Introduction

Home , Artemide, Canzone Napoletana, Enrico Caruso, Ernesto De Curtis, Feodor Chaliapin, Fred Gaisberg

Notes

Introduction

1. This “tammurriata,” beyond its rhythm and its own melodic identity, pres- ents several distinctive traits. Above all the melodic line of the first singer continuously interchanges the traditional structure of major mode (with the fourth degree altered) to a minor mode in the cadences. The lyrics are also interesting, the first set referring to the famous “Fenesta ca lucive,” generally known through nineteenth century as Neapolitan song of melodic-romantic craftsmanship and the second set being the authentic version of “Spingole frangesi” from which Salvatore Di Giacomo drew upon for his well-known song of the same name. Needless to say, the two pieces appear in their truest light as emblematic texts, whose language is always related to the meaning of the magical-ritual tradition. One in fact notes, especially in the version of Fenesta ca lucive, the continual relationship between images associated with death, even the macabre, and the constant erotic allusions in the interpo- lations. Lastly, notable is also the considerable quantity of these interpola- tions in the songs where these, besides being present in the usual octosyllabic forms (nursery rhymes, “doggerels,” or o “barzellette” poetic compositions of seven or eight syllables set to music), are also present in the same hendecasyllabic forms of the songs. . . . This special form of “tammurriata” may be observed principally at the feast of St. Ann in the town of Lèttere. Here in fact on the Saturday night following the 26th of July, singers and musicians who converge in honor of St. Ann dance and sing from midnight on. De Simone (1979, 137). 2. De Mura (1969). 3. To this end Ugo Mollo, collector and great connoisseur of Neapolitan song, loved to recall his participation in Lascia o raddoppia, the Italian well-known television broadcast conducted by Mike Bongiorno, in the episodes of May 16 and 23, 1957, when the only bibliographical source, beyond periodicals and the publishing houses’ files, consisted of Rino Mannarini’s Storia della canzone Napoletana, which was little more than an annotated collection of songs. 4. De Mura (1966). 5. Sarno (1962). 6. Gargano and Cesarini (1984). 190 NOTES

7. De Simone (1983), 1st edition. 8. Palomba (2001); Pittari (2004). 9. Stazio (1991). 10. Pesce (1999). 11. Scialò (2002). 12. Daniele (2002). 13. Liguoro (2004). 14. Borgna (1996; Liperi (1999); Prato (2010). 15. Sciotti (2007). 16. Pine (2012, English text awaiting publication in Italy). 17. Abruzzese, preface in Stazio (1991, 10–12). 18. Ibid. 19. The most recent sociolinguistic studies prefer to speak of the opposition between sociolinguistic varieties in an attempt to neutralize the old and discriminating opposition of language versus dialect. See Klein and Baiano “Dialetto e fascismo a Napoli: questioni di politica linguistica” [Dialect and Fascism in Naples: Questions of linguistic policy] (2000). 20. Let us recall Giovanni Gentile’s 1923 school reform, even if it is useful to remember that the regime tolerated and indeed supported the use of dialects as an integral part of school programs until the beginning of the thirties. See Klein and Baiano, 365. 21. Portelli states that in the United States it is senseless to speak of folklore as intact and of separate oral cultures; American folklore has always circulated whether orally or in print or on theater stages and moved without particular setbacks to radio and records since the twenties. See introduction in Guthrie (1997, 12). 22. Rust (1954, 11). 23. Molinari, “Porti, trasporti, compagnie” [Harbors, transports, companies] in Bevilacqua, De Clementi, and Franzina eds (2001, 250). 24. Sorce Keller “American Influences in Italian Popular Music,” 124–36. 25. Mazzoletti (1983, 31). 26. From an interview conducted by the author, New York, May 2003. 27. From the word hyphen, which unites the two words Italian and American that define the double ethnic identity. On the term, see Tamburri (1991); Gabaccia “Razza, nazione, trattino” [Race, Nation, Hyphen: Italian-Americans and American Multiculturalism in Comparative Perspective] in Guglielmo and Salerno, eds (2003, 61–78); Muscio and Spagnoletti (2007, 9). 28. Rigler and Deutsch Index of Recorded Sound (RDI), a union catalog of 78-rpm disc holdings from several major research libraries. 29. Aleandri (1999). 30. Estavan (1991). 31. Greene (1992 and 2004). 32. Glasser (1995). 33. Troianelli (1989); Bruno (1995). 34. Muscio (2004); Bertellini, Italy in Early American Cinema, (2010). 35. Cinotto (2001). NOTES 191

36. Lived from April 6, 1934, to November 12, 2006—singer and actor, one of the leading exponents of the modern sceneggiata repertoire (1970–1990), a mixture of traditional folk singing and popular melodrama. Sceneggiata is mostly known in areas populated by Italian immigrants; besides Naples, the second homeland of sceneggiata is probably Little Italy in New York City. 37. Interview conducted by the author in New York, April 2003.

1 The Cultural Context of the Italian-American Community in New York at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century

1. Vecoli, “Negli Stati Uniti” in Bevilacqua, De Clementi and Franzina eds. (2002); Gabaccia (1994). 2. “This refers to the type of man under the age of forty because between 1887 and 1900, it was that same America that encouraged Italian immigration to promote the industrial and agricultural progress to which it was committed. Sex, age, and strength were the criteria by which the ‘desirability’ of the immigrants to America was evaluated because it was the economic value of an individual that determined his or her permanence here” (D’Ambrosio 1924, 44). 3. Vecoli “Negli Stati Uniti,” 57; see also, Vecoli (1987). 4. The Italian scholars of emigration do not hesitate to use the word “exodus” to define the expatriation of Italians during the period under consid- eration. Golini and Amato state that the second phase of the emigration, which ranges from the first years of the twentieth century to the First World War, coincides with the beginning of the process of the industrialization in Italy. And yet, historically that phase is as important as that of the Great Emigration. In fact it was a true and real exodus that drew an average of 600,000 persons a year, for a total of nine million people. The peak, not only of that phase but also of the entire history of emigration, was reached in 1913, when the number was more than 870,000. The course of the phenomenon reveals both great highs and great lows as a consequence of the major influence exerted upon the flow of immigrants by the international labor market, especially that of North America. As a matter of fact, immigration during this period was primarily from Europe and specifically about 45 percent of all immigration was absorbed by the United States: it is the people of southern Europe that fueled this transoceanic streaming (largely 70 percent of it). (“Uno sguardo ad un secolo e mezzo di emigrazione italiana” [Golino and Amato “A Look into a Century and a Half of Italian Emigration”] in Bevilacqua, De Clementi, and Franzina eds [2002], 49–51). 5. Muscio (2004, 25). 6. Greene (2004, 88). 7. San Francisco played a primary role in this migratory phase. In fact, the Italians gathered there initially because they were attracted by the presence 192 NOTES

of gold mines and subsequently because California put in place policies to support agricultural activities that particularly touched the sensitivity of the Italian immigrants who were for the most part agriculturalists and farmers (Vecoli “Negli Stati Uniti,” 62). 8. Van Vechten “A Night with Farfariello,” 32; see also Romeyn, “Juggling Italian-American Identities,” 95–96. 9. The information appears in an article published in La follia di New York, October 9, 1927, as part of a series of articles published in signed installments by Giuseppe Cautela under the title The Italian Theater in New York. 10. “It is well known that Italian operatic arias as well as folk tunes were heard almost everywhere, even outside in the streets. In those settings pushcart peddlers accompanied the hawking of their wares with song, and there organ grinders added their tunes for whatever income passersby offered. Popular songs could also be heard in the Street, emanating from the several ethnic music stores in the Italian Lower East Side. In the neighborhood of Bayard, Mott, Mulberry, and Elizabeth Streets, as one visitor put it, one could listen to ‘clever ditties about the eternal subject of mirth [and] mothers-in-law’ coming from those shops. While no direct reference is available as to what particular songs were heard in these outdoor performances, it is certain that these establishments provided musical entertainment that dealt with the plight of the new Italian arrival. Observers of these venues have referred to them generically as the ‘caffè concerto.’ Such restaurants, bars, and music halls playing Italian music arose in the 1890s and early 1900s to provide comfort and entertainment for the Italian working class seeking respite from their hard labor. These musical places were undoubtedly popular and certainly accessible to the poorest of workers. Their admission charge was as little as five to ten cents” (Greene 2004, 88–89). 11. The material in this research was later merged into the Federal Writers’ Project (1938). 12. See also Mariano (1921). 13. For a more detailed analysis of the ethnic composition of East Harlem, see Orsi (1992). 14. Vecoli, “Negli Stati Uniti,” 55. 15. The construction of luxury buildings like the cooperatives in Chelsea or the Dakota Building are an example of this. The immigrants crowded into the tenements, and hygiene and sanitary conditions posed intermittent prob- lems until the 1930s. Davidson writes that affordability and unassuming dignity had always been a goal of apartment advocates. In 1867, 1879, and 1901, Progressives had pushed through laws requiring small increases in the standards of ventilation, light, and sanitation in tenements, which were often disease-ridden firetraps. In the 1870s, the Brooklyn philanthropist Alfred Tredway White built handsome complexes of worker houses like the Tower Buildings in Cobble Hill, which featured a toilet in each apartment, outdoor staircases, meticulous brickwork, and wrought-iron railings. But it was the Depression that brought the issue of how to house the have-nots into the NOTES 193

realm of public policy. In 1935 the New York City Housing Authority reha- bilitated a neighborhood of crumbling Lower East Side tenements by tearing down every third house to maximize light and air and renovating or rebuild- ing the rest. In the end, the First Houses project required near-total reconstruction, but the result inaugurated the public housing era and remains an emblem of its promise (Davidson 2011). 16. In the 1930s there were about twenty Roman Catholic churches, two Protestant, one Presbyterian, two Baptist, and two Seventh Day Adventist churches. The oldest was St. Anthony’s between Sullivan and West Houston Streets, founded in 1862. On the religious habits and sense of nostalgia of the Italian-Americans, see Varacalli, Primeggia, LaGumina, and D’Elia (1999). 17. Federal Writers’ Project, New York City Guide, Racial Groups, File 1620, 2781 words, 1. 18. See also Vecoli “Negli Stati Uniti,” 66; more in general, see Vincent A. Lapomarda, “Italian-American Press” in Varacalli, Primeggia, LaGumina, and D’Elia (1999). 19. De Mura (1969, vol. 1: 214). 20. The Italian theater in New York has always been a very fluid institution; groups were continually forming, merging, shifting, and dissolving. In 1936 there were eight acting companies, the smaller of these with no regular theaters but using houses available at rents they could afford. Productions of these groups included vaudeville, dramatic sketches, and comedy. The Teatro d’Arte was perhaps the most stable and interesting of the Italian theaters; established in 1928, it was devoted to the presentation of dramas and comedies of this character (Italian Writers Project, folio 8). 21. The information is debateable because the place officially began its opera- tions two years later, in 1861. In 1859 the Philharmonic Society of Brooklyn decided that the Athenaeum, the space where concerts were offered between 1857 and 1860, was too small for this type of performance. Thus, the wealthi- est residents of Brooklyn planned for the construction of a larger place that was christened the Brooklyn Academy of Music. The inaugural concert took place on January 15, 1861. It is probable, therefore, that the information regarding Adelina Patti relates to a performance at the Athenaeum, not at the BAM. 22. Known by his title of the “March King,” he was the best known band leader in the United States; he directed the American Marine Corps Band, and after 1892 he became director of his own band, with which he toured the entire world. Bibliography and sources on Sousa are extensive and varied, for example, Bierley (2006); J. P. Sousa Collection, Archives of the U.S. Marine Band, Washington, D.C. (2011); The Sousa Archives and Center for American Music at University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (2011). 23. The sources used are La Follia di New York and the Italian Writers Project. 24. La Follia di New York, March 15, 1914. 25. Ibid., September 4, 1927. 26. Ibid., October 12, 1924. 194 NOTES

27. Ibid., March 26, 1922. 28. This is how the birth of the station was announced: “Finally, the Italians of New York can boast of having a radio station that is on par with the great American stations. Thanks to the care taken by our countryman, John Iraci, we can say with pride that we have won a place of importance in the field of radio broadcasting. Situated in the heart of the theatre district of New York, 50 feet from the Times Square on 43rd Street, WOV has an enviable location. The building belongs to the same station and is called the WOV Building. Here are found three studios, specially constructed, and offices that are richly appointed. The station operates for 10 hours per day, from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. Eighty percent or four-fifths of the time is taken up by commercial affairs, evidence that the station is considered the greatest medium of publicity among the Italians (La follia di New York, February 24, 1935).” 29. With regard to the propaganda of the regime, Stefano Luconi writes that Benito Mussolini was relatively slow to realize the radio’s potential for propaganda. This delay was either due to the slow spread of radio broadcasting in Italy or due to the failure in experimenting with broadcasting of propaganda. In 1926, Italy had only 26,865 radios in the entire country, a number so small as to render unthinkable the use of this instrument to launch a program of political indoctrination among the masses. In 1924 the Marquis Luigi Solari, a man entrusted by Marconi with the commercialization of his inventions in Italy, had suggested that Mussolini initiate regular news broadcasts to North America. [The project became a reality several years later.] The Italian language programs broadcast via shortwave were aimed predominantly at Italians in foreign lands, above all North and South America. However, the broadcasts were not conceived for these specific transatlantic catchments, but constituted a reintroduction beyond the sea of several of the same programs broadcast in the interior of the peninsula. The project’s declared purpose was to reestablish spiritual ties between Italian immigrants and their descen- dants on American soil with the mother country (Luconi 2004, 85, 88). And elsewhere Luconi emphasizes again that in 1928 the Supreme Council on Radio Oversight—the organ conceived by the Ministry of Communication the year before to allow the state to regulate radio broadcasting and, therefore, to enable the regime to control political content—decided to install a shortwave transmitter with the power of 12 Kw at Cecchignola, a location near the gates of Rome, renamed Prato Smeraldo for this purpose (87). 30. The part played by Italians in the spread of band music in America is a varied and complex matter. Here it is enough to recall the figure of Giuseppe Creatore, already noted in the introductory pages. Born in Naples on June 21, 1871, Creatore moved to the United States in 1899, touring coast to coast and even into Canada. In 1906 he returned to Italy, where he formed a new band that he brought with him when he returned to America. He quickly became successful through his mastery of performance and musicality, which made his reputation vie with that of John Philip Sousa. His celebrity status encouraged the emigration of other Italian band leaders to America. As a result of NOTES 195

running into competition with other newly formed bands, in 1917 he dedicated himself to an operatic repertory and, after 1931, to a symphonic one as well. He made records with the Creatore Band for major labels of that time and has left many transcriptions of operatic music for band, some of his scores are preserved at Yale University. See Anesa (2004). 31. Luconi (2004, 93). 32. On this point, Muscio writes that the Italian-American actors worked for diverse media like the radio and the cinema, giving life to a cultural niche industry even more substantial than that found in contemporary Italy. There were more records of Neapolitan songs produced in the United States than in Naples, and the Italian radio was more widespread in America than in Italy, and regarding the 1930s, more Italian language films were made in New York than in Italy. This supremacy of the culture of the immigrants has never been recognized. The Italian-American radio acted as a synthesis or as a crossroads for this experience, but the reconstruction of its history is still sketchy (2004, 344). It is helpful to point out that, with regard to the records of Neapolitan songs produced in the United States, the date can be authenticated only if related to publication and distribution because often, as emphasized in the course of this study, the origins can be traced directly to Naples. 33. Above all, as relates to macaroni, commercial time was so packed with an increasing number of ads from different companies that at the end of the 1930s, it came to the point where an explicit appeal had to be made: “We wish to make an appeal to the Italian radio stations to abolish all commercials regarding macaroni. . . . Is it really true that Italians think about nothing but macaroni? It’s absolutely nauseating. Why not do as is done with songs? When a song becomes too popular and is sung too often, they stop playing it so as not to annoy people too much. Well then, macaroni commercials have become a real pain in the neck!” (La follia di New York, April 30, 1939). 34. In this regard, see the already mentioned work of Cinotto (2001); Luconi “Not only ‘a tavola,’ ” and Giunta and Patti (1998, 40–70). 35. The sponsors, essentially those that made up the food industry, having established a solid position in the market, no longer invested in radio commercials, causing a gradual decline in the medium (Muscio 359). 36. Interview with the author (Levittown, Pennsylvania, August 2005) published in “Songs of Italy” (Frasca 2005). 37. Interview with the author (New York, September 2005) published in “Songs of Italy” (Frasca 2005).

2 Enrico Caruso: The First Neapolitan Star

1. Alessandro Sisca was born in San Pietro in Guarano in the Province of Cosenza in 1885. He was a prolific intellectual with ties in America to anar- chist and socialist circles. Animated by a strong anticlerical spirit, he was an 196 NOTES

activist writer and an author of essays, plays, poetry, and songs. The lines in “Core ’ngrato” are his; this is the celebrated song dedicated to Enrico Caruso and set to music by Salvatore Cardillo in 1911. At the age of eighteen he founded La follia di New York together with his father and brother. Before moving to the United States, the Sisca family spent a long time in Naples; it was here that Alessandro developed a clear interest in the world of arts, especially popular theater. In 1892 the Siscas immigrated to America, and after spending a year in Pittsburgh, the young Alessandro established himself permanently in New York, where he died in 1940 (Durante 2005, 350–53). His fame as an intellectual and a poet went beyond the Italian community; for example, he published for Schirmer publishing house of New York the song “Oi, Luna,” put into music of Salvatore Cardillo as well and interpreted by the baritone Giuseppe De Luca and translated into English. The interesting thing is that the publishing house had not published even one Neapolitan song before that year, 1921 (La follia di New York, April 10, 1921). For other information about Sisca, see Bencivenni (2011, 108–15). 2. According to Emelise Aleandri, Mongillo’s music store was located at 131 Mulberry Street, and Mongillo was the first publisher to import, publish, and sell musical scores originating in Italy. For example, his was the American edition of “Mannaggia ‘a mugliera (Damned wife); it’s the title of a song by Aniello Califano and Raffaello Segrè, a song selected for the 1905 Piedigrotta (the festival that featured a song-writing competition) and published in Italy by Bideri publishing house, the next year. Mongillo’s activities also included the sale of other products, such as tobacco, cigars, postcards, solfeggio manu- als, and theatrical works. Mongillo’s store stayed in business from 1901 to the 1930s (Aleandri 1999, 18). 3. De Stefano must have been a person of some importance in the Italian circles of New York given that on the occasion of his marriage La follia di New York published in the January issue of 1907 a long laudatory profile. 4. Caruso’s work as a sketch artist is contemporaneous with and sometimes anticipatory of the avant-garde movement of the beginning of the twentieth century. Through many different publications, such as Britain’s The Studio, the tenor made his caricatures known to futurists and to German artists at the beginning of the century. In these, there were echoes of Aubrey Beardsley, the creator of the Liberty, that pleased Oscar Wilde; Honoré Daumier, the author of lyrical poetry; of Erté and of the Viennese artists of the Jugendstil (like the famous Mascagni in masquerade); of the Neapolitan Antonio Bulifon, a seventeenth-century engraver; and of the cubists, recog- nizable in the outrageous design of the Cyrano di Bergerac, a kind of puzzle of squares, crosses, and lines. The portraits of heroes of this troubled epoch, such as Ermanno Wolf-Ferrari, show that Caruso frequented circles that appreciated a taste for the avant-garde and that he had a flair for good design, without improvising. He did not succeed in establishing his own style, but he demonstrated a notable eclectic ability and a rare skill at grasping details at first glance. A few examples of his are small masterpieces: the gloomy NOTES 197

bespectacled Gustav Mahler, which echoes the work of Klimt; Alessandro Bonci equipped with guitar and mustache; President Roosevelt in top hat and stripes; Mischa Elman in the shape of a violin; the daring Luigi Barzini; Costa, Cordiferro, Ernesto De Curtis, and other singers of Neapolitan melodies; Guiglielmo Marconi between two antennas; the stern Rossini; a tiny king Vittorio Emanuele; a Lina Cavalieri, gaunt and not very seductive, with an interminable neck that she stretches under a sweep of raven hair (Gargano and Cesarini 1990, 124–27 passim). 5. La Follia di New York, September 4, 1910. 6. Here is how De Mura recalls the birth of the Piedigrotta (festival) in Naples: It is another year, and we find another contest, or maybe the beginning of an annual series of contests in which it is possible to rec- ognize, in its intent and structures, many things in common with existing festivals. It is the year 1892, and Ferdinando Bideri, propri- etor of the publishing house bearing his name, with a commitment from the very start until others took up the cause, applied the influence of his organization and, above all, his unshakeable faith in the value of Neapolitan music. He published, among other things, La tavola rotonda [The round table], a crusading publication that has left behind evidence about the existence of Neapolitan artistic life over the last two centuries. It is because La tavola rotonda decided to advertise its contests for the first time in 1892 that we can confidently use the name of the festival. The announcement of the competition said: “On the occasion of the picturesque feast of Piedigrotta, La tavola rotonda announces a contest that will award prizes: the song that is judged to be the best will receive a prize of 200 liras; those that are judged to be only meritorious of publication will appear later, one by one, in our newspaper. In the next issue, we will release the names of the judges and will give additional details. Now that the announcement has been made, innumerable Neapolitan masters will get to work diligently since, on the twenty-fifth of this month and no later, the contest must be closed.” Eighty-one songs were entered and appeared under this announcement: “The audition will take place on the 5th, 6th, and 8th of September at Gambrinus, which has constructed an open platform for the seating of the orchestra consisting of sixty members.” Don Ferdinando Bideri’s contests continued for another twenty years and awarded writers and songs that are still remembered today. Following his example, if not in cooperation with Bideri, there was a great flowering of the same kind of initiatives by other publishers, newspapers, and theatrical enterprises, among whom should be mentioned those of the Circo delle Varietà (Variety Circle), of Eden, and of Eldorado (De Mura 1969, vol. 3: 388). The Festival of Piedigrotta that was conceived by Bideri restored in name the ancient feast tied to the Catholic ritual associated with the Madonna after whom it was named. 198 NOTES

