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Hey nørdar ! Investigating Faroese- Contact in Computer-Mediated Communication

Hey nørdar! Føroyskt-enskt málsamband í teldusamskifti

Laura Zieseler Institut für Fennistik und Skandinavistik, University of Greifswald, Hans-Fallada-Str. 20, 17487 Greifswald, Germany . Email: [email protected]

Abstract ad-hoc gender assignment, < ð> as a means of breaking the hiatus etc. As the virtual absence The purpose of this empirical study is a de - of normative pressure in computer-mediated tailed examination of the use of English communication seems to be pivotal in this in the context of written Faroese in computer- context, the role of language ideology will also mediated communication. The data is derived be discussed in this paper. from one of the biggest Faroese online forums, Kjak.org . As this approach is unprecedented in the linguistic study of the , Úrtak the methodology will be based on comparable investigations into Faroese and other Scandi - Ætlanin við hesi empirisku rannsóknini er at navian languages. However, the focus will be gera eina nágreiniliga kanning av nýtsluni av original in nature, due to the phenomena ob - ensk um navnorðum í føroyskum skriftmáli. served in the data. Paying attention to various Kann ingin byggir á teldusamskifti, og kemur variables that come into play in computer-me - til farið frá einum av teimum størstu føroysku diated communication in general, such as the on line støðunum, sum eru til, .. Kjak.org . Av influence of features found in spoken language, tí at ein slík tilgongd til ensk lán ikki fyrr er as well as complex multilingualism, this paper gjørd, er kanningarhátturin heintaður frá líkn - will scrutinise aspects of both morphological andi kanningum av føroyskum og øðrum and orthographical integration of English skand i naviskum málum, men kortini soleiðis, nouns. Most strikingly, unlike in previous stud - at fokus í greinini er serstakt, og kemur tað av ies on English loanwords in Faroese, the lan - teim um fyribrigdum, sum koma fram í til far - guage material investigated here displays a in um. Við at gáa um teir ymisku variablarnar, wide range of creative ad-hoc strategies for sum hava týdning í samskifti við teldum al - solving a number of linguistic problems, such ment, til dømis ávirkan frá talumálseyðkennum as the marking of morphological boundaries, um framt ógviliga samansettum fleirmæli, so

