor role in stopping the formation of antigovernment coalitions. In this case, antagonistic coalitions could form more quickly. Hence, a society divided into two well-defined and separate coalitions exhibits a high potential for political factionalism (De la Torre, “Economic Polarization” 15). 12 . According to this conception, modern representative democracy is a regime in which the majority of its citizens have an equal and effective chance to participate in the electoral process that determines the government. 13 . See, for example, Alvarez and Escobar. Notes 173

14 . The Zapatista movement is a good example of popular rebellion mainly motivated by economic exclusion. On January 1, 1994, over 3,000 indigenous rebels initiated an armed uprising in the state of Chiapas, issuing a list of demands for basic rights. The rebellion coincided with the inaugu- ration of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (Harvey 12–17). 15 . See also Bardhan, Bowles, and Gintis. 16 . Mexico City and the State of Mexico—which are wealthier and more equal than most Mexican states—also show a very large number of conflicts during this period. However, these states present unique characteristics and different political, social, and economic dynamics compared to the rest of the country that explain such a situation. On this subject see chapter 2 (section: “Inequality and Conflict in the Mexican States”). 1 7 . E P R . 18 . See Trejo, “¿Por qué los Movimientos de Protesta Social Arrecian en Años Electorales?” 15–18.

2 EXPLAINING POLITICAL FACTIONALISM IN “TWO MEXICOS”: AN EMPIRICAL APPROACH

1 . GEA stands for Group of Associated Economists (Grupo de Economistas Asociados). 2 . The Gini coefficient is a global measure of the degree of deviation of the income distribution from “perfect equality,” where each proportion of households controls a proportionately equal amount of resources. The Gini coefficient ranges from 0 (perfect equality) to 1 (perfect inequality). Other measures of inequality are the Theil index and the Coefficient of Variation. 3 . For further details on these three indicators see IMCO (Mexican Competitiveness Institute) and EGAP (Graduate School of Public Administration and Public Policy), Preparando a las Entidades Federativas para la Competitividad . Σρ2 4 . The Laakso and Taagepera Index is calculated as N s = 1/ i , where N s represents the effective number of parties measured by the number of seats, and ρ2 i is the proportional share of seats of the i-th party (Laakso and Taagepera 3–27). 5 . Two alternative ways of calculating this margin are (1) 100 – percentage of vote for the dominant party and (2) difference between first and second place. 6 . On the independence of local electoral institutes in Mexico see Ley. 7 . This measurement tool registers the payment of bribes declared by Mexican households in 35 public services provided by the three levels of government and the business sector. The relevant survey also sheds light on the cost of corruption for Mexican citizens. 8 . Transparencia Mexicana is the Mexican chapter of Transparency International (TI). TI is a nongovernmental organization based in Berlin, 174 Notes

Germany, dedicated to increasing government accountability and curtailing international and national corruption. 9 . Interviewing—and especially elite interviewing—is highly relevant for process tracing approaches to case study research (see Tansey). Field research in selected Mexican states includes interviews with elite figures, such as government officials, representatives of the main political parties, academics, journalists, and representatives of the major social and political movements. 10 . Three federal elections and several local elections took place during these six years. In 2000 and 2006, Mexicans elected a president and renewed both chambers of Congress; several local ballots were also held during these years. Midterm congressional elections were held in 2003. It is worth noting that the local elections calendar is not uniform for all Mexican states. The study finishes on December 1, 2006, when Felipe Calderón assumed the Mexican presidency. 11 . In the wider literature on elite interviews, a broad number of uses have been identified for this particular form of data collection. Elite interviews are often employed, (1) to corroborate what has been established from other sources, (2) to establish what certain groups of people think, (3) to help reconstruct an event or set of events (elite interviews can shed light on the hidden elements of political action that are not clear from the analysis of political outcomes or of other primary sources), and (4) to make inferences about the general characteristics or decisions of a larger population (Tansey 4–5). 12 . UNDP stands for United Nations Development Program. 13 . UNDP’s HDI “is a composite index that measures the average achievements in a country in three basic dimensions of human development: a long and healthy life, as measured by life expectancy at birth; knowledge, as measured by the adult literacy rate and the combined gross enrollment ratio for primary, secondary and tertiary schools; and a decent standard of living, as measured by GDP per capita in purchasing power parity (PPP) US dollars” (UNDP, Human Development Report 2005 214). 14 . Nine of the twenty poorest municipalities in Mexico belong to the state of Oaxaca, five are located in Chiapas, three in Guerrero, two in Veracruz, and one in Nayarit (Reforma /Staff par. 6). 15 . Further institutional problems include violations of civil liberties and human rights, limited accountability of elected authorities, rampant corruption, a weak rule of law, and impunity for corrupt officials. 16 . Alianza Cívica was created after the allegedly fraudulent Mexican federal elections of 1988 and has become the country’s largest nonpartisan electoral watchdog organization. 17 . This phenomenon started in the 1970s, when affiliation to protestant churches registered major growth. 18 . Such conflicts are essentially located in the zone of Los Altos and in the border area. Notes 175

19 . These groups are also present, to a lesser extent, in Hidalgo, the State of Mexico, Puebla, Veracruz, and Michoacán. 20 . See table 2.2 , and Correa-Cabrera, “Democracy in ‘Two Mexicos’” 107–121. 21 . See table 2.2 , and Correa-Cabrera, “Democracy in ‘Two Mexicos’” 107–115. 22 . It is worth noting that the correlations between (1) the APF index and the Gini index and between (2) the APF index and the Corruption and Good Governance index are of similar magnitude (Correa-Cabrera, “Democracy in ‘Two Mexicos’” 107–122). 23 . Cells of groups 3 and 4 in figures 2.1 and 2.2 can be considered empty. 24 . That said, conflicts were not completely absent in Nuevo León during this period. However, conflicts in this northern state did not generally involve violence and did not have a major negative impact on the state’s social life. 25 . The author conducted 85 interviews with elite figures, including government officials, representatives of the main political parties, academics, journalists, and representatives of the major social and political movements in the two states. These interviews offer an elite level analysis of the causes of political violence and major civil conflict in the selected states.

3 POLITICAL CONTENTION IN A SOUTHERN MEXICAN STATE: OAXACA

1 . See Barabás, Bartolomé, and Maldonado. 2 . Oaxaca’s Constitution recognizes 15 ethnic groups: Amuzgos, Cuicatecos, Chatinos, Chinatecos, Chocholtecos, Chontales, Huaves, Ixcatecos, Mazatecos, Mixes, Mixtecos, Nahuas, Triquis, Zapotecos, and Zoques. It also recognizes the Afro-Mexican community of Oaxaca’s coast. 3 . S e e G ó m e z ; and Barabás and Bartolomé. 4 . On this subject see Bailón. 5 . According to some statistics, more than 70 percent of Oaxaca’s population lives in extreme poverty and more than a half of the state’s population earns less than the national minimum wage. Only half of the state’s inhabitants “have access to basic services, such as electricity and running water and fewer than 40 percent of Oaxacans have the opportunity to study beyond elementary school” (Denham and the C.A.S.A. Collective 27). 6 . The index was created by the Mexican consulting firm aregional S.A. de C.V. (see www.aregional.com ). This measure considers urban population, GDP growth, level of education, households’ basic services, and infant mor- tality, among other dimensions. 7 . These people mostly live on the outskirts of Mexico City; Nezahualcóyotl City and other peripheral municipalities of the State of Mexico; San Quintín, San Joaquín, Maneadero, and Tijuana, in Baja California; as well as in 176 Notes

Sonora and Sinaloa. In the United States, Oaxacan migrants concentrate in Los Angeles, California, Oregon, and other southern states (Blas 153). 8 . Coicoyán de las Flores is located in the Mixteca region. The capital city of Oaxaca is located in the Central Valleys and this region is relatively more affluent that others in the state. The Mixteca, on the other hand, is among the poorest regions in the country; it is located northwest of the city of Oaxaca. 9 . S o u r c e : w w w . g o b i e r n o d e o a x a c a . g o b . m x . 10 . For example, SNTE’s Section 22 controls a great part of Oaxaca’s Institute of Public Education (Instituto Estatal de Educación Pública de Oaxaca, IEEPO). 11 . Following the 1994 Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, and in order to prevent the occurrence of a similar conflict in Oaxaca, the local PRI government introduced electoral reforms in 1995 and 1998 to legalize the system of usos y costumbres. The new local legislation recognizes collective rights for indigenous communities, as well as some degree of autonomy in their own forms of organization (although these newly recognized collective rights are clearly restrained at the municipal level, and should not contradict federal legislation). On this subject see Anaya, Autonomía Indígena, Gobernabilidad y Legitimidad ; Dalton; and Permanent Commission of Indigenous Affairs, “Ley de Derechos de los Pueblos.” 12 . For example, through this new local legislation, legitimacy has been given to traditional practices such as simply raising hands in general assemblies for selecting representatives. 13 . According to Oaxaca’s legislation, the “power of intervention” can only be utilized in the event of civil disorder or threats to local governability. However, this power has been used as a tool to strengthen local authoritarian rule. For example, in the first five years of his administration, José Murat (1998–2004) suspended or removed municipal authorities in 140 of Oaxaca’s 570 municipalities (almost 25 percent of the total) (Gibson 116). 14 . Among these pressure groups are the Coalition of Workers, Peasants, and Students of the Isthmus (COCEI), the Unified Movement of the Triqui Struggle (MULT), the Emiliano Zapata State’s Coordinator of Communities and Organization (CECOEZ), the Labor, Peasant and Popular General Union (UGOCP), and the Emiliano Zapata Labor and Peasant Organization (OOCEZ). 15 . According to some, the legalization of usos y costumbres has not adversely affected the democratization of Oaxaca’s electoral system. Salomón Nahmad, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, and Kunle Owolabi, for example, claim that there is no inherent contradiction between democratization and demands for indigenous autonomy, and that the two processes can be mutually reenforc- ing. According to them, the legal recognition of indigenous forms of local government enhances Mexico’s democratization process. See, for example, Owolabi. 16 . Consider, for example the case of Noticias de Oaxaca, a local newspaper, which was especially critical of Ruiz’s government. On June 17, 2005, the Notes 177

daily newspaper faced a massive strike organized by the Revolutionary Confederation of Workers and Peasants (Confederación Revolucionaria Obrera y Campesina, CROC), a union linked to the governor’s party. 17 . The governor candidate of the coalition, Gabino Cué, beat the PRI candidate, Eviel Pérez, by a margin of eight percentage points. Voter turnout was of approximately 56 percent. 18 . One of the most serious shortcomings of the current electoral law in Oaxaca is the lack of legislation on post-electoral conflict solution in the municipalities that choose their authorities under the system of usos y costumbres. In fact, there is no instance through which these municipalities can contest their elections and peacefully solve their electoral controversies. 19 . See Oaxacan Network of Human Rights and Citizen Movement for Democracy, “Informe sobre la Observación del Derecho a la Elección Libre y Secreta en Algunas Comunidades del Estado de Oaxaca.” 20 . This is the case of the Popular Unity Party (PUP) that supported Héctor Sánchez’s candidacy in the 2004 gubernatorial race. The PUP is allegedly indigenous and was created to divide opposition votes. It has been argued that then-governor José Murat organized and financed the PUP, using Héctor Sánchez to peel votes away from the strongest opposition candidate, Gabino Cué (Grayson 28). 21 . The COCEI is a legendary social organization that played a fundamen- tal role in the Oaxacan isthmus in the 1970s. On the COCEI see F. Martínez. 22 . According to Manuel García, Oaxaca’s former secretary-general of Government, in 2007 the state registered around 650 unsolved agrarian conflicts (García par. 1). 23 . This agrarian conflict takes place in the zoque municipality of Santa María Chimalapa, where there is one of the most important jungles of the Americas. The Chimalapas’s conflict involves communities from Oaxaca, Veracruz, and Chiapas. See De Teresa, et al. 24 . Víctor R. Martínez. Personal interview. July 11, 2007. 2 5 . T h e t e r m c r e o l e s , o r criollos, was part of Spanish colonial caste system and refers to those of Spanish ancestry born in the colonies. 26 . Fernando Cabrera. Personal interview. July 24, 2007. 27 . This group is part of the National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE), which has been traditionally opposed to SNTE’s national leader, Elba Esther Gordillo. The SNTE is the legally authorized organization for collective bargaining with federal and local authorities in Oaxaca. SNTE’s Section 22 has operated with a degree of independence from the national union, but usually negotiates starting from the agreements reached by the SNTE at the national level. In this context, Oaxacan teachers have traditionally achieved higher benefits than teachers in other parts of the country (Sarmiento pars. 2–4). 28 . This information was provided by Daniel Rosas, former spokesman for SNTE’s Section 22 (Secretary of Press and Advertising). Daniel Rosas. Personal interview. July 25, 2007. 178 Notes

