Patrice lumumba book pdf

Continue Patrice Lumumba was the leader of the struggle for independence in the modern Democratic Republic of the Congo, as well as the country's first democratically elected Prime Minister. After the rapid rise of the colonial civil service and the African political elite, he became a major figure in the decolonization movement of the 1950s. Lumumba's short tenure as Prime Minister (1960- 1961) was marked by the uncompromising protection of Congolese national interests from pressure from international mining companies and Western governments that orchestrated his eventual demise. Geopolitical manoeuvres during the Cold War and the well-coordinated efforts of Lumumba's internal adversaries culminated in his assassination at the age of thirty-five with the support, or at least tacit complicity of the U.S. and Belgian governments, the CIA and the UN Secretariat. Even decades after Lumumba's death, his personal honesty and unwavering commitment to the ideals of self-determination, self-reliance and pan-African solidarity guarantee him a prominent place among the heroes of the African independence movement of the twentieth century and the global African diaspora. George Nsongola-Ntalaji's short and concise book provides a contemporary analysis of Lumumba's life and work, looking at both his strengths and weaknesses as a political leader. It also examines the national, continental and international context of Lumumba's political rise and its rapid elimination because of interests threatened by his ideas and practical reforms. Patrice Lumumba, the first Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo and a pioneer of African unity, was assassinated on 17 January 1961. Democratically elected to lead the National Congolese Party, which he founded in 1958, Lumumba was at the center of growing popular disobedience to the colonial domination imposed by Belgium. When independence was finally won in June 1960, his unscheduled speech at official ceremonies in Kinshasa received a standing ovation and made him a hero to millions of people. Always a threat to those who sought to keep a hidden imperialist hand over the country, however, he became for months the victim of an insidious conspiracy and was arrested and then tortured and executed. This book unravels the terrifying mass of lies, hypocrisy and betrayal that have surrounded the accounts of murder since its commission. Using a vast array of official sources, as well as the personal testimony of many of those in Congo at the time, Ludo de Witte reveals a network of complicity ranging from the Belgian government to the CIA. The cooling of official memos detailing the elimination and threats to national interests is analysed alongside grim tales of the destruction of evidence, resulting in Patrice Lumumba's personal strength and his dignified pursuit of African unity dramatically with one of the the highlights of the twentieth-century politics. Lumumba redirects here. For other people and those using the name Lumumba, see Lumumba (disambiguation). 20th Century Congo Prime Minister and leader Patrice Lumumba in 19601st Prime Minister of the Republic of Congo24 June 1960 - September 5, 1960SJosef Casa-WubuDeputiAntuan GisengaProposed CreatedSocefOminsicia Ilauhiner Defense of the Republic of The Congo In office June 24, 1960 - September 5, 1960 Personal DataBornelis Okit'Asombo (now Democratic Republic of Congo) Died 17 January 1961 (age 35) near Lisabwilleme, Katanga (now Lumbabushi, The cause of death Is the cause of death by the shootingPolitical PartyCongolez National Movement Patrice Omeri Lumumba (/lʊˈmʊmbə/; 4 alternative-style Patrice Hemery Lumumba; July 2, 1925 -January 17, 1961) - a Congolese politician and independence leader who served as the first prime minister of the independent Democratic Republic of the Congo (then Republic of Congo) from June 1960. He played a significant role in transforming Congo from a Belgian colony to an independent republic. Ideologically African nationalist and pan-African, he led the Congolese National Movement (MNC) party from 1958 until his assassination. Shortly after Congo's independence in 1960, an army mutiny erupted, marking the beginning of the Congo crisis. Lumumba appealed to the United States and the United Nations for help in suppressing Belgian-backed Katanga separatists led by Moise Tsombe. Both refused, so Lumumba turned to the Soviet Union for support. This has led to growing divisions with President Joseph Casa-Wubu and Chief of Staff Joseph-Desiree Mobutu, as well as with the United States and Belgium, which opposed the Soviet Union during the Cold War. After his assassination, he was widely regarded as a martyr to the broader pan-African movement. In 2002, Belgium formally apologized for its role in the murder. Early Life and Career Photo of the young Lumumba, c. 1950s Patrice Lumumba was born on July 2, 1925, in Onalua, in the Catacocomb area of The Kasai Province of The Belgian Congo. He was a member of the Tetela ethnic group and was born with the name Alias Okit'Asombo. His original surname means heir to the damned and comes from the words Tetela ocita/okitɔ́ (heir, successor) and asombe (cursed or enchanted people who will die quickly). He had three brothers (Charles Lokolonga, Emil Kalema and Louis Onema Lumumba) and one half brother (Tolenga Jin). Growing up in a Catholic family, he was educated at a Protestant elementary school, a Catholic missionary school, and finally at a public post office training school, where he completed a year-long course with honors. Lumumba spoke in Tetela, French, Lingala, Swahili, and Tshiluba. Outside of