Fróðskaparrit 64. bók 2017: 35 -66 - DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18602/fsj.v0i0.100 36 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION hev ur verið granskað væl og virðiliga í hesi search area for those interested in getting grein ini bæði, hvussu navnorðini eru tillagað an in vitro insight into ongoing contact-in - til bendingarskipanina, og hvussu tey eru til- duced language change. From a sociolin - lag að til skriftmyndina. Fram kemur sjónliga, guistic point of view, the results also con - og tað er ikki sætt fyrr í granskingini av ensk - um lánorðum í føroyskum, at fleiri kreativar firm the fact that the Internet appears to be ad-hoc loysnir eru valdar fyri at loysa ymiskar one of the strongest promoters of English trup ulleikar, sum markeringin av marki ímill - as a World language (henceforth EWL) um morfem, ad-hoc kynstillutanir og at <ð> with regard to the Faroese speech commu - verður sett inn í ljóðglopp ..fr. Av tí at nity. So far, this has only been measured in normativt trýst næstan ikki er til staðar í teldu - terms of language attitudes by Jacobsen samskifti sum hesum, er leikluturin hjá mál- (2012: 68f.), who noted in his study that røkt ini eisini tikin til umrøðu. acceptance towards English loans and 1. Introduction even a predilection for them over their Faroese equivalents was highest among 20 years ago, Jóansson (1997: 217) obser- those informants who owned a computer ved that “[o]nly some of the most recent with Internet access. not-naturalised loanwords do not comply The following research questions are with the [...] conventions [of Faroese spel - central to this paper: ling and ] so far; therefore they are in most cases avoided in the written lan gu - a) To what extent and in which regards do age”. A decade later, Simonsen and Sandøy Faroese language users in the context of (2008: 60) hypothesised that the absence of CMC integrate English loanwords or certain inflectional forms in their data may code-switches into their mother-? have been caused by a reluctance on the Which observations can be made re gar - part of the respective language user(s) to ding e.. inflectional classes, gender as - implement morphological modifications sign ment and orthographic adaptation when the orthographic form of the loan - processes? word contained certain features such as a ) Does this linguistic nativisation occur silent final <-e>, e.g. in interface . The more or less frequently in CMC than in purpose of this study is to investigate the language material examined in pre - whether hypotheses like this one could be vious studies (i.e. “traditional” print verified or falsified in the context of Faro - media such as newspapers or novels)? If ese-English computer-mediated com muni - so, why? Do notions of language ideo - ca tion. logy have any bearing on how foreign The results indicate that computer me - langu age material is treated by the Faro - diated communication (henceforth CMC) ese in the context of CMC? with its conceptionally oral nature does in - deed exhibit strikingly different language In order to find adequate answers, we will use patterns. This paper also aims to de - first explore the relationship between the mon strate how CMC is a worthwhile re - two languages involved. Then, a distinc - 37 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI tion between code-switching and borrow - a world language in the second half of the ing will be made, before CMC and its dis - 20 th century. tinctive features will be outlined. In the At the beginning of the 21 st century, main chapter 5, the language material will the global spread of English has reached be analysed, with a particular focus on cer - an unparalleled scale, since no other tain morphological and orthographic inte - known language can be said to have had a gration patterns. Finally, these will be sum - gain of up to one-and-a-half to two billion marised and discussed in the wider context speakers within a period of 400 years of language contact, ideology, and change. (Kachru, 1985: 11; Crystal, 2003: 110; Jenkins, 2003: 2; Melchers and Shaw, 2. Contact between Faroese 2003: 8). English does not only act as a and English foreign language in many countries, but also serves intranational purposes in vari - During the Second World War, the Faroe ous social, cultural, commercial and edu - Islands came into very close contact with cational domains (Berns, 1995: 8f.; Jenk - the English speech community as they ins, 2003: 14). As it is used more often in were occupied by the British from 1940 to non-native-speaker contexts than in those 1945, whose military airbase in Vágar be - involving native speakers (Modiano, 1999: came the country’s first and only civil air - 22; Graddol, 2006: 29; Berns, 2009), it is port in the 60s (Jóansson, 1997: 164). best described as English as a lingua Their impact on the locals is not to be un - franca (henceforth ELF), i.e. “basically a derestimated, since back then, the islands mode of communication […] which can only counted around 30,000 native inhab - have various varieties” and which “en - itants (Jóansson, 1997: 164). Many loans compasses all types of communication from this era bear witness to the intimate among bilingual users of English in the language contact during that period (Jóans - Expanding Circle” (Cogo, 2008: 58). son, 1997: 164f.). In fact, the impact the ELF has entered Europe from two di - English language has had on Faroese goes rections, namely top-down and bottom-up back further than the 20 th century. In his (Seidlhofer et al. , 2006: 5). In this context, comprehensive lexicological study, Jóans - the top-down dimension involves more or son (1997) lists loans that had entered the less officially institutionalised, normative Faroese language even before the 17 th cen - language contact in all kinds of educa - tury. Some of them are actually highly fre - tional or professional domains; while bot - quent in everyday usage – e.g. trupul/ tom-up refers to the mostly unregulated trupulleiki ‘trouble’, an old loan borrowed contact at the individual level “through from between 1600 and 1800 (Thráinsson popular music, dance, sports, or comput - et al. , 2004: 446). Nevertheless, the most ers” (Seidlhofer et al. , 2006: 5). Indeed, intense period of language contact be - “[p]art of the explanation for the strength tween Faroese and English arguably of the popularity of English is this synergy started when the latter gained its status as between top-down and bottom-up 38 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION processes” (Phillipson, 2003: 89). The contributing lexical elements (Myers-Scot - Scandinavian countries can be regarded as ton, 2006: 243). In the present study, a prime example of the extent to which Faroese serves as the matrix language, EWL can permeate and dominate the mass while English fills the role of the embed - media from below, its most important ve - ded language. hicle being products of popular culture In contrast, lexical borrowing is the in - such as TV series, movies and online en - corporation of lexical items derived from tertainment (Preisler, 1999: 241f.). It is one language, the donor language , into an - therefore not uncommon for native speak - other, the recipient language (Myers-Scot - ers of the same language, e.g. Danish, as ton, 2006: 210f.). In the data analysed studied by Preisler (1999: 241f.), or as will here, English acts as the donor language be shown in this study, Faroese, to rou - and Faroese as the recipient language. tinely include English language material in There are two main types of borrow - their conversations. ings: On the one hand, established loans , Thus, English leaves its traces in the “which typically show full linguistic inte - languages it comes into contact with. gration, native-language synonym dis - While its long-term effect is most visible placement, and widespread diffusion, even in the form of lexical borrowings, one of among recipient-language monolinguals”, the short-term manifestations is code- and on the other the so-called ad-hoc or switching (Cogo, 2008: 58). Both will be nonce-borrowings (Poplack, 1993: 265). the subject of the next section. As the latter presuppose active knowledge 3. Borrowing vs. code-switching of a second language (L2) on the part of the speaker, they can be regarded as code- Code-switching refers to the use of at least switches, more precisely as insertions, two different codes by bilinguals (or mul - which is how they will also be treated in tilinguals) within one conversation or one this study (Poplack, 1993: 265; Muysken, text (Myers-Scotton, 2006: 239). It can ei - 2000: 3, 5, 33, 64). Due to the status of ther occur in consecutive turns between ELF, the bilinguals’ average English lan - speakers, between sentences in the same guage proficiency is rather high, so that speaker’s turn (inter-sentential), or within some scholars even postulate a gradual a sentence (intra-sentential or inter-clausal) bilingualism among ELF-users (cf. (Myers-Scotton, 2006: 239). In this Mesthrie, 2006). One result of this is that process, the different codes usually fulfil fewer and fewer borrowings tend to be as - distinct functions (Treffers-Daller, 2009: similated to L1-pronunciation patterns, so 66f.). As the dominant code, the matrix that the boundaries between code-switch - language is the one providing the main ing and borrowing are becoming increas - morphosyntactic frame determining the ingly blurred. This becomes particularly well-formedness of a sentence (Myers- obvious in the domain of CMC, whose Scotton, 2006: 241, 243). The embedded main characteristics will be outlined in the language merely participates, mainly by following section. 39 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI 4. Computer-mediated communication as symbols, icons, indices) and hypertex - tual (Thurlow et al. , 2004: 33; Bodomo, In the last two decades, the advent of the 2010: 117f.). Furthermore, CMC is typi - Internet and its influence on global com - cally characterised by its asynchronicity or munication has become a much researched its quasi-synchronicity, meaning that the object of study in a number of disciplines exchanges are either all subject to time (Thurlow et al. , 2004: 20; Bodomo, 2010: lags, however short, or that only part of the Xf., 1; Georgakopoulou, 2011: 93). Its interaction is synchronous, while others revolutionary impact on cultural life in the are asynchronous (Thurlow et al. , 2004: Western hemisphere can be compared to 33; Bodomo, 2010: 117f.). Most notably, that of other communication technologies the boundaries between written and spo - in the history of mankind, such as the ken language are fluid in CMC. Speaking printing press or the telephone, and has in Koch and Oesterreicher’s (1985; 1994) ushered in what is often referred to as the terms, it is characterised by conceptional Information Age or Knowledge Society orality in a written medium (Thurlow et (Thurlow et al. , 2004: 26; Bodomo, 2010: al. , 2004: 124 –126; Georgakopoulo, 2011: XI, 1). Computer-mediated communica - 94f.). Another widely observed property is tion can be defined as the extensive use of multilingual resour- ces, especially with regard to EWL (Bodo - “the coding and decoding of linguistic mo, 2010: XII, 2, 13f.; but cf. also Thur - and other symbolic systems between low et al. , 2004 for linguistic diversity). sender and receiver for information In order to explore the impact of EWL processing in multiple formats through on Faroese in a CMC setting, a well- - the medium of the computer and allied tablished form of communication within technologies […] and through media like CMC (in German Kommunikationsform , the internet, email, chat systems, text cf. Dürscheid, 2005; also Herring, 2007), messaging, YouTube, Skype, and many the discussion forum , was chosen to serve more to be invented” (Bodomo, 2010: 6). as a linguistic database. Such forums are generally marked by temporal asyn - Despite its multifaceted nature, a list of chronicity 1, their many-to-many partici - core-features of CMC can be drawn up pant structure, their social norms (also with some confidence. These features are known as netiquette ), as well as certain mostly based on the technical constraints technical restrictions and affordances such and affordances of the production and re - as the possibility to use different codes ception conditions of the given technical (pictures, emoticons etc. besides language) framework(s) (cf. Clark and Brennan, and modes (embedding of e.g. video or 1991; Brennan and Lockridge, 2006). audio files), or a function allowing users to CMC thus tends to be multimodal (i.e. directly quote other users. The different containing various forms of media), multi - discussion threads are made up of individ - codal (i.e. containing different codes, such ual user entries, comparable to turns in 40 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION spoken conversations, which usually, but sified as public (as opposed to private or not necessarily refer to previous entries in semi-private). On the other hand, posting the discussion thread at hand. Generally, on the forum requires prior registration. some prior planning in terms of content Thus, the users cannot remain completely and style of the entries can be expected, anonymous, but are nevertheless free to and the users also have the possibility to create a user profile that does not need to edit their entries in hindsight. match their identity in real life, but may in - The present corpus was compiled from stead include pseudonyms, fictitious Kjak.org , an independent Faroese discus - avatars and locations etc. Perusing sion forum. Subdivided into different sub- Kjak.org , and particularly the sub-forums forums, it covers a wide range of topics, analysed here, one gets the impression of a such as politics, society, sports, philoso - rather close-knit online community in phy, cooking and entertainment. More pre - which the users are fairly familiar with one cisely, the data was retrieved from the sub- another – a fact also reflected by a relaxed forum Filmar, sendingar og telduspøl and colloquial tone of discourse charac - (‘Films, TV shows and computer games’). terised by a mixture of both conceptionally In this collection of different discussion written and oral features. threads, users talk about products of popu - 5. e study lar culture as found in some of the most ex - tensively consumed forms of mass-media The basic research variables of this case entertainment. Since these can be said to study are modelled on those investigated be a stronghold of Western and particularly in Sandøy and Petersen’s (2007) and Si - Anglophone culture and hence a supreme monsen and Sandøy’s (2008) studies. But domain of EWL ( Seidlhofer et al. , 2006: instead of covering nouns, and 5), the English language can be expected verbs, the present focus will lie exclusively to feature prominently in conversations re - on nouns, since these constitute a) the most volving around popular culture conveyed commonly borrowed lexical category by the mass media. (Thráinsson et al. , 2004: 446; Myers-Scot - At the time of documentation, the sub- ton, 2006: 210) and b) are most likely to forum was comprised of 341 threads, be subject to a highly diverse and complex which together were made up of 5158 in - range of nativisation processes, whereas dividual entries, roughly spanning 4 years imported adjectives usually remain unin - of user activity, amounting to roughly flected in Scandinavian languages, and 580,000 tokens. From this database, 131 verbs tend to be subject to regular integra - types and 942 tokens relevant to this tion patterns (Svavarsdóttir, 2007: 30f.). study’s purpose were extracted and ana - Most of the lexemes in the present cor - lysed. pus are simplex lexemes, while com - The entries on Kjak.org can be read by pounds were only taken into account if anyone with Internet access, so that the their headwords were borrowed from Eng - type of communication there can be clas - lish, not just their modifying elements. 41 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI

Fig. 1. Overall morphological integration ( = 942) 5.1. Morphology Furthermore, proper names, be it of per - sons, computer games, TV shows, movies, In order to fit in with the Faroese paradigm countries etc. were not taken into account. of nominal inflection, English nouns need The only exception was made for a small to be integrated with respect to several group of highly frequent and morphologi - morphologically marked grammatical cat - cally partly integrated product names, egories, i.e. gender, number, case, all of namely Mac , Macbook , Wii and Xbox . Fur - which are structured according to several thermore, the name of the free ency - classes, and furthermore defi - clopaedia was included as well niteness, with the enclitic definite in on grounds that will be explained later turn inflecting for gender, number, and (chap. 5.1.2). Another rather problematic case. group, which was nevertheless included, is The vast majority of tokens are evenly that of abbreviations, including both distributed among two categories, na - acronyms such as RAM and initialisms tivised (n = 445) and neutral (n = 401). such as URL . Finally, a small group of in - The former comprises all the tokens which ternationalisms with orthographically are overtly integrated into Faroese gram - partly nativised Danish variants was in - mar by means of inflectional suffixes (cf. cluded due to the fact that their spelling Simonsen and Sandøy, 2008: 52), e.g. often revealed them to be directly influ - Eng lish the snobs → Faroese snobbarnir . enced by English orthographic norms. These make up 47% of the entire number 42 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION of tokens. By contrast, neutral tokens are analysis of the grammatical categories those which do not need any such overt in - gender and number. flectional modification in order to fit in with Faroese inflectional patterns (cf. Si - 5.1.1. Gender monsen and Sandøy, 2008: 52). These in - Typologically speaking, there are two clude for example all indefinite major gender assignment systems. On the ././N.Acc.Sg. forms, such as the fol - one hand, the so-called natural gender sys - lowing, since they are usually bare stems tems (Corbett, 1991: 9), i.e. semantic sys - in Faroese as well: tems “where semantic factors are sufficient on their own account for assignment” (1) Eg sendi eitt link 2 til hendan trádin 3 til (Corbett, 1991: 8), for example where Elding. males are referred to with masculine nouns ‘I sent a link(N.Acc.Sg.) 4 to this thread to and females with feminine nouns (cf. also Elding.’ Wagner, 2005: 222). This is what we find (2) ‘TheRing’ hevur 7, okkurt í rating . in the present-day standard varieties of ‘The Ring’ has a rating(F.Acc.Sg.) of 7, English 5, where gender manifests itself something.’ along a male/female divide, as well as an (3) havi annars ein chip í mínari gomlu PS1 animacy scale (Baugh and Cable, 2002: ‘by the way, I’ve got a chip(M.Acc.Sg.) 11; Wagner, 2005: 225, 233). While higher in my old PS1’ animals and humans are referred to with he, she and who , lower animals and inani - The number of non-nativised tokens, i.e. mates are referred to with it and which 6. nouns that remain unchanged despite re - Moreover, gender is generally a covert cat - quiring the compulsory addition of inflec - egory in English, i.e. it is not formally en - tional morphemes to mark in coded on the nouns themselves 7. case, number and gender, is comparatively On the other hand, Faroese has the low (8%). The fact that the number of mor - markings of formal gender assignment phologically marked nouns is higher than systems , i.e. systems in which “gender is that of neutral nouns stands in contrast to determined to a large extent by formal cri - Simonsen and Sandøy’s (2008: 60f.) find - teria” (Wagner, 2005: 222). These criteria ings: In their corpus compiled from news - or rules are usually phonological or mor - papers, the number of neutral forms was phological (Wagner, 2005: 222). twice as high as the number of those forms As a basic principle, “neither strict se - that were morphologically nativised. This mantic nor strict formal systems seem to could arguably be due to different media exist” (Corbett, 1991: 63). Mixed systems characteristics, especially with regard to are predominant among the world’s lan - normative pressure, which tends to be guages, but even in formal systems, “gen - higher in traditional print media than in der always has a basis in semantics” (Cor - CMC. In the next chapters, a selection of bett, 1991: 63), so that in case of assign - findings will be discussed, starting with an ment rule conflicts, “semantic considera - 43 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI

Fig. 2. Dominant gender assignment by type (n = 131: all types, n = 101: agent nouns relativised) tions normally take precedence” (Wagner, In the analysed corpus, neuter is pre - 2005: 222f.). This phenomenon is known dominant among the types (n = 38) if the as the Core Semantic Override Principle , large group of agent nouns (as for instance according to which, “ English designer → Faroese designari (M.) equals biological sex” (Petersen, 2009: 20, is relativised 8, reducing the total number 63, 304). This general gender assignment of masculine types by 50% from n = 60 to hierarchy is also used in Faroese, i.e. se - n = 30 (cf. Fig. 2). This confirms Peter - mantic assignment rules (SAR) take prece - sen’s (2009: 89f., 112) assumption that dence over morphological assignment neuter is the default gender at word-level, rules (MAR), which in turn rank higher as well as his observation that it manifests than phonological assignment rules (PAR) itself particularly in the context of bor - (Petersen, 2009: 306). For example, one rowing. fundamental Faroese SAR states that This finding may be regarded as fur - “nouns denoting persons are m.” (Pe - ther evidence for the precedence of the de - tersen, 2009: 152). Another rule states that fault neuter rule. Once more, some aspects “human beings of both or unknown sexes of these findings are similar to those of Si - are neuter” as in barn ‘child(N.)’, men - monsen and Sandøy (2008: 60), who noted niskja ‘human(N.)’, or fólk ‘people(N.)’ a significant affinity for strong neuter (Petersen, 2009: 164). among imported nouns, most likely be - 44 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION cause they require the least amount of mor - most likely to override all the other rules, phological integration, so that many bor - in this case either the default neuter rule or rowed nouns can remain unchanged with - the PAR “monosyllabic nouns are neuter”. out violating . The fol - Some nouns clearly violate the formal lowing sub-sections will give a detailed ac - rule that no masculine in the nomi - count of how some of the abovementioned native singular can have a zero-ending or a gender assignment rules are at work in the consonantal ending other than [], [n], [ɹ] present corpus. and be masculine (cf. also Petersen, 2009: 301), as witnessed by the following exam - 5.1.1.1. Masculine nouns ple: As explained in the previous section, mas - culine nouns constitute the second largest (6) Men hatta var ein áhugaverdur group of types in the present corpus if the gimmick , back in the day. high number of agent nouns is relativised. ‘But that was an interesting In most instances, their gender could pos - gimmick(M.Nom.Sg.), back in the day.’ sibly be influenced by their Danish coun - terparts, as illustrated in the following: This could either have been solved by suf - fixing the aforementioned gender marker (4) topp 100 kool Odmar... ger ein blogg um -ur , or by assigning a different gender, es - tað eisini. pecially since Danish gimmick is common ‘top 100 cool Odmar… make a blog gender and thus could also have become (M.Acc.Sg.) about that as well’ feminine in Faroese. (5) So tá hesir snobbarnir viðmæla ein film, ið í roynd og veru er góður (7) Bloggur í stuttum (og til stuttleika) um ‘So when those snobs(M.Nom.Pl.Def.) film. review a film which is actually good’ ‘A brief (and fun) blog(M.Nom.Sg.) about films.’ Blog is a common gender noun in Danish, (8) helst um har býr ein lítil sci-fi nørdur í so that it is equally likely to either become tær masculine or feminine in Faroese. ‘especially if there is a little sci-fi nerd Through out the present corpus, however, (M.Nom.Sg.) inside of you’ there is a clear tendency for Danish com - (9) hvar er stylisturin ??? mon gender nouns to be assigned mascu - ‘where is the stylist(M.Nom.Sg. line rather than feminine gender. The gen - Def.)???’ der assignment in snob , which is either common gender or neuter in Danish, can Both blog and nørd are common-gender be explained with reference to one of the nouns in Danish, with the assignment for central SAR in Faroese, which is “nouns nørdur and stylistur being further moti - denoting persons are masculine”. Accord - vated by the SAR “nouns denoting persons ing to the assignment hierarchy, SAR are are masculine”. 45 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI

(10) So hvat hasin dudurin goggar um er fyri logically and orthographically integrated meg ikki ordeliga klárt. Faroese variant, leinki (N.) ‘So what this dude(M.Nom.Sg.) is blabbing on about is not entirely clear to (12) liggji sjúk heima og tók synd í mær me.’ sjálvari... inntil eg sá linkið hjá tær!! ‘I’m at home sick and was feeling sorry As the lexeme dude shows a great amount for myself… until I saw your of morphological and orthographic varia - link(N.Acc. Sg.Def.)!’ tion throughout the corpus 9, it may be clas - sified as a code-switch rather than a bor - As a rule, all monosyllabic nouns in this rowing. The user’s decision to add the gen - corpus that can be counted as code- der marker is based on the same motiva - switches, or at least do not qualify as well- tion as the two previous examples, the established loans, have a distinct tendency word-level semantic rule “nouns denoting to become neuter. Two more examples: persons are masculine”. In some cases, neither of these rules (13) og eg tori at vedda uppá at Klovn crewið can be said to have a bearing on the user’s hevur heinta íblástur úr Curb. gender assignment, as witnessed by the ‘and I dare to bet that the Klovn next token: crew(N.Nom.Sg.Def.) was inspired by Curb.’ (11) men tan fyrsti patch’urin er komin, og (14) Men tað er ein sjangra-allir independant hjálpur uppá tað. filmar hava ikki hatta feelið . ‘but the first patch(M.Nom.Sg.) has been ‘But that’s a genre – not all independent released and is clearing that up.’ movies have this feel(N.Acc.Sg.Def.).’