29 . On November 25, 2006, 575 people were arrested in the capital city of Oaxaca; many of them were teachers. At the same time, around 200 schools were taken by members of SNTE’s Section 59. 30 . See details of this conflict in chapter 4 . 31 . According to informal sources, there are ten guerrilla organizations operating today in Mexico, but there may be more. The number of these organizations increased during the Fox sexenio; in the period 1996–2000 there were only four guerrilla groups operating in the Mexican territory (Vera 18). 32 . The EPR, for example, has recently experienced internal divisions, which have led to the emergence of other guerilla movements, such as the Democratic Revolutionary Trend–The People’s Army (Tendencia Democrática Revolucionaria-Ejército del Pueblo, TDR-EP). These divisions have occurred due to differences among leaders and fights for the control of arms and resources. 33 . The EPR was created in 1994 but didn’t formally appear until 1996 in Aguas Blancas, Guerrero, one year after the assassination of 17 peasants in this place. This armed group is officially denominated Democratic Popular Revolutionary Party-EPR (Partido Democrático Popular Revolucionario-EPR, PDPR-EPR). In Oaxaca, the EPR mainly operates in the Loxicha region and Central Valleys. 34 . Among these groups are the Armed Revolutionary Organization of the Peoples of Oaxaca (Organización Revolucionaria Armada del Pueblo de Oaxaca, ORAPO), which tossed gasoline bombs at three banks in the state’s capital city, and five other armed organizations, which form part of the so-called Revolutionary Coordinator (Coordinadora Revolucionaria) and claimed responsibility for three bombings in Mexico City on November 6, 2006. These five groups are Movimiento Revolucionario Lucio Cabañas Barrientos, TDR-EP, Organización Insurgente 1 de Mayo, Brigada de Ajusticiamiento 2 de diciembre, and Brigadas Populares de Liberación. On November 27, 2006, the TDR-EP announced the creation of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Mexico (Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de México, APPM) that would allegedly be supported by and would incorpo- rate the demands of the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation), the APPO, and Andrés Manuel López-Obrador and his movement. 35 . Guerrillas’ revolutionary theory is based on the claim that violence is the sole engine of change and that a clear situation of social injustice justifies the use of any means—even violence—for achieving the movement’s success. Guerrilla movements’ ideology has its origins in the recognition of the “existing inequality between the State’s forces and the struggle capacities of the oppressed society” (Shabot par. 1). 36 . In fact, electoral conflicts in Oaxaca sometimes last for years and are often accompanied by violence and several dead people. Serious electoral violence took place, for example, in Juchitán (2003: COCEI’s leader, Carlos Sánchez was assassinated); San Agustín Loxica (2004: municipal president assassinated); San Miguel Quetzaltepec (2002: four people dead); San Blas Notes 179

Atempa (2005: one person dead), San Sebastián Tecomaxtlahuaca (2005: one dead) (Blas 218). 37 . Jaime Bailón. Personal interview. July 17, 2007. 38 . Also, of the 13 municipal presidents who resigned in this period, 10 belonged to usos y costumbres municipalities. In the 2001 electoral process, of 19 void elections, 18 took place in this type of municipalities. In 2004, 66 of the 418 usos y costumbres municipalities registered violent conflicts (Blas 138). 39 . Alejandro Anaya. Personal interview. May 14, 2007. 40 . On the causes of this conflict, and for further details, see chapter 4 of the present work. 41 . Poverty and the lack of economic opportunities have led to the cultivation of drugs in some Oaxacan regions. The isolation of certain areas— the Southern Sierra, for example—has enabled drug traffickers to make use of lands opened by lumber harvest for the cultivation of poppy and marijuana. 42 . Li b e r a t i o n t h e o l o g y i s a m o v e m e n t o f l a t e - t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y R o m a n Catholicism, centered in Latin America, “that sought to apply religious faith by aiding the poor and oppressed through involvement in political and civic affairs. It stressed both heightened awareness of the socioeconomic structures that caused social inequities and active participation in changing those structures” ( Britannica Online Encyclopedia 15 Jan 2006. Web. 27 Sep. 2007). Liberation theology incorporates the concept of social responsibility and is heavily influenced by Marxism and socialism. Liberationist clerics in Oaxaca “have coordinated a wide variety of activities for defending people’s rights within the larger political and social sphere” (Norget 99). They have also denounced the extremely poor material conditions of indigenous and peasant communities and have fought for the recognition and respect of indigenous identity. 43 . This same phenomenon occurs, at the national level, in Mexico City.

4 FOUR EPISODES OF POLITICAL FACTIONALISM IN OAXACA

1 . In fact, Santo Domingo Teojomulco ranks as one of the poorest communities in the country. 2 . Huautla de Jiménez is best known as the Mexican town where R. Gordon Wasson rediscovered the indigenous use of psilocybin mushrooms (magic mushrooms) in the mid-1950s. This is the home village of Maria Sabina, the famous mushroom shaman or curandera (F. Erowid and E. Erowid 20). 3 . Huautla de Jiménez is the name of the municipality and municipal seat (cabecera municipal). The name Huautla comes from the Náhuatl language, and means “land of eagles”; ‘de Jiménez’ was added after General Mariano Jimenez, Oaxaca’s interim governor in 1884. 4 . Puente de Fierro is located in the municipality of Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón. 180 Notes

5 . The year 2006 was the twenty-fifth consecutive year that Oaxaca’s teachers staged a strike. In previous years, these strikes lasted for a week or two; normally teachers received a small wage raise and then resumed their nor- mal activities. The demonstrations were sometimes violent and occasionally caused some damage in the city’s downtown. 6 . There is no consensus on the number of people killed in the 2006 Oaxacan conflict. By the end of the year, the International Civil Commission for Human Rights Observation (CCIODH) reported 23 deaths. Meanwhile, the CNDH reported 20 people dead in 2006—11 killed in situations directly related to the conflict, 349 people imprisoned, and 370 injured. 7 . About 4,000 federal police members moved into the city of Oaxaca on October 29, 2006. Fox ordered the federal troops in after three people, including independent New York City journalist Bradley Roland Will, were killed in Oaxaca the evening before. Will’s death was a critical turning point in the Oaxacan conflict. 8 . Top leaders of the movement, including Flavio Sosa (a visible figure and controversial APPO leader), his brother Horacio, Ignacio García, and Marcelino Coache were arrested on December 4, 2006. 9 . Carlos Sorroza. Personal interview. July 13, 2007. 10 . Some characters, like Flavio Sosa, Felipe Martínez (UABJO’s former rector), and Lázaro García (president of the Popular Revolutionary Front, FPR), attracted media attention for their participation in the movement at certain crucial moments. However, among APPO members, they were not recognized as leaders. 11 . Osorno was then correspondent for Milenio newspaper and was present in Oaxaca City throughout the conflict. 12 . Diego E. Osorno. Personal interview. July 19, 2007 . 13 . Víctor García. Personal interview. July 20, 2007 . 14 . The APPO appears on June 17, just three days after the teachers’ repression. 15 . Gustavo Esteva. Personal interview. July 24, 2007. 16 . Héctor P. Ramírez. Personal interview. July 27, 2007. 17 . Evencio N. Martínez. Personal interview. July 27, 2007. 18 . Arturo Mejía. Personal interview. July 16, 2007. 19 . Romualdo F. W. Mayrén. Personal interview. July 25, 2007. 20 . Romualdo F. W. Mayrén. Personal interview. July 25, 2007. 21 . René Trujillo. Personal interview. July 28, 2007. 22 . Carlos Sorroza. Personal interview. July 13, 2007. 23 . Gabino Cué. Personal interview. July 11, 2007. 24 . Carlos Sorroza. Personal interview. July 13, 2007. 25 . CIESAS stands for Center for Research and Higher Education in Social Anthropology (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social). 26 . Salomón Nahmad. Personal interview. July 15, 2007. 27 . Joel Aquino is a Zapotec from the indigenous municipality of Yalalag; he is leader of the Uken ke Uken organization, which means “to make possible the impossible.” Notes 181

28 . Carlos Montemayor, and Blanche Petrich. Discussion at Diego Osorno’s book presentation ( Oaxaca Sitiada: La Primera Insurrección del Siglo XXI ). Oaxaca, Institute of Graphic Arts of Oaxaca (Instituto de Artes Gráficas de Oaxaca, IAGO). July 9, 2007 . 29 . The announcement was made after the election of municipal authorities— president, vice president, mayor, secretary, and six people to make up the Elders’ Council (Consejo de Ancianos). José Ramírez, a 32 year-old peasant, was elected as municipal president. 30 . One day before the new authorities assumed office, paramilitary groups burst into town and opened fire at a secondary school, the municipal market, and a church in the area of San Juan Copala. 31 . The Triquis are also referred to as Driquis or Triques. 32 . COPLADE stands for Development Planning Committee (Comité de Planeación para el Desarrollo). 33 . Juan J. Benítez. Personal interview. July 24, 2007.

5 EXPLAINING POLITICAL FACTIONALISM IN A POOR SOUTHERN MEXICAN STATE

1 . Diódoro Carrasco. Personal interview. April 20, 2007. 2 . Gerardo Albino. Personal interview. April 20, 2007. 3 . Consider, for example, what happened with the movement that supported Gabino Cué in his alleging fraud in the August 1, 2004, election. Discontented citizens organized massive marches and provided elements to demonstrate fraud in this electoral contest. However, the movement was unsuccessful because its members did not have enough resources to face the state apparatus. 4 . Carlos Moreno. Personal interview. May 3, 2007. 5 . Margarita Dalton. Personal interview. July 10, 2007. 6 . Sergio Aguayo. Personal interview. June 13, 2007. 7 . Particularly during the administration of Governor Manuel Zárate (1974–1977). 8 . Víctor R. Martínez. Personal interview. July 11, 2007. 9 . The response to government repression in 2006 was different from that in 1996 when the EPR was created and the government attacked the so-called Loxicha region. While repression successfully suppressed conflict in the 1990s, by 2006 the decline of PRI’s hegemony provided a context in which repression further intensified conflict. 10 . CIDE stands for Center for Research and Teaching in Economics (Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas). 11 . Anaya highlights, in particular, the achievements of Heladio Ramírez’s and Diódoro Carrasco’s administrations in terms of conflict resolution. Heladio Ramírez (1986–1992) was the first Oaxacan governor in many years to actually complete his term of office. The subsequent governor, Diódoro Carrasco (1992–1998) was also able to retain his position for six years, notwithstanding the appearance of the EPR in the state. Anaya recognizes that 182 Notes

“both governors negotiated with the different groups involved in major conflicts, respecting the traditions and local dynamics of the Oaxacan peoples themselves.” In this context, Anaya identifies “an elite quite capable of effec- tively managing and deactivating conflicts.” This situation changed during the subsequent administrations of José Murat and Ulises Ruiz. Alejandro Anaya. Personal interview. May 14, 2007. 12 . Gerardo Albino. Personal interview. April 20, 2007. 13 . There are also significant divisions within each group. 14 . Francisco Toledo. Personal interview. July 19, 2007. 15 . Many recurring electoral disputes and post-electoral conflicts between 2000 and 2006 involved indigenous groups that elected municipal authorities through the scheme of usos y costumbres. 16 . Among the interviewees supporting the inequality-socioeconomic hypoth- esis in this project were: communitarian leader Juan E. Inocente; political activist Fernando Cabrera; student leader René Trujillo; Evencio N. Martínez, attorney general of Oaxaca at that time; then-president of Oaxaca’s Congress, Bulmaro Rito; PRD senator Salomón Jara; and PAN’s local deputy Héctor L. Inocente. 17 . Evencio N. Martínez. Personal interview. July 25, 2007. 18 . SEDESOL is the Social Development Ministry (Secretaría de Desarrollo Social). 19 . Ernesto G. Altamirano. Personal interview. July 18, 2007. 20 . Bulmaro Rito. Personal interview. July 20, 2007. 21 . Gabino Cué. Personal interview. July 11, 2007. 22 . Víctor R. Martínez. Personal interview. July 11, 2007. 23 . Gerardo Albino. Personal interview. April 20, 2007. 24 . Diódoro Carrasco. Personal interview. April 20, 2007. 25 . Ignacio García. Personal interview. July 12, 2007 . 26 . Diódoro Carrasco. Personal interview. April 20, 2007. 27 . Ezequiel Rosales. Personal interview. July 10, 2007. 28 . Salomón Jara. Personal interview. June 26, 2007. 29 . Diódoro Carrasco. Personal interview. April 20, 2007. 30 . José Murat was not an insider in Diódoro Carrasco’s circles but was desig- nated as PRI nominee for governor by President Ernesto Zedillo in 1998. Such a nomination was made against Carrasco’s will and contradicted the usual practices of local PRI governments. This decision resulted in important divisions within the Oaxacan PRI. Groups allied with Carrasco and the former governor finally separated from the PRI. 31 . Cué was also undersecretary of social communication at the Ministry of the Interior (Secretaría de Gobernación) during the last part of President Ernesto Zedillo’s administration (1999–2000). 32 . Margarita Dalton. Personal interview. July 10, 2007. 33 . Gerardo Albino. Personal interview. April 20, 2007. 34 . Salomón Nahmad. Personal interview. July 15, 2007. 35 . Carlos Sorroza. Personal interview. July 13, 2007. 36 . Sergio Aguayo. 2007. Personal interview. June 13, 2007. Notes 183

37 . Margarita Dalton. Personal interview. July 10, 2007. Dalton identifies three different types of violence in Oaxaca: historical violence, political violence, and economic (distributive) violence. According to her, the last two types of violence are closely related.