his regular research, Lumumba became interested in the ideals of the Enlightenment, in that they were the lian-yuk Rousseau and Voltaire. He also loved Moliere and Victor Hugo. He wrote poetry, and many of his works had an anti-imperialist theme. He worked as a beer salesman in Leopoldville and as a postal clerk at the Stanleyville Post Office for eleven years. In 1951 he married Pauline Ogang. In the post-World War II period, young leaders across Africa have increasingly worked for national goals and independence from colonial powers. In 1955, Lumumba became the regional head of Cercles of Stanleyville and joined the Liberal Party of Belgium. Edited and distributed party literature. After studying in Belgium in 1956, he was arrested on charges of embezzling $2,500.12 from a post office. A year later, he was found guilty and sentenced to twelve months in prison and a fine. In 1958, after the liberation of Lumumba, MNC leader Patrice Lumumba helped establish the National Congolese Party (MNC) on October 5, 1958, and quickly became the organization's leader. MNCs, unlike other Congolese parties developing at the time, did not rely on a specific ethnic base. It promoted a platform that included independence, the gradual Africanization of government, state economic development and neutrality in international affairs. Lumumba was a great popular following, because of his personal charisma, excellent oratory, and ideological sophistication. As a result, he had more political autonomy than his contemporaries, who depended more on Belgian ties. Lumumba was one of the delegates who represented the MNC at the All-African Peoples Conference in Accra, Ghana, in December 1958. At this international conference organized by the President of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, Lumumba further strengthened his pan-African beliefs. Nkrumah was personally impressed by Lumumba's intelligence and abilities. At the end of October 1959, Lumumba, as leader of the MNC, was arrested for inciting anti-colonial riots in Stanleyville; Thirty people were killed. He was sentenced to 69 months in prison. The trial began on 18 January 1960, the first day of the Congolese Roundtable in Brussels, to draw up a plan for the future of the Congo. Despite Lumumba's imprisonment, the MNC won a convincing majority in The December Local Elections in Congo. As a result of intense pressure from delegates, frustrated over Lumumba, he was released and allowed to participate in the Brussels conference. Conference. and the election of Prime Minister Lumumba, pictured in Brussels at the 1960 roundtable with other members of the MNC-L conference, the Conference ended on 27 January with the proclamation of Congo's independence. It established 30 June 1960 as the date of independence with national elections to be held from 11 to 25 May 1960. The MNC won a majority of votes in the elections. Six weeks before the date of independence, Walter Hanshof van der Mersch was appointed Minister for Africa of Belgium. He lived in Leopoldville, effectively becoming the de facto Minister of Belgium in the Congo, administering it with Governor-General Hendrik Cornelis. He was accused of advising Baudouin on the choice of a formatist. On June 8, Hanshof flew to Brussels to meet Baudouin. He made three proposals for the formatist: Lumumba as the winner of the election; Casa-Wubu, the only figure with a strong national reputation that has been associated with opposition drillers; or any third person who could unite the competing blocks. Ganshof returned to Congo on June 12. The following day, he appointed Lumumba as a delegate (informant) to examine the possibility of forming a government of national unity composed of politicians with a wide range of views, and as a deadline he was appointed on 16 June. On the same day that Lumumba was appointed, the parliamentary opposition coalition National Cartel was announced. Although Casa-Wubu was in accordance with their beliefs, he remained away from them. MNC-L also had problems securing the loyalty of PSA, CEREA, and BALUBAKAT. Lumumba was initially unable to make contact with members of the cartel. In the end, several leaders were appointed to meet with him, but their positions remained the same. On June 16, Lumumba reported on his difficulties to Ganshof, who extended the term and promised to work out as a mediator between the leader of the MNC and the opposition. After Hanshof became involved with the cartel leadership, he was impressed by their stubbornness and assurances of resolute anti-Lumumba policy. By the evening, Lumumba's mission showed even less chance of success. Hanshof considered extending the role of informant to Adula and Kasa-Wubu, but faced growing pressure from Belgian and moderate Congolese advisers to end Lumumba's appointment. The next day, Ganhof stated that Lumumba had failed and had ceased his mission. Acting on the advice of Gansof, Baudouin called Casa-Wubu a format. In response, Lumumba threatened to form his own government and present it to parliament without official approval. He convened a meeting at the OK bar in Leopoldville, where he announced the creation of a people's government with the support of PIERRE Mulele of PSA. Meanwhile, Casa-Wubu, like could not contact his political opponents. He assumed that he would secure the presidency, so he started looking for someone who could become his prime minister. Most of the candidates he considered friends had foreign support similar to his own, including Kalonji, Ileo, Cyril Adula and Justin Bomboko. Casa-Wubu was in no hurry to reach a final decision. On June 18, Casa-Wubu announced that he had