Patch is neither lexicalised in Den Danske In the next example, several rules are Ordbog (Hjorth et al. , 2013), nor is it cov - likely to have governed gender assign - ered by any semantic rule, so the motiva - ment: tion for this particular choice of gender is not readily deducible. (15) Veit nakar um eina online-versión, har “ghost’ini ” hava sama “movement 5.1.1.2. Neuter nouns pattern” sum í Arcade versiónini? Relatively speaking, neuter nouns consti - ‘Does anybody know whether there is an tute the largest group of types in the pres - online version where the ent corpus. One particular sub-group “ghosts”(N.Nom.Pl.Def.) have the same whose gender assignment is solidly pre - movement pattern as in the Arcade dictable is that of well-established mono - version?’ syllabic loans that have also been assigned neuter gender in Danish. This is the case Apart from being monosyllabic (PAR) and for link , which actually also has a phono - arguably ranking low on the animacy hier - 46 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION archy (SAR) and hence unlikely to receive One could be the user’s attempt to disam - masculine or feminine gender, ghost is also biguate kit from native kitt , although this likely to have been assigned neuter gender seems rather unlikely in the given context. as a result of semantic analogy: Faroese Alternatively, it could be interpreted as an ‘ghost’, spøkilsi , is neuter as well. instance of semantic analogy, which causes the gender of an already existing 5.1.1.3. Feminine nouns native lexeme to be transferred to a syn - (16) Havi annars spæld demoið og tað er onymous or otherwise semantically heilt gott. closely related lexeme, both native and ‘By the way, I’ve played the demo non-native (Petersen, 2009: 104, 276; cf. (N.Acc.Sg.Def.) and it’s really good.’ also example (15)). Here, the most likely candidate would be útgerð ‘equip - As an abbreviation of demonstration , ment(F.)’. By the same token, English demo is a common gender noun in Danish; quest may have become feminine in anal - on account of MAR “all Danish nouns ogy to Faroese leitan ‘quest(F.)’: ending on -sion/tion are common gender” (Petersen, 2009: 253f.). These would reg - (18) til skinner murders questina í BG2. ularly become feminine in Faroese (Pe - ‘until the skinner murders quest tersen, 2009: 253f.). However, < -o>=/o/ in (F.Acc.Sg.Def.) in BG2.’ the final position is a formal property that can also trigger neuter gender assignment Similarly, native Faroese boks ‘box(F.)’ is as in foto ‘photo(N.)’ (Petersen, 2009: likely to have caused the predominant gen - 254). der assignment for Xbox, as illustrated in In this study, this potential assignment the following: conflict was often resolved in favour of feminine gender, as most tokens on -o pre - (19) Eg havi tad sjálvur á Xbox’ini . served the gender of the unabbreviated ‘I’ve got it on the Xbox(F.Dat.Sg.Def.) form of the respective lexeme (e.g. demon - myself.’ stratión (F.) → demo (F.)). Furthermore, there are also morphological (17) Eg fari at ogna mær Starter Kit´ina , sum rules which determine feminine gender. er bílig. One states that action nouns ending on the ‘I am going to acquire the Starter deverbal suffix -ing in Faroese are femi- Kit(F.Acc.Sg.Def.), which is cheap.’ nine, as witnessed below:

Since Danish kit is neuter, and phonologi - (20) Rás2 heimasíðan hevur einki online cally similar Faroese words like kitt tilfar uttan live streamingina ‘putty(N.)’, splitt ‘discord(N.)’ or spritt ‘The Rás2 homepage has no online ‘liquor(N.)’ also fall into this gender class, content other than livestreaming(F.Acc. another explanation needs to be found. Sg.Def.)’ 47 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI

However, only few types in the present To which “shooter” replies: corpus have a clear-cut gender affiliation. In many cases, gender assignment seems (23) Ja, mín batnaði eisini aftaná patchin , to be rather unstable and thus open to ad- men tað kemur fyri viðhvørt tó. hoc negotiation, as will be shown in the ‘Yes, mine also improved after the next paragraph. patch(M.Acc.Sg.Def.), but that does happen occasionally.’ 5.1.1.4. Indecisive gender assignment Double gender is a phenomenon not only User “shooter” starts out assigning neuter restricted to loanwords, but one that can gender to patch , but then switches to mas - and often does occur among native nouns culine instead. A few exchanges later, as well (cf. Petersen, 2009: 255f.). In the however, he reverts to using neuter again: present corpus, vacillating gender in Eng - lish loans or code-switches constitutes the (24) So inntil víðari eri eg ikki glaður, men rule rather than the exception. This is the vónandi fara patchini at gera tað søtari. case because the tokens associated with ‘So for the time being I am not happy, most types show considerable variation in but hopefully the patches(N.Nom.Pl. that respect, making it necessary to deter - Def.) will make it better.’ mine the “dominant” rather than the “ab - solute” gender for each type. At least in A third user had opted for feminine this particular segment of CMC, the afore - (patch ’ina (F.Acc.Sg.Def.)) gender instead. mentioned assignment rules and their hith - From this, it becomes obvious how inher - erto observed hierarchy do not appear to ent features such as gender are sometimes act as fully reliable predicators for gender negotiated on the spot and subject to inter - assignment. Sometimes, there is even speaker convergence , the process in which intra-individual variation. The following a language user consciously or subcon - entry was made by user “shooter”: sciously attunes their linguistic behaviour to that of their interlocutor(s) (cf. Giles et (21) Áðrenn eg startaði spælið aftur al. , 1991). installeraði eg nýggja patchið manuelt. Actually, there is strong evidence that ‘Before restarting the game, I installed variation according to the user appears to the new patch(N.Acc.Sg.Def.) be yet another variable that needs to be manually.’ factored into gender assignment. Consid - ering the fact that patch is a code-switch In answer to this, another user, “Polrw”, rather than a loanword, this gender writes: instability becomes a bit more understand - able. Most of the nouns discussed so far (22) Hevur tú patchin ? can be categorised as belonging to strong ‘Do you have the patch(M.Acc.Sg. inflectional classes. Their weak counter - Def.)?’ parts will be discussed in the next section. 48 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION

5.1.1.5. Weak nouns which regularly becomes -u in the accusa - One of the most striking results of this tive and dative singular (Thráinsson et al. , study is the scarcity of weak-class nouns 2004: 89f.). Conversely, the author of (25) as opposed to the strong nouns discussed could have categorised Wikipedia as a so far, i.e. masculine class 5 nouns ending neuter class 3 noun whose declension on -i such as granni ‘neighbour(M.)’ marker is -a for all cases in the singular (Thráinsson et al. , 2004: 81f.), feminine (Thráinsson et al. , 2004: 85). By contrast, class 5 nouns on -a following the paradigm (26) and (27) do not have any such formal of e.g. tunga ‘tongue(F.)’ (Thráinsson et trait at first glance. However, according to al. , 2004: 89f.), and neuter class 3 nouns one PAR, common gender nouns ending ending on -a like eyga ‘eye(N.)’ (Thráins - on < -e> in Danish such as adresse ‘ad - son et al. , 2004: 85). The only exception dress(U.)’ are regularly converted to class includes agent or instrument nouns on -ari 5 feminine nouns, i.e. adressa which fall into the weak masculine de - ‘address(F.)’, or as in (27) Danish kode clension class 5 (Thráinsson et al. , 2004: ‘code(U.)’ → Faroese kota ‘code(F.)’ (Pet - 81f.). The fact that the weak declension ersen, 2009: 253f.). Sketch (26), on the paradigms are the most regular ones begs other hand, does not bear any formal re - the question as to why only a small num - semblance to class 5 weak nouns. ber of loans were converted into these The biggest group of weak nouns in classes, as can be seen below: this corpus is that of agent or instrument nouns, which ties in with the findings from (25) Sambært Wikipediu so hevur Anton previous studies on recent loans (Thráins - Yelchin (Chekov) sáttmála um at gera son et al. , 2004: 447). In English, these are tveir filmar afturat derived from verbs by affixing the mor - ‘According to Wikipedia(F.Dat.Sg.), pheme -(e) as in to compute → computer , Anton Yelchin (Chekov) has a contract to rock → rocker. Their Faroese equiva - for two more movies’ lents are formed with the derivational suf - (26) hetta er mín yndlings Benny Hill fix -ari and belong to the weak masculine sketcha ! class 5 (Thráinsson et al. , 2004: 82; Pe - ‘this is my favourite Benny Hill sketch tersen, 2009: 235). Examples from the cor - (F.Nom.Sg.)!’ pus include: (27) So missur mann eina kotu burtur ‘Then you lose a code(F.Acc.Sg.)’ (28) um man hugsar sum ein 15 ára gamal babyrockari /skatari In some cases, the loan already exhibits a ‘if you think like a 15-year-old baby- suitable formal feature in its original form, rocker/skater(M.Nom.Sg.)’ i.e. it ends on -a (F./N.) as in Wikipedia or (29) Ein av mínum yndis- bloggarum Dan -i (M./N.). This feature has been re - O’Brien analysed in (25) as the declension class ‘One of my favourite bloggers(M.Dat. marker of a weak feminine class 5 noun, Pl.), Dan O’Brien’ 49 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI

(30) Meini eisini at nærum allir browsarar (33) Hippie’arar ávegis til Mardi Gras á eisini hava filtur sum man kann velja. motorsúkklu. ‘I also believe that almost every ‘Hippies(M.Nom.Pl.) on motorcycles on browser(M.Nom.Pl.) also has filters you their way to Mardi Gras.’ can choose.’ All in all, this tendency to create agent Apart from those regularly integrated nouns from semantically suitable English agent nouns, there is a group of lexemes loans seems to be a phenomenon worthy which can be referred to as morphological of further research. It could be the gener - pseudo-Anglicisms, because their deriva - alisation of a SAR, since prototypical - tion is not a native process, but rather one ly, -ari nouns denote persons, so -ari may that only takes place once the original Eng - be overgeneralised as a suffix for English lish lexeme has been imported into the re - borrowings with the semantic feature cipient language. In other words, pseudo- PERSON. Something similar also has Anglicisms denote lexical material which been observed in Icelandic by Svavarsdót - is transferred from English into another tir (2007: 38) for English hit → and used in a non-native way hittari . (Koll-Stobbe, 2009: 25f.). Thus, English to cast → Danish caster 5.1.2. Number → Faroese castari ‘a person in charge of In Simonsen and Sandøy’s study (2008: casting(M.)’ is a Danish pseudo-Angli - 61), the percentage of native plural forms cism: (58%) is lower than the results found in this study (78%). However, it needs to be (31) hvussu hart arbeiði tað er hjá castar­- pointed out that this comparison is rather unum á Factor? tenuous on account of the considerably ‘how hard the casters(M.Dat.Pl.Def.) for lower number of pluralic tokens in their X-Factor have to work?’ corpus: 26 vs. 170 in the present one (cf. Fig. 3 ). Hostari in (32) as derived from English The largest part of the plural mor - host may well be a genuine Faroese phemes suffixed to English nouns in the pseudo-Anglicism, since * hoster is not present corpus are Faroese ones, while codified in Danish: roughly a fourth agrees with English plu - ralic -(e)s, as illustrated by the following (32) Hvar hostarin er, og hvar allir spælarnir examples: koma frá. ‘Where the host(M.Nom.Sg.Def.) is, and (34) Italiensk tala, ongar explotiónir, ongar where all the players come from.’ babes og eingir feitir one-liners . ‘Italian audio track, no explosions, no Finally, hippie appears to have been given babes and no fat one-liners(M.Nom.Pl.).’ similar treatment. (35) Annars er tað sjórænara víkin 10 , har ein 50 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION

Fig. 3. Plural morphemes (n = 170)

kann fiska eftir torrents . The two code-switches in (36) and (37) ‘Apart from that, The Pirate Bay is the contain a triple plural marking with the place to fish for torrents(M./F./N.Pl.).’ English -s, the Faroese M.Nom.Pl. -ar, and the enclitic Faroese article M.Nom.Pl. -nir . In four cases, the English plural mor - This is reminiscent of the process by which pheme -s was kept despite the addition of some English lexemes are imported in adequate Faroese plural morphemes: their plural form, a fairly common phe - nomenon, especially in the Mainland (36) Eins og homofoba redneck’sarnir í Scandinavian languages. Examples in - endanum clude English tip → Norwegian tips ‘Just like the homophobe rednecks ‘tip(N.Sg.)’, where the -s has been re - (M.Nom.Pl.Def.) at the end.’ analysed as belonging to the stem, thus (37) Og Frakland er mær vitandi ikki tann producing a new, extended singular form stóri produsenturin av banalum poppp - with a fossilised, non-morphemic -s, e.g. korn flicksum . et tips (known also as klipsord in Norwe - ‘And as far as I know, France is not a gian or kepsbildningar in Swedish). major producer of trivial popcorn At first glance, a number of pluralic flicks(M./F./N.Dat.Pl.).’ nouns do not appear to receive any mor - 51 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI pheme at all. However, it could be argued seemed to use this paradigm for lexemes that they have actually been accorded a like airbag . In the present study, only two zero morph in the nominative or accusa - tokens clearly fitting this pattern could be tive plural, marking them as neuter nouns found – an unmarked masculine and a as illustrated in the following two exam - feminine plural, one an initialism, the other ples: a product name:

(38) Allar stjørnur hava slík gimmick sum (40) Keypti mær fyrr í ár tveir Nietzsche skilj a tey burtur úr mongdini. DVD ‘Every star has such gimmicks ‘I bought two Nietzsche DVDs (N.Nom.Pl.) which set them apart from (M.Acc.Pl.) earlier this year’ the crowd.’ (41) allar xbox fingið 3 árs garanti og tær (39) So har eru ymisk hint xbox ið blíva gjørdar ídag hava nýtt chip ‘So here are various hints(N.Nom.Pl.)’ set sum skuldi forða fyri RROD. ‘All Xboxes(F.Nom.Pl.) have got a 3- While the zero plural is a regular allo - year warranty, and those(F.Nom.Pl.) morph for neuter nouns, it is unusual for Xboxes that are being made nowadays masculine and feminine nouns. Sandøy have a new chip set that should prevent and Petersen (2007: 61) observed that RROD.’ some of the participants in their survey

Fig. 4. Faroese plural suffixes by gender (n = 126) 52 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION

With a total of 47 tokens, -ar is by far the (42) hattar passar sum tú sigur, at flestu most commonly used plural-suffix in this gamarir hata ea corpus (cf. Fig. 4). It is followed by the ‘what you say is true, that most zero morph -Ø with 33 instances, 18 of gamers(M.Nom.Pl.) hate EA’ them clearly marking neuter nouns, while (43) Allir tit “ popparir ” mugu síggja Dead only three of the remaining ones could be Of Night. categorised as masculine or feminine. In ‘All you “poppers”(M.Nom.Pl.) ought to third and fourth place are -ir and -ur, with see Dead Of Night.’ 15 and eight tokens respectively, both of them dominantly marking feminine lex - Another deviation from regular Faroese emes. declension paradigms was observed in In his statistical analysis of native lan - strong masculine and neuter nouns. These guage material, Petersen (2009: 209) had have in common that they require the case previously arrived at a more or less identi - marker -i in the dative singular 11 . How - cal distribution. ever, in some cases, this suffix does not ap - pear:

5.1.3. Unexpected patterns (44) Sigames hava longu gjørt nógvar Since regional variation is a characteristic forbetringar, ið eru úti við­einum­patch . feature of modern Faroese, with several di - ‘Sigagames have long since made many alects dotted around the country’s numer - improvements which have been released ous isles (Thráinsson et al. , 2004: 339f.), in a patch(M./N.Dat.Sg.).’ and due to the lack of an official spoken (45) Reint krimi-doku, við­einum­feitum­twist standard, it is not surprising to find in - í endanum. stances of spoken Faroese transferred to its ‘Pure crime-thriller docu with a fat written form in CMC. This can be seen in twist(M./N.Dat.Sg.) at the end.’ the plural allo morphs of agent nouns. There is a clear split between spoken and In two instances, the users violate a written usage: Whilst the written standard straightforward MAR: Faroese action only allows -ar for marking the plural of nouns ending on -ing are always feminine. agent nouns on - ari , most Faroese use the However both for streaming and rating , allomorph -ir when speaking. However, as neuter was chosen instead, as in: spoken and written language are not inde - pendent, but rather interdependent, prop - (46) Annars, so er tað sjáldan at teir nýggju erties from one may well cross over to an - horror filmar fáa høgt rating other and vice versa. In the following ex - ‘Otherwise, those new horror movies amples, the non-standard, oral allo - rarely get high ratings(N.Acc.Sg.).’ morph -ir replaces the standard -ar , illus - (47) Lógligt streaming á netinum trating the closeness of CMC to spoken ‘Legal online streaming(N.Nom.Sg.).’ usage. 53 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI 5.2. This may be yet another indicator of the default neuter rule, which seems to be able 5.2.1. Vocalic and consonantal integration to override any other rule, especially MAR Overall, orthographic integration occurs and PAR, while there are no clear cases of much less frequently than morphological SAR being superseded in favour of default nativisation in the present corpus, and it neuter. Comparable observations were does so with a much higher degree of vari - made by Petersen, when he identified over ation. As illustrated in Fig. 5, 63% (n = 500 neuter nouns ending on -i in Donsk- 598) remain unchanged, despite violating føroysk orðabók (1995) like kaffi , poesi , Faroese orthographic norms, 15% (n = pedofili , which he considers as evidence 142) are neutral, and only the remaining “to confirm that neuter is default at the 21% (n = 202) show signs of adaptation in word-level, as other motivations for the their spelling. change are hard to find” (Petersen, 2009: Once more, this ties in with Simonsen 108). and Sandøy’s (2008: 73) observations. Ac - tual orthophone integration is very rare, and most tokens are only partly adapted to