6 POLITICS AND THE ECONOMY IN NORTHERN MEXICO: NUEVO LEÓN

1 . The so-called war on drugs was declared in December 2006 by President Felipe Calderon, who sent army troops and the federal police to a handful of states in order to fight drug trafficking organizations. 2 . Nuevo León is the fifth Mexican state with the smallest of indigenous population. 3 . MMA has an extension of 2,146 square miles (5,560 square km) and is formed by 11 municipalities: Apodaca, García, General Escobedo, Guadalupe, Juárez, Monterrey, Salinas Victoria, San Nicolás de los Garza, San Pedro Garza García, Santa Catarina, and Santiago. 4 . See Encarta Encyclopedia, “Nuevo León.”. On Nuevo León’s history, see Cavazos; and Garza, Nuevo León: Textos de su Historia . 5 . The US Civil War also had a significant impact on the state’s economic development and positioned Nuevo León at the heart of the cotton trade between Europe and the Confederate states. The cotton trade was the foundation of some of the most important early fortunes in Nuevo León. See W. Diamond, “Imports of the Confederate Government” and Tyler. 6 . I T E S M . 7 . See Cossío. 8 . See Mora and Saragoza. 9 . During the presidential administration of Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988–1994), in particular, the federal government greatly supported the modernization of the big industrial groups in Nuevo León, with the aim of turning them into a link between international markets and the rest of the national economy. In this new context, the government gave the big corporations increasingly hegemonic control over the country’s economic surpluses. 10 . Such dynamics have to do with the fact that the Mexican North is an area closely linked territorially and economically to the biggest capitalist market in the hemisphere (Cerutti, Propietarios, Empresarios y Empresa 4). 1 1 . S e e C e r u t t i , Propietarios, Empresarios y Empresa and Gutiérrez. 12 . See INEGI Encuesta Nacional de Ocupación y Empleo 2005 and AIHEPS. 13 . Secretariat of Economic Development (Government of Nuevo León), with data form INEGI and US Census Bureau. 14 . Secretariat of Economic Development (Government of Nuevo León), with data from INEGI and the National Survey of Occupation and Employment (ENOE). 15 . Secretariat of Economic Development (Government of Nuevo León), with data from the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS). 184 Notes

16 . Mexico City generally occupies the first place in attracting FDI. 17 . Mexico’s Economics Ministry (Secretaría de Economía). 18 . Traditionally known as the northern hub of Mexican industry, Monterrey has become an ideal site for the maquiladora industry as it migrates from the border region to the country’s interior in search of a more stable labor force (AGIM Corporation n. pag. ). 19 . Likewise, according to a report elaborated in 2002 by the Center of Economic Studies of the Private Sector (Centro de Estudios Económicos del Sector Privado, CEESP), the Autonomous Technological Institute of Mexico (Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México, ITAM) and law firm Gaxiola, Moraila y Asociados (GAM), Nuevo León was the best state in Mexico to do business in and occupied the first place in the country in terms of enforceability of commercial contracts and mortgages disputed in state court. The conditions considered in this report to determine whether a state is attractive for doing business were: security, education, health, availability of human and material resources, efficiency of state institutions involved in the administration of justice, as well as the adequacy of state laws to solve mercantile processes, among other factors (Meave 49). 20 . Mexican conglomerate ALFA is a big player in four different industrial segments: global petrochemical (including synthetic fibers), refrigerated foods, aluminum automotive parts, and telecommunications. ALFA has established alliances with more than 20 companies around the world (e.g., AT&T, Ford, and BP). Available from: http://answers.com (accessed January 18, 2008). 21 . CEMEX is owned by Lorenzo Zambrano, who now controls Mexico’s cement market after eliminating competition through successful mergers and acquisitions. Since 2000, Zambrano’s company started buying several cement companies in different parts of the world (Rodríguez 36). 22 . Founded in 1890 in Monterrey, FEMSA (Mexican Economic Promotion, Fomento Economico Mexicano, S.A.) is the largest integrated beverage company in Latin America, serving more than 184 million consumers. It is comprised of three complementary business units: FEMSA Cerveza (beer), Coca-Cola FEMSA and FEMSA Comercio (trade). Today this group owns Cuauhtémoc-Moctezuma brewery, the OXXO convenience store chain, as well as the biggest bottling company of Coca-Cola products in Latin America—Coca-Cola’s second largest bottler worldwide. In 2006 the company reported revenues of $11.7 billion, total assets of $ 13.46 billion, and 97,770 employees (see www.femsa.com ). 23 . PROEZA focuses on different industry segments, such as automotive parts, agro-industry, metals, and information technology. PROEZA’s main sub- sidiary is METALSA, a national leader in the production of automotive parts. 24 . Nuevo León is an important producer of citrus fruits. It has a rich agricul- tural area called the “orange belt” ( corredor citrícola)—which comprises the municipalities of Allende, Cadereytas, General Terán, Hualahuises, Linares, Montemorelos and Santiago—that specializes in the production of oranges, cereals, and other agro-industrial products. Notes 185

25 . For example, in 2007 Monterrey hosted the so-called Universal Forum of Cultures (Forum Universal de las Culturas, Monterrey 2007), an initiative that tried to articulate urban transformation with events associated with cultural diversity, sustainable development, education, and peace. The Forum was a 90-day event that involved a series of concerts and conferences on peace defense; its organization required an investment of approximately $300 million (El Universal /Staff par. 10). 26 . The TEC de Monterrey is one of the top institutions of higher learning in Latin America. The UANL and the TEC de Monterrey are the most prestigious universities in Nuevo León. They have become complementary institutions. In fact, “[t]he latter works specifically to fulfill the needs of private industry, while the former has a strong commitment to benefit- ing the social environment where it is immersed” (AIHEPS 21). See also Vite-León, “University-Industry Collaboration,” and “The Importance of Local Conditions.” 27 . Alejandra Rangel. Personal interview. November 29, 2007. 28 . See Sandoval. 2 9 . S e e L ó p e z , La Pobreza en Monterrey . 30 . On poverty in Nuevo León see Government of Nuevo León, Reporte General ; Lo Que Dicen los Pobres de Nuevo León; and Ahorro, Crédito y Acumulación . 3 1 . S e e R . E . L ó p e z , La Pobreza en Monterrey; I. Martínez; and Zúñiga and Ribeiro, La Marginación Urbana en Monterrey . 32 . SCI assesses the presence of child labor, intensity of the labor day, access to health services, and creation of formal jobs, while measuring poverty levels in terms of wages. 33 . See Vellinga, Desigualdad, Poder y Cambio Social en Monterrey and Sandoval. 34 . EGAP is the Graduate School of Public Administration and Public Policy (Escuela de Graduados en Administración Pública y Política Pública) at TEC de Monterrey. 35 . Héctor J. Villarreal. Personal interview. December 10, 2007. 36 . Guillermo Gómez. Personal interview. November 20, 2007. 37 . Abel Hibert. Personal interview. November 28, 2007. 38 . Juana Aurora Cavazos. Personal interview. December 13, 2007. 39 . Juana Aurora Cavazos. Personal interview. December 13, 2007. 40 . This reform implies a change from an “accusatory-inquisitorial” system to an “adversarial” one, which includes oral, adversarial, and public trials. Nuevo León is the pioneer in Mexico of “oral trials.” 41 . In the period 2003–2009, Nuevo León’s government administration developed a program to promote “values” and a “Culture of Lawfulness” ( Programa de Valores y de Cultura de la Legalidad), with the aim of showing citizens the importance of respecting the legal framework. At the same time, the local government designed courses to promote this so-called Culture of Lawfulness among new local and municipal policemen. 42 . José Manuel Guajardo. Personal interview. November 21, 2007. 186 Notes

43 . This law, among other measures, allows for legally-recognized unions between same-sex partners. 44 . On November 7, 2007, Nuevo Leon’s PAN representatives in Congress pre- sented an initiative to pass the so-called Family Law (Ley de Familia ), which recognizes the “traditional family” as a “natural” institution formed by mother, father, sons, and daughters. According to this conception, the traditional family structure must be preserved and protected through a system of usages, customs, and values based on religious precepts. This initiative was supported by the PAN and strongly rejected by the PRI. 45 . COPARMEX stands for Confederation of Employers of the Mexican Republic (Confederación Patronal de la República Mexicana). 46 . Rodrigo Plancarte. Personal interview. December 1, 2007. 47 . Hugo A. Campos. Personal interview. November 23, 2007. 48 . Guillermo Gómez. Personal interview. November 20, 2007. 49 . The four groups that are mainly involved in this conflict in Nuevo Léon are the Zetas, the Gulf Cartel, the Sinaloa Cartel, and the Beltrán-Leyva family’s cartel. 50 . Until very recently, the city of Monterrey had showed one of the lowest crime rates in the country, notwithstanding the fact that it is the third largest city in Mexico. 51 . With the aim of solving this situation and fighting organized crime in the state, the Mexican army entered Nuevo León on January 25, 2007. 52 . A very general and brief explanation of this new situation can be found in the epilogue of the present book. 53 . Javier Garza-y Garza. Personal interview. November 26, 2007. 54 . Héctor J. Villarreal. Personal interview. December 10, 2007.

7 EXPLAINING POLITICAL COHESION IN A RICH NORTHERN MEXICAN STATE

1 . The number of conflicts in Nuevo León did not increase during the years 2000, 2003, and 2006. 2 . Conflicts Level I were the most numerous during this period. This number is still low in comparative terms. 3 . Javier Garza-y Garza. Personal interview. November 26, 2007. 4 . Nuevo León has long been one of the most politically conservative states in the country. In the 1930s, industrialists and numerous politicians in the state were staunchly opposed to Lázaro Cardenas’s land reform efforts. 5 . The CTM was, at that time, the largest and most important confederation of labor unions in Mexico. 6 . In the book The Politics of Water: Urban Protest, Gender, and Power in Monterrey, Mexico, Vivienne Bennett tells the story of low-income house- wives who took to the streets of Monterrey, blocked traffic, and kidnapped and held as hostages personnel of the state’s water agency during these years. Notes 187

As a result of these conflicts, two dams (Cerro Prieto and El Cuchillo) were finally built. 7 . The most recent massive electoral fights in Nuevo León occurred in the early 1990s, when the PRD was formed from divisions within the PRI. The main fights took place in the municipalities of Cadereyta Jiménez and Ciénega de Flores. 8 . In the period analyzed here, only the municipality of Villa García registered problems related to land control (urban land). 9 . Blanca N. Guerra. Personal interview. December 1, 2007. 10 . CROC stands for Confederación Revolucionaria de Obreros y Campesinos (Revolutionary Confederation of Workers and Peasants). 1 1 . Bracero is a temporary Mexican worker in the United States. 12 . On Nuevo León’s women’s movement see Rangel. 13 . Demands and movements against corruption usually involve middle-class and upper-middle-class groups and their scope is not significant. 14 . Miguel B. Treviño. Personal interview. November 30, 2007. 15 . Juana A. Cavazos. Personal interview. December 13, 2007. 16 . Juan F. Fernández. Personal interview. December 5, 2007. 17 . Javier A. Salazar. Personal interview. December 1, 2007. 18 . Field research was carried out in Monterrey, Nuevo León, in two stages. The first phase took place from November 19 to December 20, 2007. During this period, the author conducted 35 interviews with government officials, representatives of the main political parties, academics, journalists, and representatives of major social and political movements in the state. The second phase was carried out in July 2011, with the aim of updating relevant information and writing an epilogue to briefly explain the current situation in the state. 19 . Filiberto Ceceña. Personal interview. December 14, 2007. 20 . Nuevo León has a strong industrial sector and workers receive higher wages here than in other states of Mexico. Living standards in this northern state are much better than in southern Mexico—probably five to six times greater than in states like Veracruz, Oaxaca, and Chiapas. Employment rates are also higher and economic opportunities are more numerous than in other regions of the country. 21 . Miguel B. Treviño. Personal interview. November 30, 2007. 22 . Edwin Valdés. Personal interview. December 3, 2007. 23 . José Luis Elizondo. Personal interview. December 14, 2007. 24 . CANACO is the National Chamber of Commerce, Services, and Tourism (Cámara Nacional de Comercio, Servicios y Turismo). 25 . José A. Ramón. Personal interview. December 2, 2007. 26 . Poor communities in Nuevo León—particularly in MMA—participate actively in the state’s political life. Previously their participation was almost never violent or extra-institutional. This situation has changed somewhat today with the drug trafficking problem in Mexico. Until 2006, only on rare occasions did marginalized groups in Nuevo León create their own forms of organization—with 188 Notes