completed his government with all parties except MNC-L. On the same day, Xenwe, Gizenga and Kashamura announced in the presence of Lumumba that their respective parties were not committed to the Government. The next day, Hanshof summoned Casa-Wuba and Lumumba to a meeting to work out a compromise. This failed when Lumumba flatly resigned as prime minister in the Casa-Wubu government. The following day they met in the presence of Adula and diplomats from Israel and Ghana, but no agreement was reached. Lumumba (center left) poses with his government outside the Nation's Palace immediately after his investments Most party leaders refused to support a government that does not include Lumumba. The decision to make Casa-Wubu a format was the catalyst that rallied PSA, CEREA and BALUBAKAT in Lumumba, making it unlikely that Casa-Wubu would be able to form a government that would survive a vote of confidence. When the House met on 21 June to select its officials, Joseph Kasongo of MNC-L was elected President by 74 votes (majority), while two vice-presidents were supported by PSA and CEREA candidates, both of whom received Lumumba's support. Over time, at the end of the time before independence, Baudouin took a new advice from Gansof and appointed Lumumba formatter. As soon as it became clear that Lumumba's bloc controlled parliament, several members of the opposition began to seek negotiations on a coalition government to divide the government. By June 22, Lumumba had a government list, but negotiations continued with Bolicango, Albert Delvo and Casa Wubu. Lumumba reportedly offered ABACO ministerial posts on foreign affairs and the middle class, but instead Casa-Wubu demanded from the Ministry of Finance, the Minister of State, the Minister of the Interior and a written pledge of support from MNK-L and his allies in his candidacy for the presidency. Kalonji was presented to Lumumba with a portfolio of agriculture, which he rejected, although he was suitable because of his experience as an agricultural engineer. Adule was also offered the position of minister, but she refused to accept it. By the morning of June 23, the government, according to Lumumba, had virtually formed. At noon, he made a counter-offer to Casa-Wubu, who instead responded with a letter demanding the creation of a seventh province for Bacongo. Lumumba refused to obey and that promised to support Jin Bolikango in his bid for the presidency. At 2:45 p.m., he presented his proposal to the government before the press. Neither ABACO nor MNK-K were represented among the ministers, and the only members of the PSA were representatives of the gizenga wing. Bacongo of Leopoldvil was deeply upset by their exclusion from Lumumba's office. They subsequently demanded the resignation of the GOVERNMENT of the PSA-dominated province and called for a general strike the next morning. Negotiations resumed at 4 p.m. Casa-Wubu eventually accepted Lumumba's previous proposal, although Lumumba informed him that he could not guarantee his support for his candidacy for the presidency. The 37-strong government of Lumumba was very diverse, its members were from different classes, different tribes and held different political beliefs. Although many had dubious loyalty to Lumumba, most of them did not openly contradict him because of political considerations or fear of reprisals. At 22:40 on June 23, the Chamber of Deputies gathered in the Palace of the Nation to vote for the government of Lumumba. After Kasongo opened the session, Lumumba delivered his keynote address, pledging to preserve national unity, respect the will of the people and pursue a neutral foreign policy. It was warmly received by the majority of deputies and observers. The House has begun a heated debate. Despite the fact that the Government contained party members who held 120 of the 137 seats, achieving a majority was not an easy task. Although several opposition leaders participated in the formation talks, their parties were generally not consulted. In addition, some individuals were upset that they were not included in the Government and sought to personally prevent its investment. In subsequent arguments, several deputies expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of representation in their provinces and/or parties, several of whom threatened secession. Among them was Kalonji, who said he would encourage the Kasai people to refrain from participating in the central government and form their own autonomous state. One of the Katanga deputies objected to the same person appointed by the Prime Minister and head of the defence portfolio. When the vote was finally taken, only 80 of the 137 members of the House were present. Of these, 74 voted for the Government, five against, and one abstained. The 57 absences were almost voluntary. Although the government received as many votes as when Kasongo was elected President of the House, the support was not the same; members of Kamitato's wing in the PSA voted against the Government, while several members of PNG, PUN and ABACO voted for it. Overall, the vote was a disappointment for the MNC-L coalition. has been deferred in June 24. The Senate met that day to vote for the government. There was another heated discussion, during which Ilyao and Adula expressed their strong dissatisfaction with its composition. Conakat members abstained from voting. When the arguments were completed, the decisive vote of approval was passed by the government: 60 voted in favor, 12 against, while eight abstained. All the arguments of the dissidents in favour of alternative cabinets, in particular Kalonji's demand for a new administration, were