Fig. 5. Overall orthographic integration (n = 942) 54 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION

Faroese orthographic norms. The findings In (52), the English -morpheme also confirm Jóansson’s (1997: 39) obser - correspondence /ʃ/ is replaced with vation that most of the recent loans are not Faroese /ʃ/. In word-initial position naturalised, at least orthographically, and preceding /i/, it is actually very rare and even less of them are codified, despite their can only be found in other integrated loans fairly common currency. such as ‘chimpanzee’ or // is sometimes itur> ‘Shiite’. The unmarked rendition replaced with Faroese /k/ (as in (48)), would be as in ‘skin’, while English /s/ is substituted with the ‘ship’ etc. Possibly, this spelling orthophone native /s/ (as in (49)). In was chosen in order to avoid confusion (50), the grapheme is exchanged for with Faroese / ‘dirt, excre - since is not part of the Faroese al - ment, shit’ and thus to achieve semantic phabet (Poulsen et al. , 1998). differentiation. In addition, this token has undergone a of final to (48) Allar konsolinar og nú eisini PSP Go og in order to satisfy the syllable quantity 13 iPhone hava smá downloadable spøl. rule and to represent / tː /. ‘All consoles and now PSP Go and Vowel adaptation is far less common iPhone, too, have small downloadable than its consonantal counterpart. This may games.’ be explained by the fact that a) vowel qual - (49) Serian gongur út pá, at Tina Fey er ity is generally more difficult to pinpoint produsarin á eini skemtirøð than consonant quality and b) vowel quan - ‘The series is centred on Tina Fey as the tity is usually established through the producer of a comedy series’ quantity of the adjacent consonants (cf. Si - (50) Og eisini eitt tað feitasta soundtrakki monsen and Sandøy, 2008: 67–70). How - NAKRANTÍÐ! ever, we still find some instances of vo - ‘And it also has the most awesome calic integration. soundtrack EVER’ (53) Tað var annars forrita av bara tveimum In (51), the palatoalveolar affricate /tʃ/, dúdum (fyri tað mesta). which both languages have in common, ‘Incidentally, it was programmed by just and which in the English lexeme is realised two dudes (for the most part).’ graphemically as , is replaced by the native grapheme combination , as in In this case, British English dude /djuːd / or tjaldur or fitjing . American English /du ːd/ becomes Faroese /tʉu ːt/. Considering that in stressed sylla - (51) har eru 5 sketjir tilsamans bles, vowel followed by a sin - ‘Here are altogether 5 sketches.’ gle consonantal grapheme usually corre - spond to a long vowel in (52) Robert Downey jr. dugir eisini sítt sjitt 12 . Faroese, any change in the particular ‘Robert Downey, Jr. also knows his shit.’ marking of length is strictly speaking not 55 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI necessary, as Faroese would be cowboy as , the English diph - suitable to represent / tuːt /. Therefore, this thong /aʊ/ is segmented into the vowel- spelling could be seen to indicate the consonant combination /ɔv/, making British rather than the American English it technically both a vocalic and a conso - pronunciation, since Faroese <ú>/ ʉuː / is nantal adaptation. very similar to British English / juː /. Most vocalic integrations, however, are of a purely graphemic nature. Many (54) Hey nørdar . in English are represented ‘Hey nerds.’ graphemically in a discontinuous manner by means of a final silent but non-deletable In 1985, the American English loanword . This is illustrated by minimal-pairs nerd was changed to in Danish such as [ thæp ] vs. [ theɪp ] or (Jarvad, 2008: 31; Donsk-føroysk orða - [ wɪn ] vs. [ waɪn ]. Discontin - bók ), replacing / ɝː / with Danish uous in this context means that the word- <ør>/ œɐ/. This variant was then borrowed final grapheme is always separated by from Danish into Faroese as an intervening consonant from the vocalic /ˈnœɹ tʊɹ /. grapheme, together with which it repre - sents the , i.e. . Since (55) trenarin kemur vi sovornum dummun this graphonotactic feature has no equiva - úttalilsum lent in Faroese, it is very often dispensed ‘The trainer makes such stupid state - with, as in: ments.’ (57) er tad ikki ein av teimum grovu jokunum Another sound change engendered by the ‘isn’t that one of those crude jokes’ indirect import of a lexeme via Danish can (58) Hvar eru bestu producarar , bestu instru - be seen in the example above. The origi - mentalistar, komponistur nal English diphthong / eɪ / has been re - ‘Where are [the] best producers, [the] placed by a long monophthong / eː /. This best instrumentalists, composers’ substitution can also be found in Danish, where it is also graphemically represented By deleting the silent , the language as <æ>/ e̞ː / in træner . user also avoids the inadvertent creation of a graphemic hiatus, i.e. . In (56) Tað mær dámar best við seriuni er English, the removal of in before <-arar> would cause to redneck rúmdarkovboyarum . be pronounced /k/ instead of /s/ in (58). ‘What I like best about the series is how However, in this particular context, this or - everything is about some redneck space- thographic modification by a non-native cowboys.’ user of English is supposedly of no conse - quence with regard to the actual pronunci - In this codified variant spelling of English ation of the lexeme. 56 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION

In the present corpus, more often than ager’ and ‘Chile’ (to which the veg - not, the English spelling is preferred to al - e table owes its name). In this study, it was ready existing and, more importantly, even shown that nearly two thirds of the re - codified orthographically nativised alter - spondents rejected and , natives, as can be seen below: and almost every interviewee disapproved of (Jacobsen, 2012: 216). (59) Kann ein ikki fylgja við í tí sum maðurin Since the normative pressure of language sigur, má ein umhugsa møguleikan at ideology is arguably lower in the concep - seta seg á listan til ein pacemakara . tionally oral medium of CMC than in other ‘If you can’t follow what the man says, written media, it is not surprising that we you might want to get in line for a do not find these disfavoured nativised pacemaker.’ variants here, but rather their non-puristic, (60) Feit viðger av búning, at vera teenagari unadapted counterparts 15 . ‘Great piece about coming-of-age, about In some instances, foreign language being a teenager’ material is marked as such with the help of (61) Parturin tá Homer etur hatta chilliið , og single or double quotation marks as exem - kemur uppá eitt tripp plified below (cf. also Meisenburg, 1992: ‘The bit where Homer eats this chili and 52): starts tripping’ (62) og óansæð hvat eg geri, so fái eg ikki tað For (59), Donsk-føroysk ‘gappið’ vekk orðabók (Skála et al. , 1998/2016) also lists ‘And no matter what I do, I can’t get rid besides <(hjarta)kvikil>, of that ‘gap’.’ and the listeme for (60) is (63) har “ghost’ini” 16 hava sama “move­- . By contrast, the dictio na ri - ment­pattern” sum í Arcade versiónini? es 14 disagree on the standardised form of ‘where “the ghosts” have the same “move - (61). While both Donsk-føroysk ment pattern” as in the Arcade version?’ orða bók (Skála et al. , 1998/2016) and Før - oysk-ensk orðabók (Skála and Mikkelsen, Both gap , ghost and movement pattern 2007/2016b) retain the non-native spell - have full equivalents in Faroese: glopp , ing, Ensk-føroysk orðabók (Skála and spøkilsi and rørslumynstur . However, in Mikkelsen, 2007/2016a) suggests , the context in which they are being used which according to Jacobsen (2012: 219f.) here, they can be regarded as technical is also in use. terms associated with particular games, In his sociolinguistic survey of atti - namely Football Manager and Pac Man . tudes towards and use of direct and indi - A striking orthographic feature is the rather rect loanwords in Faroese, Jacobsen (2012: frequent insertion of an apostrophe <’>, 214f.) also examines the acceptance of less often a hyphen <->, to demarcate the such nativised alternatives, including boundary between the non-native nominal ‘cowboy’, ‘teen - stem and the native affixed inflectional 57 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI morphemes. One group of lexical items (69) haha ja eg hugsaði akkurát tað sama, tá that is particularly prone to such a treat - eg sá hattar interview’ið ment is that of abbreviations, or more pre - ‘haha yes I was thinking exactly the cisely, initialisms, as illustrated below: same when I saw that interview’