7. The American Piedigrotta festivals took on the name of the area or of the theater in which they were held, such as the Harlem Piedigrotta of 1927. At times, the productions were inspired by social and cultural factors specific to the community, such as the famous Piedigrotta of the Immigrants held at the Fifth Avenue Theater in Brooklyn, between the 29th and 30th of September 1926, in which almost all of the singers were immigrants, such as Mafalda, Gilda Mignonette, Carolina, and others less well known. There were few Italian-Americans. 8. La Follia di New York, August 29, 1909. 9. Gargano and Cesarini, 29. 10. Gargano and Cesarini construct an informative and concise artistic profile of the Caruso writing that he was curious about everything, able to absorb all that he saw and heard, and disciplined. Caruso remains an example of how much it is possible to benefit from a ferocious determination and, above all, from self-help. This is the exact opposite of the stereotype that pictures the Neapolitan as shiftless, incapable of discipline and hard work. The extraordi- nary asset of a remarkably large larynx and of a rare balance of vocal organs was enhanced by obstinate and continued labor. The conquest of high notes was slow and arduous. Having achieved a perfect tone and good pitch, he sharpened his breathing technique (every breath became important, and he never lacked a bit of breath in reserve), and he removed all impurities from his voice with merciless self-control. As time went on, thanks especially to the teachings of Ada Giachetti, his wife, he improved his stage presence, being inspired by the naturalism of the Veristic school as well. The other singers weighed down their performances, transforming perplexity into anguish, a smile into a sign, pain into incoherent sighs; instead, Caruso attempted to stay restrained, to remain true to the text and to the music, naturalistically (1990, 41–42). 11. Ybarra (1953, 212). 12. Hamberlin (2011, 49). 13. Jackson (1972, 198). 14. “I remember that in elementary school the teacher insulted me in front of my friends, saying that I was stupid because I did not know how to write or much less to speak correctly in English, but she certainly knew that the reason I did not know the English language was that I was Italian, my family having come from Naples.” Interview conducted by the author, New York, June 2003. 15. Russo (2011, 338, 340). Elsewhere, Russo emphasizes that the representation of Italian-Americans changes for the worse when the Italians were perceived to be in America to stay and not to be “birds of passage” (344). For a more general study of the topic of Italy as the cradle of modernity in relation to the paradox of how the country was perceived during the years of immigration, see Casillo and Russo (2011). 16. Bertellini (2010, 185). 17. Bertellini (2004, 49). NOTES 199

18. Bertellini (2010, 7). Southernism indicated a national aesthetic language created on the basis of an alleged closeness to the destitute classes and for this reason enhanced with anthropological authenticity (71). In the concept of southernism were included some reflections apropos of the scientific contributions of Italian positivist anthropologists, among whom were Alfredo Niceforo and Cesare Lombroso, who presented “unimpeachable proof” that southern Italians were a race distinct from and inferior to northern Italians. On this and other aspects of scientific racism in connection with the origins of multiculturalism in America, see also Guglielmo and Salerno (2003, 69ff.). 19. For an annotated bibliography on this subject, see Muscio, 2004. 20. The Italians were considered the least desirable local foreign group. Italians were seen as the Dark People, and the press published unverified accounts of Black Hand criminality that left the impression of universal criminality among Italian immigrants (Mangione and Morreale 1992, 191). 21. Cross (1998, 33). 22. Rieber and Siefert, “Aesthetics, Technology, and the Capitalization of Culture,” 417. 23. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., American Memory section: http: /memory.loc.gov/ammem/edhtml/edcyldr.html. 24. The Scientific American (May 16, 1896, 311). The patent report follows closely the debate on the two machines that reproduced sound: “The gramophone has the peculiar charm possessed by anything mechanical that faithfully reproduces any of life’s actions. If a machine talks, we are apt to regard it as almost human; if it sings, we look upon it as being artistic” (Rieber and Siefert, “Aesthetics, Technology and the Capitalization of Culture,” 430). 25. Michael Aspinall writes that the Gramophone Company enjoyed a very rapid expansion, above all after the invention of the gramophone perfected, thanks to a motor with a crank. This improvement was due to Eldrige R. Johnson, who in his small factory in Camden, NJ, (where subsequently the Victor—later called RCA-Victor—factory was built) conducted continuous experiments to improve upon the more basic model of Berliner. The first discs were cut in zinc plates, and the etching was rendered permanent through immersion in acid, after which a matrix was made, all of this because Edison, Tainter, and Bell were holders of patents for wax incisions. Johnson perfected the recording of discs on wax in secret, then invented the process of reproducing mul- tiple matrices from only one original etching; discs of 25 cm diameter (1901) and 30 cm diameter (1903) prolonged the duration of the recording from two minutes to three or even five and proved indispensable to the recording of classical music (Aspinall “Il canto di Caruso” [The singing of Caruso] in Gargano and Cesarini 1984, 215). 26. “When Fred Gaisberg was arranging to record the Russian Imperial Opera stars in 1901, Feodor Chaliapin had demanded what Gaisberg thought was too large a fee. Chaliapin’s reply was that Gaisberg should then charge more 200 NOTES

for the record, since ‘the public will gladly pay . . . as they realize the absur- dity of selling the records of an artist . . . at the same price as records of variety-hall singers” (Jacques Lowe et al., “The Incredible Music Machine,” London: Quartet/Visual Arts Books, 1982, 61, cited in Rieber and Siefert, “Aesthetics, Technology, and the Capitalization of Culture”, 436). 27. Northrop Moore (1999, 92). 28. Official data attest to the fact that in 1909 in the United States, 18.6 million cylinders were sold as opposed to 8.5 million discs, and scholars note that the victory of the disc over the cylinder came only in 1912. Indeed, in 1914 the data tell of less than 4 million cylinders versus 23 million records produced not only by Victor but by all of the labels involved in the production of recorded music including Columbia, a company that had been in the market since the end of the nineteenth century. At first it produced cylinders and then discs. Its historical rival from the Berliner company, the Edison National Phonograph Company, had introduced its record player in 1909. 29. The principal inclination of the American cinematographic industry in 1905–1907 was the development of numerous movie houses because until 1905, films were shown in places dedicated to other purposes, for the most part vaudeville halls, theaters, and other meeting places. In general, the first places were in small warehouses that held less than two hundred seats. The entrance fee was usually a nickel, from which the term nickelodeon comes, or a dime if the program lasted from 15 to 60 minutes. Nickelodeons could show their film without stop from late morning to midnight. Cheaper than vaudeville theaters, their entrance fees were also more moderate than those for traveling shows. The expenses for project- ing a movie were generally lower, the spectators sitting on benches or wooden chairs. Rarely did newspaper announcements appear before the actual showing; therefore, viewers passed by the theater regularly to learn by chance of the titles of films being shown. These were at times posted outside the theaters for that purpose. At times, a phonograph played music outside the theater to attract the attention of people who were walking by. Music accompanied the film almost always. Sometimes the manager of the hall explained what was happening on the screen, but more frequently the film was accompanied by piano playing or phonograph music. Like the phonograph, the nickelodeon permitted vast audiences, composed sub- stantially of immigrants, to access ready-made entertainment at reason- able prices. Thus, it quickly became available for mass consumption. 30. “In Western European culture, particularly in opera, singers were trained to be both loud enough and articulate enough for the audience to be able to hear and understand the words of libretto. In other words, the same trade-off—fidelity versus volume—that haunted the development of sound recording had also been tackled through compositional and vocal techniques for live performance. Vocal techniques might also be described analogously to the components for sound-recording technology: the breath NOTES 201

supplied the power or energy source, the resonating cavities in the nose, throat, and chest acted like the horn to provide the amplification, and the ‘voice box’ or vocal chords vibrated to produce the sound waves that were mechanically registered by the recording stylus. Singers’ vibrato, or the rapid wavering around the pitch that is used to provide vocal direction and intensity, was especially conducive to the ‘etching’ of hill and dale for discs or lateral recording for cylinders. With its limited frequency range and need for bright and directed tones, acoustic recording required the sonic extremes—speed, dramatic contrast, and ringing tones—that were also cultivated by vocal training and enhanced by operatic composition and performance practice. The highest male tenor voice, because of the type of harmonics and resonance produced in that range, was best suited to the sound-recording frequencies” (Rieber and Siefert, 430–31). 31. Ibid., 443. 32. Gargano and Cesarini (1984, 83). 33. Hamberlin (2011, 49). 34. Gargano and Cesarini (1984, 83–84). 35. Ibid., 239–40 passim. 36. However, the first record to reach this number of sales was the concert version sung by Alma Gluck of “Old Folks at Home” by Stephen Foster (Vaccaro 1995, 208). 37. It is a type of syncopated popular song in vogue around 1900, in which a Negro speaker is portrayed as a stupid and infantile person, prey to ridicu- lous superstitions. Musically, it is a close relative of ragtime. The term “coon” derived from “racoon,” a disparaging nickname for the Negro, later fell into disuse (Schuller 1999, glossary only in the Italian edition). 38. Siefert in “The Audience at Home,” 187, 207 passim. 39. The dates of the recordings mentioned are taken from the catalogue of the RAI Archives of Sound of Neapolitan Song. In turn, these dates were taken from the editions of records found on the market; the date of the recording of “Maria Marì” is from the discography of Gargano and Cesarini. 40. The place and date are found in Vaccaro (1995, 289). 41. I ignore if this is the same Armando Gill mentioned in historical texts about the Italian song as the first national singer or, more probably, an unknown writer who, as often happened at this time, had stolen and exploited the identity of the authentic Gill for his own benefit. 42. Clearly, Francesco Paolo Tosti of America (De Mura 1969, vol. 1: 244). 43. An example could certainly be the aforementioned “Guardanno ’a Luna,” published by Izzo in 1904. I venture to hypothesize that the lines were written in Naples while the music could have been completed by De Crescenzo in New York, since the maestro had moved there the year before. I cannot be certain even of this because I don’t know how much time had elapsed between the writing of the music and its publication. It is true, however, that the exchange of letters between the musicians and the poets who resided in New York was very active, and even though the lines of a song could 202 NOTES

wait some months before being published, once they were set to music there was no reason for the publisher to wait any longer. Therefore, I should not exclude the possibility that the song reached its final form through this process. 44. Vaccaro (1995, 289) provides the titles of six compositions of which Caruso was the author and interpreter, as follows: “Adorables tourments,” coauthor Riccardo Barthelemy; “Campane a sera” (Ave Maria), with the music of Vincenzo Billi; “Serenata,” with the music of C. A. Bracco; the aforementioned “Tiempo antico” and “Dreams of Long Ago”; and the anthem “Liberty forever.” 45. Ibid., 395–96. 46. Nannina, the female protagonist of the three verses is the very one who is exactly what the poet-singer needs: she is a virgin (“l’ammore po’ l’avesse canusciuto mmano a me”—“she could have learned love from me”); she stays at home to knit socks (“sape fa ‘a cazetta,” a dialect expression that is a meta- phor for one who renounces social relationships and prefers to conserve her virtue in a secluded domestic life); and she can look after a man and tend to his needs (“voglio una ca se metta dinta ’a casa a fa ’o rraù”). 47. Note how the concept is expressed in the third and last verse: “’O cielo è d’aria e d’acqua è fatto ’o mare / chi manca d’aria e d’acqua se ne more / si st’ uocchie belle mancano a stu core / dimme tu stessa comm’aggià campà” (The sky is made of air, the sea of water / one who lacks air and water dies / if my heart can’t see those beautiful eyes / tell me yourself how I can live”). 48. Vaccaro (1995, 396). 49. De Mura (1969, vol. 1: 69). 50. Ibid., vol. 3, 344. 51. La Follia di New York, February 11, 1917. 52. Copyright MCMXXI by J. Gioe 2274 Second Avenue, New York. Other vari- ants of the composer’s signature are recorded. At times, it appears as that exact surname; at others, without the accent (as in the Library of Congress catalogue in Washington). There was even a J. Gioè Music Company located at 165 East 107th Street, New York. From a list of songs published with the score for voice and piano of “Lettera a mamma’” (Letter to mamma) by Armando Cennerazzo and Giuseppe Gioè in 1924, we learn that the Neapolitan composer was also the author of songs in English, such as “Goddess of my golden dreams,” and of music for orchestra and band. 53. La Follia di New York, September 26, 1920. 54. The actor is sometimes given credit, at times under the name Ciannelli, at others as Cianelli; we prefer the first spelling adopted in a few films (George Sherman’s The Lady and the Monster, USA, 1944) and in the book by Muscio, which remains one of the most detailed studies published in Italy about the Italian-American theater. 55. For a close examination of this theme, see Stazio (1991). It is an in-depth study of the repertoire from a sociological point of view and shows how the modernity of this music is closely related to the formation of a class of professionals of song and of a market for music that from the Neapolitan NOTES 203

prepared to become national, anticipating the very formation of an Italian tradition of this type. The author writes that while previously the dialect song was born from and within a patrimony and a tradition, at the start of the 1880s, the authors of the lyrics and the music, having matured in a world referred to as the “new Italy” and in contact with the world of modern publishing, of newspapers and magazines, in their professional undertak- ings freely drew from this patrimony, which developed over years of arti- san and semi-dilettante experiences and was finally exploited in a complex communicative process. Thus, the publisher and even Ricordi, all the more, responded directly to the demands of the market and attempted to influence it. From this moment on, the song would always be created outside the neighborhood cultural and economic environment, even if the appa- ratus that produced it tended to functionalize, coordinate, and resocialize some of the forms and modalities. It would be planned and produced with a purpose for the most part economic, and it will come to be imposed on the city where it would encounter, more or less, the culture and demands of consumers in all segments of society (101). 56. This is the same E. A. Mario who recounted the episode in the pamphlet “Piedigrotta fermata facoltativa” (Request stop Piedigrotta) of 1956: Meanwhile, I would never think that I should become a musician, even of Neapolitan songs, a privilege I regarded as restricted to only a few, and among these, first among all, is Salvatore Gambardella. The song of Gambardella was exactly what the Neapolitan song always should have been: pure invention and from invention and searching, discovery. And because of that, he was both great and unique in his grandeur, for he had invented it by finding it at the bottom of his creative soul, with only the assistance of a guitar. But it was actually he who provoked my resentment when I contracted with Bideri. [In 1911, many authors were accepted by Polyphon Musikwerke, the German publishing house that had opened offices in Naples, pledging a sti- pend to poets and musicians in exchange for a fixed number of songs.] “Don Fernando—said to me condescendingly—can pull Neapolitan songs out of his hat, while you have only Papucchielle to offer!” For him Papucchielle were utility songs written as the first numbers in a vaudeville show. I responded two months later, and I was a tiny David against the seasoned Goliath. My song was a polemic and a manifesto, as if to say: “Just like you, even I have something new to say, and all I need is a mandolin!” (Palomba 2001, 75). 57. De Mura (1969, vol. 3: 143). On this subject, see also Geraci (1996, 104–5). 58. Here is an example of this process contained in L’amore alla Moda (1759) by Antonio Palumbo with adaptations and additions by Pasquale Mililotti as found in Ferro, Mautone, Nunziata and Di Benedetto, Libretti d’opera buffa napoletana [Librettos of Neapolitan Comic Operas], ed. Maione 2004, 618–19: Faccia d’argiento mia, faccia d’argiento Si saporita cchiù de cocozzata; 204 NOTES