powerless, and the Lumumba government was officially invested. With the establishment of a broad coalition, the parliamentary opposition was officially reduced only to MNC-K and some individuals. He was concerned that opposition to his government would emerge quickly and should be managed quickly and decisively. To achieve the first goal, Lumumba believed that a comprehensive afribalization of the administration would be needed, despite its risks. The Belgians were against such an idea, as it would create inefficiency in the Congo bureaucracy and lead to a mass exodus of unemployed civil servants to Belgium, whom they would not be able to absorb into the government there. Lumumba was late for Africanization before independence. In an effort to make another gesture that could excite the Congolese people, Lumumba suggested that the Belgian Government reduce the sentences for all prisoners and grant amnesty to those serving three years or less. Hanshof feared that such actions would jeopardize law and order, and evaded any action until it was too late to comply with the request. Lumumba's opinion of the Belgians was soured by the case, which contributed to his fears that independence would not seem real to the average Congolese. In an effort to eradicate tribalism and regionalism in the Congo, Lumumba was deeply inspired by Kwame Nkrumah's personality and initiatives and Ghana's ideas of leadership in post-colonial Africa. He worked to push for such changes through MNC. Lumumba intended to unite him with his parliamentary allies - CEREA, PSA and possibly BALUBAKAT - to form one national party and build a next in each province. He hopes that it will absorb other parties and become a unifying force for the country. Congo's independence ceremony, 30 June 1960, at which Lumumba gave a speech on independence. Independence Day was celebrated on 30 June at a ceremony attended by many dignitaries, including King Baudouin of Belgium and the foreign press. Baudouin's speech praised the events his reference to the genius of his great great Leopold II in Belgium obscures the atrocities committed during his reign over the Free State of the Congo. Belgian Prime Minister Gaston Eiskens, who checked the text, felt that the passage had gone too far. He wanted to renounce this reference to Leopold II. The King had limited political power in Belgium, but he was free to write his own speeches (after being reviewed by the government). The king continued: Don't jeopardize the future with hasty reforms and don't replace the structures that Belgium sends to you until you are sure you can do better. Don't be afraid to come to us. We will take care of you, give you advice. President Casa-Wubu thanked the king. Lumumba, who was not to speak, delivered an impromptu speech that reminded the audience that Congo's independence had not been granted generously by Belgium: For this independence of the Congo, although it is proclaimed today by an agreement with Belgium, a friendly country with which we are on equal terms, no Congolese worthy of this name will ever be able to forget that it was the result of the fighting that it was won, day after day, the struggle , an ardent and idealistic struggle, a struggle in which we were not spared neither hardship nor suffering, and for which we gave our strength and our blood. We are proud of this struggle, by the tears, of fire and blood, of the depth of our existence, for it was a noble and clear struggle, and necessary to put an end to the humiliating slavery imposed upon us by force. [...] Most European journalists were shocked by Lumumba's harsh speech. Western media criticized him. Time described his speech as a poisonous attack. In the West, many feared that the speech would be a call to arms that would revive Belgian-Congolese hostilities and plunge the former Belgian colony into chaos. The Prime Minister of Independence sat at a huge table at seven o'clock each morning, adorned with the forgotten coat of arms of colonial Belgium; golden lion in a blue shield. There the prime minister for the first time received his direct assistants, set a schedule for the day, switched to correspondence, to which he answered. Without stopping until the evening he received sellers, petitioners, donors, experts, businessmen and diplomats, the most motley crowds that ever walked through the market ... everyone wanted to deal exclusively with Lumumba. Prime Minister's spokeswoman Serge Michel and follow him three days have been declared a national holiday. Congolese were busy with the holidays, which were held in the relative world. Meanwhile, Lumumba's office was gripped by a barrage of activity. A diverse group of people, Congolese and European, some friends and relatives, rushed about their work. Some have taken missions on his behalf, sometimes without direct permission. Numerous Congolese citizens came to the office for various reasons. Lumumba, in turn, was mainly concerned with the long route of receptions and ceremonies. On 3 July, Lumumba declared a general amnesty for prisoners, but it was never implemented. The next morning, he convened the Council of Ministers to discuss the unrest among the troops of the Military Republic. Many soldiers had hoped that independence would lead to immediate promotion and material gain, but were frustrated by the slow pace of Lumumba's reforms. Private believes that the Congolese political class, especially ministers in the new Government, are enriched without improving the situation of the troops. Many soldiers are also tired of maintaining order during the elections and participating in the celebration of independence. The Ministers