(64) Eg havi eini 300-400 útvaldar In all these instances, the apostrophe could filmlistarligar dvd-arar sum standa á be regarded as an orthographic hiatus-filler hyllini breaking up marked vowel combinations. ‘I have some 300 –400 selected film-art The apostrophe is also inserted in cases of DVDs standing on my shelf’ a purely graphemic and not phonological (65) Tað er tað sama á PC’inum hjá beiggja hiatus between morpheme boundaries, mínum í DK more precisely a silent final : ‘It’s the same on my brother’s PC in ’ (70) Tann obligatoriska Tarantino joke’in / dialogin var genial... Another class of lexemes shares a common ‘That compulsory Tarantino joke/dia - phonological property, i.e. all of the Eng - logue was genius…’ lish items end on a vowel: (71) Rate’ingarnar eru høgar eisini. ‘The ratings are also high.’ (66) Um tú hevði hugt meira eftir so hevði tú sæð, at hatta ikki bara var um demo’ina . Example (71) deserves special attention ‘If you had given it a bit more thought, since its author has reanalysed the original you would have seen that it wasn’t just language material in a way which effec - about the demo.’ tively marks it as non-native. The expected (67) Men sum sagt, lat meg byrja við and form, i.e. the byrjanini, intro-in og outro-in eru alt for gerund of rate would be . Gener - langar ally, the stem loses the final if the mor - ‘But like I said, let me begin at the pheme -ing is suffixed 17 . However, the au - beginning, the intro and the outro are thor preserves the before the -ing and way too long’ instead inserts an apostrophe to mark the (68) Nú veit eg ikki hvønn hasin blinkandi morpheme boundary. It could be that the smiley’urin er til deverbal -ing -suffix to derive action nouns ‘Now I don’t know what that blinking is treated as a Faroese morpheme here, smiley is for’ since it is the same in both languages. Thus, the derivational process here is Arguably, the following examples could marked as a Faroese, not an English one. also be included in this group, although or - Finally, there is a large number of thographically, the lexemes do not end on words in which neither the phonological a vocalic grapheme, but on a silent conso - nor the orthographic make-up seem to ne - nantal one, namely : cessitate any additional boundary demar - 58 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION cation, as they neither end on phonologi - such as in =[ kœsː ] ‘goods’, or it can cal nor purely orthographic vowels. also be realised as [ k] in front of [ ɹ] as in [ ˈvɛkɹɪ ]. This mismatch between (72) Ja, eg havi sæð allar 4 tær fyrstu graphemic representation and actual pro - season’irnar . nunciation is a common error source, both ‘Yes, I have seen all of the four early for native and non-native users of Faroese seasons.’ alike. (73) Eg fari ikki at geva tær links, men tað However, if <ð> occurs between two eru góðir torrent’ar harúti... vowels, it is not silent, but nevertheless ‘I’m not going to give you any links, but deletable (Lindqvist, 2001: 61f.) as shown there are good torrents out there…’ in [-jɪ] and [-jɪ]. In this posi - tion, the resulting hiatus is filled with an There are two possible explanations for epenthetic [], [] or [] in accordance this strategy: On the one hand, it could with a set of complementary distribution simply be that the user wishes to flag the rules (Thráinsson et al. , 2004: 38f.). The non-native language material as such, per - present data contains some intriguing ex - haps because they feel insecure about the amples which may provide an insight into “right” way of morphologically integrat - the actual synchronic status of < ð>. ing an apparently “wrong” lexeme. (Sub - conscious) notions of purism may again (74) Endiliga fær man ein annan vinkul á play a role here. Stillahavskríggið, og tað uppá ein On the other hand, the apostrophes or originalan og hugvekjandi máta, frá hyphens may actually be used to enhance einum amerikanskum ‘ cowboyði .’ readability and hence comprehensibility ‘Finally we get a different angle on the by “protecting” the morpheme boundary Pacific War, and that in an original and against potentially disruptive syllabication. thought-provoking way, from an American ‘cowboy’.’ 5.2.2. <ð> as orthographic hiatus-breaker (75) Downloadaði demoðina , men fekk hana One of the better known idiosyncrasies of ongantíð at rigga. the highly etymological ‘I downloaded the demo, but I could which was developed for Faroese during never get it to work properly.’ the National Romantic Period is the fact that the grapheme <ð> in most cases has Etymologically, the <ð> in =[ ˈkʰaʊː ˌpɔɪˑjɪ ] ‘cowboy(M./N.Dat. 135f.). In word-final position, it is com - Sg.)’ is entirely unmotivated. As this pletely silent and in some cases, like grapheme a) does not exist in English and =[ tʰɛaː ] ‘this(N.Nom./Acc.Sg.)’, also b) has no straightforward phonemic equiv - deletable 18 (Lindqvist, 2001: 61f.), whilst alent in Faroese, it can be concluded that elsewhere, it leads to a qualitative and its insertion in this and the other cases quantitative change in the preceding vowel listed above is purely orthographic in na - 59 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI ture. In other words, the intervocalic <ð> occurs much more frequently in this cor - has been reanalysed synchronically as the pus than orthographic integration. That is default grapheme representing the hiatus- to say, while nouns are often clearly as - breaking /j; v; w/. This appears signed inflectional elements marking num - to have happened at the expense of its di - ber, case and gender, orthographic integra - achronic base. Since it apparently lacks an tion is rather the exception than the norm, underlying phoneme 19 , its only purpose and is often only implemented partially. seems to be the graphemic representation Approximately one fourth of all tokens in of hiatus-breaking epenthe tic consonants this study have been integrated into in spoken Faroese. And this is exactly how Faroese morphology without having un - it is used in this corpus. The same strategy dergone any change in their graphemic was employed in certain internationalisms form. The opposite case, i.e. orthographic with a comparable phonological make-up. without morphological integration, only Most importantly, these findings close occurs once in the data: an alleged gap that was discovered by Si - monsen and Sandøy (2008: 60f.) when (76) Men hvat nyttar tað at hava betri they reported that they could not find any hardware tá ið øll spøl koma út til báðar instance of bingo ‘bingo’ with a suffixed konsoles ? morpheme, e.g. ‘bingo(N.Nom. ‘But what good is it to have better /Acc.Sg.Def.)’ in the Føroyamálsdeildin hardware when all games are released corpus, despite the fact that inflected forms for both consoles?’ can be occasionally heard in spoken usage and are even listed in the current online Since is very closely edition of Orðabókagrunnurin’s Faroese modelled on Danish norms in terms of dictionary (Poulsen et al. , 1998/2016). In - loanwords (cf. Jacobsen, 2012: 265f.), this stead, the neuter nouns ending on un - finding yet again confirms the triangular stressed <-o> only appeared in their bare, relationship between Faroese, Danish and i.e. uninflected form. By contrast, the re - English. Among the Nordic languages, sults of the present study indicate that it both Danish and Faroese stand out for hav - was most likely normative pressure that ing the lowest degree of orthographic na - may have prevented the users from suffix - tivisation of English borrowings (cf. Ja - ing the adequate morphemes to these lex - cobsen, 2012: 265f.). emes. In CMC, this pressure is mostly ab - 6. Conclusion sent, and thus the users are more likely to devise creative ad-hoc solutions for this Contrary to Simonsen and Sandøy’s (2008: problem. Thus, they bridge the gap be - 60f.) observation that certain “problem - tween a fully-fledged inflectional para - atic” lexemes, particularly in terms of their digm in spoken and an apparently defec - word-final phonological and/or graphemic tive one in written usage. make-up ( bing o, interfac e), appear to re - All in all, morphological adaptation sist inflection in written Faroese, this study 60 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION provides ample proof that, at least in the different stages: First, there is overt “flag - context of CMC, morphological integra - ging” with the help of punctuation marks, tion is the rule rather than the exception. predominantly hyphens or apostrophes Overall, Faroese language use in CMC is (demo -ina (F.Acc.Sg.Def.), dude ’inum marked by a high density of English bor - (M.Dat.Sg.Def.)) . The morphemic bound - rowings and code-switches, as well as a aries between the non-native content and high degree of creative solutions to vari - the native grammatical morphemes are im - ous conflicts occurring at the morphologi - mediately visible. At the next stage, the cal, phonological and orthographic inter - language users dispense with such mark - face between Faroese and English. Instead ers, integrating the morphemes more or of avoiding integration and thus leaving less seamlessly ( demoið (N.Nom./Acc.Sg. the non-native language material fully un - Def.)), sometimes by making minor ortho - inflected and orthographically unadapted, graphic adjustments (e.g. deleting the the language users on Kjak.org generally stem-final -e in the case of dude+urin → tend to apply at least morphological mod - dudurin (M.Nom.Sg.Def.)). In a final step, ifications in line with their native Faroese some users employ decidedly native grammar. graphemes in order to achieve a maximum By combining the morphological and degree of orthographic integration in addi - orthographic variables discussed in this tion to the morphological adaptation paper – inflectional suffixes and conso - (dúdum (M.Dat.Pl.)). In the case of “intru - nantal and/or vocalic graphemes – we ar - sive <ð>” in demoðina (F.Acc.Sg.Def.), the rive at different degrees of integration users simultaneously enhance morpholog - along a continuous scale which can be il - ical integration in a “genuinely Faroese” lustrated as follows: manner. In the present corpus, stages two (morphological integration with the help token degree of of punctuation marks as morphemic integration boundary markers) and three (seamless demo(s)/dude(s) low morphological integration both with and demo-ina/dude’inum without regard to Faroese graphotactics) demoið/dudurin are the most common. Of course, code- demoðina/dúdum high  switched or borrowed lexemes do not nec - essarily have to follow this progression Table 1. Integration scale from one end of the scale to the other. Some do not advance further than the first Starting at one end of the scale with either or second step, others immediately enter uninflected lexemes ( dude (M.Nom./ on e.g. the third step and stay there. How - Acc./Dat.Pl.)) or non-native inflection ever, in the process of a code-switch ob - (demos (F.Nom./Acc./Dat.Pl.)) and no or - taining its “full-time job” as an established thographic adaptation whatsoever, the de - loanword (cf. Myers-Scotton, 1989: 340), gree of integration progresses throughout it tends to follow a trajectory of increasing 61 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI integration from top to bottom, with mor - Faroese, it can be inferred that one major phological nativisation usually preceding indirect point of access to the English lan - orthographic nativisation. guage is through Danish, as encountered Based on these findings, it can be ar - by the Faroese, i.e. on TV, in cinemas, on gued that the inhibition to combine native the Internet, and not least through personal and non-native language material in one contact 21 . Several observations presented lexeme is considerably lower in CMC than here – particularly regarding gender as - in other written types of text (newspaper signment and a number of spelling variants articles, classified ads, literature) re - – indicate the considerable bearing the searched in previous studies 20 . The mem - seems to have had on the bers of the Faroese online community are integration process of English loanwords facing the challenging task of negotiating in Faroese. However, it could also be ar - language use and subsequently notions of gued that over the past twenty years, the identity amidst the forces of purism and direct influence from English has been accelerating globalisation in what is tech - steadily increasing at the expense of Dan - nically a trilingual communication setting ish, particularly due to the growing impor - (Knudsen, 2010: 136). Jóansson (1997: tance of the Internet. 202) remarks that a number of recent, non- Finally, another key element for inter - nativised English borrowings are in all preting the findings presented here appears likelihood indirect loans that have entered to be language ideology or rather a more Faroese via Danish. Jacobsen (2012: relaxed approach to linguistic purism in 200f.) also found that his Faroese respon - the context of CMC. Purist ideology has a dents regarded the Danes’ relationship to - tradition that goes back over more than one wards English loanwords to be the least century in Faroese, actuating around 1890 purist and most relaxed in comparison (Jacobsen, 2012: 259). Albeit moderate in with the rest of the Nordic speech commu - comparison to similar Icelandic endeav - nities, i.e. the , , Fin - ours, Faroese efforts to replace foreign lan - land, Norway and . Not only do the guage material with appropriate native Faroese interviewees think that the Danes counterparts have had a discernible impact hardly ever translate or replace lexemes on codified works such as dictionaries and borrowed from English, but they also textbooks (Thráinsson et al. , 2004: 452f.). judge their own language awareness to On top of that, the Faroese málnevnd (‘lan - rank highest among their Nordic neigh - guage committee’) provides guidance and bours (Jacobsen, 2012: 201). This is of in - advice in linguistic questions (Thráinsson terest for the present study in so far as it et al. , 2004: 452f.). Nevertheless, the im - further corroborates the important role portance of purism has been on the wane Danish appears to have played as a medi - for the last 30 years, especially among the ating language between English and younger, more educated generation, which Faroese. If the Danish speech community is most likely to associate purist attitudes is perceived to be highly Anglophile by the with lower social status (Jacobsen, 2012: 62 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION Notes 261f.). As witnessed by earlier studies, high normative pressure seems to discour - 1 At times, when a debate is more heated age integration, leaving non-native lan - than usual, it can speed up to the point guage material grammatically stranded where it becomes quasi-synchronous. and sticking out like a sore thumb in tradi - 2 In the context of language material taken tional written media. By contrast, in the from the corpus, the respective borrowed less strictly monitored context of CMC, or code-switched tokens are set in bold. In this purism-induced unease appears to be some cases, other linguistic elements overruled by a straightforward need for showing a particular type of grammatical linguistic functionality (cf. also Petersen, agreement, such as adjectives or verbs, are 2006: 16–19). Arguably, this is in part the also marked in this manner. 3 result of Kjak.org’s pervasive user-pseu - Spelling mistakes (or common media-in - donymity and their relaxed and informal duced idiosyncrasies such as replacing <ð> tone of communication. with when using a Danish instead of a Faroese keyboard) have been left unal - Rather than leading to the often de - tered, i.e. as they appear in the original cried “simplification and decay” of the forum entries. To make the text more read - mother-tongue, the emergent grammatical able, they will not be marked as such either and orthographic patterns described here, (e.g. with [sic!]) throughout the rest of this such as the introduction of morphological paper. boundary markers, can be said to introduce 4 In the translations, the grammatical cate - a new layer of functional linguistic com - gories will be glossed in the following plexity. Thus, this unregulated “Faroeisa - order: gender (M./F./N.), case (Nom., Acc., tion from below” may be considered to be Dat.), number (Sg./Pl.) and definiteness less of an actual threat to the linguistic vi - (Def./Ø). tality of Faroese than the institutionalised 5 H owever, this does not apply to all re - purist agenda imposed from above, whose gional varieties of e.g. British English (cf. restrictive outlook on direct loan integra - Wagner, 2005). tion may even be deemed detrimental to its 6 With the exception of metaphorical gender own self-proclaimed aim of keeping the in cases where inanimate objects such as language alive. ships or cars are referred to as she ; some - times also the use of it to avoid embarrass - ment when the gender of a new-born is not Acknowledgements readily detectable (Hogg, 2005: 124f.). 7 I would like to thank Hjalmar P. Petersen for Exceptions include compounds, attributive translating the abstract of this paper. constructions, and derivational sex-mark - ing suffixes such as -ess in prince – prin - cess , or -ine as in hero – heroine , whose use especially for denoting female profes - sions, i.e. waitress , has been receding over the past decades (cf. e.g. Holmes, 1993). 63 HEY NØRDAR ! FØROYSKT:ENSKT MÁLSAMBAND Í TELDUSAMSKIFTI