P’ogne feruta tu tiene l’agniento Si ghianca e rossa comm’a soppressata. Si mpanutella? Non si spito a biento Si bella, si gentile e si aggraziata. Nenna, quann’avarraggio sto contiento De te vedé co mmico ncrapicciata: E ncrapicciata e rezza Ncè grazia, vezzarria, piso e bellezza E la bellezza, e bia Ninno tujo sta ccà Viene viene a ta ta Palommella à à Co lo cane ci ci Va facenno bo bo E te vo mozzecà Lasso lo buono juorno a nenna mia. This is a serenade subdivided into eight hendecasyllabic verses followed by an added corpus of particular complexity, a kind of “coda” formed by a pair of couplets of seven-syllable and of eleven-syllable lines rhyming aa/ bb, markedly enlarged by the insertion of a sequence of six seven-syllable lines [Ninno tujo . . . mozzecà] cut off between the seven-syllable line and the hendecasyllabic line of the second couplet, which constitutes a kind of nonsensical nursery rhyme, linked to the octave through the repetition of a word in the last verse. 59. The dawn broke (“quanno schiarava juorno a poco a poco”), then in a sweet breeze and clear air (“nu ventariello doce e ’n ’aria fina”), the sun rose in the sky like fire (“spuntava ’o sole ’ncielo comm’ a fuoco”), nature roused itself as leaves blew in the wind and birds sang (“nu fruscio ’e fronne, nu canto d’e aucielle”) and greeted humanity (Te salutava ’a tutt’ ’e nenne belle”), through music (“E ’a ’nu guaglione ’mmanech’ ’e ’ncammise / Sentive chesta voce ’e paravise”). 60. Andreoli (2000). 61. The hill of Posillipo appears, another favorite motif in the Neapolitan repertoire (‘ncoppo ‘a ll’onne, Pusilleco durmeva”), and it is pictured here like someone sleeping. Descriptions of grief follow from a perspective atop the hill, immersed in the silver light of the night (‘o manto ’argiento, ’a luna le span- neva”), and the theme of nostalgia arises irresistibly, announcing the birth of the song in exile (e quanno ’e chillo cielo m’arricordo / Me vene all’uocchie ’e lagreme ’nu velo”). It is noteworthy that Caruso inverts the word order with respect to the score as follows: “e quanno m’arricordo ’e chillo cielo.” This gives way to a vague popular religious sentiment (“Pare ca veco ’e stelle na curona”), another motif; here the corona of stars corresponds to the icono- graphic attribute with which many pictures of the Madonna are painted. 62. “Mi noche triste” (My sad nights) is not the first tango song, as many claim. The music, not actually original, already existed under the title “Lita,” a NOTES 205

tango uding only instruments by Samuel Castriota (1885–1932). Castriota had revived it from the dance number by the Cuban Angel Sánchez Carreño, the first-prize winner of an entertainment contest in the Magic City concert hall in 1914. Certainly, he had modified the rhythm, transcribing it in 2/4 time. The words of “Mi noche triste” are the work of Pascual Contursi (1888–1932). An ugly, clumsy, and affected text, it opens an inexhaustible vein of misery in a man who has been abandoned by a woman and who weeps over his loneliness (Lao 1996, 125). 63. In the environment of the Italian immigrants, we trace the existence of a very significant piece by the title “Tango rag.” “From the moment that the tango achieved its quarter hour of fame,” writes the critic in his column Fra le quinte (Behind the scenes) in La follia di New York (January 11, 1914): There were those who praised and those who condemned it. And among those who showed interest were even kings and emperors as well as the pope who, without ceremony, launched his lightning bolts against it. Maestro Tobia Acciani, whose studio is at 362 Broome Street, did well when deciding to compose the music by the title “Tango rag,” with words in English by Leonore Bennett. It is fascinating music that well deserves the success it has attained. The music and words are dedicated to one of the most charming and famous American singers, Miss Edithe Livingston, who has already sung “Tango rag” at several different metropolitan theaters, making it her own and inspiring, therefore, great enthusiasm. The score is not available, but the piece is worthy of mention because it is presented as a synthesis of two newly born types of music, tango and rag, that were very popular at the beginning of the previous century. Interest in the song was born from the immediacy with which the two American traditions became fused in a nonethnic environment in a phase we can still define as the formation of the respective repertoires. 64. This is a reference to humorous texts by writers such as De Laurentiis, Migliaccio, Amodio, and of the songs interpreted by Caruso, of which I have already spoken, such as “ ’A cartulina ’e Napule,” sung by Gilda Mignonette. 65. The year 1920 is marked by a new change in the tenor’s tone, characterized by a profound darkening. This happened for various reasons, but above all because Caruso sang and traveled too much, overtiring his body as witnessed by the letter addressed to his wife, Dorothy, in which he refers to performing too often at the Metropolitan Opera of New York and to the many rehearsals, galas, recitals, concerts, auditions, and voice exercises he had to endure. Caruso’s voice was abused by the demands of his career, and his vocal cords could not stand up to the strain. Moreover, in 1909 he had an emergency operation for a nodule on his vocal cords that caused their shape to change and, therefore, changed his tone. This brought with it a change in the tes- situra, producing a deeper voice. In addition, this progressive darkening of the voice, linked to the psycho-physiological phenomenon deriving from the fact that, before singing demanding tenor roles, Caruso always scrupulously 206 NOTES

observed a taxing exercise regimen indispensable to reaching high notes without fatiguing the larynx. It is called “covering the voice.” From an acoustic point of view, this particular mechanism, used by the great Italian tenors of the nineteenth century complements a change in voice as it becomes stron- ger and in tone as it becomes deeper. Between 1919 and 1920 Caruso’s poor health affected his voice. The tenor died on August 2, 1921, from peritonitis caused by pulmonary pleurisy. In the recordings of this period, one hears a considerable deepening of the voice, a slight weakening here and there, a somewhat altered glottal sound. This weakening of the voice resulted from a catarrhal of the larynx and trachea caused by the abuse of tobacco (Caruso smoked a great deal) and in part by the illness that killed him (Mouchon in Vaccaro 1995, 37). 66. Spottswood quotes a version of the song recorded by Fernando Guarnieri in 1925, translated with the English title “Vision of Naples,” (1990, vol. 1: 437). 67. Tagg writes (1982, 41) that popular music is conceived for mass distribution to large and socioculturally heterogeneous groups of listeners, often stored and distributed in nonwritten form, only possible in an industrial monetary economy, where it becomes a commodity, and in capitalist societies. For a more detailed discussion on the issue, see also Richard Middleton and Peter Manuel, “Popular Music” in Grove Music Online. 68. On the configuration of the popular urban song in the Italian references, see also Agostini and Marconi (2002). On the formative role of the medium, in this case phonograph recordings, in the study of traditions not belonging to European culture, such as popular music and, in particular, the audio-tactile principle, see Caporaletti (2005). 69. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the song repertoire became one of the most effective tools to describe the streets and the most characteristic spaces of the modern cities, places that quickly transformed themselves to the point of appearing unsettling and scary. For a more detailed approach on the topic see Giovanni Vacca. 70. Harvey (1989, 17–18). 71. Merithew, “L’italiano come ‘altro’: neri, bianchi, e ‘medianitá’ negli scon- tri razziali del 1895 in Spring Valley, Illinois [The Italian as Other: Blacks, Whites, and Those in the Middle in the Racial Clashes in Spring Valley, Illinois”] (in Guglielmo and Salerno 2003, 107.) 72. For details on this, see Gambino (1977). Therefore, the lynching episodes against Italian immigrants were not rare, as argued even in the documentary by Michael Di Lauro (2003). On anti-Italian prejudice, see also La Gumina (1973) and on the relations between Italians and African Americans in particular, see Orsi (1992) and the memoir edited by Ashyk, Gardaphè, and Tamburri (1999). 73. Guglielmo and Salerno (2003, 19). 74. De Salvo, “Colore: bianco/Carnagione: scura” [Color: White/Complexion: Dark] in Gugliemo and Salerno (2003, 44). NOTES 207

75. Orsi (1992, 317–18). The revival of the theory of Nativism aroused anxi- ety in Americans about the dangers represented by the waves of immigrants. In the view of many Americans, the immigrants were physically decrepit, politically dangerous, and genetically inferior. To emphasize the difference and to keep their distance from the poor and ignorant new arrivals, and to mark the boundaries of their world, Americans labeled the immigrants’ behavioral patterns and social habits as tribal and sav- age. To support their views, Americans reverted to the specious science of race. The suppositions on which biological explanations of racial inferior- ity were built were rooted in the ideas of European racial theorists of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries such as François Bernier and Johann Friedrich Blumenbach. 76. Topics relative to the manner in which Italians integrated into the United States, per se, are not within the scope of this study. For sources on such topics, see the bibliography. What is relevant here is that in the years with which we are concerned, music was of social importance as a specific and identifying language of the Italian immigrant. 77. La Follia di New York, March 2, 1919. 78. Carles and Comolli (1971, 94–95), nourished by the libertarian and radical philosophy of the sixties, took a position contrary to any form of political mediation and, thus, portrayed the intellectual African American as the first black leader recognized by white leaders from 1876 on. His obstinate conservatism and his inclination to “compromise” are evidence of a definite reformism that would be opposed by W. E. B. Du Bois and, with him, by radical blacks. According to the authors, Washington preached resignation. Work hard, he advised people of color, learn to become skilled tradespeople, obtain training rather than college educations, earn money, become business owners, avoid politics, and you will make American society accept you. Such advice indisputably enabled some blacks to make professional and intellectual progress. However, it also inevitably contributed to the development of an attitude that renounced any radical actions, leaving the field free to the growing racism evident at the end of the nineteenth century. 79. Reoediger, “Du Bois, la razza e gli italiani americani” [“Du Bois, Race, and the Italian-Americans”] in Gugliemo and Salerno (2003, 294). See also Du Bois (1968). 80. Gugliemo, “Nessuna barriera del colore” [“No Color Barrier”] in Guglielmo and Salerno (2003, 46). 81. “Perhaps my attempt to compare racial conditions in southern Europe with racial conditions in the southern United States will seem to some persons a trifle strange and out of place because in the one case the races concerned are both white, while in the other case one is white and one is black. Nevertheless, I am convinced that a careful study of conditions as they exist in southern Europe will throw a great deal of light upon the situation of the races in our southern States. More than that, strange and irrational as racial conflicts often seem, whether in Europe or in America, I suspect that at bottom they are merely the efforts of groups of people to read just their relations under 208 NOTES

changing positions. In short, they grow out of the efforts of the people who are at the bottom to lift themselves to a higher stage of existence. If that be so, it seems to me there need be no fear, under a free government, where every man is given opportunity to get an education, where every man is encouraged to develop in himself and bring to the service of the community the best that is in him, that racial difficulties should not finally be adjusted, and white man and black man live, each helping rather than hindering the other (Washington and Park 1984 [1912], 85).” 82. Schuller (1991, 158). 83. Armstrong’s admiration for Caruso is well known; he owned a few of the tenor’s records, and among these certainly a copy of “Vesti la giubba,” the celebrated aria from Pagliacci by Leoncavallo Armstrong remembered this record in 1930 when he recorded the famous ragtime piece “Tiger Rag,” as noted, as well as an Irish jig and a march by Sousa. Schuller writes that Armstrong touched at least two ethnic groups with this one, throwing in a positive salute to all the rest. (Ibid., 166). 84. “In these days, the publishing house of Doubleday, Page and Co. published a book by Booker T. Washington with the suggestive title The Man Farthest Down, whose clear if not openly stated purpose is to demonstrate that the blacks of America, as opposed to the working and agricultural classes of certain parts of Europe, are not as black as widespread opinion portrays them and that the physical, economic, and social conditions, of blacks are, in some respects, superior to those of the lower classes in many European cities. The author is himself black and was a slave. He founded and directs the Tuskegee Institute, where young blacks are educated in the arts and trades. He is considered a god among his race and, although the year before he was involved in a lawsuit brought by a husband who accused him of peep- ing through the lock of his wife’s bedroom (there’s no accounting for taste) and later of having made amorous advances to her, he is still considered an educator of strict morals, so much so that Theodore Roosevelt did not hesitate to invite him to breakfast—one-on-one—at the White House, to the disdain of the entire South and the wonder of the rest of the country. It is understood, therefore, that when he speaks and writes of his people, he exalts their virtues and hides their sins. Thus, in addition to soliciting per- sonal affection for himself, he brings fame to the Tuskegee Institute, about which evil gossips insinuated that he found the Lord’s vineyard there and, under the semblance of an unctuous altruistic philanthropy, he has conducted his business comfortably and with little trouble. This is precisely the reason he is a unilateral observer, full of prejudices, who in his negrophilia allows himself to escape or to completely ignore the sinister foolishness against which the postulates of science and the voices of deep feeling pro- test: the silliness or, worse still, the calumny that, for example, is exposed in The Man Farthest Down. This should be a book of objective observa- tions taken from trips to Europe that Booker Washington made in summers past; it should be, but it is not. It is, instead, only superficial for anyone who has observed Italy (or rather, the southern provinces). Also, we are not sure NOTES 209

whether it is irritating or distressing because in the frenzy of his compari- sons and his findings he comes to proclaim the superiority of the Negroes over the people of Naples and the peasants of Sicily! We abhor this provin- cialism like the devil—if he exists—abhors the cross; nevertheless, we will not follow Mr. Booker T. Washington in comparing the north Italian and the south Italian because it does not help our issue and our words could be interpreted to mean the reverse of what is really intended. Instead, we take him by the horns with his tedious, hateful studies of the poor in Naples and Sicily, whom he knows only superficially by way of certain external characteristics, picked up indiscriminately, to tell him that he has committed an enormous and solemn error. Even if the worst is believed, the comparison is not valid because even among the worst thieves [Sisca writes thieves from Basso Porto (Lower Harbour)] under the bramble of ignorance and irre- sponsibility that had accumulated during centuries of civil and religious slavery, there was the flash of natural geniality, a virtuous heartbeat, and the primal material that, by necessity, would produce brave and generous men. The majority of Negroes are only a little more than animals, short on material instincts, of an obtuse mentality, and devoid of any creative light, with a pronounced and incurable tendency toward thievery, laziness, duplicity, and lewdness. They show cowardice before the strong, a bullying arrogance before the weak, as well as complete immorality and legendary ignorance. These are the qualities by which the black race—despised by the very Americans who freed them—should be judged superior to the people of Naples and Palermo! And when the author of The Man Farthest Down makes faces at the illiterates of Sicily, we have every right to end this comedy by asking him to look in the mirror of statistics from the federal government, where it is shown that the illiteracy of the blacks ranges between 90 and 100 percent. This is not the first time that this apostle of chocolate-coloured people has kicked our working men, saying, for example, that the blacks are superior to them and should be hired first: this is a blasphemy, and it is at the same time a stupidity, one to which the American contractors do justice by seeking out Italians first among the others for every kind of work, private or public, disdaining black men because they are negligent and inconstant at work, stupid, and immoral. It is not surprising that he repeats now the old Italophobic canards to placate the black race and hoodwink that por- tion of the white race that takes him seriously. Instead, it is surprising that a writer for Hearst’s Magazine—Mr. Edwin Markham—attributes to him “first-hand knowledge and terse, fair, free discussion” while even a blind man can see that it all boils down to rehash of stale clichés (June 21, 1914).”

3 The Music of the Immigrant Takes on Mass Appeal

1. Fuller (1997, 7–15 passim). 2. Emelise Aleandri, the major scholar of Italian-American vaudeville theater, writes that the Italian-American theater developed rapidly among the 210 NOTES

various Italian social clubs of Little Italy. The Italian mutual aid societies and clubs engaged in close cooperation in activities of mutual benefit, and these contributed to the creation of a very solid chain, which connected all of their enterprises (“Women in the Italian American Theater,” in Boyd Caroli, Harney, and Tomasi, eds, 1978, 359). 3. See also Spottswood (1982, 54). 4. Bertellini, “Ethnic Self-Fashioning at the Cafè-Chantant,” 42. “After the war (First World War) unique locals called ‘cinema-chantants’ or cinema- concertos mushroomed in Naples and in other Southern cities. Continuing the variety-show format of the cafè-chantant, the cinema-chantant upgraded the novelty of moving pictures to the main attraction. And because of the growing audience, cinema-chantants could offer the stock of their vernacular entertainments at a surprisingly low price. Soon, the Neapolitan cinema-concerto developed in other areas of the South and thus promoted a metropolitan amusement pattern, a synecdoche of a multiregional Southern and Southernist culture” (Ibid. 47). 5. Bertellini (2010, 176). 6. The question of limited literacy among the immigrants was the center of collective attention following the defeat at the Little Big Horn in 1876. The story, clouded by legend, tells that the only survivor of that historic clash between the Indians and the Americans was a naturalized Italian- American bugler, Giovanni Martino (John Martin). Before attacking the Indian camp of Crazy Horse with his 242 cavalrymen, Lieutenant Colonel George Armstrong Custer sent Martini to get reinforcements from the rear- guard column and fearing that the young man, who spoke Italian, would not understand the meaning of the message, thought to put it into writing on a piece of paper. The late arrival of the support troops was attributed for a long time to Martini’s lack of familiarity with the English language because in deciphering the message he probably was not able to report the exact position of the Indian encampment, thereby leaving the history of those years to saddle him with the responsibility for the extermination of the Seventh Regiment of cavalry led by Custer. See Nobbio and Riondino (2007) and Mastrandrea (2010). 7. The spatial and temporal distance between the two continents, the lack of continuous contact of the dialect-speaking immigrants with the standard language, had given prominence to an archaic dialect, often the only linguistic register of the immigrants. Outside Italy, this produced an Italian dialect, a form of Italian filled with dialect elements and used as a variant of the Italian language (Haller, “Verso un nuovo italiano: l’esperienza linguistica dell’emigrazione negli Stati Uniti” [Toward a New Italian: The linguistic experience of immigration in the United States”] in Martelli (1998, 233–45). 8. A celebrated comic-sketch artist and comic writer, he was born to a middle- class family in Cava de’ Tirreni, Province of Salerno in 1882. At age fifteen, after studying accounting, he decided to follow his father, an official at a NOTES 211

bank in Pennsylvania, to America. From there he moved to New York and dedicated himself exclusively to the theater. He quickly became the most noted exponent of the comic theater in the Italian community, achiev- ing great success in the role of Farfariello, a character in a sketch he wrote and with whom he ended up identifying completely. He returned to Naples several times during the course of his illustrious career, and he died in the American city in 1946. Farfariello has been the object of scholarly analysis by both Americans and Italians. On this subject, see, among others, Aleandri (1999) Haller (2006), Rainero (1998), and Durante (1999). 9. “Oi Farfariè, ‘nficchete llà / ‘nficchete, nficche, e falla schiattà” (Hey, Farfariello, stick yourself there / stick yourself, stick, and make her burst” in Durante (2005, 384). 10. See Bertellini (2010, 167–68). 11. For some biographical information, see Fugazzotto (2010, 99–101). 12. For a portrait of Sicilian poetry, see Haller (1999, 304–15). 13. Accardi (2001, 180). 14. It is interesting to note that Nofrio is a character who uses offensive and silly language and is a heavy drinker, a role that is typical of the “vastasate” (in Sicilian, “vastaso” means “rude, foul-mouthed”). Improvisational comedies descended from the tradition of the Commedia dell’arte, which had as a protagonist the “vastaso,” or servant. These were common among Palermitan sketches of the end of the seventeenth century (Geraci 1996, 97). This would be additional proof of the tenacious permanence of the original culture inside the new expressive canons emerging within the immigrant context. 15. Romeyn (2002, 98). 16. Published in Durante (2005, 386 and 394). “Pascale Passaguaie” was the title of one of the most famous sketches composed by Pasquale Altavilla in Italy in 1843. Altavilla was a prized comic writers and authors of the nineteenth century in Naples. He authored a large number of songs and comedies that took inspiration from everyday events made vivid by a distinct taste for irony and the grotesque. Here, as well as in the case of Nofrio’s character, already mentioned, we can trace the cultural persistence of the original country and the new one side by side. 17. In films produced in Hollywood, it was customary to film different European versions of an American movie, a kind of translation and adaptation in a different language, like a kind of visual stock arrangement. This was because the practice of dubbing was not yet common. Characters and plots remained unchanged, but actors, sets, and every type of cultural reference were in keeping with the community and the market at which that particular version of the film was aimed. See Bertellini (2006, 307). 18. The Grove Dictionary of Jazz defines stock arrangement as a simplified, strictly practical arrangement in a conventional style, usually commercially available in published form. It is important to specify that a stock arrangement is conceived to function with different structures. The head arrangement is elaborated orally by the musicians during studio rehearsals; its 212 NOTES