a certain level of autonomy from state authorities—to pressure the government. Among these very few cases were land invasions that involved different underprivileged groups and popular organizations, including the CTM and the CROC. Two groups involved in this type of actions were the Popular Front Tierra y Libertad and Fomento Metropolitano de Monterrey (Fomerrey); this last group had as its main goal the development of urban-popular areas for the most marginalized groups in the state (Sandoval 136). 27 . Abel Hibert. Personal interview. November 28, 2007. 28 . Roldán Trujillo. Personal interview. December 4, 2007. 29 . Salvador Kalifa. Personal interview. November 22, 2007. 30 . Armando Valdés. Personal interview. December 16, 2007. 31 . Héctor J. Villarreal. Personal interview. December 10, 2007. 32 . Miguel B. Treviño. Personal interview. November 30, 2007. 33 . See Vellinga, Economic Development and the Dynamics of Class . 34 . On the Monterrey Group see Nuncio, Alternativa de Poder and El Grupo Monterrey . 35 . Edwin Valdés. Personal interview. December 3, 2007. 36 . In the 1997 elections for governor, for example, the contest was between an entrepreneur (Fernando Canales of PAN) and a politician (PRI’s Natividad González). 37 . Roldán Trujillo. Personal interview. December 4, 2007. 38 . Freddy Mariñez. Personal interview. November 28, 2007. 39 . See Vellinga, Industrialización, Burguesía y Clase Obrera en México. 40 . Vidal Garza. Personal interview. November 29, 2007. 41 . Consider, for example, the creation of the TEC de Monterrey by Eugenio Garza Sada; the construction of Cuauhtémoc y Famosa clinic, Vitro health clinic, etc. 42 . On white unions in Nuevo León see Nuncio, Alternativa de Poder . 43 . Official unions (such as the CROC and the CTM) are often called “red unions.” Independent labor unions are those that are not linked to the CTM. The CTM participates within PRI structures and supports PRI candidates (municipal presidencies, local deputies, aldermen, etc.). The difference between red and white unions in Nuevo León is quite small; both maintain very good relationships with entrepreneurs. 44 . Although there have been no legal strikes registered in Nuevo León since 1998, labor conflicts have not been absent. Labor discontent here is usually expressed in the form of very short-term work stoppages to highlight demands for profit sharing or wage increases; but these events are not officially counted. 45 . Rodrigo Plancarte. Personal interview. December 1, 2007. 46 . Isaías Vázquez. Personal interview. December 17, 2007. 47 . The IUTT was created in August 2007 and is closely linked to the needs of those industries with which the CROC holds labor agreements. Today the IUTT has approximately 400 students, and resources come from the labor federation itself, the state and municipal governments, and from scholar- ships provided by affiliated companies. Isaías Vázquez. Personal interview. December 17, 2007. Notes 189

48 . The FNSI is a federation of company unions that are not affiliated with the “official” Mexican labor federations (CTM and CROC), which is headquartered in Monterrey, Nuevo León, and represents approximately 300,000 workers. 49 . If employees choose to work more than eight hours, they can “bank” the extra hours, thereby earning “credit” that enables them to shorten a workday or workweek in the future. 50 . Freddy Mariñez. Personal interview. November 28, 2007. 5 1 . El Norte newspaper covers most of the print media market in MMA (approximately 95 percent). 52 . These municipalities are closer to San Luis Potosi than to MMA. Nuevo León’s southern municipalities and MMA are divided by a mountain range, the Sierra Madre Oriental. 53 . Vidal Garza. Personal interview. November 29, 2007. 54 . Hugo A. Campos. Personal interview. November 23, 2007. 55 . Juan F. Fernández. Personal interview. December 5, 2007. 56 . Nuevo León shares a nine mile stretch of the United States–Mexico border with Texas. 57 . María G. Dib. Personal interview. November 27, 2007. 58 . In terms of land tenure, in Nuevo León prevails small private property over communal lands and ejidos . 59 . David Martínez. Personal interview. November 21, 2007. 60 . Alfonso Teja. Personal interview. December 7, 2007. 61 . Javier A. Salazar. Personal interview. December 1, 2007. 62 . Jesús Marcos. Personal interview. December 2, 2007. 63 . Due to the nomadic character of the few original dwellers, as well as the extermination and dislodgement practices of Spanish colonizers, the presence of indigenous groups in the state is almost nonexistent. Today, less than 1 percent of the state’s population (0.8 percent) can be considered indigenous (INEGI, II Conteo de Población y Vivienda 2005 ). 64 . Roberto Madero. Personal interview. October 27, 2007.

CONCLUSION: EFFECTIVE RULES, ECONOMIC INCLUSION, AND POLITICAL STABILITY; LESSONS FOR YOUNG AND UNEQUAL DEMOCRACIES

1 . Isaías Vázquez. Personal interview. December 17, 2007.

EPILOGUE: MEXICO AFTER 2006 AND THE CASE OF NUEVO LEÓN

1 . José De Córdoba. Personal interview. September 27, 2011. 2 . José De Córdoba. Personal interview. September 27, 2011. 3 . On July 8, 2011, gunmen targeting a rival drug cartel opened fire in this bar, killing 21 people and wounding several others (Ellingwood par. 1). 190 Notes

4 . Mayors in Nuevo León have also suffered assassination attempts. Consider, for example, the cases of the mayors of García and Escobedo, Jaime Rodríguez, and Clara L. Flores, respectively. 5. José De Córdoba. Personal interview. September 27, 2011. 6 . Rodrigo Medina is affiliated with the PRI and took office as governor of Nuevo León on October 4, 2009. 7 . Eloy Garza. Personal interview. August 2, 2011. 8 . Lester García. Personal interview. July 25, 2011. 9 . Javier Treviño. Personal interview. July 25, 2011. 10 . On the so-called phenomenon of paramilitarization of organized crime in Mexico, see Correa-Cabrera and Nava 10–14. This phenomenon can be traced to the inception of the Zetas. The creation of this group—composed of former soldiers of the Mexican “Special Armed Forces”—by former Gulf Cartel leader, Osiel Cárdenas Guillén, set the precedent for the current degrees of professionalization that has become “mainstream” in drug cartels’ enforcer wings. The application of paramilitary practices into the organized crime industry raised the demand for more sophisticated enforce- ment practices. This phenomenon has contributed to the increased levels of violence in the drug industry and has allowed for the surge of a host of similar groups. 11 . José De Córdoba. Personal interview. September 27, 2011. 12 . Javier Treviño. Personal interview. July 25, 2011. 13 . Zambrano mentions, as a good example, the Civic Council of Nuevo León’s Institutions (CCINLAC) that is an association of groups representing different segments of civil society that come together with the aim of evaluat- ing public policy results and measuring the performance and effectiveness of key institutions and government authorities. 14 . Javier Treviño. Personal interview. July 25, 2011. 15 . Several interviewees and people who know about the situation in Nuevo León talk about the pact that allegedly exists between the mayor of San Pedro Garza García, Mauricio Fernández, and the Beltrán-Leyva’s Cartel. San Pedro Garza García is, according to most sources, the richest municipality in Nuevo León, and in the country in general. Notwithstanding the extremely high levels of violence in the state today, this municipality is still secure and peaceful. 1 6 . B e r n a r d o G o n z á l e z - A r é c h i g a . P e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w . J u l y 2 5 , 2 0 1 1 Bibliography

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Page numbers in italics refer to figures, tables, and charts. abortion, 122 , 135 i n N u e v o L e ó n , 4 8 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 1 A c e m o g l u , D a r o n , 1 4 i n O a x a c a , 5 4 , 6 2 – 6 3 , 6 9 , 7 1 – 7 4 , active political factionalism (APF) 7 7 , 9 8 , 1 0 0 a n a l y t i c a l f r a m e w o r k , 3 – 4 , 24 r e f o r m f r o m , 9 2 A P F I n d e x , 32 , 34 , 3 5 , 4 6 s o c i o e c o n o m i c f a c t o r s , 7 3 – 7 4 case selection 46 , 46–49 i n T r i q u i z o n e , 6 8 c a u s a l f a c t o r s , 1 1 – 1 3 , 4 6 A g u a F r í a m a s s a c r e , 6 2 , 7 1 – 7 4 , conflict statistics, 27 , 28 , 32 , 34 , 96 , 104 98 , 99 , 1 2 7 – 2 8 , 128 , 129 , 130 A g u a s c a l i e n t e s , 27 , 3 2 , 32 , 34 , d a t a c o l l e c t i o n , 4 6 3 9 , 43 , 4 4 d e f i n i t i o n o f , 1 , 9 – 1 0 , 1 9 A g u a y o , S e r g i o , 9 6 , 1 0 6 , 1 0 8 GEA conflict classification, 32 , 34 , Aguilar, Adri á n G., 119 3 5 – 3 6 , 3 7 , 9 7 – 9 8 , 9 8 , 99 , 1 0 0 , 1 2 7 A l b i n o , G e r a r d o , 9 5 , 9 6 , 1 0 2 , 1 0 6 i n e q u a l i t y w i t h c a s e s , 43 , 46 A l e s i n a , A l b e r t o , 1 4 L e v e l I c o n f l i c t s , 3 5 , 128 A l i a n z a C í v i c a , 4 0 L e v e l I I c o n f l i c t s , 3 5 , 128 Altamirano, Ernesto G., 101 L e v e l I I I c o n f l i c t s , 27 , 28 , 32 , 3 5 , 9 7 , A n a y a , A l e j a n d r o , 5 7 , 6 1 – 6 2 , 9 8 , 99 , 1 0 0 , 1 2 8 , 128 6 7 , 9 6 limitations to theoretical approaches, A P F . See active political factionalism 19–20 APPO (Popular Assembly of the positive effects of, 10 Peoples of Oaxaca) r e s e a r c h a p p r o a c h , 3 7 – 3 8 a d v o c a t e s p r o t e s t m o v e m e n t s , 6 5 standardized measurement of, 32 d e m a n d s R u i z ’ s r e s i g n a t i o n , s t a t e - l e v e l c o m p a r i s o n s , 4 1 – 4 2 6 5 , 7 7 subnational comparisons of, 31–32 , d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n , 9 6 38–39 f o r m a t i o n o f , 7 7 , 7 8 , 7 9 , 8 4 , T h e i l I n d e x , 3 9 , 4 3 , 5 5 9 5 , 9 6 , 1 0 5 t r e n d s i n , 3 1 – 3 3 , 3 5 – 3 6 , 3 6 m e d i a a n d , 8 0 a g r a r i a n d i s p u t e s motivations of, 82–83 causes of, 73–74 o p p o s i t i o n t o , 8 1 c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n , 9 6 r e s o u r c e s o f , 8 5 c u l t u r e a n d , 1 0 6 s u p p o r t s M U L T - I , 8 7 d i s t r i b u t i v e c o n f l i c t s , 9 8 u s e o f m e d i a , 8 0 h i g h l e v e l s o f , 5 4 A q u i n o , J o e l , 8 4 208 Index