8 I.e. if the 31 different types of agent nouns ones (‘) in order to distinguish them more found in the corpus are grouped together clearly from the boundary-marking, word- and treated as one collective type instead medial apostrophe (‘), since the font pro - of 31 individual ones. vided on Kjak.org uses the same sign for 9 Besides not being codified in any Faroese both single quotation marks and apostro - or Danish dictionary. phes. 17 10 Incidentally an intriguing case of a direct Exceptions are scarce, e.g. British English translation of a proper noun, perhaps with . humorous and/or euphemistic intent ( The 18 I.e. it can be deleted without any conse - Pirate Bay being the name of an infamous quences for the word’s phonetic make-up, online index facilitating (mostly illegal) resulting in homophones such as vs. peer-to-peer file sharing). , both pronounced [ tʰɛaː ]. 11 The only exception to this rule concerns 19 At least it is very opaque, cf. Lindqvist the neuter class 2, e.g. dømi (N.). 2001: 104–106 for a discussion of /ð/ with 12 This is an interesting loan translation of to regard to preterite forms of a certain group know one’s shit based on Faroese at duga of verbs. sítt kramm , which in turn is derived from 20 Recently, some of these solutions (espe - Danish at kunne sit kram . cially the use of morphemic boundary 13 Like all modern North Germanic lan - markers) appear to have started “spilling guages, with the exception of Danish, the over” to more traditional written media – Faroese syllable structure is governed by for example in August 2016, one could the so-called quantity rule (Germ. Quan - read about the famous Ovastevna (F.Acc.Sg.Def.) in Vikublaðið , the syllable must have one of four possible most widely read (weekly) newspaper on configurations: V ː#, V ːC, VC ː or VCC (cf. the Faroe Islands. Thráinsson et al. , 2004: 18). The gemina - 21 I n their profiles, several forum users stated tion of consonant graphemes as a means of “” as their current place of res - marking consonant length and in turn idence. vowel brevity (i.e. VC ː) is one of the most regular and most frequently occurring or - thographic integration processes in the present corpus, with examples (4, 5, 7, 29, 52, 61, 62) merely representing a very small selection. 14 If the lexeme is included in the first place – for example, Føroysk orðabók (Poulsen et al. , 1998/2016) does not list it at all. 15 Which makes example (56) even more re - markable. 16 In this case, the double quotation marks (“) may also have been selected over single 64 HEY NØRDAR ! INVESTIGATING FAROESE:ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN COMPUTER:MEDIATED COMMUNICATION

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