material consists of riffs positioned in various places with a great deal of space left for the soloists. The lead sheet was a kind of loose sheet serving as a type of script that circulated around Naples; on these sheets the melody, the lyrics, and the harmony of a song were transcribed, often with the latter being signed with initials. The most famous example of a collection of lead sheets is the Real Book, which records the most important standards in the jazz repertoire. 19. Borgna (1996, 54) writes that Berardo Cantalamessa adapted himself per- fectly to sound recording technology; he was very active between 1895 and 1907. A leading figure at the early cafè chantant (cabaret circuit), he distin- guished himself by his elegance. He usually wore a red tailcoat over trousers of black satin and was known for his refinement and elegance as well as for his ability to perform; he sang baritone and falsetto, and he knew how to whistle like a virtuoso. 20. Maldacea (1933, 45). 21. Tosches (2004, 452). 22. Greene (2004, xxii). 23. Greene (2004, vi, xviii) writes that medical findings support the view that music is closely connected to the mind. They suggest that musical patterns have a special ability of enduring in listeners’ consciousness. A familiar piece has such a profound retentive effect, both conscious and subconscious, that the affected individuals consider it a part of their identity. Psychological and musicological research refers to that property as “music of the brain.” 24. Chevan (1997, 236). 25. An interview with the author, New York, winter 2003, published in Frasca (2005). 26. Geraci (1996, 105). 27. At the end of the 1920s, any group that came from the American south was given the name “Dixieland,” white or black, especially if the group played music based on a polyphony that was more or less improvised. Today, the term identifies only traditional white jazz polyphony, as noted in Schuller (1999, glossary only in the Italian edition). 28. This is the nickname of a stretch of 28th Street in the area of New York where the major American musical companies were located during the first decades of the twentieth century. 29. Eekhoff, California Ramblers: 1925–1928. 30. Haller, “Verso un nuovo italiano” [Toward a New Italian] in Martelli (1998, 233–45; 240). 31. Ibid., 242. 32. Greene (2004, xxii). 33. Bertellini (2010, 137). 34. One of the most famous American composers and among the most important in the history of song and of cinematic and theatrical music, he signed himself as Harry Warren, but his real name was Salvatore Guaragna. He was born in Brooklyn on December 22, 1893, to Antonio and Rachele, Calabrian NOTES 213

immigrants probably from the area of Pollino. Warren turned quickly to composing musical themes for the cinema, securing his position as a great innovator of popular American music along with Jerome Kern, George Gershwin, and Cole Porter. The secret of his success was his ability to mix syncopated rhythms with Italian melodies, assigning primacy to the latter. An important example is “That’s Amore,” an item first recorded in 1953, which became emblematic of the music of the Italian-American community. Another example is “By the Rivers Sainte Marie” (1931), recorded by Tommy Dorsey and Jimmy Lunceford, then by Nat King Cole. The experience of Warren-Guaragna is indicative of the fact that many artists of Italian origin felt a tacit obligation to Americanize their original names if they wanted to become a part of the exclusive world of the film industry in Hollywood. 35. Spottswood (1990, vol. 1: 320). 36. Durante (2005, 401–8). 37. Aleandri (1999, 22). 38. Durante (2005, 402). 39. Note the distinction that considers Calabrians a people distinct from the Italians. 40. In Italian, one says “femmine” to indicate the feminine gender, while in America they say “uomene,” a tortured version of the English word “women,” which when pronounced in Italian-American sounds like “uimene,” which with the change of the i to o becomes “uomene,” in Italian “uomini,” men. 41. “Pane” means “bread” in Italian; in Italian-American slang, it is pronounced almost as if it were the Italian word “pietra,” that is, “stone.” 42. The film of 1932 was directed by Bruno Valletty and was restored in 2000 with contributions from the Italian telephone company Telecom and spon- sored by the Film Foundation of film director Martin Scorsese who has demonstrated great interest in these cinematic repertoire and who created an effective framework dedicated to recovering films born in the Italian- American colony. 43. Bertellini (2006, 308). 44. Muscio (2004, 256). 45. Del Bosco, Cartoline da Little Italy [“Postcards from Little Italy”] in Fonografo italiano [Italian phonograph]. 46. In Mintz, “Digital History,” 2003. http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu. The site, dedicated to United States history and updated daily, was born from a collaboration of various universities and institutions dedicated to American history, such as the University of Houston, the Chicago Historical Society, and the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History. According to the site, many of the millions of immigrants who arrived into the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did so with the intention of returning to their villages in the Old World. Known as birds of passage, many of these eastern and southern European migrants were peasants who had lost their property as a result of the commercialization of agriculture. 214 NOTES

They came to America to earn enough money to allow them to return home and purchase a piece of land. Many of these immigrants came to America alone, expecting to rejoin their families in Europe within a few years. From 1907 to 1911, of every hundred Italians who arrived in the United States, 73 returned to the old country. For southern and eastern Europe as a whole, approximately 44 of every 100 who arrived returned home again. 47. Romeyn (2002, 104–5). 48. Umberto Nobile was an aeronautical engineer and explorer, who trained professionally in Naples where he taught at the university for over 30 years. After that he went to Rome to work at the Military Facility for Aeronautical Manufacturing. He was one of the pioneers and one of the most celebrated figures in the history of Italian aeronautics. He became famous for having piloted the airplane that completed the first sighting of the North Pole and, above all, for flying over the Pole in a dirigible in the second half of the 1920s. 49. Italian professional boxer and the World Heavyweight Champion in the 1930s, he was born in Sequals, in the Friuli region, in the northern part of Italy. His exceptional size was evident already at birth, when he weighed 8 kg (17.6 pounds). As an adult he was a little less than 2 m (7 feet) in height; the average size at that time was 1.65 m (5.4 feet) in Italy. He weighed 129 kg (284 pounds) and wore a size 55 shoe (size 18). Poor and giantlike, he initially found work in a circus as a wrestler until he landed in the ring. He was simul- taneously an actor, cinematographer, and the protagonist of comics and also the indisputable icon of the Fascist period. He died of cirrhosis of the liver in 1967 at the age of 61. 50. In essence De Laurentiis says that Carnera had always won and that no one could deny his victories. Even if one wanted to discount the punish- ment he had doled out, the number would still be infinite. However, his opponents envied him very much, not because he was a great fighter but because he was Italian. His name was never mentioned in a positive light in American newspapers. But he got his own satisfaction—De Laurentiis implies—through his incredible strength. “L’Italia al Polo Nord” and “’O pugilatore italiano” are published in Cartoline cds I-II in Fonografo italiano (ed. Del Bosco). 51. Bertellini (2004, 388). 52. The sketch is “’O store ‘e 5 e 10” (The store of 5 and 10); the dialect expression that is referred to is “me ne vaco pe ’o 5 e 10” (I am going to the 5 and 10), in which the two numerals actually indicate five and ten cents. This expression also mentions a store, where everything was sold for no more than ten cents. 53. As opposed to many who dedicated themselves to extemporaneous songs, Canoro was a professional composer. The Musical Archives of the Neapolitan Song contain nine titles by him published on 78 rpm records and performed by the best singers of the first half of the century: Migliaccio, Mignonette, Ria Rosa, Diego Giannini, Giuseppe Milano, and Vittorio Somma. The lyrics NOTES 215

were written by many important authors of the Italian-American context, such as Riccardo Cordiferro and Pasquale Buongiovanni. We don’t have much information about them, but something interesting can be found in a column of La follia di New York: Our friend, Prof. Luigi Canoro, who for several years was the artistic director of the Q.R.S. Music Company, having decided to leave this company, went on to the International Player Roll Company as the director of the Italian Department. The International Player Roll Company, among the oldest and most respected, had its offices and its factory in Brooklyn at 166 Water Street. In the past, this company had manufactured very few rolls of Italian operas and songs. With the arrival of Prof. Canoro, on the other hand, it decided to put many of such recordings on the market, between 40 and 50 new numbers each month, many of which included lyrics by Riccardo Cordiferro. In fact, the company had already chosen to label those “rolls” with the designation Sublime. In terms of musical composition and of manufacturing, this title summed up all the best qualifi- cations for assuring the success of the “enterprise” (May 27, 1928). 54. The interview is published in Frasca (2005, 151) (endnote mine). 55. Actor, writer of dramas, songs, poetry, and sketches, he was born in Tufo in the province of Avellino on January 13, 1889. He moved to New York in 1901. Self-taught, he debuted on the American stage with Francesco Ricciardi, the most important exponent of the Italian-American theater during the first half of the twentieth century. In America, he was the lead comic of a company that had already achieved moderate success around the first decade of the twentieth century. His biography mentions a number of collaborations with Nicola Maldacea and Mimì Aguglia, and according to some sources, he debuted even earlier as an author for the cinema at the studios of Vitagraph Company of Fort Lee, New Jersey. In the last phase of his life, he made yearly trips back to Italy in the spring, and he died in New York in 1962 (Durante 2005, 423–24). 56. According to La follia di New York: On Sunday, October 28, the theater of Armando Cennerazzo, the Biltmore Theater, will have its grand opening on 47th Street between Broadway and Eighth Avenue, and it will continue to be open on every Sunday that follows. The Biltmore is one of the most beautiful gather- ing places on Broadway. The sets have been entrusted to Mr. Humann, one of the most outstanding American set directors, and there are sets especially constructed and painted for every single play. The performances will be among the grandest that Italian audiences can imag- ine. The management of the theater by Armando Cennerazzo meets the most rigorous and selective artistic criteria, and it will indubitably offer the best that the field of radio and theater can provide. Whatever requests are made regarding the selection of music, song, or drama will be meticulously examined and considered. 216 NOTES

57. He had a very beautiful voice, but he was very self-conscious when he appeared in December 1909 at the Lumiere di Roma concert hall. He had gained confidence by the time he appeared in Naples at the Cimarosa Theater in 1911. In 1913, by now an established singer, he toured Venice, La Spezia, Pisa, and Pescara, performing a melodic repertoire. After about a year, he left for America and returned to Italy in about 1919. Establishing himself in Taranto, he ran a variety theater for six or seven years. He resumed singing at the Alhambra and afterward moved to Rome. It was during this period that he began his activity as a musician with the E. A. Mario publishing house, for which he took part in the Piedigrottas of 1933 and 1934 (De Mura 1969, vol. 2: 27). 58. This is one of the great successes of the pairing of the poet Aniello Califano and the composer Salvatore Gambardella; the score was published by Bideri in 1907. 59. In indicating the number of the recording series of the principal houses, their names are used in abbreviated form, as in Spottswood 1990: Co (Columbia); Vi (Victor); Br (Brunswick); Ok (Okeh). 60. There exists, in fact, a precise melodic and harmonic plan that the song ’a fronna follows. De Simone explains it saying that the traditional melody usually begins in a higher key (the fifth), followed by the primary rhythm in the third minor key (sometimes major, sometimes minor). It ends on the key note. The intermediate tones are fully embellished by the per- former, who improvises whether according to the syllabic scansion of the text or based on the composition of the embellishment. Characteristic of this style is a particular syllabication rich in melodic flourishes and appoggiatura. Another characteristic is the final cadence, where the pro- longation of the voice never occurs in the last syllable of the final word. It falls on the syllable that is naturally accented (De Simone 1979, 36–7). 61. Bertellini (2004, 60). 62. “Novelty” is a generic term that from approximately 1900 to 1945 was applied more or less to any music that was considered new, exotic, or in fashion. In a nonmusical sense, the term often refers to merchandise for sale; the plural “novelties” means “chincaglierie” (knick-knacks). Novelty ragtime is a kind of accelerated ragtime, with effects that are sometimes comical, and it is characterized by a lack of true melody and by a certain harmonic modernity (Schuller 1999, glossary only in the Italian edition). 63. The interview is published in Frasca 2005, 152. 64. John Gentile violinist, pianist, and arranger was born in Caserta in 1901. At the age of eleven, he played the violin for 11 liras at a performance at the Esedra Theater in his native city. Still very poor, he reached New York in 1929, where he moved because his mother wanted to rejoin her oldest son and her husband, who had already migrated. With the “diplomino” for violin that he took at the Conservatorio San Pietro in Maiella di Napoli, Gentile began to earn a name as a pianist and arranger as well. By his own NOTES 217

admission, he made contact with Francois Tieri and Vito Genovese, persons tied to the Italian-American underworld. These two procured engagements for him, the benefits he then repaid with work done “in confidence.” He worked for a long time as a pianist during the silent-movie era. Later, he wrote music for well-known crooners such as Russ Columbo, and he became the backup pianist for Frank Sinatra’s Hoboken Four. He also collaborated on the sound track for the television series Wonder Woman. This information was furnished directly to the author by Gentile during a meeting in the spring of 2003. 65. This is the complete text of the recorded version: “Sailors, sailors, row the boat to shore. O sailors / bring the nets to the shore. / Today we’re on land and not on sea. / It’s the feast of the Madonna of the Catena. / For a day at least we won’t die / not even a fishing boat will stay out. / The feast of the Madonna comes only once a year, / the feast of the ‘Nzegna. / Tonight we’ll enjoy that sulfur water / And we’ll throw our troubles out to sea. / Tonight there will be a great feast. / It’s our feast. / It’s the sailor’s feast. / Fishermen, fishermen, the Madonna goes by. The Madonna’s going by now / Carried on the shoulders of so many sailors. / A holy beautiful sight on their shoulders. / These sailors have suffered so much at sea. Happy and rich the pas- tor / Happy and content the worshiper who laughs beneath her hand. / The feast comes only once a year.” The refrain follows. (Transcription by the author). The feast of the Madonna della Catena fell at the end of August; it was known specifically as the “’Nzegna,” and it marked the passing of the summer season to that of winter. According to what John Gentile recounts, one part of the text had been written in Naples by an aficionado of song. The verses chanced to fall into the hands of Esposito of the Phonotype Company; then they traveled to New York and from there they came to the publisher Rossi, who gave them to Gentile asking him to put them into a song. Gentile rearranged them so as to adapt them to music. The memory of the Feast, which came to an end in 1953, was still very much alive in him, and it wasn’t difficult for him to identify with the evocative imagery. After some time, the song made its way back to Italy, but the author of the lyrics did not like the way in which the verses rhymed. However, he had not yet heard the music. When this happened, he completely changed his opinion so much so that he wrote a letter of congratulations and apology to John Gentile.

4 Birds of Passage: The Immigrants Return Home

1. This date of birth is reported in Mazzoletti (2004, 5). De Mura (1969) reports it as 1888. 2. Liperi (1999, 128). 3. Tucker (1945, 157). 4. Schuller (1996, 4–5). 218 NOTES

5. “Honey Bunch”—foxtrot (1915); “Honey Bunch”—song (1915); “Someone”— song (1915); “Yo San”—song (1915); “Pretty Polly”—foxtrot (1918) in Geoff Grainger, http://www.grainger.de/music/composer.html. 6. De Mura (1969, vol. 1: 217). 7. A column entitled “I Balli di oggi” (Today’s dances) in an issue of La canzonetta magazine states that “if you believe that it begins and ends with the tango, you are wrong. Following is a short list: Argentine and Brazilian tango; double Boston; triple Boston; bear dance; Scotch time; one- and two- step; Brazilian maxixe; turkey trot” [7, n. 1–7, January 1914]. In the same issue, “La piccola cronaca del tango” (Tango: News in brief) was introduced. It is a column conceived at the height of the new dance’s popularity. The brief article begins with, “The year 1914 is the dawn of the tango”; it sounds like the official moment of the birth of the genre, it sounds very pompous, reso- nant; what followed is a variety of news about the South American dance. 8. In the same year, other less famous examples were published: “La cauve- souris” [sic], i.e, a one-step by Ettore Marsella; “Mandarino,” a foxtrot by Ernesto De Risi; “Mondana” (Society) a foxtrot with lyrics by Vincenzo Santangelo and Giovanni Moleti. 9. The original recording of the piece is by Felix Mayol and is dated about 1905; the date of 1910 relates to the recording by Di Landa and is supplied by Liperi (1999, 84). 10. On the topic of maxixe see Abreu (2011) and Dictionário da Musica Popular Brasileira, http://www.dicionariompb.com.br/maxixe/dados-artisticos; Ernesto Nazareth website, http://www.ernestonazareth150anos.com.br/posts /index/19. 11. “Oh! that yankiana rag” by E. Ray Goetz and Melville Gideon. Shapiro Music Publishing, New York, 1908. 12. The immediate antecedent of the habanera was the French contredanse— derived in turn from the English country dance—a type that took on its American version when it was brought to Latin America. The first place it landed was probably Haiti, in the first half of the eighteenth century. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the contredanse established itself in Cuba, where it made its official residence and where it acquired original African elements, completing its identity with the addition of the adjective “habanera,” that is, “from Havana,” a term by which it was known only outside Cuba. In Cuba it was known simply by the name “dance.” Thus transformed, the contredanse habanera returned to Europe, and during the second half of the nineteenth century, George Bizet made use of it by placing it in the first act of his opera Carmen, a version of El Arreglito, a famous habanera of 1840 by the Spaniard Sebastián de Iradier. In this way Bizet reappropriated a century and a half later what had belonged to the French. “’O sole mio” was composed in 1898, and it is not wrong to claim that the idea for this exotic rhythm probably had been in the air before that time, since the first Italian performance of Bizet’s opera took place at the Teatro Bellini in Naples years earlier, in 1879. NOTES 219

13. Meri Lao writes that the liberal politics of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento and Juan Bautista Alberdi, who wanted to transform the Argentine capital into a great cultured and refined European city, opened the door, as stated in the constitution of 1853, “to men of the world who would live on the soil of Argentina.” But the golden dream of the elite was transformed into a night- mare with the arrival of an anonymous mass of immigrants, the majority of whom were Italian working-age males, who soon tripled the population of the capital. On the other hand, the exodus had been stimulated by the Italian government as a way to relieve social tensions and in hopes of dealing with the balance of payments, with money sent back to relatives who remained on the peninsula. In the United States, the proportion of Italian immigrants was one to six or eight; in Argentina, the proportion was one to two. This situation was unmatched in the world, and it was not incorrect to call it an alluvial migration. Then, the immigrant population started to join the colonial one, and an exogenous element took root (1996, 45). 14. Lunfardo contains terms originating from Andalusian gypsy language, from French argot, from English relating to sports, but more than 80 percent of it is of Italian derivation, above all from the dialects of the peninsula (ibid., 46). 15. This is the chronicle that traces the various stages of the birth and evolution of the tango: from its origins, that is, from the end of the nineteenth century to 1920, which is known as the old guard period; from 1920 to 1950, which is known as the new guard period, or rather the golden age of Argentine tango, which is divided into two strands—the traditional and the evolutionary. From 1950 onward, the modern tango prevailed, which is a type represented by the vanguard and of which Astor Piazzolla is unanimously considered the founder. 16. The term “cocoliche” probably comes from the name of a laborer who emi- grated from Calabria, Antonio Cuccoliccio. In 1886 we find a character by the name of Cocoliche in the play Juan Moreira by Eduardo Gutiérrez, one of the most important texts of Argentine literature and Spanish-American Romanticism. After becoming popular in the lexicon of the Argentines, the language cocoliche breaks into Argentine literature. In the epic poem Martin Fierro (1872) by Jose Hernández, considered the masterpiece of the gaucho genre in Argentina and Uruguay, there is an Italian immigrant who speaks cocoliche, a lively mixture of Castilian and Italian with explicit influences from the Neapolitan. See Annecchiarico (2012, 81–90). 17. The sources for this information about Italians in Argentina are in part papers awaiting publication collected by the author during her participation at a workshop titled “Italian Migration and Urban Music Culture in South America, (Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies, Germany, October 15–16, 2010). 18. On this subject, see the extended research by Mazzoletti (2004 and 2010), which has shed light on the musical context of the first decades of the twentieth century, a period in Italy that has been a topic of many debates. 220 NOTES

19. Palomba (2001, 91–2). 20. The research of Anna Maria Siena Chianese remains unique and important in this regard. 21. Siena Chianese (1997, 55). 22. Ibid., 61. 23. A volume of memoirs endorsed by his daughter Bruna Catalano Gaeta provides a brief description of the event: E.A. Mario completed his first voyage to America on the steamship Conte Rosso in hopes of obtaining justice for the Neapolitan writers whose property rights over their compositions had been compromised overseas by schemers and music dealers who, by using talented copyists, appropriated Neapolitan melodies. These copyists listened to the live voices of the immigrants who, hidden in the holds of ships with their few household possessions, gave vent to their own melancholy by singing, thereby sustaining themselves morally as they prepared for the terrible adventure that awaited them. The music, thus transcribed, was then published and made popular in a strange land without seeking the necessary permission from the legitimate owners, including the publishers. E. A. Mario reached America preceded by the success of “Santa Lucia luntana” and of “La leggenda del Piave,” but it was very difficult for him to become recognized, not only because speculation had diminished the commercial value of his songs, but also because a renegade Italian by the name of Mario, who lived in New York, had passed himself off as E. A. Mario, the songwriter, and he made everyone believe that this fakery was really a product of what he had endured during the war and that it had inspired him to write that already celebrated song (1989, 65). 24. The most famous compositions for which he authored the music are “Reginella” (Little queen) and “Silenzio cantatore” (Singing silence) with words by Libero Bovio, and “Vieneme ‘nzuonno” (Come to me in a dream) with lyrics by Francesco Fiore. 25. See Mura (1969, vol. 1: 303). 26. In La canzonetta magazine of January 31, 1920, Lama published a song titled “Tres gentil” (Very nice), which the magazine itself defined as “jazz for the piano,” adopting a newly coined term that had begun to spread through America in those years. In reality the element that gave the song a jazz tone was a recurrent figure in syncopation (sixteenth note/eighth note/ sixteenth note).