decided to set up four committees to examine, respectively, the reorganization of the administration, the judiciary and the army, as well as the adoption of a new charter for public servants. All of them should pay special attention to the eradication of racial discrimination. Parliament met for the first time since independence and passed its first formal legislative measures, voting to raise the salaries of its members to 500,000 euros. Lumumba, fearing the impact the increase would have on the budget, was one of the few to object to, calling it ruinous stupidity. The outbreak of the crisis in the Congo on the morning of 5 July, General Emil Janssens, Commander of the Publi Forces, in response to the growing unrest among the Congolese ranks, summoned all the troops on duty in camp Leopold II. That evening, a Congolese man ransacked a dining room in protest against the Janssens. He alerted the reserve garrison to Camp Hardy, 95 miles from Teesville. Officers tried to set up a convoy to send to camp Leopold II to restore order, but the men muted and seized the arsenal. Crises that dominated the Lumumba government will follow. Prime Minister Lumumba's official portrait the next day dismissed Janssens and promoted all Congolese soldiers to one class, but the insurgency spread to Lower Congo. Although the disaster was highly localized, the country seemed to be overrun by gangs of soldiers and looters. (The media reported that the Europeans had fled the country. In response, Lumumba said on the radio: Reforms are planned in all sectors. My government will make every possible effort to see that our country has another face in a few months, a few weeks . Despite the government's efforts, the insurgency The rebels in Leopoldville and Teesville surrendered only after the personal intervention of Lumumba and President Kas- Wubu. On July 8, Lumumba renamed Force Public as National Congolese (ANC). He Africanized the forces by appointing Major General Victor Lundula as Commander-in-Chief and elected a junior minister and former soldier, Joseph Mobutu, as colonel and chief of staff of the army. These actions were made despite Lundula's inexperience and rumors of Mobutu's links with Belgian and American intelligence services. All European officers have been replaced, some of whom have been retained as advisers. The next day, the insurgency spread across the country. Five Europeans, including the Italian vice-consul, were ambushed and killed by machine gun fire in Olisabetville, and almost all of Luluaburg's European population barricaded themselves in an office building for security reasons. It is estimated that about two dozen Europeans were killed in the mutiny. Lumumba and Kasa-Wubu toured the country to promote peace and appoint new ANC commanders. On 10 July, Belgium intervened, visiting 6,000 troops in the Congo, ostensibly to protect its citizens from violence. Most Europeans went to Katanga province, which has most of Congo's natural resources. Although Lumumba was personally angry, he condoned the action on 11 July, provided that the Belgian forces acted only to protect their citizens, followed the instructions of the Congolese army and ceased operations after the restoration of order. On the same day, the Belgian navy shelled Matadi after he evacuated its citizens, killing 19 Congolese. This has led to a significant escalation of tensions, leading to a resumption of Congolese attacks on Europeans. Shortly thereafter, Belgian forces occupied towns throughout the country, including the capital, where they clashed with Congolese soldiers. In general, the Belgian intervention made the situation worse for the ANC. The next day, Lumumba and Casa-Wubu were denied the use of the runway in Lisabethville, and they returned to the capital, but they were approached by fleeing Belgians. They sent a protest to the UN against the deployment of Belgium, asked them to leave and be replaced by international peacekeeping forces. The UN Security Council has adopted UN Security Council Resolution 143 calling for the immediate dismantling of Belgian forces and the United Nations operation in Congo (ONUC). Despite the arrival of UN troops, the unrest continued. Lumumba asked U.N. troops to quell the Katanga uprising, but U.N. forces were not authorized to do so in accordance with their mandate. July 14 and Casa-Wubu severed relations with Belgium. Frustrated with their work with the West, they sent a telegram to Soviet Prime Minister Nikita Khrushchev asking them to closely monitor the situation in Congo. A trip abroad to Lumumba, which arrived in New York on July 24, 1960, Lumumba decided to travel to New York to personally express her government's position at the United Nations. Shortly before his departure, he announced that he had signed an economic agreement with an American businessman who had established the International Congo Governance Corporation (CIMCO). Under the contract (which has not yet been ratified by Parliament), CIMCO was to form a development corporation to invest and manage certain sectors of the economy. He also announced his endorsement of the second Security Council resolution, adding that Soviet assistance was no longer needed and announced his intention to seek technical assistance from the United States. On July 22, Lumumba left Congo for New York. Two days after a brief stop in Accra and London, he and his entourage reached the United States. There, they met with their UN delegation at the Barclay Hotel to prepare for meetings with UN officials. Lumumba focused on discussing the withdrawal of Belgian troops and various technical assistance options with Dag