Archibold, Randal C., 158 Camp, Roderic Ai, 137 Aregional’s General Development C a m p e c h e , 27 , 32 , 34 , 3 9 , 43 , 4 4 I n d e x , 1 1 4 C a m p o s , H u g o A . , 1 2 2 – 2 3 , 1 4 3 – 4 4 A r g e n t i n a , 1 0 Canales, Fernando, 130 A r m b r u s t e r , R a l p h , 1 5 5 Cardenas, Lá zaro, 130 Arramberri, 118 C a r r a s c o , D i ó d o r o , 9 4 , 1 0 2 , 1 0 5 a s s a s s i n a t i o n s Cavazos, Juana A., 121 , 132 i n A g u a F r í a , 6 2 , 7 1 C e c e ñ a , F i l i b e r t o , 1 3 3 d u r i n g e l e c t o r a l p e r i o d s , 6 1 , 6 7 Center for Research and Higher of Eugenio Garza Sada, 130 Education in Social Anthropology M u r a t s e l f - a t t e m p t , 5 9 , 6 7 ( C I E S A S ) , 9 5 i n N u e v o L e ó n , 1 5 9 Chiapas p o l i t i c a l , 1 0 , 1 1 , 3 4 , 4 8 , 6 2 , 9 7 , 1 3 1 c o n f l i c t s , 2 , 27 , 2 9 , 32 , PRI and PAN responsibility, 66 , 74 4 0 , 4 4 d u r i n g R u i z a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 5 9 economy of, 54–55 o f S e r a f í n G a r c í a , 7 4 g u e r i l l a m o v e m e n t s , 4 1 Autonomous University of Nuevo L é on H D I m e a s u r e , 3 8 (Universidad Aut ó noma de Nuevo h i g h A P F l e v e l , 3 2 , 35 , 43 L e ó n , U A N L ) , 1 1 6 human rights violations, 40 A u v i n e n , J u h a , 1 4 i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n , 4 0 , 6 4 Avila Camacho, Manuel, 137 i n d i g e n o u s p r o t e s t s , 4 1 , 43 i n e q u a l i t y , 3 9 , 4 4 , 1 1 7 B a i l ó n , J a i m e , 6 7 local government expenditures, Baja California, 27 , 32 , 34 , 3 8 , 3 9 , 43 , 142 4 4 , 8 6 , 1 1 4 p e a s a n t p r o t e s t s , 4 1 – 4 2 , 4 2 B a j a C a l i f o r n i a S u r , 27 , 32 , 3 9 , 4 0 , p o v e r t y , 5 4 , 1 1 7 43 , 4 4 r e l i g i o u s p r o t e s t , 4 1 Bardhan, Pranab K., 151 S e e a l s o Z a p a t i s t a u p r i s i n g B e e r , C a r o l i n e , 3 2 C h i h u a h u a , 27 , 32 , 35 , 3 8 , 4 2 , 43 , B e n i t e z , J u a n J o s é , 8 6 4 4 , 4 7 , 1 1 4 , 1 1 6 B l a n c o , L u i s a , 1 5 C o a h u i l a , 27 , 32 , 34 , 3 9 , 4 0 , 4 2 , 43 , B l a s , C u a u h t é m o c , 6 2 4 4 , 46 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 9 B o l i v i a , 1 0 “Coalition for the Good of All,” 121 B o w l e s , S a m u e l , 3 9 Coalition of Workers, Peasants, Broad Front of Popular Struggle and Students of the Isthmus ( F A L P ) , 8 1 ( C O C E I ) , 6 1 B r o w n , A m e l i a , 1 4 c o e r c i o n , 1 7 , 3 9 – 4 0 , 5 8 , 6 0 Burkina Faso, 55 Coicoy á n de las Flores, 102 C o l i m a , 27 , 3 2 , 32 , 35 , 4 0 , C a b r e r a , F e r n a n d o , 6 4 44 , 127 c a c i q u e s , 5 4 , 5 7 , 6 3 , 6 8 , 7 7 , 8 0 , 8 4 , 8 5 , C o l l i e r , P a u l , 1 4 8 8 , 1 0 3 Commission of Legislation and C a l d e r ó n , F e l i p e Constitutional Matters, 122 a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f , 4 1 , 6 6 C o n c h a , E l p i d i o , 7 5 d e t a i n s A P P O l e a d e r s , 7 7 c o n s o c i a t i o n a l i s m , 1 0 w a r o n d r u g s , 5 , 4 1 , 1 1 1 , 1 5 7 , 1 6 1 C o n v e r g e n c i a p a r t y , 5 9 , 1 0 5 , 1 2 1 Index 209 c o r r u p t i o n d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n , 1 0 A P F a n d , 4 2 , 9 8 , 99 , 1 0 3 – 4 , Dib, Mar í a G., 145 107 , 148 Dr. Arroyo, 117 , 118 Corruption Index 2005, 35 d r u g t r a f f i c k i n g , 5 , 4 2 , 5 5 , 6 3 , 6 8 , g o v e r n m e n t c o l l a b o r a t i o n , 5 6 , 5 8 , 6 9 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 4 , 1 5 7 , 1 5 8 , 1 6 0 , 7 3 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 5 161 , 162 h i g h l e v e l s o f , 2 2 , 1 5 2 , 1 5 9 D u r a n g o , 27 , 32 , 34 , 4 0 , 43 , 1 2 0 i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i m i t a t i o n s , 1 , 4 , 1 2 , 1 8 , 2 5 , 1 0 1 Echeverr í a, Luis, 130 limits to, 155 E c k s t e i n , S u s a n , 1 5 o f l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , 8 2 economic development low levels of, 16 c u l t u r e a n d , 1 4 4 , 1 4 5 Mexican Transparency’s Corruption e n t r e p r e n e u r s a n d , 1 4 1 and Good Governance l a c k o f , 1 2 I n d e x , 3 7 , 4 6 l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , 3 9 m o b i l i z a t i o n s a g a i n s t , 1 0 , 7 5 , 1 0 0 , p o l i t i c s a n d , 1 0 8 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 6 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 P R I g o v e r n m e n t a n d , 9 4 M u r a t g o v e r n m e n t , 5 8 , 7 6 , 7 8 , 7 9 , p r o m o t e s , 9 4 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 7 , 1 3 4 , 8 2 , 8 4 , 9 2 , 9 3 1 4 1 , 1 4 2 , 1 4 4 i n N u e v o L e ó n , 1 2 3 , 1 2 8 , 129 , 134 s u b n a t i o n a l c o m p a r i s o n s , 3 8 i n O a x a c a , 8 4 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 1 0 6 , 1 0 8 economic exclusion p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y a n d , 8 9 A P F a n d , 1 , 2 , 3 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 8 , 2 0 , 24 , P R I p r a c t i c e s , 1 0 4 , 1 4 9 2 6 , 2 9 , 1 4 8 , 1 5 0 r u l e o f l a w , 1 5 0 g u e r r i l l a m o v e m e n t s , 2 9 i n T r i q u i z o n e , 8 9 i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i m i t a t i o n s a n d , 3 , 2 3 , 1 0 1 c r e o l e s ( criollos ) , 6 3 e c o n o m i c g r o w t h C u a u h t é m o c b r e w e r y , 1 1 2 climate conditions, 112 C u a u h t é m o c G r o u p , 1 1 2 favorable conditions, 143 C u é , G a b i n o , 7 4 , 7 5 , 7 6 , 7 8 , 8 3 , 8 6 , high levels of, 132 1 0 2 , 1 0 5 , 1 0 8 interest in, 135 culture l o w l e v e l s o f , 2 5 , 3 8 , 3 9 , 4 3 , 1 1 9 f a c t o r o f A P F , 1 0 7 , 107 , 133 PRI rule and, 108 i n d i g e n o u s , 6 4 , 9 1 s t a b i l i t y a n d , 1 5 6 institutional development and, strengthens middle class, 134 1 4 4 – 4 6 , 1 5 2 s u s t a i n a b l e , 1 3 N u e v o L e ó n , 1 1 3 , 1 1 6 , 1 2 1 , 1 3 2 e c o n o m i c i n e q u a l i t y O a x a c a , 6 0 , 6 4 , 1 0 6 affects the political process, 25 p o l i t i c a l c o h e s i o n a n d , 1 3 2 – 3 3 , e f f e c t s o f , 9 2 151–52 e l i t e s a n d , 1 0 3 , 1 0 8 f a c t o r o f A P F , 1 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 4 , 2 0 – 2 1 , D a l t o n , M a r g a r i t a , 9 5 , 1 0 5 – 6 , 1 0 8 24 , 1 0 3 , 1 4 8 “Declaration of the Autonomous h i g h l e v e l s o f , 2 3 Municipality of San Juan Copala,” increases political instability, 14–15 8 7 – 8 8 in Mexican society, 2 D e C ór d o b a , J o s é , 1 5 8 , 1 5 9 – 6 0 , 1 6 2 m o b i l i z a t i o n s , 2 0 – 2 1 D e l a T o r r e , R o d o l f o , 2 1 , 1 4 8 p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y , 1 4 – 1 5 210 Index economic inequality—Continued e l e c t o r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s political violence, 20–21 e c o n o m i c i n e q u a l i t y a n d , 1 p o v e r t y a n d , 1 0 2 , 1 0 4 e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f , 2 , 1 6 , 2 0 , 2 2 , 2 3 , r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , 9 1 , 9 2 4 6 , 4 8 , 5 3 S ee also i n e q u a l i t y e l e c t o r a l o u t c o m e s , 1 7 e c o n o m i c r e s o u r c e s , 6 8 , 9 5 , improvement of, 102–3 133 , 143 l i m i t a t i o n s o f , 5 8 , 9 3 , 1 5 0 e l e c t o r a l c o n f l i c t s , 4 8 , 6 1 , 6 7 , 7 0 , p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s a n d , 1 6 , 1 8 7 1 – 7 6 , 7 4 – 7 6 , 1 0 0 , 1 0 8 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 1 p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y , 1 6 – 1 7 e l e c t o r a l d a t a , 3 7 e l e c t o r a l r e f o r m s , 5 6 electoral exclusion e l i t e s A P F f a c t o r , 1 , 2 , 4 , 2 0 , 2 1 – 2 3 , 3 1 , a l l i a n c e s a m o n g , 1 4 7 3 2 , 4 2 , 4 5 – 4 6 , 4 9 , 9 4 , 1 0 3 , 1 4 8 b e h a v i o r o f , 3 8 c a n d i d a t e k n o w l e d g e , 6 0 control of media, 142 Citizen Observatory for i n c e n t i v e s f o r , 9 7 T r a n s p a r e n c y , 3 7 i n e q u a l i t y a n d , 1 0 3 , 1 0 8 c o e r c i o n , 3 9 – 4 0 , 6 0 i n t e r v i e w s f r o m , 3 7 Corruption and Good Governance p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p a n d , 1 5 3 – 5 4 I n d e x , 3 7 Elizondo, Jos é Luis, 134 e l e c t o r a l c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s , 3 6 – 3 7 , 4 0 , e n t r e p r e n e u r s , 1 3 0 , 1 3 7 , 1 3 8 – 4 0 , 1 4 1 , 5 9 , 1 3 6 , 1 4 9 1 4 4 , 1 4 5 , 1 5 4 Electoral Exclusion Index EPR (Popular Revolutionary Army). 1994–2006, 35 S ee Popular Revolutionary Army electoral fairness, 22 , 36–37 Escamilla, Irma, 119 f r a u d , 9 2 , 1 0 2 E s t e v a , G u s t a v o , 8 0 – 8 1 i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i m i t a t i o n s , 1 2 , 1 3 , 24 , euthanasia, 135 2 5 , 2 6 , 4 6 , 4 8 , 7 6 , 1 0 4 , 107 , 1 0 8 , Extended Front of the Popular 1 4 9 , 1 5 2 , 1 5 4 S t r u g g l e , 8 7 l a c k o f f a i r e l e c t i o n s , 2 2 l i m i t a t i o n o f i n d i c a t o r s , 4 5 Fern á ndez, Juan F., 132 , 144 l o c a l p r o c e s s e s , 5 9 – 6 0 F o x , V i c e n t e , 2 , 32 , 5 8 , 6 1 , 7 7 , 1 0 5 , 1 5 8 measures of, 36–37 f r a m i n g p r o c e s s e s , 1 8 – 1 9 , 7 9 – 8 0 Oaxaca’s 2006 conflict, 84–85 Francisco Villa Popular Independent p o l i t i c a l c o h e s i o n , 4 5 F r o n t , 8 7 in poorer states, 39 Fundidora de Fierro y Acero de P R I r u l e a n d , 5 9 – 6 0 , 1 0 2 , 1 0 4 Monterrey (Monterrey’s Iron and s t a t e - l e v e l , 4 5 – 4 6 S t e e l M i l l ) , 1 1 2 , 1 3 0 , 1 4 5 trends in, 36–37 i n T r i q u i z o n e , 8 9 G a l e a n a , 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 v o t e b u y i n g , 3 9 – 4 0 , 6 0 G a r c í a , I g n a c i o , 1 0 2 voter intimidation, 40 Garcia, Lester, 161 v o t e r t u r n o u t , 4 0 , 5 9 , 1 2 5 G a r c í a , S e r a f í n , 7 4 – 7 5 weak political institutions, 22–23 Garza, Eloy, 161 w e a k r u l e o f l a w , 2 2 , 7 6 G a r z a , V i d a l , 1 3 8 – 3 9 , 1 4 2 Electoral Exclusion Index 1994–2006, G a r z a S a d a , E u g e n i o , 1 1 2 , 1 3 0 , 1 4 5 35 Garza-y Garza, Javier, 124 , 128 Index 211