5 Music Is Woman

1. In a sentimental way, as scholar Ann Douglas pointed out, speaking about “feminization” of American mass culture in the nineteenth century referred NOTES 221

to how writers of both sexes underscored popular convictions about women’s weaknesses, desires, and proper place in the world. 2. Campbell, “Classical Music and the Politics of Gender in America,” 451. 3. Bertellini, “Ethnic Self-Fashioning at the Cafè-Chantant,” 64. 4. Adams (2012, 126). 5. Apropos of the Ingenues, see McGee. “The Feminization of Mass Culture and the Novelty of All-Girl Bands: The Case of the Ingenues.” 6. Fugazzotto (2009, 59). 7. On this subject, see Tucker (2000) and McGee (2009). 8. Troianelli (1989, 20). 9. Ibid., 122. 10. Brunetta, “Emigranti nel cinema italiano e americano” [Immigrants in Italian and American Cinema] in Bevilacqua, Clementi, and Franzina, eds (2001, 494). 11. Bertellini (2010, 111). 12. De Mura (1969, vol. 2: 210). 13. Mazzoletti (2004, 125). 14. About this question, Basile Green writes that Italian-American writers have consigned the Italian immigrant woman to be a framed role- character: the central position in the family, whether moral, heroic, strong, tragic, weak, or merely pathetic. None of these portrayals, however, has yet emerged as a breathing, life-struggling ethnic presentation. Even non-Italian writers who have created Italian immigrant women in America in their writing have done so from the confines of the subject’s place of origin and the limitation of the writer’s experience. (“The Italian Immigrant Woman in American Literature” in Boyd Caroli, Harney, and Tomasi eds, 343. 15. Bertellini, “Ethnic Self-Fashioning at the Cafè-Chantant,” 65. The expression that gives the title to the chapter echoes the critic James Huneker who wrote in 1905 “Music Is Woman,” an article appearing in Harper’s Bazaar 39 (August), in Campbell, “Classical Music and the Politics of Gender in America,” 457. 16. Aleandri, “Women in the Italian-American Theatre of the Nineteenth Century,” in Boyd Caroli, Harney, and Tomasi eds, 365–66. 17. Muscio, (2004, 9). 18. Ibid., 327. 19. Writings about Duse are numerous and very varied; I suggest consulting her biography and her theatrical activity in general in Minnucci (2010), Molinari (1985), Schino (1992); Bordeux (2005 [1924]); about her training and the early years of her career, see Orecchia (2007). 20. Muscio (2004, 39). 21. La Follia di New York, February 20, 1911. 22. Vecoli, “Negli Stati Uniti” in Bevilacqua, De Clementi, and Franzina eds (2002, 67). 23. See Bencivenni (2011, 19). 222 NOTES

24. Fugazzotto (2010, 48–49). 25. “Mimì Aguglia Here to Act in Tragedy,” New York Times, November 22, 1908. 26. Ibid. 27. In regard to this song, see Fugazzotto (2009, 64) and Leydi (1990, 114). 28. For a more detailed biographical profile of Aguglia see Muscio (2004, 324–38). 29. Aleandri (1999, 86). 30. De Mura (1969, vol. 2: 255). 31. Aleandri (1999, 86) and Sciotti (2007, 9). 32. Viviani (Castellammare di Stabia 1888—Naples 1950) was an actor and comic writer. A contemporary of Eduardo De Filippo. Often compared to Pirandello, he had an unhappy childhood and youth. He struggled to stay alive and to make himself known as an artist. In the first two decades of the 1900s, he worked in night clubs and in variety shows as a comedian and as a reciter of songs, creating a series of characters taken from ordi- nary Neapolitan life. Just as the First World War was ending in 1918, he performed an act of his own, ’O vico (The alley), which became a great attraction. At that time, he also established his own theatrical company with his sister Luisella. He became a very skilful playwright, being able to draw out the most subtle implications about Naples and about his own complex humanity. He wrote works of intelligent social awareness and of strong dramatic qualities such as Festa di Piedigrotta, Zingari (Gypsies), Piscature (Fishermen), La festa di Montevergine, La musica dei ciechi (The music of the blind), Fatto ‘e cronica (News item), ‘A Morte ‘e Carnevale (Death of Carneval), Guappo ‘e cartone (Cardboard tough man), and Padroni di barche (Ship owners). He stopped performing in 1939. He was the author of an autobiography Dalla vita alla scena (From life to the stage) (1928) and of a collection of lyrical and longer poems Tavolozza (Palette) (1929). Viviani’s bibliography is varied; examples are Lezza and Scialò (2000); Lezza (1992), Davico Bonino, Lezza, and Scialò (1987), Ricci (1979). 33. Ciaramella (Naples 1887–1961) was an actor, singer, and comedy and song writer. With the sister-in-law of Gilda Mignonette, Silvia Coruzzolo, and with Mimì Maggio, he formed one of the first stage companies. Ciaramella was associated with the Italian-American impresarios Alberto Campobasso and Feliciano Acierno, the latter being the father-in-law of Mignonette. It was with these two that Ciaramella began his successful tours in America. His American activity was quite intense, as proven by a remarkable number of film scripts that he wrote. One of the most significant film scripts produced for the southern immigrant environment was ’O festino o la legge (The Banquet or the law, also The Law’s banquet) in 1932, directed by Bud Pollard. There exists an edition in the Columbia collection, edited by Ciaramella’s company (Del Bosco, “Avventure di canzoni in palcoscenico” [“Song Adventures on the Stage”] in Scialò (2002, 135). NOTES 223

34. From an interview with the author, New York, winter 2003. Sciotti has recon- structed some events tied to the Black Hand, which had attacked the singer a number of times because she had refused to pay them “protection” money. The problem was resolved thanks to the intervention of Lucky Luciano, an enemy of Maranzano, the criminal who instigated the aggression against the artist (80). 35. On the topic see Telve (2012). 36. See the Morris E. Dry Collection of the American Music Research Center at Boulder, Colorado. 37. According to Figueroa (1994, 124), the rumba had already spread through jazz at the beginning of the twentieth century. William C. Handy had, in fact, introduced Cuban rhythms into American jazz. Jelly Roll Morton called this tropical influence “the Latin tinge.” 38. Topp Fargion, Out of Cuba, Latin American Music Takes Africa by Storm, CD. 39. La Capria (1999, 30–31) writes that considering that the existence of the lower class is not a social problem with no solution but an ancient and impenetrable drama, the petit bourgeois sought to tame it as Orpheus tamed the wild beasts, playing a flute in its unique way. Soaking this dialect with good feeling, the petit bourgeois rendered it sweet, obliging, and endearing, and used it (this new transformed dialect) in song and in speech. All that seemed unacceptable in the black Neapolitan undercur- rent seemed acceptable and less black through the magical filter of that dialect. Little by little, the lower classes accepted this sweetened dialect, and while they spoke it their natural impulses were mitigated, at least on the outside, held in check by a code of behavior suggested by the words and the sounds of the dialect. And, thus, for example, even today one can see in films this contrast between the dialect and the reality that the dialect is called on to exorcise. Killings and murders, threats of criminal violence, sordid stories of honor and stabbings come, as if complicit with the dialect, immersed in petit bourgeois sentiment where the words “heart” and “mamma” abound. 40. Even the Piedigrotta festival was, in the end, exploited by the regime with the introduction of ideological and propagandistic elements. See Cavallo and Iaccio (1982, 115). 41. “This type of political linguistics is a means to build consensus and to create a national awareness. The dialect came to be prohibited in the public media (cinema, printing, and the national theater) and in education, but at the beginning of 1934 its use started to be tolerated in artistic performances in the dialect theater, whether ‘popular’ or ‘elite,’ for example, in Naples. The question of dialect during the Fascist era, therefore, is framed and understood according to various points of view, depending upon whether those points of view relate to education, propaganda, consumer- ism, media exploitation, ideology, or subject matter” (Klein and Baiano 2000, 375–76). 224 NOTES

42. Prato (1995, 349). 43. Bertellini (2010, 258). 44. In De Mura (1969, vol. 1: 116), the singer is identified as De Mattienzo. I adopt the spelling with one t because it is used in the record credits and in the bibliographical sources. 45. Sciotti (2007, 47). 46. La Follia di New York, November 13, 1910. 47. Estavan (1991, 49). 48. Ibid., 48. 49. Even if not true in all years, at least in the two decades of the 1900s, the songs affected by or exposed to an explicit and a direct influence from foreign repertoires carried a dance rhythm as indicated in the score. In the absence of this element, I hazard the stated hypothesis. 50. The poet was the author of the first version of “’O marenariello” (The young sailor), which was published in 1893 with the title “’O mare e ba’!” (The sea and go!). With words adapted by Gennaro Ottaviano, the song had great success. I quote the refrain: “Vicin’‘o mare / facimme ammore / a core a core / pe nce spassà. / So’marenare / e tiro a rezza / ma p’allerezza / stong’a murì” (Let’s make love near the sea / heart to heart / to amuse ourselves / I’m a sailor / and I pull up nets, / but for happiness / I’m dying”). 51. Here the Neapolitan paternity is certain only if Cinquegrana is Pasquale Cinquegrana and Montagna is Alberto Montagna, that is, if we believe that the erroneous transcription from the disc of the authors’ initials is attrib- utable to carelessness or illegibility. However, this could be one of the fre- quent cases of plagiarism or attribution of a song to unknown authors who by using the signatures of famous composers pretended to be them. 52. A successful song among the immigrants, it was written and signed by Salvatore Baratta, a poet and lyricist who collaborated with highly valued composers, such as Nicola Valente and Gaetano Lama and Vincenzo De Crescenzo (De Mura 1969, vol. 1:, 11; Spottswood 1990, vol. 1: 455). 53. Borgna (1996, 99). 54. Anna Maria Martellone has estimated that in the 1930s, about 70 percent of the programs broadcast in the Italian language were taken up by popular songs, overtures, and Italian opera arias (in Martelli 1998, 177). 55. De Mura (1969, vol. 2: 91). 56. Vincenzo De Crescenzo was active primarily in New York, where he had immigrated in 1903 when he was eighteen after having studied composition and piano at the Conservatory of Palermo, to which the family had moved from Naples. A composer and arranger of chamber music and songs, he worked in America with, among others, Beniamino Gigli, Caruso, Tito Schipa, and Eugenio Cibelli. With Gennaro Camerlingo, he coauthored “Guardanno ‘a Luna” (1904); “’O surdato” (The soldier) (1899) and “Uocchie celeste” (Blue eyes) with Armando Gill; “Varca sperduta” (Lost boat) (1927) with Pasquale Buongiovanni; and “Tarantella sincera” (1911) with Eduardo Migliaccio (De Mura 1969, vol. 1: 244). NOTES 225

57. Alfredo Bascetta, comic, actor, dramatist, and theatrical impresario, was born in Avellino in 1889. He worked with Elvira Donnarumma at the Trianon Theater in Naples. He was employed in America with Ria Rosa, and he worked in Roberto Ciaramella’s company. Thanks to his success, he established residence in New York. In 1925 he founded his own publishing house. He was the writer of comedy sketches and of songs on the theme of immigration, among which are “Lacrime ‘e cundannate” (Tears of the condemned) and “E ll’emigrante chiagne!” (The immigrant cries). I do not know the date of his death; however, the blackout to which Rossi refers actually could be the one of 1969 or the one that followed in 1977. 58. His real name was Carlo Della Volpe; he was born in Naples in 1897 and moved to New York with Roberto Ciaramella’s drama company when he was very young. A charming singer with typical southern physical attributes/ characteristics, he was also a film actor who is remembered for his depiction of Mario, the Neapolitan fiancé of Elena in Santa Lucia luntana (1931) by Harold Godsoe, one of the few surviving products of immigrants. The film was made in Fort Lee, New Jersey, with the American title The Immigrant, and it was recently restored thanks to the intervention of Martin Scorsese. For a close analysis of the film, see Muscio (2004, 256–57); Bertellini (2006, 309–15). 59. Probably the daughter of a theatrical family, her full name was Mafalda Carta. She debuted with her sister when she was just eight years old and dressed as a music-hall singer. De Mura recalls that in 1926 the singer was employed in America and stayed in New York for about three years. Changing part of her repertoire, which up to that point had been completely Neapolitan, she moved to South America where she performed in Italian and Spanish. She returned to Italy, and in 1948 she formed another company there and later left again for Argentina and Brazil. She returned to Naples permanently in 1959 (De Mura 1969, vol. 2: 227). There are six recordings in her name, of which one, never publicized by Victor, was in English from the original French: “My man” (“Mon homme”) by A. Willemetz, Jacques Charles, with music by Maurice Yvain, made in 1929. The interview is published in Frasca (2005, 147–48). 60. Gevinson (1997, 1074). 61. Gildo could be Armando Gildo, a poet who was inspired by the more famous Armando Gill; Libardo is most probably a maestro active in New York, whose name sometimes appears as Libaldi. 62. De Mura (1969, vol. 2: 108–9). 63. De Mura states that she was lost track of in 1913: “She had a very strict mother, who never left her alone for an instant, and when the singer smiled at an admirer, she suffered her mother’s wrath. It was this fierce discipline adopted in an unusual environment, such as that of the variety show, that caused irreparable harm; one evening in July 1913, after completing a performance at the Teatro Luciano in Salerno, the young woman disappeared. 226 NOTES

Warnings from her mother, allegations, denunciations, searches, all in vain! Some months later, it was learned that she had fled to Brazil in the company of a man she loved. And from then on, there was no news of her” (ibid.). 64. Giuliana Muscio (2004, 260–61) sheds light on a few interesting aspects of the figure of Francesco Pennino apropos of the film Senza mamma e nnammurata. The song by the same title, signed by Luigi Donadio and Domenico Ietti, was the sequel to Pennino’s song that has already been mentioned and that was licensed by him. “Another adapted film is Senza mamma e nnammurata (1938); it shares with Santa Lucia luntana a pro- ducer (De Vito) and a director (Godsoe), but above all it is taken from the work of Francesco Pennino, a musician, master comic, and grandfather of Francis Ford Coppola. Among the most famous authors of Italian- American dramatic songs, Pennino composed this work as a sequel to Senza Mamma, his most famous screen adaptation. The film is a musical drama of the immigrant environment, in which the famous singer Rosina De Stefano performed, as did Catherine Campagnone, the Italian- American winner of the Miss Italia contest in that year (further confirma- tion of the modernity of exposure operating in this industry). . . . Pennino made innovations from a musical and structural point of view, above all in the treatment of the song that in the United States became similar to an operatic aria. This contrasted with the Neapolitan tradition, in which the alternation between recitation and singing produced fragmentation. Italian-American dramatization is not, therefore, Neapolitan dramatization portraying itself simply as something made in the United States. Both sing and speak in Neapolitan, but the American version is born from an immigrant experience, its narrative and its voice are adapting the use of the music to the new market.” 65. “Primmavera antica” (Old-time spring) (Vi 69704); “Venezia nostra” (Our Venice) a war song (Vi 69876); “Femmena ‘e Nola” (Woman from Nola) (Vi 72141); “Oj mà tu saie pecch è (O, mother you know why) and “’O silenzio ‘e Napule” (The silence of Naples) (Vi 72118); “Quanno tornano ‘e surdate” (When the soldiers come back) (Vi 72211, GV C-601 [C]); “Che m’hanno ditto ‘e te” (What they’ve told me about you) (Vi 72587); “Senza perdono” (Unforgiven), followed by “Senza mamma” (Without mamma) (Vi 68553), “Sicilianella” (Little Sicilian girl) (Vi 68565), “Nun ce ‘o dicite ‘a mamma” (Don’t tell mamma) (Vi 68565). 66. Probably this is the same Guglielmo Ricciardi who was a key personality in the theatrical world of Little Italy along with Antonio Maiori. 67. Bertellini, “Ethnic Self-Fashioning at the Cafè-Chantant,” 60. 68. Aleandri (1999, 95) provides an impressionistic judgment of the epoch of the singer, about whom, unfortunately, I possess no information from Italian sources. 69. A song with the same title but attributed to other authors, Scotti-DiCarlo, was recorded by De Laurentiis for Gennett (Ge 4755) in 1921. NOTES 227