Hammarskjold. African diplomats were interested in the success of the meetings; they persuaded Lumumba to wait until Congo was more stable before reaching any larger economic agreements (such as the SIMCO agreement). Lumumba saw Hammarskjold and other staff members of the UN Secretariat on July 24, 25 and 26. Although Lumumba and Hammarskjold were kept together, their discussions went smoothly. At a press conference, Lumumba reaffirmed his government's commitment to positive neutrality. On July 27, Lumumba traveled to Washington, D.C., the U.S. capital. He met with the U.S. Secretary of State and sought financial and technical assistance. The U.S. government informed Lumumba that they would only offer aid through the United Nations. The next day, he received a telegram from Gizenga detailing the clash in Colvesi between Belgian and Congolese forces. Lumumba felt that the UN was hindering his attempts to expel Belgian troops and defeat the Katanga rebels. On July 29, he traveled to Ottawa, the capital of Canada. The Canadians rejected the request of the technicians and said they would provide their assistance through the UN. Frustrated, Lumumba met with the Soviet ambassador and discussed the donation of military equipment. The next night, when he returned to New York, he was detained in relation to the UN. The position of the United States Government has become more negative because of reports of rape and violence perpetrated by ANC soldiers and the attention paid by Belgium. The latter was distressed that received a high-level reception in Washington. The Belgian government considered Lumumba communist, anti-white and anti-Western. Given his experience in the Congo, many other Western governments have given confidence in the Belgian point of view. Frustrated by the apparent inaction of the United Nations towards Katanga when he left the United States, Lumumba decided to postpone his return to The Congo. He visited several African states. This appears to have been done to put pressure on Hammarskjold and, which has not been possible, seek guarantees of bilateral military support to suppress Katanga. From 2 to 8 August, Lumumba visited Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Ghana, Liberia and Togoland. It was well received in each country and issued joint communiques with the heads of the respective States. Guinea and Ghana have pledged independent military support, while the rest have expressed a desire to work through the United Nations to resolve the Katanga branch. In Ghana, Lumumba signed a secret agreement with President Nkrumah to provide for the Union of African States. At the Leopoldville Center, it was supposed to be a federation with a republican government. They agreed to hold a summit of African states in Leopoldville between 25 and 30 August to discuss the issue further. Lumumba returned to the Congo, apparently confident that he could now depend on African military assistance. He also believed that he could receive African bilateral technical assistance, which put him at odds with Hammarskjold's goal of sending support through THEUC. Lumumba and some ministers were wary of the UN option because it would provide them with functionaries who would not directly respond to their credentials. The government has declared a state of emergency across the country... Those who confuse subversive manoeuvres with freedom, obstruction with the democratic opposition or their personal interest with the interests of the nation will soon be judged by the people. Those who are paid today by the enemies of freedom in order to maintain the insurgency movements throughout the country and thereby disrupt social peace will be punished with maximum energy... Lumumba's statement to the press of 10 August 1960 (translated from French) of attempts at consolidation on 9 August declared an exception (or state of emergency) throughout the Congo. He subsequently issued several orders in an attempt to assert his dominance in the political arena. The first banned the creation of associations without government approval. The second stated the government's right to ban publications that produce material that could lead the administration to a bad name. On 11 August, the Courier d'Afrique published an editorial stating that Congolese did not want to be subject to a second form of slavery. The editor was arrested in a simplified manner, and four days later the publication Stopped. Soon soon the government closed the Telegraph services of Belga and Agence France-Presse. Restrictions in the press caused a wave of sharp criticism from the Belgian media. Lumumba issued a decree to nationalize Belga's local offices, establishing the Congolese de Presse Agency as a means of eliminating what he considered to be a centre of biased reporting, and to create a service through which the government platform could be more easily communicated to the public. Another order stipulated that formal approval must be obtained six days before public meetings. On 16 August, Lumumba announced the establishment of a six-month prime ministerial regime, including the establishment of military tribunals. During August, Lumumba increasingly left his full cabinet and instead consulted with officials and ministers he trusted, such as Mplo, Mbuyi, Kashamura, Gisenga and Kiveva. Lumumba's office was in disarray, and few of his staff were doing any work. Its chef Damien Candolo was often absent and acted as a spy on behalf of the Belgian government. Lumumba constantly delivered rumors from whistleblowers and Serete, urging him to deeply suspect others. Trying to keep him informed, Michel enlisted the help of three Belgian telex