Garza y Garza, Marcelo, 159 Revolutionary Armed Forces of the gay rights, 122 , 135 People (FARP), 66 G e a - S t r u c t u r a ( G E A ) , 32 , 34 , 3 5 , 3 7 , Revolutionary Clandestine Labor 9 7 – 9 8 , 99 , 1 0 0 , 1 2 7 Party (PROCUP), 66 G e n e r a l D e v e l o p m e n t I n d e x , 5 4 Gibson, Edward, 58 , 105 Herfindahl’s Index of Political G i n i I n d e x , 3 9 , 4 3 , 5 5 C o n c e n t r a t i o n , 3 6 G i n t i s , H e r b e r t , 3 9 H e r n á n d e z , E d i l b e r t o , 8 8 g l o b a l i z a t i o n , 1 1 4 , 1 1 9 , 1 3 8 , 1 4 5 , 1 5 2 , 1 6 4 Hibert, Abel, 121 , 135 G ó m e z , G u i l l e r m o , 1 2 1 , 1 2 3 H i d a l g o , 27 , 2 9 , 32 , 35 , 4 1 – 4 2 , 43 , 4 4 G ó mez Hinojosa, Francisco, 138 H o e f f l e r , A n k e , 1 4 G o n z á l e z , N a t i v i d a d , 1 4 4 H o n d u r a s , 3 8 G o n z á l e z - A r é c h i g a , B e r n a r d o , 1 6 4 H u a u t l a / H u a u t l a d e J i m é n e z , 6 8 , G o n z á l e z - P a r á s , N a t i v i d a d , 1 5 8 , 1 5 9 74–76 g o v e r n m e n t r e a c t i o n s , 5 , 1 2 , 2 4 , 24 , h u m a n d e v e l o p m e n t , 35 , 3 8 – 3 9 , 3 9 , 9 4 , 9 6 , 1 0 7 , 107 5 4 , 5 5 , 9 3 , 9 5 , 1 0 2 , 1 1 8 G r i e r , R o b i n , 1 5 Human Development Index (HDI), G u a j a r d o , I l d e f o n s o , 1 5 8 35 , 3 8 Guajardo, Jos é Manuel, 122 human rights, 16 G u a n a j u a t o , 27 , 3 2 , 32 , 34 , 43 , 116 a b u s e s , 9 2 G u a t e m a l a , 3 8 a c t i v i s t s , 5 9 , 1 6 2 Guerra, Blanca N., 131 o r g a n i z a t i o n s , 7 2 , 7 4 , 7 7 , 9 6 Guerrero v i o l a t i o n s o f , 4 0 , 6 4 , 7 3 , 9 2 , c o n f l i c t s , 27 , 32 , 34 , 4 0 – 4 1 , 43 150 , 155 e c o n o m y , 2 6 , 5 4 – 5 5 , 1 4 2 g u e r r i l l a m o v e m e n t s , 2 9 , 4 2 i n c o m e d i s t r i b u t i o n , 1 4 , 1 5 , 2 1 , 3 6 , 3 9 , h i g h l e v e l o f A P F , 3 2 , 32 , 34 , 4 1 , 43 5 3 , 5 5 , 1 1 8 , 1 1 9 , 1 5 0 , 1 5 4 h u m a n d e v e l o p m e n t , 3 8 Independent MULT (MULT-I), human rights violations, 40 8 6 – 8 7 , 9 6 i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n , 4 0 Index of Transparency and Access to i n e q u a l i t y , 3 9 , 4 4 , 1 1 7 P u b l i c I n f o r m a t i o n , 3 7 p o v e r t y , 5 4 , 1 1 7 Indigenous Front of Binational guerrilla movements O r g a n i z a t i o n s , 8 7 2 0 0 6 C o n f l i c t , 7 7 i n d i g e n o u s p r o t e s t , 1 0 , 4 0 , 4 1 – 4 2 , 5 6 , in authoritarian and democratic 63–64 s t a t e s , 1 1 i n e q u a l i t y c o n f l i c t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , 3 4 , 9 7 2 0 0 6 C o n f l i c t , 8 1 , 8 2 , 8 3 d r u g t r a f f i c k i n g , 6 9 a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m a n d , 9 3 e c o n o m i c e x c l u s i o n a n d , 2 6 , 2 9 e l e c t o r a l e x c l u s i o n a n d , 3 2 , 3 3 , E P R a n d , 6 5 – 6 6 , 6 9 3 6 , 4 9 i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a n n e l s a n d , 1 7 e l i t e s a n d , 1 0 3 , 1 0 8 i n L a t i n A m e r i c a , 1 0 f a c t o r o f A P F , 1 , 4 , 1 2 , 1 6 , 2 0 – 2 1 , i n N u e v o L e ó n , 1 3 0 2 6 , 3 2 , 35 , 4 2 , 43 , 4 4 , 1 0 0 – 1 0 1 , i n O a x a c a , 2 6 , 4 0 , 4 2 , 6 2 , 6 5 – 6 7 , 1 3 5 , 1 5 0 – 5 1 6 9 – 7 0 , 7 7 G i n i I n d e x , 27 , 28 , 35 , 3 6 p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n , 1 0 g u e r r i l l a m o v e m e n t s a n d , 6 5 212 Index inequality—Continued Institutional Revolutionary Party h i g h l e v e l s o f , 2 , 1 2 , 1 8 , 2 5 , 3 1 , ( P R I ) . See PRI 3 9 – 4 0 , 4 3 , 43 , 4 6 , 46 , 4 8 , 1 0 1 , i n s t i t u t i o n s 107 , 1 5 1 , 1 6 4 advantages to elites, 151 increase in, 120 effectiveness of, 1 , 2 , 4 i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a n n e l s a n d , 9 4 , 1 5 1 p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y a n d , 1 6 , 1 0 6 i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t a n d , 1 0 8 , 1 5 1 r o l e i n d e m o c r a c y , 1 4 8 – 5 0 low levels of, 43 , 46 , 1 0 6 , 1 1 4 , 1 1 7 , Inter-American Commission on 1 1 8 – 1 9 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 3 H u m a n R i g h t s ( I A C H R ) , 5 9 , 7 4 in Mexican society, 2 i n t e r e s t g r o u p s , 1 2 , 2 3 , 3 8 , 7 2 – 7 3 , 1 0 1 i n O a x a c a , 5 5 , 9 2 , 9 3 p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y a n d , 1 3 – 1 5 , 2 6 J a g g e r s , K e i t h , 9 p o v e r t y a n d , 2 6 , 1 0 2 , 1 5 0 Jalisco socioeconomic indicators, 27 , 28 , 3 8 A P F i n d e x , 32 , 34 , 43 s t a t e - l e v e l t r e n d s , 3 6 c o n f l i c t s , 27 , 32 s t a t e s t a b i l i t y a n d , 4 3 – 4 4 , 9 4 e q u a l i t y w i t h i n , 3 9 , 43 s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s , 2 9 , 1 0 4 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 5 human rights violations, 40 s u b n a t i o n a l c o m p a r i s o n s , 3 1 – 3 2 , 3 9 job creation, 114 T h e i l I n d e x , 27 , 28 , 35 , 3 6 l a b o r m o v e m e n t s , 4 2 t r e n d s i n , 3 6 private property, 116 T r i q u i p e o p l e s , 8 8 J a r a , S a l o m ó n , 1 0 4 S ee also e c o n o m i c i n e q u a l i t y J u c h i t á n , 6 8 , 6 9 i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t , 1 7 , 1 8 A P F a n d , 1 9 Kalifa, Salvador, 135 c u l t u r e a n d , 1 4 4 – 4 6 , 1 5 2 d r u g v i o l e n c e a n d , 1 5 8 L a a k s o a n d T a a g e p e r a I n d e x , 3 6 e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s , 1 5 0 – 5 1 l a b o r m o v e m e n t s , 4 0 , 4 2 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 9 e l e c t o r a l p r a c t i c e s , 1 3 6 , 1 4 4 2 0 0 6 C o n f l i c t , 7 6 – 7 8 , 7 9 , 8 0 , 8 1 , e n t r e p r e n e u r s a n d , 1 4 4 9 5 , 9 6 , 1 0 4 , 1 3 0 l o c a l l e v e l s , 2 5 , 3 7 , 3 9 , 4 8 t e a c h e r s ’ c o n f l i c t s , 4 2 , 6 1 , 6 2 , p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y , 4 4 – 4 5 , 1 5 4 6 4 – 6 5 , 6 8 , 7 6 progress of, 121 L a b o r P a r t y , 1 2 0 socioeconomic conditions and, 143 l a n d d i s p u t e s , 4 0 , 4 1 , 5 6 , 6 2 , 6 3 , 6 4 , s u b n a t i o n a l , 1 4 8 7 1 , 7 2 , 7 3 , 7 4 , 1 0 0 institutional limitations See also agrarian disputes c o r r u p t i o n , 1 , 4 , 1 2 , 2 2 , 2 5 “Law of Domestic Partnerships” (Ley determination of, 151 de Sociedades de Convivencia), e l e c t o r a l e x c l u s i o n , 1 , 2 , 2 5 , 2 6 , 122 4 6 , 4 8 L á z a r o C á r d e n a s , 4 2 i n e q u a l i t y a n d , 1 0 8 Local Housing Development in Oaxaca, 4 , 100 (Desarrollo Local para la political stability and, 1 , 106 V i v i e n d a ) , 8 6 s o u r c e o f A P F , 1 2 , 1 3 , 2 0 , 2 2 , 24 , L ó p e z , F r a n c i s c o , 8 7 , 8 8 2 5 , 26 , 4 6 , 4 8 , 1 0 0 , 1 0 4 , 1 4 8 , 1 5 4 L ó pez Obrador, Andr é s Manuel, 121 , 153 subnational authoritarianism, 105 L o s A l t o s , 4 0 Index 213

M a d e r o , R o b e r t o , 1 4 6 2006 presidential election, 5 , 121 M a d r a z o , R o b e r t o , 5 9 , 7 8 f e d e r a l s y s t e m , 3 2 Mari ñ ez, Freddy, 138 , 140 subnational variations, 2 , market-oriented unionism, 139 31–32 , 147 M a r s h a l l , M o n t y , 9 as “two Mexicos,” 2–3 Mart í nez, Evencio N., 82 , 100–101 M e x i c o C i t y Mart í nez, Irma, 119 e d u c a t i o n , 1 1 6 M a r t í n e z , V í c t o r R . , 6 3 , 9 6 , 1 0 2 e m i g r a t i o n , 5 5 massacres e q u a l i t y w i t h i n , 3 9 A c t e a l , 7 2 f e d e r a l s y s t e m , 3 2 A g u a F r í a , 7 1 – 7 4 h i g h l e v e l o f A P F , 4 4 , 4 5 , 4 6 , 4 7 A g u a s B l a n c a s , 7 2 industrial center, 112 , 115 C a s i n o R o y a l e , 1 5 7 – 5 8 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 0 , 1 6 2 l a b o r m o b i l i z a t i o n s , 4 2 m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s , 5 , 1 2 , 1 9 , 24 , 9 4 , l o w i n e q u a l i t y , 4 3 , 43 , 46 9 5 , 9 8 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 7 , 107 , 153 Monterrey comparison, 120 , 160 M a y o r a l , M a n u e l , 6 1 M i c h o a c á n , 27 , 32 , 34 , 4 2 , 43 , 4 4 Mayr é n, Romualdo F. W. (Father Mier y Noriega, 118 U v i ) , 8 2 M i t c h e l l , N e i l , 3 2 media M o n t e m a y o r , C a r l o s , 8 4 a t t a c k s a g a i n s t , 7 8 Monterrey Citizen Radio (Radio Ciudadana), 80 C a s i n o R o y a l e m a s s a c r e , 1 5 7 – 5 8 , c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d , 9 2 1 5 9 , 1 6 0 , 1 6 2 c o v e r a g e o f c o n f l i c t s , 6 3 , 7 8 conflicts in, 130 , 131 f r a m i n g p r o c e s s e s , 7 9 – 8 0 d r u g - r e l a t e d c r i m e , 1 2 3 i n f l u e n c e o f , 1 9 e c o n o m y , 1 1 3 , 1 1 5 – 1 6 international attention of, 67 e d u c a t i o n , 1 1 2 , 1 1 6 , 1 1 8 m e d i a t i o n r o l e , 1 9 e n t r e p r e n e u r s i n , 1 3 0 , 1 3 7 , 1 4 0 , 1 4 5 , m o b i l i z a t i o n e f f o r t s a n d , 1 9 , 6 6 , 8 0 , 154 8 4 , 9 5 , 1 0 7 , 133 , 1 4 1 – 4 2 industrial center, 111–12 , 143 Oaxaca 2006 conflict, 79–80 low-income population, 119 Perversity Radio (Radio m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s , 1 2 0 P e r v e r s i d a d ) , 8 0 m i g r a t i o n , 1 1 9 – 2 0 P R I c o n t r o l o f , 5 8 , 5 9 , 8 0 organized crime in, 157–60 , 162 relations with state, 113 political cohesion, 142 u s e o f , 5 , 1 0 7 , 107 , 1 3 2 , 133 w a g e d i s p a r i t i e s , 1 1 9 M e d i n a , R o d r i g o , 1 6 0 work ethic in, 143 , 144 M e j í a , A r t u r o , 8 2 M o n t e r r e y G r o u p , 1 3 7 Mexican Transparency’s Corruption Monterrey Institute of Technology and Good Governance index, and Higher Education (TEC de 3 7 , 4 6 Monterrey). S ee Tec de Monterrey Mexican Workers’ Confederation Monterrey’s Iron and Steel Mill ( C T M ) , 1 3 0 (Fundidora de Fierro y Acero de M e x i c o Monterrey), 112 , 130 , 145 2 0 0 0 p r e s i d e n t i a l e l e c t i o n , 2 , 5 , 1 0 1 , M o r e l o s , 32 , 35 , 43 105 M o r e n o , C a r l o s , 9 5 214 Index