6 The Record Labels, the Producers, and the Orchestra Directors

1. Glasser, 135. 2. Anita Pesce reconstructs the method by which foreign companies engaged local artists and explains the way in which Naples became part of the larger panorama of modern consumer music. Above all, local retailers were contracted as representatives; usually the choice fell on the seller of mechanical or electronic products, such as fans, photographic equipment, optical instruments, player pianos and phonographs. In Naples, Gaisberg opted for the Loreto di Antonino brothers, who had a shop in Piazza Borsa, founded in 1898. Usually, it was the local emissaries who contacted the performers and who came to an agreement with them about the manner in which the song was to be performed and about compensation. In Naples, according to Gaisberg, 35 matrices were made with guitar and mandolin accompaniment. When one scans the list, it becomes immediately clear that, along with the songs of successful authors, there are products no longer remembered. At this moment in the history of recording, it seems that in Naples not much attention was paid to the performers or the repertoires chosen; the priority, instead, was on cornering a segment of the market with whatever was available at the moment (2005, 78–80). 3. Interview published in Frasca, “La coscienza sull’ altra sponda del ‘lago italiano’” (Awareness on the other shore of the ‘Italian Lake’), 148–49: When, at the beginning of the twentieth century, Ernesto, the father of Louis Rossi, the owner of the Rossi and Company music store, which was once an important place of musical sales and consumption in New York, decided to move to America, he opened a veritable emporium that sold all types of records, including those of opera singers and, above all, those containing popular Neapolitan songs. At the end of the nineteenth century, even my grandfather, before starting Phonotype, had a book and record store on S. Anna dei Lombardi Street. The gramophone was a great novelty, and many artists were attracted to this new object. They made it clear very quickly that they wanted to record their voices; that is why the first version of Phonotype was born, that is the Società Fonografica Napoletana [Neapolitan Phonograph Company]. Initially, the recordings were made in Germany; then in 1905, they began in Naples, first in the building on Foria Street, and from 1923 on in the one on De Marinis Street, our current headquarters. Rossi also took the same route, more or less, and he began to specialize in the sale of records that he had acquired from us. The transport of records on a steamship from Naples to New York was risky because a majority of the copies arrived at their destination broken to pieces. For this reason, Ernesto, or Ernest as they say in America, began to acquire only the metal matrices from us and produced the records directly in New York. In a short 228 NOTES

while, he also started putting under contract in America many artists who had had a contract with us. Thus, over the years, we conducted a real exchange of matrices, which became very important some years ago when, on the occasion of our republication of Phonotype’s entire historical catalogue, we requested that Louis furnish us the matrices that we lacked. We must recall that during the Second World War Naples suffered an unexpected bombardment, and a major part of our production was lost. My brother Robert estimated that the material that survived was only 10 percent of the total. Our collaboration with Rossi continued after the death of Ernest with his two sons, Eduardo and Louis, up to the Second World War. Subsequent to that, and in great part due to the natural decay of this repertoire in Italy, however, our working relations have continued to expand. For many years, Louis has come to Naples to record artists who are no longer popular here. For our company and that of Rossi, immigration had an important impact because in America, in New York, in those years the immigrants were for the most part southerners, who identified with the traditional music of Naples no matter what their geographi- cal origins. They bought many records, certainly more than the Italians, and, above all, they went to the theater to hear Neapolitan artists on tour. All of this permitted the spread of our songs. Gilda Mignonette found great success in America. Her fame spread to Italy as well, but only as a reflection of what she had achieved in America. In Italy, she became famous not only because of her voice but also because of the fact that she was from Naples. In short, it was a kind of ricochet, which earned her a great deal. 4. De Mura (1969, vol. 1: 447). 5. Spottswood (1990, 335–37) remembers him as a tenor with a rich corpus of songs of authors famous in the Neapolitan panorama, such as Di Capua, Bovio, and E. A. Mario. Cibelli began to record for Victor in 1916. 6. The information reported here, taken from an unpublished interview with Rita Bullock, the youngest daughter, conducted by the author in June 2003, is countered by the credits on Victor records published in the first half of the twentieth century. 7. “Alfredo Cibelli knew what sold because he would go to the stores and send for his employee. ‘What’s selling?’ ‘Listen, the guarachas are selling a lot.’ ‘We’re going to make some guaracha records.’ Cibelli was less concerned with the particular songs within a genre, or who owned them, than with ful- filling a quota of the most saleable genres. After an audition of a new group, Cibelli would say, ‘Okay, I like this group. I think it’s okay. Two weeks from now, come with a danza, with a guaracha, with a vals, with a plena, to record.’ It had nothing to do with who the author was. The group leader was in charge of looking for the music. Thus, musicians could cavalierly recycle melodies. Few composers went to publishers to protect their work, which meant that leaders whose talents lay more in organizing groups or in interpreting the NOTES 229

music of others ‘borrowed’ songs, sometimes giving credit to the composers but often claiming it for themselves and creating a litigious and sometimes violent atmosphere between musicians” (Glasser, 150). 8. The items mentioned, “La rumba delle fragole,” performed by Mignonette and “ ’Mpareme ‘a via d’ ’a casa mia” by Farfariello are good examples. However, it is worth remembering that a certain number of lyrics of famous Neapolitan songs passed into the American repertoire such as “Maria Marì” by Vincenzo Russo, set to music by Eduardo Di Capua and published in Naples in 1899. By 1905, it had already been published in an English version with the title “Oh, Marie.” In this form, it quickly became a model of Italian-American song, moving beyond any ethnic barrier. See Tosches (2004, 78). 9. “For sound narrates and affects an attachment (to a memory, a place, a trace) that elaborates a temporary territory and transitory home in the world. This is to think of the cultural and historical affiliation of music not in the largely static appeal to ‘origins,’ but rather in the altogether more suggestive, fluid and freer understanding of ‘beginnings’ that are always haunted by the ghosts of other songs. It is precisely in this key that sounds deterritorialise and reterritorialise cultural landscapes and their inherited histories” (Chambers 2012, 21). 10. Rust (1984, 78). More recently, the story of the first recording of the ODJB had a different outcome than the one Rust reports. The English scholar drew his information from the diary of Nick La Rocca, the band’s leader; it remains an accurate, detailed source. On January 30, 1917, according to what La Rocca recalled, the ODJB made a test record that was later destroyed, but not that of the song “Indiana,” which Rust speaks about and which instead was postdated to May of that year for reasons having to do with the number- ing of matrices. See Baudoin (2005, 44). 11. Rust (1984, 214). 12. For commercial music labels, they identified themselves either as artists tied to the world of jazz or as folk musicians originating form all over the world. 13. For a catalogue of recordings, see Encyclopedic Discography of Victor Recordings http://victor.library.ucsb.edu. 14. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/gramophone/index-e.html. 15. Websites and discography are the two principal sources: the most consulted source dedicated to the cinema, the Internet Movie Database and the back cover notes by Jeff Hopkins in Nat Shilkret and the All-Star Orchestra, the complete collection of the group’s songs from 1926 to 1928, published in 2005 by Vintage Music Production (VMP 0181). 16. Phonograph Monthly Review, October 1926. 17. The presence of Eduardo Ciannelli is noted in this film. He was an important exponent of the Italian immigrant theater already mentioned in relation to Caruso. 18. Among these were the above-mentioned Figueroa (1994), Glasser (1995), and Spottswood (1982). 230 NOTES

Conclusion

1. Gramsci refutes the assumption circulating among the proletariat adher- ing to socialist ideology that the Mezzogiorno is the “dead weight” that impedes rapid progress in the development of Italy. He refutes the theory that southerners are biologically inferior, semi-barbarous, or totally barbarous by nature. Gramsci also refutes the notion that the Mezzogiorno’s backwardness is not the fault of the capitalistic system or of some other historical cause, but of nature, which has made the southerner lazy, inept, and criminal. This negative image, the theory goes on to argue, is tempered by the appearance, solely on an individual basis, of people of great talent, who are like lonely palms in an arid and sterile desert. In the words of Gramsci, the Socialist Party was, in great measure, the vehicle by which this bourgeois vision of the southern proletariat was advanced and instilled in the northern proletariat. In addition, positivism was used to support this crushing vision of the poor and the oppressed, cloaking itself this time in socialist colors because it claimed to be the science of the proletariat (Gramsci 1949, 30). 2. Fiori (1989, 108–109). 3. Gramsci’s interpretation of the southern question has been long debated, and it has been criticized by many observers and historians of southern origins. In more recent times, one of the most interesting objections is the one espoused by Nicola Zitara, a southern theorist with a separatist vision of Italy, who criticized Gramsci’s moralistic emphasis and methodology with a fiery argumentative power. Zitara held that the underdevelopment of southern Italy could be explained according to Marxism in terms of the relationship of production and class and that, given the distance between the economic rise of the north and the stagnation of the south, the needs and interests of the northern working class were incompatible with those of the southern proletariat, as opposed to what Gramsci had argued. In conclusion, according to Zitara, it was this divergence of objectives that opened the door to southern immigration (1971). 4. Sorce Keller (2003, 513). 5. See Nettl (2003; 1978b ). 6. Gilroy (2003, 37–38). 7. Fabbri (2001, 562). 8. Nettl (2003, 553–54). 9. Hains (2001, 783). 10. Molino (2001, 769). 11. Frith (2001, 964). 12. Nettl (1978b, 123). 13. Bourdieu (1983). 14. Frith (2001, 954); on the subject see more in Levine 1990 15. Robinson (1993). 16. Lomax (1968, 937, 942). NOTES 231

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Rieber, Alfred J., and Marsha Siefert, eds. “Technology: Aesthetics, Politics, Culture.” Science in Context 8, no. 2 (Summer 1995. Robinson, J. Bradford. “Gli scritti sul jazz di Theodor W. Adorno: riflessioni sulla ricezione del jazz in Germania durante la Repubblica di Weimar.” Musica/ Realtà 41 (1993): 35–67. Romeyn, Esther. “Juggling Italian-American Identities: Farfariello, King of the Character Clowns.” The Italian American Review 9, no. 2 (Fall/Winter 2002): 95–128. Rosselli, Jimmy. L’impresario d’Opera: arte e affari nel teatro musicale italiano dell’Ottocento. Turin: EDT, 1985. Rotella, Mark. Amore: The Story of Italian American Song. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010. Russo, John Paul. “From Italophilia to Italophobia: Representations of Italian American in the Early Gilded Age.” Differentia 6–7 (Spring–Summer 1994): 45–75 and in The Italian in Modernity, edited by Robert Casillo and John Paul Russo, 329–60. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011. Rust, Brian. The American Record Label Book. New York: Da Capo Press, 1984. ———. “New Orleans e Napoli: un parallelo musicale.” Musica Jazz 10, no. 5 (1954): 11–13. Sarno, Giovanni. Un secolo d’oro. 2 vols. Naples: Bideri, 1962. Savona, Antonio Virgilio, and Michele L. Straniero. Canti dell’emigrazione. Milan: Garzanti, 1976. Schino, Mirella. Il teatro di Eleonora Duse. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1992. Scialò, Pasquale, ed. La sceneggiata. Naples: Guida, 2002. Sciotti, Antonio. Gilda Mignonette, Napoli-New York solo andata. Napoli: Magmata, 2007. Schuller, Gunther. Il jazz, gli anni venti. Turin EDT, 1996. Original English. Early Jazz: Its Roots and Musical Development. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. ———. Il jazz, l’era dello swing, EDT, Turin 1999. Original English. The Swing Era: The Development of Jazz, 1930–1945. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. Siena Chianese, Annamaria. E. A. Mario: un diario inedito. Naples: Adriano Gallina Editore, 1997. Slide, Anthony. The Encyclopedia of Vaudeville. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1994. Sollors, Werner, ed. Multilingual America: Transnationalism, Ethnicity, and the Languages of American Literature. New York: New York University Press, 1998. Sorce Keller, Marcello. “Economia, società e modi del far musica nelle culture tradiz- ionali”. In Enciclopedia della Musica. Vol. 4: 505–538. Turin: Einaudi, 2003. ———. “American Influences in Italian Popular Music Between the Two World Wars (1922–1945).” Orbis Musicae 11 (1993–94): 124–136. Sori, Ercole. L’emigrazione italiana dall’Unità alla seconda guerra mondiale. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1979. BIBLIOGRAPHY 243

Spottswood, Richard K. Ethnic Music on Records: A Discography of Ethnic Recordings Produced in the United States, 1893 to 1942. 7 vols. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1990. ———. “Commercial Ethnic Recordings in the United States.” In Ethnic Recordings in America: A Neglected Heritage. American Folklife Center, Studies in American Folklore, vol. 1: 50–80. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1982. Stazio, Marialuisa. Osolemio: la canzone napoletana, 1880–1914. Rome: Bulzoni, 1991. Tagg, Philip. “Analysing Popular Music: Theory, Method and Practice.” Popular Music 2 (1982): 37–65 Tamburri, Anthony J. To Hyphenate or Not to Hyphenate: The Italian/American Writer: Or, an “Other” American? Canada (Ontario): Guernica Editions, 1991. Telve, Stefano. That’s Amore! Bologna: Il Mulino, 2012. Thernstrom, Stephan, ed. Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980. Tosches, Nick. Dino: Dean Martin e la sporca fabbrica dei sogni. Milan: Baldini Castoldi Dalai Editore, 2004. Original English Dino: Living High in the Dirty Business of Dreams. New York: Random House, 1999. Troianelli, Enza. Elvira Notari pioniera del cinema napoletano (1875–1946). Rome: Euroma, 1989. Tucker, Sherrie. Swing Shift: “All-Girl” Bands of the 1940s. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000. Tucker, Sophie. Some of These Days. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1945. Van Vechten, Carl. “A Night with Farfariello.” Theatre Magazine 29, no. 215 (January 1919): 32–34. Vacca, Giovanni. Gli spazi della canzone. Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, Quaderni del Centro Studi Canzone Napoletana, no. 3 (2013). Vaccaro, Riccardo. Caruso. Naples: ESI, 1995. Van der Merwe, Peter. Origins of the Popular Style. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989. Varacalli, Joseph A., Salvatore Primeggia, Salvatore J. LaGumina, and Donald J. D’Elia, eds. The Saints in the Lives of Italian-Americans: An Interdisciplinary Investigation. Stony Brook: State University of New York:, Forum Italicum, Center for Italian Studies, Filibrary Series, No. 14, 1999. Vecoli, Rudolph J. Italian Immigrants in Rural and Small Town America. New York: American Italian Historical Association, 1987. Venturini, Nadia. neri e italiani ad Harlem. Gli anni Trenta e la guerra d’Etiopia. Rome: Edizioni Lavoro, 1990. Washington, Booker T., and Robert B. Park. The Man Farthest Down. 3rd edn. New Brunswick, NJ: Doubleday, Page, 1984. Whitney, D. Charles, and James S. Ettema, eds. “Audiencemaking: How the Media Create the Audience.” Sage Annual Reviews of Communication Research, 22, Beverly Hills, CA, 1994. 244 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ybarra, T. R. Caruso: The Man of Naples and the Voice of God. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1953. Zitara, Nicola. L’unità d’Italia: nascita di una colonia. Milan: Jaca Book, 1971.

CDs and DVDs

Del Bosco, Paquito. Cartoline da Little Italy. 3 CDs, In Fonografo italiano Series 4, nn. 1–3, Rome, 1978–79, II edizione Nuova Fonit Cetra, 1997. ———. La risata di Cantalamessa. (CD) In Fonografo italiano. Series 2, n. 6, Rome, 1979, II edizione Nuova Fonit Cetra, 1997. Di Lauro, Michelangelo. (DVD) Prisoners among Us. MichaelAngelo Production, 2003. Eekhoff, Hans. California Ramblers (1925–1928). (CD) CBC1053, Timeless Records, 1999. Hopkins, Jeff. Nat Shilkret & The All Star Orchestra. (CD) Vintage Music Production (VMP 0181), 2005. Topp Fargion, Janet. Out of Cuba: Latin American Music Takes Africa by Storm. (CD) With Trio Matamoros, Topic Records/ British Library Sound Archive, TSCD927, 2004.

Libraries and Archives

The Italians of New York. Federal Writers’ Project, New York City Municipal Archives. New York City Guide. Federal Writers’ Project, New York City Municipal Archives. Rigler and Deutsch Record Index at The Motion Picture, Broadcasting, and Recorded Sound Division of the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. The Rodgers and Hammerstein Archives of Recorded Sound of The New York Public Library, New York City. The Stanford University Archive of Recorded Sound, Stanford, California. Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts. The New York Public Library, New York City. Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture. New York Public Library, New York City. The Irma and Paul Milstein Division of United States History, Local History and Genealogy. New York Public Library, New York City. The Donnell Media Library Center. New York Public Library, New York City. Louis Armstrong Archives. Queens College, New York City. Center for Migration Studies. Staten Island, New York City. Museum of Television and Radio. New York City. Center for Traditional Music and Dance. New York City. ASCAP, The American Society of Composers, Authors, and Publishers. New York City. BIBLIOGRAPHY 245

Sezione Lucchesi-Palli. Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, Naples. The Sousa Archives and Center for American Music at University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

Newspapers, Magazines, and Theater Programs

The American Mercury. (Playbills/Programs of) Brooklyn Academy of Music 1919–1939. La canzonetta, 1911–1934. Canzoni antiche, Naples 1929. La follia di New York. New York Times. Phonograph Monthly Review.

Web pages and newsletters

ARSC Recorded Sound Discussion List: http://www.arsc-audio.org/arsclist.html. Cinema del Silenzio: http://www.cinemadelsilenzio.it/. List on Italian-American History and Culture: http://www.lsoft.com/scripts /wl.exe?SL1=H-ITAM&H=H-NET.MSU.EDU. Hitparadeitalia: http://www.hitparadeitalia.it/napoli. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., American Memory: http://memory.loc .gov/ammem/edhtml/edcyldr.html. Maxixe: http://www.dicionariompb.com.br/maxixe/dados-artisticos. Mintz, Steven. Digital History (2003) http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu. Nazareth, Ernesto. http://www.ernestonazareth150anos.com.br/posts/index/19. The Virtual Gramophone. Canadian Historical Sound Recordings: http://www .collectionscanada.ca/gramophone/index-e.html. Topical Index

Note: The index is divided into a topical index and a specialized name index listing musicians, performers, and composers of Neapolitan song in New York and Naples from the late 19th century to the beginning of the Second World War. The exceptions are Enrico Caruso and Farfariello (Eduardo Migliaccio), indexed here. Names of songs, films, bands, scholars, and historical figures can be found in the topical index. Cross-references between the topical index and name index are set in bold type.

“A suon di jazz” (By sound of jazz), Americanization, 8, 19, 33, 79–80, 143 113–14 of names, 111, 212–13n34 Abruzzese, Alberto, 5, 11 resistance to, 93, 143 Adorno, Theodor W., 177, 179 See also integration advertising. See food: advertising; anarchism, 140–1 phonograph records: advertising Argentina, 116–17, 219n13, 225n59 African American, 6, 18, 44, 72–6, Armetta, Henry, 139 111, 114, 185, 186, 206n72, Armstrong, Louis 207n78, 208–9n84 admiration for Caruso, 208n83 music, 13, 27, 115, 167, 183, and integration, 75–6 212–13n34 Aspinall, Michael, 199n25 neighborhoods, 22 audience, 32, 85, 87, 210n4 Alberdi, Juan Bautista, 219n13 and class, 29, 30, 32, 34, 112 Aldrich, Richard, 52 creation of, 53, 69, 78, 104, 200n29 Aleandri, Emelise, 12, 138, 196n2, and ethnicity and race, 76, 82, 100, 209–10n2, 226n68 110–11, 162, 167 Alighieri, Dante, 23, 24 women, 133, 134 All-Star Orchestra, 170, 229n15 See also ethnic music; high and American popular music low cultural hierarchy; popular African-Latino-American, 119, culture 152, 161 Avalon, Frankie, 182 in the Dominican Republic, 161–2 Azpiazu, Don, 147 in Europe, 8–10, 112–13, 115 in Naples, 119, 120, 163 Baer, Abel, 146 See also commercial music; popular Baker, Josephine, 114 culture Bell, Alexander Graham, 47, 199n25 248 TOPICAL INDEX