operators, who provided him with copies of all outgoing journalistic shipments. Lumumba immediately ordered Congolese troops to end the uprising in southern Kasai, where a strategic railway service was introduced for the Katanga campaign. The operation was successful, but soon the conflict escalated into ethnic violence. The army participated in the massacres of civilians in Luba. The people and politicians of southern Kasai are personally responsible for the actions of the army. Casa-Wubu has publicly declared that only a federalist government can bring peace and stability to the Congo. This broke his weak political alliance with Lumumba and eroded political support in the country from the unitary state of Lumumba. Ethnic tensions have risen against him (especially around Leopoldville), and the Catholic Church, still powerful in the country, has openly criticized his government. Even with the subdued southern Kasai, Congo lacked the necessary strength to recapture Katanga. Lumumba called the African conference in Leopoldville from 25 to 31 August, but no foreign heads of state appeared and no country promised military support. Lumumba once again demanded that UN peacekeepers help in suppressing the uprising, threatening to introduce Soviet troops if they turn away from it. The UN subsequently denied Lumumba the use of its forces. The possibility of direct Soviet intervention was considered increasingly likely. Dismissal Home Article: Dissolution of the government of Lumumba Kasa-Wubu President Casa-Wubu began to fear that there would be a Lumumbist coup d'etat. On the evening of 5 September, Kasa-Wubu announced on the radio that he had fired Lumumba and six of his government ministers for the massacres in southern Kasai and for the Soviets' involvement in the Congo. After hearing the broadcast, Lumumba went to the national radio station, which was under THE protection of the UN. Although they were ordered to ban Lumumba's entry, UN troops allowed the Prime Minister to enter because they had no specific instructions on the use of force against him. Lumumba denounced his dismissal on the radio as illegal and, in turn, called Casa-Wubu a traitor and declared him deposed. Casa-Wubu did not declare the approval of any responsible ministers of his decision, making his actions legally invalid. Lumumba announced this in a letter to Hammarskjold and a radio broadcast at 05:30 on 6 September. Later in the day, Casa-Wubu managed to secure counter-signings on his orders from Minister Albert Delvo, a resident of Belgium, and Justin Marie Bomboko, Minister for Foreign Affairs. Together with them, he again announced the dismissal of Lumumba and six other ministers at 4 p.m. on Brazzaville radio. Lumumba and the ministers who remained loyal to him ordered Delvo and Bomboko to be arrested for failing to sign a dismissal order. The latter took refuge in the presidential palace (which was guarded by UN peacekeepers), but in the early morning of September 7 the first was detained and placed in the prime minister's residence. In the meantime, the Chamber met to discuss the order to dismiss Kas-Wubu and hear Lumumba's response. Delvo made an unexpected appearance and took to the podium to denounce his arrest and announce his resignation from the government. The opposition applauded him enthusiastically. Lumumba then gave a speech. Instead of directly attacking Kasa-Wubu al-Khominem, Lumumba accused obstructionist politicians and ABACO of using the presidency as a front to mask their activities. He noted that Casa-Wubu had never before offered any criticism of the government, and portrayed their relationship as a cooperative relationship. He criticized Delvo and Finance Minister Pascal Nskaia for their role in the Geneva talks and for not consulting the rest of the government. Lumumba followed his arguments with an analysis of the Loy Foundation and ended by asking parliament to assemble a commission of wise men to study Congo's problems. The Chamber, at the suggestion of its presiding officer, voted to rescind The Cas-Wubu and Lumumba's dismissal applications from 60 to 19 years. The next day, Lumumba gave a similar speech to the Senate, which subsequently gave the Government a vote of confidence, 49 to zero, with seven abstentions. According to Article 51, Parliament granted an exceptional privilege to interpret the constitution. In the event of doubt and controversy, the Congolese had originally had to appeal constitutional matters to the Belgian Consale. With the break-up in July, this was no longer possible, so there was no authoritative interpretation or mediation to bring a legal solution to the dispute. Numerous African diplomats and the newly appointed head of THESUK, Rajeshwar Dayal, tried to force the President and prime minister to reconcile their differences, but failed. On September 13, the Parliament held a joint session of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. Although several members did not have a quorum, they voted to grant Lumumba emergency powers. The Couputu coup on 14 September, Mobutu announced on the radio that it was launching a peaceful revolution to break the political deadlock and therefore neutralize the respective governments of the President, Lumumba and Ileo, as well as parliament, until 31 December. He said technicians would run the administration while politicians sorted out their differences. During a subsequent press conference, he specified that graduates of Congolese universities would be asked to form a government, and said that all Eastern Bloc countries should close their embassies. Lumumba was surprised by the coup, and that evening