MULT (Unified Movement of the Nuevo Le ó n T r i q u i S t r u g g l e ) , 6 4 , 8 1 , 8 4 , alliances within, 149 8 5 – 8 6 , 8 7 , 9 6 c a s e s e l e c t i o n , 3 1 , 47 Murat, Jos é Citizen Councils (Consejos 2000 presidential election and, 101 Ciudadanos), 1 2 1 – 2 2 a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f , 8 4 , 8 6 c l i m a t e , 1 1 8 A P P O a n d , 7 9 c o n f l i c t s t a t i s t i c s , 1 2 7 – 2 8 , 128 , a u t h o r i t a t i v e c o n t r o l , 5 8 – 5 9 , 7 5 , 7 6 , 129 , 130 7 8 , 1 0 5 Congress, 122 f i n a n c e s s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , 7 8 c o r r u p t i o n , 1 2 3 , 1 2 8 , 129 , 134 o p p o s i t i o n t o , 6 7 , 7 6 c u l t u r e , 1 1 6 , 1 4 4 political factionalism and, 101 d e m o g r a p h i c s , 1 1 1 – 1 2 , 1 4 2 r e c o g n i z e s A P F , 9 4 drug violence in, 5 , 123 s u p p o r t s M U L T ’ s l e a d e r s , 8 4 , 8 6 e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , 3 8 , 1 4 1 , U l i s e s R u i z a n d , 1 0 6 1 4 2 – 4 3 , 1 4 4 e c o n o m y , 1 1 3 – 1 4 , 1 1 9 , 1 3 3 – 3 5 , 1 3 7 N a f z i n g e r , W a y n e , 1 4 e d u c a t i o n , 1 1 2 , 1 1 6 , 1 4 0 N a h m a d , S a l o m ó n , 8 3 – 8 4 , 1 0 6 e f f e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s , 1 3 5 – 3 6 , 1 4 3 , National Action Party (PAN). S ee PAN 1 5 7 , 1 5 9 – 6 0 , 1 6 2 – 6 3 National Commission for the e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s , 1 2 4 – 2 5 Development of Indigenous e m p l o y m e n t , 1 1 4 , 1 3 5 P e o p l e s ( C D I ) , 9 5 e n t r e p r e n e u r s , 1 3 7 – 3 8 , 1 3 8 – 4 0 National Council for the Evaluation e q u a l i t y , 3 9 , 1 1 1 of Social Development Policy foreign direct investment (FDI), 114 (Consejo Nacional de Evaluaci ó n f u t u r e o f , 1 6 3 – 6 4 de la Pol í tica de Desarrollo Social, G D P , 1 1 4 C O N E V A L ) , 1 1 7 – 1 8 geographic conditions, 142 National Education Workers’ g o v e r n a b i l i t y o f , 4 2 Union (Sindicato Nacional de history of, 112 Trabajadores de la Educaci ó n, i n c o m e l e v e l s , 1 1 7 – 1 8 SNTE). S ee SNTE indigenous population, 146 , 152 National Human Rights Commission i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , 1 1 2 , 1 1 5 – 1 6 , 1 1 9 , ( C N D H ) , 4 0 , 7 4 1 4 2 – 4 3 , 1 4 4 National Institute of Statistics and i n e q u a l i t y , 4 4 , 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 – 1 9 , Geography (INEGI), 113 1 2 0 , 1 3 5 National Population Council i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t , 1 4 4 (CONAPO), 118 l a b o r f o r c e , 1 1 9 N a t i o n a l U n i t A g a i n s t N e o l i b e r a l i s m , 8 7 l a n d o w n e r s h i p , 1 1 6 , 1 5 2 N a y a r i t , 28 , 32 , 34 , 43 , 4 4 , 46 , 4 7 l o w l e v e l o f A P F , 3 2 , 4 7 , 4 8 Neoloneses, 113 m a n a g e m e n t o f r e s o u r c e s , 1 2 3 N e w L e f t o f O a x a c a ( N I O A X ) , 8 1 m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n , 1 1 8 Nida Villalobos, Rosa, 147 m a s s m o b i l i z a t i o n , 1 3 0 – 3 1 N o r t e , 4 0 m i g r a t i o n , 1 1 9 – 2 0 North American Free Trade Agreement o r g a n i z e d c r i m e , 1 2 4, 1 6 0 – 6 2 ( N A F T A ) , 1 1 4 o r g a n i z e d l a b o r , 1 3 8 – 4 0 Index 215

political cohesion/stability, 2–5 , 46 , G u e l a t a o , 5 5 1 1 1 , 1 2 3 – 2 4 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 1 – 3 2 h i g h l e v e l o f A P F , 2 – 4 , 3 2 , 4 7 , 4 8 , p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , 1 2 1 – 2 3 5 3 , 6 2 p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , 1 2 0 , 1 3 7 – 3 8 h u m a n d e v e l o p m e n t , 3 8 , 9 3 p o v e r t y , 1 1 7 – 1 8 , 1 2 0 , 1 3 5 human rights violations, 40 standard of living, 114 i n c o m e d i s t r i b u t i o n , 5 5 w a g e s , 1 3 9 – 4 0 indigenous population, 53–54 , 152 w e a l t h , 1 1 3 , 1 3 5 i n e q u a l i t y , 2 9 , 3 9 , 4 4 , 5 5 , 8 3 , 9 3 , 9 4 , w o r k e t h i c , 1 4 4 – 4 5 , 1 5 1 1 0 0 – 1 0 1 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 7 Nuevo Leó n’s Social Development I s t h m u s , 5 6 , 6 9 C o u n c i l , 1 1 7 l a n d o w n e r s h i p , 1 5 2 m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n , 5 5 , 6 9 , 8 3 , 9 2 , 9 4 , O a x a c a 101 2 0 0 6 C o n f l i c t , 6 5 , 7 6 – 7 9 , 8 1 – 8 5 , 9 2 m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s , 9 4 A g u a F r í a m a s s a c r e , 6 2 , 7 1 – 7 4 , 9 6 , M i x t e c a , 5 6 , 6 8 , 6 9 104 n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s , 6 8 , 6 9 , 7 0 authoritarian regime, 58–59 N o r t h e r n S i e r r a , 5 6 , 7 0 autonomy of San Juan Copala P a p a l o a p a n , 5 6 , 6 9 m u n i c i p a l i t y , 6 8 , 8 5 – 8 9 , 9 5 p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y , 5 6 , 6 0 c a c i q u e s , 5 4 , 5 7 , 6 3 , 6 8 p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m , 5 6 – 5 7 , 7 6 C a ñ a d a , 5 6 , 6 9 p o v e r t y , 5 5 , 6 9 , 8 3 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 1 0 0 – 1 0 1 , c a s e s e l e c t i o n , 3 1 , 47 , 48–49 1 0 2 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 7 causes for protest, 91–93 P R I r u l e , 5 7 – 5 9 , 5 9 – 6 0 , 6 1 , 6 9 , 7 0 , C e n t r a l V a l l e y s , 5 6 , 7 0 108 Chamber of Deputies, 56 s o c i o c u l t u r a l r e g i o n s , 5 6 , 6 8 – 7 0 t h e C o a s t , 5 6 , 6 9 Southern Sierra, 102 Coicoy á n de las Flores, 55 subnational authoritarianism, 105 c o n f l i c t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , 5 6 , 9 7 – 9 8 , T r i q u i Z o n e v i o l e n c e , 6 8 , 8 5 – 8 9 , 98 , 99 , 100 102 c o r r u p t i o n , 8 4 , 1 0 8 usos y costumbres (usages and c u l t u r e , 1 0 6 , 1 0 7 c u s t o m s ) , 5 6 – 5 7 , 5 7 – 5 8 , 6 7 d e m o g r a p h i c s , 5 3 – 5 4 , 9 7 w e a k r u l e o f l a w , 1 0 1 , 1 0 8 diversity of, 97 , 106 O a x a c a C i t y , 7 0 d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n , 9 7 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 6 O c c u p i e d T e r r i t o r i e s o f P a l e s t i n e , 3 8 d r u g t r a f f i c k i n g , 6 8 , 6 9 opportunist groups, 81–82 , 101 e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , 3 8 o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c a p a c i t i e s , 1 0 7 , 1 3 3 , economy of, 54–55 133 , 1 5 3 e d u c a t i o n q u a l i t y , 5 5 – 5 6 p o l i t i c a l c o h e s i o n , 1 4 1 – 4 2 e l e c t o r a l d i s p u t e s , 6 7 r e b e l l i o u s g r o u p s , 5 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 8 , 24 , e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s , 5 9 – 6 0 9 4 – 9 6 , 1 4 1 – 4 2 , 1 5 3 e l e c t o r a l r e f o r m s , 5 6 o r g a n i z e d c r i m e , 1 5 7 – 5 9 , 1 6 0 – 6 2 e m i g r a t i o n , 5 5 , 6 9 Beltr á n-Leyva Cartel, 161 g o v e r n m e n t m i s m a n a g e m e n t , 7 3 , g o v e r n m e n t ’ s s t r a t e g y t o f i g h t , 4 2 7 8 – 7 9 , 8 7 G u l f C a r t e l , 1 5 8 , 1 6 1 – 6 2 g o v e r n m e n t r e a c t i o n s , 1 0 7 new forms of, 164 216 Index organized crime—Continued p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , 1 3 1 – 3 2 Sinaloa Cartel, 158 , 161 PRI rule, 94 , 108 Z e t a s , 1 6 1 – 6 2 p r o m o t i o n o f , 1 0 2 , 1 5 4 – 5 6 O s o r n o , D i e g o E n r i q u e , 8 0 t h r e a t s t o , 1 0 , 1 5 p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p , 1 3 , 7 9 , PAN (National Action Party) 153 –54 1 9 9 7 g u b e r n a t o r i a l e l e c t i o n s , 1 2 3 , Popular Assembly of the Peoples of 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 O a x a c a ( A P P O ) . See APPO 2000 presidency, 120 Popular Indigenous Council of Oaxaca c o a l i t i o n s , 5 9 , 7 4 (Consejo Ind í gena y Popular de e l e c t o r a l e x c l u s i o n , 1 0 3 O a x a c a ) , 5 9 E P R a n d , 6 6 – 6 7 Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR), infighting, 121 4 2 , 6 5 – 6 6 o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s a n d , 1 0 5 , 1 2 0 , 1 3 6 Popular Revolutionary Front (FPR), political debate, 122 8 1 , 8 7 s u p p o r t s g l o b a l i z a t i o n , 1 3 8 Popular Unity Party (Partido Unidad v i c t o r i e s i n M M A , 1 2 0 , 1 4 2 Popular, PUP), 86 P a r r a , L e ó n J . , 8 8 Population and Housing Census p e a s a n t p r o t e s t s , 4 0 , 4 1 – 4 2 , 5 6 ( 2 0 1 0 ) , 5 3 P e r o t t i , R o b e r t o , 1 4 P o s n e r , R i c h a r d , 1 3 P e t r i c h , B l a n c h e , 8 4 poverty P i n e d a , J a c i n t o , 7 5 a g r a r i a n c o n f l i c t s a n d , 6 3 P i n e d a , J o r g e , 7 5 c a u s e s o f A P F , 9 4 , 1 0 0 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , P l a n c a r t e , R o d r i g o , 1 2 2 135 p l u r a l i s m , 1 0 c h a l l e n g e t o s t a b i l i t y , 9 4 political alienation, 10 , 160 e c o n o m i c d i s a d v a n t a g e s , 1 2 p o l i t i c a l c o h e s i o n economic inequality, 102 , 104 a b s e n c e o f A P F , 2 , 3 , 4 8 , 1 3 1 f a c t o r s o f A P F , 9 4 , 1 0 0 , 1 0 1 , 1 3 5 , c a u s e s o f , 4 8 1 4 7 – 4 8 , 1 5 0 c u l t u r e , 1 3 2 – 3 3 , 133 , 151–52 h i g h l e v e l s o f , 1 2 , 1 3 , 2 0 , 2 6 , 3 9 , demographics, 151–52 4 0 , 4 3 , 4 4 , 5 5 , 6 4 , 6 9 , 8 1 , 8 3 , e c o n o m i c i n f l u e n c e , 2 6 , 3 1 , 4 4 8 8 , 9 2 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 1 0 4 , 1 5 0 e f f e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s , 4 , 1 6 – 1 7 , 2 3 , i m m i g r a t i o n , 1 2 0 4 5 , 46 , 1 2 1 – 2 4 , 1 3 2 – 3 3 , 133 indigenous population, 106 e l e c t o r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , 1 6 – 1 7 , 1 8 i n e q u a l i t y , 2 6 , 3 8 , 3 9 , 1 0 2 , 1 5 0 favorable socioeconomic conditions, low levels of, 117–18 4 , 1 3 2 – 3 3 , 133 i n N u e v o L e ó n , 1 1 7 – 1 8 , 1 2 0 , 1 3 5 l o c a l e c o n o m y , 1 3 3 – 3 5 i n O a x a c a , 8 2 , 8 3 l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t , 1 4 2 – 4 3 political nature of, 108 m e d i a a n d , 1 4 1 – 4 2 r e b e l l i o n a n d , 1 0 4 i n t h e N o r t h , 2 , 4 8 r e d u c t i o n i n , 1 3 , 2 6 , 3 9 i n N u e v o L e ó n , 1 3 1 – 3 2 , 133 , 1 5 7 , r u r a l a r e a s , 8 3 1 5 9 – 6 0 s o c i o e c o n o m i c i n d i c a t o r , 27 , 28 o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c a p a c i t i e s , 1 3 3 , 133 , u r b a n a r e a s , 1 1 7 – 1 8 , 1 2 0 1 4 1 – 4 2 P o w e l l , G . B i n g h a m , J r . , 1 7 Index 217