Benjamin, Walter, 177 and integration, 72, 76 Bennett, Tony, 35 and the Italian Writers Project, 28 Berkeley, Busby, 99 museum, 44 Berlin, Irving, 109 musical education, 42–3, 198n10 Berliner, Emile, 48, 185 and Neapolitan song, 53–4, 56, Johnson and Berliner Company, 51, 61–3, 66, 69 53, 163 as songwriter, 59–61 See also Victor Talking Machine tenor vs. baritone, 42–3 Company See also Gaisberg, Fred; Bernhardt, Sarah, 140, 142 Giachetti, Ada “bird of passage,” 1, 94, 100, 109, Castle, Vernon and Irene, 9 198n15, 213–14n46 Cautela, Giuseppe, 192n9 Bizet, Georges, 116, 218n12 Cavaliere, Felix, 182 Black. See African American Cesarini, Gianni, 3, 198n10 Black Hand, the. See criminality Chaliapin, Feodor, 199n26 Black Hand, the, 98 Charleston, 114, 157, 164, 187 Bongiorno, Mike, 189n3 Chevan, David, 85 books, 24–5 “Chist’è New York” (This is New Borgna, Gianni, 4, 212n19 York), 93–7 Bourdieu, Pierre, 178 Ciarlantini, Franco, 25 Brazil, 15, 55, 114, 225n59, 225–6n63. cinema, 1, 12, 79, 133–4, 171–2 See also tango: maxixe cinemas, 27, 28, 29, 210n4 Brito, Eduardo, 162 travelogue, 135–6 Brown, Lew, 105 See also criminality: in cinema; Bruno, Giuliana, 12 entertainment; venues Bullock, Rita, 228n6 Cinotto, Simone, 12 class Caesar, Irving, 91 access to music, 27, 53, 69, 78, 192n10 Cali, John, 171 and dialect, 19, 116, 148, 223n39 California Ramblers, 88, 186 and housing, 23 Campania, 1 middle-class, 46, 90 Campbell, Gavin James, 133 mobility, 174, 176 “Canzone ‘e Pearl Harbor, ‘a” (The and race, 73–4, 208–9n84 song of Pearl Harbor), 183 stratification, 173–4, 230n3 Capuana, Luigi, 140 and taste, 174, 178–9 Carles, Philippe, 207n78 and women’s suffrage debates, “Cartulina ‘e Napule, ’a” (Postcard from 134–5 Naples), 144, 147, 148, 165, 205n64 See also audience: and class; Caruso, Enrico, 123–5, 185, 186 ethnic group; race as caricaturist, 39–40, 196–7n4 coffee houses (cafè chantant), 3, 20, contract with Victor Company, 40, 135, 137, 138, 192n10, 210n4 43–4, 47, 49, 50–2 Caffè Ronca, 91–2 declining health, 205–6n65 Reisenweber’s dinner-cabaret, and “hybrid” song, 55 110–11, 186 as immigrant role model, 42, 45–6, Vittorio Emanuele III, 138 53, 72, 77 See also venues TOPICAL INDEX 249

Cohan, Irving, 91 DeSylva, Bud G., 105 Cole, Nat King, 212–13n34 Di Massa, Sebastiano, 3, 5 “Comme se canta a Napule” (How dialect, 22, 80, 210n7 they sing in Naples), 63, 70–1, 186 Cocoliche, 117, 219n16 commercial music, 9, 13, 47, 51, 69, 85, Creole, 116, 117 104, 114, 115, 161–2, 168, 177 vs. language, 190n19 and Neapolitan song, 1, 4–5, Lunfardo, 116, 117, 219n14 202–3n55, 227n2 Neapolitan, 52, 66, 92–3, 96, 148, See also American popular music; 155, 223n29 phonograph records; popular poets, 31, 40–1 culture; studio band See also class: and dialect; Comolli, Jean-Louis, 207n78 Fascism: repression of regional concert halls, 10, 20, 28, 46, 69, 78, traditions and dialects; 135, 176. See also venues Italian (language) consumer, 46–7, 133, 177 diaspora (Italian), 7, 21–2, 93, 142, consumer music. See commercial 173–4 music solidarity through music, 178 Contursi, Pascual, 204–5n62 See also Italian (identity); Italian Cook, Will Marion, 110 (language); Italian American; Coppola, Francis Ford, 14, 101, southern Italy 226n64 diffusion “Core ’ngrato” (Ungrateful heart), 24, of Italian culture, 24 54–5, 56–8, 60, 186, 195–9n1 phonograph records and, 2, 161, Corsi, Edward, 80 165, 177 criminality, 44–5, 73, 90 sheet music and, 10, 85 Black Hand, the, 45, 98–9, 199n20, discography 223n34 Rigler and Deutsch Record in literature, 24 Index, 12 in film, 98–9 Spottswood, 11–12, 91, 103, 142–3, Mafia, the, 45, 144 151–2, 154, 157, 159, 216n59 Croce, Benedetto, 3 Dixon, Mort, 101 Cross, Gary, 46 Dorsey, Tommy, 171, 172, 212–13n34 Cuban, 162 Du Bois, W. E. B., 72–3, 75, 207n78 music, 115–16, 147, 218n12 Due gemelli, i (The twins), 156, 187 Durante, Francesco, 81, 91 Dabney, Ford, 110 Duse, Eleonora, 139–40, 142, 221n19 Daniele, Ciro, 4 D’Annunzio, Gabriele, 54, 140 Edison, Thomas Alva, 46, 47–8, 50, De Angelis, Rodolfo, 3 185, 199n25 De Iradier, Sebastián, 218 emigration, 7–9 De Lucia, Fernando, 154 difficulties of, 17, 96 De Mura, Ettore, 3, 102, 113, 150, “Great Emigration,” 13, 17–18 197n6, 225n59 positive aspects of, 7 De Rosa, Eugene, 30 women and, 13, 137, 150 De Simone, Roberto, 2, 3, 216n60 See also immigration; integration; Demarsky, Lina Del Tinto, 34, 35 nomadicism 250 TOPICAL INDEX entertainment newspapers, 24 early non-specialization of roles, repression of regional traditions 12, 19 and dialects, 5–6, 149–50, industry, 9, 46, 78 223n41 See also free time; high and low See also Mussolini, Benito; cultural hierarchy; venues nationalism Esposito, Fernando, 163, 217n65 fear, 7, 10, 52, 90, 96, 97, 176 Estavan, Lawrence, 12, 151 feasts, 4, 26 ethnic group, 21, 33, 45, 72–6, 79, 80, “Festa d’ ‘e marenare, ’a” 82, 102, 174–6, 178 (Sailors’ feast), 106–7 multiethnic, 96, 116 festivals, 3, 182–3 See also African Americans; Cuban; religious, 25–6 Italian (identity); ethnic music; See also Piedigrottas Italian-Americans; Hispanic; fidelity, 47, 50, 200n30 Irish; race film. See cinema ethnic music, 11, 105, 138, 166–8, 172, Finston, Anna, 170 192n10 First World War, 6, 8, 80, 113, 134, publishing houses, 8 146–7, 150 See also audience; African folk music, 20, 179–80, 192n10 American: music; Cuban: music; referenced in Neapolitan song, ethnic group; Italian (identity): 64, 65 and music; race transformation into popular music, 6, 89, 161, 162, 174–5, 182, 190n21 “Faccetta nera” (Little Black Face), 149 food, 43 Fall, Richard, 91 advertising, 33, 35, 36, 195n33, family 195n35 businesses, 33 and class, 178 endangered in America, 97, 133–4 and Italian identity, 11, 12 Farfariello (Eduardo Migliaccio), and sexual innuendo, 147 20, 81–3, 85–93, 132, 185, 187, “For me and my girl,” 99 210–11n8 Fowler, Gene, 77–8 as Italian immigrant role model, fox-trot, 99, 101, 103, 104, 111, 153, 8, 83 164, 165, 186 and language play, 89–90, 92 and Neapolitan song, 120 and Piedigrottas, 40, 102 origins, 113–14 praise for, 30, 99 “Fra un tango, un fox trot, e uno recordings of, 105 shimmy” (Between a tango, a as songwriter, 55 foxtrot, and a shimmy), 145–6 theater of, 29 free time, 2, 5, 46, 78, 133–4. See also Fargion, Janet Topp, 147 consumer; entertainment Fascism “Frenetico, il” (The frantic), 113, anti-fascist radio, 33 122, 186 Fascist era, 26, 134–5, 214n49, Fried, Norton H., 173 223n41 Friend, Cliff, 91 “fascistizzazione” (promotion of “Fronn’ limons’ focstrott” (Lemon Fascism), 32, 223n40 leaves fox-trot), 103–4, 153 TOPICAL INDEX 251

Fuller, Samuel, 77 Harvey, David, 71 fusion, 6, 182 head arrangement. See stock arrangement Gallone, Carmine, 111 hegemony Gargano, Pietro, 3, 4, 198n10 of north Italy, 173 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 22, 23 Henderson, Ray, 105 Garland, Judy, 99 Hennessy, David, 73 gender. See emigration: women and; Herbert, Victor, 170 jazz: women’s bands; popular high and low cultural hierarchy, 9, 19, culture: women in; vaudeville: 27, 168, 169, 179 women performers and record prices, 48–9, 53 Genovese, Vito, 216–17n64 See also audience; entertainment; Gentile, John, 10, 106, 216–17n64, popular culture 217n65 Hispanic, 117–18 Geraci, Mauro, 87, 175 humor, 83, 82, 90, 92, 95 Gershwin, George, 171, 212–13n34 Hoover, Herbert Clark, 80 Gervi, Giuliano, 36 Howells, William Dean, 44 Giangrande, Tony, 144 Gilbert, L. Wolfe, 146 “I’ m’arricordo ‘e Napule” (I Gilded Age, 44 remember Naples), 55, 61–5, Glasser, Ruth, 12, 161, 166 66–8, 69, 148, 186, 204n61 globalization. See transnational illiteracy. See literacy/illiteracy culture immigration, 17–19 Gluck, Alma, 169, 201n36 as emotional state, 90, 94–6 Goetz, Ray E., 99, 218n11 See also emigration; integration; Goodman, Benny, 171 New York: immigrant Gould, Glenn, 177 neighborhoods; southern Italy: gramophone. See phonograph records emigration from Gramophone Company. See Victor integration, 10, 72–6, 79–81 Talking Machine Company through music, 8, 11, 42, 74, 177–8 Gramsci, Antonio, 173, 230n1, 230n3 symbols of, 45, 85, 142, 181 Green, Bud, 91 See also Americanization; Caruso, Greene, Victor R., 12, 85, 90 Enrico: as immigrant role model; “gringo,” 118 Italian-American “Guardanno ‘a Luna” (Watching Irish, 176 the moon), 55, 59, 63, 201n43, “Italia al Polo Nord, l’” (Italy at the 224n56 North Pole), 98, 214n48 “guardia vieja” (old guard), 116 Italian (identity) Guglielmo, Jennifer, 73 as ethnic group, 17–18, 75 Guthrie, Woodie, 6 formation of, 11, 13, 96 and music, 45, 72, 77, 121, 175–6, habanera, 99, 115–16, 146, 157 181 origins, 218n12 See also food: and Italian identity; See also tango Italian-American; Italian Haller, Hermann W., 83, 89, 92 (language); Neapolitan; Sicilian; Handy, William C., 167, 223n37 southern Italy 252 TOPICAL INDEX

Italian (language), 32, 34, 92, 96, 119 reviews, 140, 150, 205n63, 215n56 as national language, 4, 5, 112, 149 venues advertised in, 28–31 publications, 39 See also newspapers; Sisca, See also Italian-American; dialect: Alessandro; Sisca, Francesco; Neapolitan Sisca, Marziale Italian Socialist Party, 173 La Guardia, Fiorello, 30 Italian Writers Project, 10, 21, 24, Lao, Meri, 219n13 26–7, 28 “Laughing song, the,” 84–5, 185 Italian-American, 10–11, 13 Laurel & Hardy, 169, 172 differences between generations, 35 Le Pera, Alfredo, 66 importance of family, 97 lead sheet. See stock arrangement See also Italian; jazz: Italian- Lehár, Franz, 153 American influences on “Lengua ‘taliana, la” (The Italian language), 92–3 James Reese Europe band, 9, 110–11 Leoncavallo, Ruggero, 56, 208n83 jazz, 85, 114, 120, 167, 179, 183, 186, Leslie, Edgar, 99 223n37 Levant, Oscar, 101 Italian-American influences, 9, 13, Levy, Ted, 91 34–5, 86, 136, 181 Liguoro, Mimmo, 4 and Neapolitan song, 6, 146 Lindström, Carl, 163 studies of, 12 Liperi, Felice, 4, 109, 218n9 women’s bands, 134 literacy/illiteracy, 6, 24, 80, 81, See also Original Dixieland Jass 208–9n84, 210n6 Band; Primo, Loius Little Italy, 20, 22, 26, 45, 93, 99, 143, “Jazz-band, ’o,” 113, 131 191n36, 209–10n2 Johnson, James P., 114 Lomax, Allen, 179–80 Johnson and Berliner Company. See loss, 2, 66, 72, 174 Berliner, Emile of family, 97 Johnson-Reed Act (Immigration Act), of identity, 162 18, 186 and urban experience, 90 Jolson, Al, 105–6 See also nostalgia Jordan, Joe, 110 Love, Live, and Laugh, 146 Luconi, Stefano, 32, 34–5, 194n29 Kelly, Gene, 99 Kline, Olive, 54 macchietta (“sketch”), 81–2, 87, 98 Kress, Carl, 171 Mafia, the. See criminality Kubrick, Stanley, 172 “Malavita, ’a” (A hard life), 152 “Malavita, ’a” (Underworld), 154 La Capria, Raffaele, 148, 223n39 Mancusi, Aldo, 43–4 La follia di New York, 39–42, 176, 185, Mann, Daniel, 140 195–6n1 Mannarini, Rino, 189n3 Caruso’s caricatures, 196–7n4 marching band, 54, 170, 193n22. See on gender roles, 133–4 also Shilkret, Nathaniel; Sousa, on integration, 78–9 John Philip racial debates in, 76 Mariano, John Howard, 21, 22 on radio, 194n28, 195n33 Markham, Edwin, 208–9n84 TOPICAL INDEX 253

Marks, Edward B., 147 Neapolitan (identity), 7–8, 11, 14–15, “Mattchiche, la,” 114, 185 53, 62, 82, 99 Mazza, Angelo, 34, 35–7 stereotype, 198n10 Mazzoletti, Adriano, 8, 136, 219n18 See also dialect: Neapolitan; Italian McCormack, John, 51 (identity); southern Italy McPartland, Jimmy, 171 Neapolitan song, 1–7, 99, 174–5, 180 melting pot, 79, 178 and cinema/theater, 12, 146 Meyer, George W., 99 “contamination” of, 115, 118–22, 157 “Mi noche triste” (My sad night), discographies, 11–12 65–6, 118, 186, 204–5n62 emigrant influence on, 8–9, 112 Mililotti, Pasquale, 203–4n58 and ethnic identity, 143, 148 Miller, Glenn, 171 fading of, 14–15, 120, 182 Mistinguett (Jeanne Bourgeois), 136 vs. Italian song, 11 modernity, 30, 95. See also as modern repertoire vs. symbol of urbanization; technology the past, 5, 6 Mole, Miff, 171 motifs, 66, 71 Molino, Jean, 177 as popular vs. folk music, 174–5 Mollo, Ugo, 189n3 at private parties, 4, 14, 52, 182 Morandi, Gianni, 14 scholarship on, 3–4 Morelli, Giulia, 24 spread of, 165 Morton, Jelly Roll, 223n37 See also Caruso, Enrico; commercial Movie Actor, The, 93 music; folk music; phonograph “’Mpareme a via d’ ’a casa mia” (Show records; Neomelodica me the way to go home), 83, neomelodica, 4, 182–3 86–91, 187, 229n8 Nettl, Bruno, 174, 176, 178 Mulberry Street, 20, 22, 25, 83, 192n10 New Deal, the, 21 Muscio, Giuliana, 12, 93, 139, 195n32, New Orleans, 6, 9, 73. See also 202n54, 226n64 Original Dixieland Jass Band music New York, 7, 19, 77–8 and ethnic identity, 11, 19, 31, 180 immigrant neighborhoods, 21–3 stores, 74, 196n2, 227n3 in song, 95–6 See also ethnic music; integration: See also Little Italy; Mulberrry Street through music; Italian (identity): newspapers, 23–4, 25, 98, 185 and music positive images of Italians, 24, 41, 78 Mussolini, Benito, 5, 25, 32, 194n29 radical, 141 See also La follia di New York Naples, 7, 8, 70–1 Nobile, Umberto, 98, 214n48 nationalism nomadism in cinema, 150 of emigrants, 17, 109, 112 cultural traditions, 3, 5, 149–50, as methodology, 14, 163 202–3n55 nostalgia, 66, 72, 158, 176, 193n16 identity, 11, 79, 142, 174, 175 relief of, 23, 36, 37 language, 4, 112 in songs, 55, 62, 104, 112, 121, pride, 98 142, 204n61 unification of Italy, 5–6, 22, 173 See also loss See also Fascism Noto, Oreste, 42 254 TOPICAL INDEX

“O Katharina!,” 91, 105 Pittari, Carmelo, 3 Ohnet, Georges, 140 Ponselle, Rosa, 28 opera, 27–8 popular culture, 5, 79, 133 changes in listening to, 51 of Campania, 1–2 vs. commercial music, 9 feminization of, 133, 220–1n1 opera houses women in, 133–8 Brooklyn Academy of Music See also audience; commercial (BAM), 14, 27, 92, 185, 193n21 music; entertainment; high and Metropolitan Opera House, 27–8, low cultural hierarchy 43, 44, 49, 165, 170, 185 Porcasi, Paul, 139 See also venues Portelli, Sandro, 3, 190n21 Original Dixieland Jass Band (ODJB), Porter, Cole, 54, 212–13n34 10, 88, 110–11, 166–7, 186, prejudice 229n10. See also La Rocca, Nick against Italians, 44–5 Orsi, Robert, 73–4 against southern Europeans, 18 Owen, William Berry, 48 See also ethnic group; race southern Italy: prejudices against; stereotype Paliotti, Vittorio, 3 Prohibition, 77 Palomba, Salvatore, 3 propaganda, 32–3, 34, 194n29 Parisio, Giulio, 124, 125 Pryor, Arthur, 170 “Peanut Vendor, The,” 146, 147, 187 publishing. See books, newspapers, Peer, Ralph, 147 publishing houses Pepe, Francesco, 186 publishing houses, 9, 10, 55, 111, periodiche (private performances), 195–6n1, 197n6, 203n56, 52. See also Neopolitan song: at 216n57&59, 225n57 private parties Beka, 163 Pesce, Anita, 3, 227n2 Cafiero-Fumo Company, 15 Petrosino, Joe, 45 La Canzonetta, 25, 100, 113, 122, Pezzano, Mark, 99, 106 145, 152, 163 phonograph records, 46–7, 88 CERIA, 163–4 advertising, 39, 48–9, 50–1, 124, Columbia, 166–7 129, 132 Geniale Records, 144–5, 154–5, as democratic, 10, 47, 51, 53 163, 165 phonographs vs. gramophones, 48, Italian Book Company, 25, 100, 101, 49–50 113, 145, 163, 186 recording of, 68 Italian Publishing Company, 25 stores, 25 Okeh, 167, 186 See also diffusion: phonograph Vincent Publishing Company, 31, records and; publishing houses 186 Piazzolla, Astor, 219n15 See also ethnic music; phonograph Piedigrottas, 40–1, 101–2, 113, 144, records; Victor Talking Machine 156, 186, 196n2, 198n7 Company in Naples, 15, 149, 197n6, 223n40 Puccini, Giacomo, 51, 148 Rossi, 164–5, 186 “‘Pugilatore italiano, ’O” (The Italian See also festivals boxer), 98, 214n49 Pine, Jason, 4, 186 Puglia, Frank, 139 TOPICAL INDEX 255 race, 44–5, 73–5, 111 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, and citizenship, 18 219n13 records, 167–8, 186 Sarno, Giovanni, 3 See also audience: and race; sceneggiata, 4, 14, 132, 183, 191n36 African American; ethnic Schönberg, Arnold, 172 group; southern Italy: and race; schools, 22 whiteness music, 30–1 racket, 26 segregation, 18 radio, 32–3, 194n29 Schuller, Gunther, 75, 110–11, 208n83 contemporary Italian-American, Scialò, Pasquale, 4 33–7 Sciotti, Antonio, 4, 150, 223n34 WOV, 14, 32, 36–7, 104, 154, “Sciurillo ‘e maggio” (Little may 187, 194n28 flower), 157 See also venues “Scordame” (Forget me), 55, 58 ragtime, 115, 208n83, 216n62 Scorsese, Martin, 213n42, 225n58 record companies. See publishing Second World War, 13, 32–4, 36, 74, houses 181, 183, 227–8n3 Red Seal Catalogue (Victor), “Senza mamma” (Without mama), 48–9, 51, 169 101, 103, 158, 187, 226n64 refugees, 22 “Senza mamma e nnammurata” Ricci, 28 (Without mama and lover), 155, Rio de la Plata basin, 116 226n64 “Risa, ’a” (The laughing song), 13, sheet music, 4, 15, 69, 91, 165 84–5, 163, 185 as means of integration, 8 Riviera Five, 136 See also diffusion: sheet music and; Romanticism, 2, 66, 219n16 stock arrangement Romeyn, Esther, 97 shimmy, 114, 152 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 21, 80, Sicilian (identity), 11, 18, 19, 22, 82, 196–7n4, 208n84 141–2. See also Italian (identity) Rose, Billy, 101 Siefert, Marsha, 47, 51 Ruffo, Titta, 28 Simóns, Moíses, 146 Rulli, Dino, 136 Singing Fool, the, 105–6 rumba, 115, 146, 148, 187, 223n37 sketch. See macchietta “Rumba delle fragole, la” (Strawberry Slezak, Leo, 51 rumba), 115, 146, 147–8, 187 “Sole mio, ’o” (My own sun), 4, 26, 54, Rust, Brian, 6 63, 69, 106, 115–16, 186, 218n12 Ryder, Mitch, 182 “Sonny Boy,” 105–6 Sorce Keller, Marcello, 8, 173 Sacco and Vanzetti, 141 Sorlin, Victor, 169 sainete, 117 southern Italy San Francisco, 12, 19, 117, 140, 151, emigration from, 1, 9, 26 191–2n7 and gender, 137 “Santa Lucia luntana” (Santa Lucia far prejudices against, 44, 96 away), 121, 128, 186, 220n23 and race, 18, 73–5, 208–9n84 film, 187, 225n58, 226n64 “the southern question,” 173, 230n1, Sardou, Victorien, 140, 151 230n3 256 TOPICAL INDEX southern Italy—Continued theaters, 20, 30, 31, 151, 176, 193n20 “southernism,” 45, 199n18 marionette, 20, 81 urban entertainment, 210n4 Thalia Theater, 29–30, 31 See also dialect; Italian (identity); vaudeville, 28, 78, 89, 151, 200n29 Italian (language); Italian- See also entertainment; venues American; Neapolitan (identity) Thérien, Robert, 168, 169 Spottswood, Richard K. See “Tiempo antico” (Olden times), 56, 59–61 discography: Spottswood transnational culture, 2, 6, 162, 178 Springsteen, Bruce, 182 Troianelli, Enza, 12 “Sta terra nun fa pi mia” (This land is not for me), 142 “Uocchie celeste” (Blue eyes), 55, 59, statues, 23 63, 202n47, 224n56 Stazio, Marialuisa, 3, 5, 202–3n55 urbanization, 71, 81, 90, 96–7, 174 Stept, Sam H., 91 in Italy, 4–5 stereotype, 34, 35, 44–5, 137, 198n10 of the musician, 175–6 Vaccaro, Riccardo, 59–60, 202n44 in theater, 81, 82, 110 Vajro, Max, 3 See also prejudice; southern Italy Valentino, Rodolfo, 110 stock arrangement, 8, 84, 85, 211–12n8 Van Vechten, Carl, 20 Stravinsky, Igor, 172 vaudeville, 27, 33, 98, 110, 133, 137–8, studio band, 88, 170–1 193n20, 203n56 suffrage, 13, 134–5 influence of, 88 Sunshine, Marion, 146 recordings, 49 “Sultanto a te” (Only to you), 55, 58 women performers, 137–8, 153 See also theaters: vaudeville Tamanini, Lawrence, 34–5 venues, 19, 26–7, 28–9, 46, 78. See “Tammurriata di Pimonte,” 2, 189n1 also cinema: cinemas; coffee tango, 65–6, 116, 145, 175, 183, 186, houses; concert halls; festivals; 187, 204–5n62, 205n63, 218n7 Piedigrottas; radio; schools: maxixe (Brazilian tango), 114, 116 music; theaters; opera houses origins, 118–19, 219n15 Verdi, Giuseppe, 23 See also habanera vernacular. See also dialect “Tango delle geishe, il” (Geisha “Vesti la giubba,” 53, 208n83 tango), 130, 145, 148 Victor Salon Orchestra, 169, 170–1, “Tango rag,” 205n63 178. See also Shilkret, tarantella, 59 Nathaniel “Tarantella sincera” (Heartfelt Victor Talking Machine Company, tarantella), 55, 59, 63, 224n56 47, 48–9, 50, 53, 72, 165, 168–9. taste, 178–9, 181 See also Caruso, Enrico: contract technology, 46–7, 177 with Victor Company and aesthetics, 51, 53, 74 “Volver” (Return), 66 strangeness of, 10, 49, 52 Von Stroheim, Eric, 139 and urbanization, 174 See also cinema; phonograph waltz, 67, 100, 103, 112, 122, 145, 157 records; radio Washington, Booker T., 72–6, 186 tenements, 23, 89, 96, 192–3n15 Whiteman, Paul, 171 Tetrazzini, Luisa, 28 whiteness, 18, 73–4, 75, 81 TOPICAL INDEX 257

Wilde, Oscar, 140, 196n4 workers, 18, 46 Williams, Tennessee, 140 WOV. See radio: WOV women. See emigration: women and; jazz: women’s bands; Zappa, Frank, 182 popular culture: women in; “Zi Tore” (Uncle Tore), 100–1 vaudeville: women Ziegfeld, Florenz, 43 performers Zucchero, 35 Name Index

Acciani,Tobia, 78, 205n63 Benjamin, Dorothy, 60 Acierno, Feliciano, 29, 31, 144, 155, Bennett, Leonore, 205n63 186, 222n33 Berti, Rita, 14, 156 Acierno, Franco (Frank), 144, 155 Bianchi, Gennaro, 78 Aguglia, Mimì, 13, 30, 78, 127, Bideri, Ferdinando, 63, 120, 138–43, 151, 153, 185, 215n55 186, 196n2, 197n6, 203n56, Albano, Ferdinando, 100 216n58 Albin, Gustavo, 113, 131, 186 Bijou, Ester, 154 Alessandro, Antonietta Bijou, Ninì, 115, 154, 186 Pisanelli, 151 Billi, Vincenzo, 202n44 Altavilla, Pasquale, 211n16 Biricchina, Ninì, 154 Amato, Gennaro, 78 Bonagura, Enzo, 146 Amauli, Giulio, 31, 36, 37 Bonavolontà, Giuseppe, 100, 112 Amodio, Frank, 41, 93, 99, 105, Bonci, Alessandro, 51, 196–7n4 159, 205n64 Bonnard, Mario, 111 Andreatini, Gilda. See Mignonette, Bourdon, Rosario, 168–9, 170 Gilda Bovio, Libero, 4, 54, 100, 122, 158, Andreatini, Oscar, 151 220n24, 228n5 Anselmi, Angelo, 151 Bracco, C. A., 202n44 Aratoli, Alfred, 147 Brandi, Leo, 78, 127 Arvizu, Juan, 166 Bruges, Ada (Ida Papaccio), 126, 153, Aschettino, Ciro, 112 154, 166 Aversano, Nick, 101, 104, 159 Bruno, Aldo, 78 Bruno, Amelia, 154 Balsamo, Raffaele, 102–4, 105, 152–3, Bruno, Stella, 154 179, 186 Bufano, Remo, 20 Baratta, Salvatore, 41, 78, 150, 151, Buongiovanni, Francesco, 152, 158 224n52 Buongiovanni, Pasquale, 102, Barile, Franco, 165 144, 187, 214–15n53, Barthelemy, Riccardo, 56, 202n44 224n56 Bascetta, Alfredo, 31, 78, 103, 141, Buti, Carlo, 156, 187 156, 158, 225n57 Battiparano, Enrico, 102, 145 Califano, Aniello, 196n2, 216n58 Bellezza, Vincenzo, 54 Camerlingo, D. J., 159 260 NAME INDEX

Camerlingo, Gennaro, 41, 55, 58, 59, Cossovich, Enrico, 54 78, 152, 157, 158, 224n56 Costantino, 51 Campagnone, Catherine, 226n64 Cottone, Melchiorre Mauro, 28 Campobasso, Alberto, 102, 222n33 Cottrau, Teodoro, 54 Canoro, Luigi, 99, 157, 214–15n53 Creatore, Giuseppe, 9, 185, 194–5n30 Cantalamessa, Berardo, 84, 163, 185, 212n19 Daddi, Francesco, 152 Capolongo, Gennaro, 105 Damone, Vic, 182 Capurro, Giovanni, 4, 54, 101, 115 Darin, Bobby, 182 Caputo, Mauro, 14, 112, 182 D’Avanzo, Nicolino, 101 Cardilli, Mauro V., 100 De Caro, Frank, 82 Cardillo, Salvatore, 55, 156, 186, De Charny, Nina (Giovanna Cardini), 195–6n1 157–8 Cardillo, Vincenzo, 25 De Crescenzo, Vincenzo, 28, 55, 58–9, Cardini, Giovanna. 78, 102, 150, 151, 152, 155, 185, See De Charny, Nina 201–2n43, 224n52 Cardoville, Ida, 154 De Curtis, Ernesto, 54, 159, 196–7n4 Carnera, Primo, 98, 214n50 De Laurentiis, Giuseppe, 8, 78, 93–9, Carroll, Earl, 56 100, 175, 187, 205n64, 214n50 Caruso, Enrico. See Caruso, Enrico; De Luca, Giuseppe, 78, 102, 103, 144, Gaisberg, Fred; Giachetti, Ada 159, 187, 195–6n1 Caslar, Dan (Donato Casolaro), 78, De Luca, Raffaele (Ralph), 40, 101, 103 109–12, 175, 186 De Martino, Giacomo, 25 Castellucci, Omero, 145 De Matienzo, Teresa, 29–30, 31, 138, Cataldo, F., 159 150–3, 154 Cennerazzo, Armando, 100–2, 159, De Nunzio, Arthur, 159 185, 187, 202n52 De Rosalia, Giovanni. See Nofrio Chiappello, Carly, 112, 185 De Stefano, Ettore, 39 Chiurazzi, Raffaele, 100 De Stefano, Rosina, 10, 78, 138, 155, Ciannelli, Eduardo, 62, 202n54, 229n17 226n64 Ciaramella, Roberto, 78, 125, 126, De Vito, Mariano, 112 144, 152, 154–5, 166, 186, Defrancesco, Joey, 35 187, 222n33, 225n57 Del Colle, Giovanni, 100 Cibelli, Alfredo, 91, 165–6, 185, Del Gaizo, Diodato, 152 228n5, 228–9n7 Denza, Luigi, 56 Cibelli, Eugenio, 224n56 Di Capua, Eduardo, 54, 115, 181, Cioffi, Giuseppe, 146 229n8 Coll, E. Palacio, 166 Di Capua, Ernesto, 54 Columbo, Russ, 216–17n64 Di Giacomo, Salvatore, 3, 4, 135, Como, Perry, 176 189n1 Conte, Luisa, 15 Di Landa, Annita, 122, 199 Contursi, Enrico, 114, 186 Dia, Dick, 14 Cordiferro, Riccardo. See Sisca, DiMucci, Dion, 182 Alessandro Donadio, Luigi, 101, 103, 155, 157, Coruzzolo, Silvia, 154–5, 166, 186, 159, 226n64 222n33 Donnarumma, Elvira, 225n57 NAME INDEX 261

Ducal, Rodolfo, 166 Gill, Armando, 55, 113, 201n41, Durante, Jimmy, 93 224n56, 225n61 Gioè, Giuseppe, 55, 61–2, 65, 72, Esposito, Gaetano. See Pasqualotto 101, 159 Esposito, P. L. (Pasquale Esposito), 55, Gioia, Mario, 132, 165 61, 65, 72, 78, 101 Giordano, Mimì, 115, 187 Esposito, Raffaele, 163 Giovannelli, Attilio, 78 Giuliani, Americo, 113 Farfariello (Eduardo Migliaccio). Godsoe, Harold, 187, 225n58, See Farfariello 226n64 Feola, Francesco, 101, 152 Grasso, Giovanni, 19, 139 Ferraù, Vincenzo, 139–40 Grauso, Antonio, 39 Ferrazzano, Tony, 81, 91–2 Gravina, Cesare, 139 Forte, Fabian, 182 Griffo, Giovanni, 114 Fougez, Anna, 3, 136 Guarnieri, Fernando, 206n66 Franchi, Luigia, 138 Guizar, Tito, 166 Francis, Connie, 176, 182 Franco, Gino, 113 Howard, William K., 146 Frustaci, Pasquale, 114, 159 Fucito, Salvatore, 55, 58 Ietti, Domenico (Jetti), 41, 101, 155, Funicello, Annette, 182 226n64 Ingenito, Giovanni, 102, 157 Gabrè, Nino, 104 Invernizio, Carolina, 24, 135 Gaeta, Giovanni Ermete. Iraci, John, 36, 194n28 See Mario, E. A. Izzo, Guido, 164, 201n43 Gaisberg, Fred, 49, 163, 185, 199–200n26. See also Johnson, Albert, 136 Caruso, Enrico Johnson, Eldridge R., 48, 49, 51, 53, Galdieri, Michele, 111 199n25 Galdieri, Rocco, 120 Johnson, George W., 84, 185 Gallo, Fortunato, 30 Johnson, Lydia, 136 Gambardella, Salvatore, 63, 152, 203n56, 216n58 King, Eddie, 170 Garcia, Manuele, 27, 185 King, Irving, 83 Gardel, Carlos, 65–6, 118, 166, 186 Gardenia, Gennaro and La Capria, Raffaele, 148, 223n39 Vincenzo, 15 La Rocca, Nick, 110, 229n10. Gatti-Casazza, Giulio, 43 See also Original Dixieland Genoino, Giulio, 64 Jass Band Giachetti, Ada, 60, 198n10. Lama, Gaetano, 78, 101, 113, 119–20, See also Caruso, Enrico 121–2, 145, 148, 186, 224n52 Giambone, Nicola, 41 Libardo (Libaldi), 157, 225n61 GianNinì, Diego, 214n53 Lombardo, Gay, 28 Gigli, Beniamino, 3, 28, 111, 224n56 Lovano, Joe, 35 Giglio, Clemente, 29–30, 82 Loveri, Carlo, 114, 187 Gildo, Armando, 157, 225n61 Luciano, Lucky, 223n34 262 NAME INDEX

Mafalda (Mafalda Carta), 156, Notari, Elvira, 12, 135 198n7, 225n59 Nutile, Emanuele, 54 Maggi, Luigi, 139 Maggio, Mimì, 155, 186, 222n33 Onofri, Guglielmo, 102 Magliani, Agostino, 140 Ostuni, Mario, 101 Magnani, Anna, 135 Ottaviano, Gennaro, 224n50 Maiori, Antonio, 29, 226n66 Maldacea, Nicola, 83, 84, 215n55 Palumbo, Dolores, 15 Mario, E. A. (Giovanni Ermete Gaeta), Paolella, Mariano, 64 51, 53, 54, 62, 85, 110, 111, 121, Parisi, (couple), 32 125, 126–8, 147, 200, 201 Pasqualotto (Gaetano Esposito), 31, Marks, Charley, 91 61, 103, 158 Marrone, Mario, 115, 187 Pasquariello, Gennaro, 14 Martin, Dean, 35, 93, 176, 182 Pasternak, Josef, 54, 169 Martin, Riccardo, 51 Patti, Adelina, 27, 47, 185, 193n21 Martini, Nino, 28 Pennino, Francesco, 78, 101, 103, 104, Martoglio, Nino, 139 157, 158, 187, 226n64 Mascheroni, Vittorio, 56 Pennino, Gaetano, 152, 154 Masiello, Joe, 14, 106, 154, 179 Prima, Louis, 10, 181–2 Massey, Guy, 105 Profes, Anton, 91 Matino, Pat, 35 Mazzini, Giuseppe, 23 Quaranta, Gennaro, 31, 102, 151, 159 Melina, Alfredo, 41, 78, 150, 152 Quaranta, Salvatore, 78, 102 Merola, Mario, 14 Miccio, Tony, 159 Reibold, Bruno, 91, 168 Migliaccio, Arnold, 85 Renard, Carlo (Carlo Della Volpe), 78, Migliaccio, Eduardo. See Farfariello 101, 156 Mignonette, Gilda (Gilda Andreatini), Rendine, Furio, 15 4, 10, 29, 78, 115, 129, 138, Ricciardi, Gugliemo, 29, 158, 226n66 143–50, 153, 154–5, 156, 158, 165, Ripoli, Pasquale, 113, 131, 164, 186 166, 178, 179, 187, 198n7, 205n64, Rogers, Walter B., 54 214n53, 222n33, 227–8n3, 229n8 Romani, Romano, 105, 148, 168 Milano, Giuseppe, 91, 100–1, 104–6, Ronca, Giovanni, 92 132, 152, 214 Ronca, Pasquale, 92 Minciotti, Silvio, 36 Rosa, Ria, 10, 99, 106, 138, 155–6, 157, Mongillo, Antonio, 39, 196n2 187, 214–15n53, 225n57 Mongillo, Pietro, 25 Roselli, Jimmy, 14 Montagna, Alberto, 152, 224n51 Rossi, Ernesto, 163, 186, 227–8n3 Musco, Angelo, 19, 139 Rossi, Louis, 154–6, 227–8n3 Russo, Ferdinando, 4, 54 Nardi, Mauro, 14, 182 Russo, Salvatore, 41 Nicolardi, Edoardo, 152 Russo, Vincenzo, 4, 54, 181, 229n8 Nicolò, Mario, 78, 101, 114, 122, 145, 158, 163–5, 186, 187 Sacerdoti, Renzo, 36 Nofrio (Giovanni De Rosalia), 29, 30, Santelia, Gina, 156, 158–9 41, 82, 133, 165, 211n14 Schipa, Tito, 111, 224n56 NAME INDEX 263

Scotti, Vito, 159 Tagliaferri, Eduardo, 112 Secchi de Casali, G. F., 24 Tagliaferri, Ernesto, 103, 122, 155, 159 Segrè, Raffaello, 55, 159, 196n2 Taranto, Nino, 15 Shilkret, Arthur, 170, 172 Tetamo, Giuseppe, 164 Shilkret, Nathaniel, 83–4, 103, 168, Tieri, Francois, 216–17n64 169–72, 186. See also Victor Tirado, Alfonso Ortiz, 166 Salon Orchestra Tocci, Francesco, 25 Sigismondi, Aristide, 32 Tortora, S. N. (Salvatore Neri), 148 Sinatra, Frank, 35, 176, 182, Tosti, Francesco Paolo, 54, 56 216–17n64 Sisca, Alessandro (Riccardo Vale, Jerry, 14 Cordiferro), 36, 39, 42, 54–5, Valente, Nicola, 122, 152, 224n52 76, 78, 186, 187, 195–6n1, Valli, Frankie, 182 214–15n53. See also Vanni, Pietro, 25 La follia di New York Vento, Pacifico, 114, 158, 164, 187 Sisca, Francesco, 39, 185. Venuti, Joe, 171 See also La follia di Verdile, Alessandro, 41 New York Viviani, Raffaele, 144, 222n32 Sisca, Marziale, 39. See also La follia di New York Warren, Harry (Salvatore Guaragna), Somma, Vittorio, 31, 214–15n53 91, 175, 212–13n34 Sousa, John Philip, 27, 54, 169, 170, Weinberg, Mortimer, 91 193n22 Stella, Clara, 138, 155 Yon, Pietro, 28