PRD (Revolutionary Democratic a c c e s s t o r e s o u r c e s , 2 3 P a r t y ) , 5 9 , 6 9 , 1 2 0 – 2 1 d e m a n d s o f , 9 2 Prieto, Adolfo, 145 m o b i l i z a t i o n s t r a t e g i e s , 3 7 – 3 8 PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) m o t i v a t i o n o f , 2 1 , 9 3 – 9 4 a l l i a n c e w i t h M U L T , 8 6 o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c a p a c i t y , 5 , 1 2 , 1 3 , A P P O a n d , 8 1 1 8 , 2 3 – 2 4 , 24 , 9 4 – 9 6 , 1 0 7 , 107 , assassination of Seraf í n Garc í a, 1 3 2 , 133 , 1 4 1 – 4 2 , 1 5 3 74–75 r e d i s t r i b u t i v e d e m a n d s , 3 6 a u t h o r i t a r i a n p r a c t i c e s , 5 7 – 5 9, 6 0 , r e l i g i o u s p r o t e s t , 1 0 , 4 0 , 4 1 , 5 6 8 3 , 8 4 , 9 2 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 4 , R e m m e r , K a r e n L . , 1 6, 1 7 1 3 7 , 1 4 9 r e s o u r c e s d i s p u t e s , 6 9 control of agrarian institutions, 73 Revolutionary Armed Forces of the d e c l i n e o f , 6 1 , 6 7 , 7 8 – 7 9 , 9 3 , 1 0 3 , People (FARP), 66 1 0 5 – 6 , 1 0 8 Revolutionary Army of the Insurgent E P R a n d , 6 6 People (ERPI), 42 g o v e r n o r s h i p i n N u e v o L e ó n , 1 2 3 , Revolutionary Clandestine Labor 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 P a r t y , 6 6 infighting, 154 Revolutionary Democratic Party local government support by, 74–75 , ( P R D ) . See PRD 103 R i t o , B u l m a r o , 1 0 1 o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s a n d , 6 5 , 6 9 , 7 6 , Robinson, James A., 14 1 2 0 , 1 2 1 , 1 3 6 Rosales, Ezequiel, 104 s t r o n g p r e s e n c e o f , 7 0 , 1 2 0 , 1 4 2 R u i z , U l i s e s P R I W o m e n , 1 4 7 a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f , 6 6 , 7 9 , 8 2 , 1 0 0 Productive Options (Opciones A P P O a n d , 6 5 , 7 7 , 7 8 , 7 9 , 8 0 , 8 4 P r o d u c t i v a s ) , 8 6 a u t h o r i t a t i v e c o n t r o l , 5 8 , 5 9 , 7 8 , 8 4 , property rights, 102 8 5 , 9 6 , 1 0 5 p r o t e s t m o v e m e n t s , 1 1 , 2 1 , 2 6 , 2 9 , d i s a p p r o v a l o f , 7 5 , 7 6 6 6 , 9 2 , 9 5 – 9 6 , 9 6 , 1 0 1 , e l e c t e d g o v e r n o r , 6 7 , 8 6 130–31 , 134 Jos é Murat and, 106 P u e b l a , 28 , 32 , 34 , 4 0 , 4 1 , 4 2 , s t a t e p a t r o n a g e a n d , 7 8 , 8 1 43 , 4 4 , 46 t e a c h e r s ’ s t r i k e , 6 5 , 7 7 violence in Huautla de Jimé nez, Q u e r é t a r o , 28 , 32 , 34 , 4 0 , 41 , 4 2 , 43 , 7 4 – 7 5 1 1 1 , 1 1 9 rule of law Q u i n t a n a R o o , 28 , 32 , 34 , 43 , 4 4 , i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r , 1 8 , 1 2 4 , 1 5 7 46 , 4 7 l a c k o f , 7 5 , 8 8 – 8 9 Q u i r o g a , C a r l o s , 7 5 political cohesion, 133 Q u i r o g a , F e l i c i a n o , 7 5 s t r o n g , 1 2 2 , 1 2 3 , 1 3 2 , 1 4 9 , 1 5 0 w e a k , 1 , 4 , 1 2 , 2 2 , 7 6 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 8 , 1 2 3 , R a m í r e z , H é c t o r P a b l o , 8 1 1 5 2 R a m í r e z , J o s é , 8 7 Ram ó n, Jos é A., 134 Salazar, Javier A., 132 , 145 R a n g e l , A l e j a n d r a , 1 1 7 S á n c h e z , E d m u n d o , 6 1 rebellious groups S a n d o v a l , E f r é n , 1 1 9 218 Index

S a n J u a n C o p a l a , 8 7 – 8 8 , 8 9 socioeconomic indicators, 27 , 28 , San Luis Potosí , 28 , 32 , 34 , 4 1 , 43 , 3 6 , 4 5 1 1 1 , 1 1 9 Sole Huautleco Front (Frente Ú nico S a n m a r t í n , I s m a e l , 8 0 Huautleco, FUH), 75 S a n t i a g o X o c h i l t e p e c , 7 1, 9 6 Sonora, 28 , 32 , 34 , 3 9 , 4 2 , 43 , 4 4 , 1 1 6 S a n t o D o m i n g o T e o j o m u l c o , 7 1 , 9 6 S o r r o z a , C a r l o s J . , 7 9 , 8 3 , 1 0 8 S e l v a , 4 0 S t a t e o f M e x i c o , 4 2 , 4 3 , 43 , 4 4 , 4 5 , S i e r r a L e o n e , 5 5 46 , 4 7 , 1 1 4 S i n a l o a , 28 , 32 , 34 , 4 2 , 43 , 120 State’s Plan of Sustainable S i n g a p o r e , 3 8 D e v e l o p m e n t 2 0 0 4 – 2 0 1 0 , 5 5 SNTE (National Education Workers’ Superior Auditor of the Federation Union/Sindicato Nacional de (Auditor í a Superior de la Trabajadores de la Educaci ó n) F e d e r a c i ó n , A S F ) , 5 9 S e c t i o n 2 2 , 5 6 , 6 4 , 6 5 , 7 5 , 7 9 , 8 1 , 8 7 , 1 0 4 T a b a s c o , 28 , 32 , 34 , 3 9 , 4 0 , 43 , 4 4 S n y d e r , R i c h a r d , 3 2 T a m a u l i p a s , 28 , 32 , 34 , 3 9 , 4 0 , 4 2 , social movements 43 , 4 4 , 1 1 9 f r a m i n g p r o c e s s e s , 1 8 , 1 9 T a r r o w , S i d n e y , 1 9 g o v e r n m e n t r e s p o n s e t o , 2 4 t e a c h e r s ’ c o n f l i c t , 4 2 , 6 1 , 6 2 , 6 4 – 6 5 , g r o u p c o h e s i o n , 1 0 6 8 , 7 6 , 9 5 , 9 6 , 1 0 4 m a s s m e d i a a n d , 1 9 TEC de Monterrey (Monterrey i n M e x i c o C i t y , 4 5 Institute of Technology and m o t i v a t i o n s f o r , 1 0 Higher Education), 112 , 116 , i n O a x a c a , 6 9 164 p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n , 2 1 T e j a , A l f o n s o , 1 4 5 political opportunities to Temporary Employment (Empleo p r o t e s t e r s , 1 8 T e m p o r a l ) , 8 6 r e s o u r c e a v a i l a b i l i t y , 1 8 T e x a s , 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 4 , 1 1 7 social responsibility, 139 T l a c o l u l a , 6 8 s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , 1 0 4 , 107 , 149 T r a n s f e r o f P o w e r s I n d e x , 3 6 socioeconomic conditions T r e j o , G u i l l e r m o , 1 7 – 1 8 a d v a n t a g e o u s , 3 9 , 1 3 2 Trevi ñ o, Humberto, 122 A P F a n d , 4 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 6 , 9 4 , 1 4 8 Trevi ñ o, Javier, 161 , 163 c u l t u r e a n d , 1 5 2 Trevi ñ o, Miguel B., 131 , 134 , 137 d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f , 1 , 2 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 3 1 , 4 6 , Trevi ñ o, Jorge Alonso, 130 8 3 , 1 0 2 T r i q u i s , 8 5 – 8 9 , 9 5 , 9 6 f a v o r a b l e , 3 9 , 1 3 2 , 133 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 3 , T r u j i l l o , R e n é , 8 3 150 T r u j i l l o , R o l d á n , 1 3 5 , 1 3 7 i n s t i t u t i o n a l i n d i c a t o r s a n d , 3 9 , 7 4 , T u l c h i n , J o s e p h , 1 4 143 political cohesion, 4 Unified Movement of the Triqui s t a t e - l e v e l , 4 4 Struggle (Movimiento Unificado u n f a v o r a b l e , 4 6 , 107 , 108 d e L u c h a T r i q u i , M U L T ) , 6 4 , 8 4 , v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t s a n d , 2 9 , 4 2 8 5 – 8 6 , 8 7 , 9 6 Index 219

Union of Indigenous Communities of w a r o n d r u g s , 5 , 4 2 , 1 1 1 , 1 5 7 , 1 6 1 the Northern Zone of the Isthmus w e a k r u l e o f l a w , 1 , 4 , 1 2 , 2 2 , ( U C I Z O N I ) , 6 4 7 6 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 1 0 4 , 1 0 8 , union politics, 154 123 , 152 United for Peace and Progress (Unidos w e a l t h d i s t r i b u t i o n , 1 6 , 3 6 , por la Paz y el Progreso), 59 3 9 , 4 8 U n i t e d S t a t e s , 3 8 , 5 5 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 4 , 1 3 3 , W i c k h a m - C r o w l e y , T i m o t h y , 1 5 1 4 4 , 1 6 1 Workers Party (PT), 59 Universidad Regiomontana, 116 Workers’ University Technological University of Monterrey (Universidad Institute (Instituto Universitario de Monterrey, UDEM), 116 Tecnoló gico de los Trabajadores, I U T T ) , 1 4 0 V a l d é s , A r m a n d o , 1 3 6 V a l d é s , E d w i n , 1 3 4 , 1 3 7 Y u c a t á n , 28 , 32 , 34 , 4 0 , 41 Valencia, Jorge Alberto, 103 V á zquez, Isa í as, 139 , 154 Z a a c h i l a , 6 8 V á z q u e z , P e d r o , 6 1 Z a c a t e c a s , 28 , 32 , 34 , 43 , V e l l i n g a , M e n n o , 1 1 9 111 , 120 V e n e z u e l a , 1 0 Z a m b r a n o , L o r e n z o , 1 6 2 , 1 6 3 V e r a c r u z , 28 , 2 9 , 32 , 34 , 3 9 , 4 0 – 4 1 , Zapatista Army of National Liberation 4 2 , 43 , 4 4 , 6 9 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 0 ( E Z L N ) , 2 9 , 4 2 Villarreal, Hé ctor J., 119–20 , 125 , 136 Z a p a t i s t a u p r i s i n g , 1 0 , 2 6 , 2 9 , v o t e b u y i n g , 3 9 – 4 0 , 6 0 , 1 0 8 4 0 , 5 7 voter intimidation, 40 Z á r a t e , M a n u e l , 6 1