he went to Camp Leopold II in search of Mobutu to try to change his mind. He spent the night there, but in the morning he was attacked by Luba's soldiers, who accused him of atrocities in southern Kasai. The Ghanaian contingent of ONUK managed to pull him out, but his portfolio was left behind. Some of his political opponents reinstated it and published documents purporting to contain Nkrumah's letters of support addressed to the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China, a memorandum dated 16 September, which referred to the presence of Soviet troops for one week, and a letter dated 15 September from Lumumba to provincial presidents (tshombeed except) entitled Measures to be applied in the early stages of the dictatorship. Some of these documents were genuine, while others, especially the memorandum and letter to provincial presidents, were almost certainly forgeries. Despite the coup, African diplomats were still working on reconciliation between Lumumba and Kasa Wubu. According to the Ghanaians, an agreement in principle on closer cooperation between the head of state and the government was signed. Lumumba signed it, but Casa-Wubu suddenly refused to reciprocate. The Ghanaians suspect that Belgium and the United States are responsible. Casa-Wubu sought to reintegrate Katanga back to Congo through negotiations, and Tombe said he would not engage in any discussions with the government included communist Lumumba. After consultations with Casa Wubu and Lumumba, Mobutu announced that he would convene a round table conference to discuss Congo's political future. His attempts to execute were thwarted by Lumumba, who, from his official residence, acted as if he were still occupying the premiership. He continued to hold meetings with members of his Government, senators, deputies and political supporters, as well as to make public statements. He repeatedly left his residence to tour the restaurants of the capital, maintaining that he was still in power. Frustrated by the way he was treated in Lumumba and faced with intense political pressure, by the end of the month Mobutu had no longer encouraged reconciliation; he joined Casa-Wub. He ordered ANC units to encircle Lumumba's residence, but a cordon of UN peacekeepers prevented them from making an arrest. Lumumba was chained to his house. On October 7, Lumumba announced the formation of a new government that included Bolicango and Kalonji, but he later suggested the UN should monitor a national referendum that had resolved the split in the government. On 24 November, the Un voted to recognize the new Mobutu delegates to the General Assembly, ignoring Lumumba's original appointees. Lumumba decided to join Deputy Prime Minister Antoine Gizenge in Stanleyville to lead the campaign to restore power. On 27 November, he left the capital in a nine-car convoy with Remi Mwamba, Pierre Moulele, his wife, Pauline, and his youngest child. Instead of going in a hurry to the border of the Eastern Province, where soldiers loyal to Gizenge were waiting for him, Lumumba is delayed because of touring the villages and negotiating with the locals. On 1 December, Mobutu's troops caught up with his party as it crossed the Sankuru River to Lodi. Lumumba and his advisers went to the far side, but his wife and child were left captive on the shore. Fearing for his safety, Lumumba took the ferry back, against the advice of Mwamba and Mulele, who both, fearing they would never see him again, said goodbye to him. Mobutu's men arrested him. The next day he was transferred to Port Franki and flew back to Leopoldville. Mobutu said Lumumba would be tried for inciting the army to rebel and other crimes. UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold asked Casa-Wub to contact Lumumba in accordance with due process. The Soviet Union condemned Hammarskjold and the First World as responsible for Lumumba's arrest and demanded his release. The UN Security Council was summoned to a meeting on December 7, 1960 to consider the Soviet Union's demands for the immediate release of Lumumba, the immediate reinstatement of Lumumba as head of the Congolese government, disarmament Mobutu and the immediate evacuation of Belgians from Congo. The councils also demanded the immediate resignation of Hammarskjold, the arrests of Mobutu and Thombe and the withdrawal of UN peacekeeping forces. Hammarskjold, responding to the Soviet Union's criticism of its operations in Congo, said that if UN forces were withdrawn from Congo, I'm afraid that everything will collapse. The threat to the United Nations was heightened by the announcement of the withdrawal of their contingents by the Yugoslav, United Arab Republic, Ceylon, Indonesia, Morocco and Guinea. The resolution adopted in support of Lumumba was rejected by an 8-2 vote on 14 December 1960. On the same day, the Soviet Union vetoed a Western resolution that would have given Hammarskjold greater powers to resolve the situation in the Congo. The last days and execution of Lumumba (center) before being transported to Tisville Lumumba were first sent on December 3, 1960, to the Tisville Hardy military barracks, 150 km (about 100 miles) from Leopoldville. He was accompanied by Maurice Mpolo and Joseph Okito, two political associates who planned to help him form a new government. On Mobutu's orders, they were poorly fed by prison guards. In Lumumba's last documented letter, he wrote to Rajeshwar Dayal: In short, we live in absolutely impossible conditions; besides, they have no right. On the morning of January 13, 1961, the discipline at Camp Hardy faltered. Soldiers refuse to work if they are not paid; they received a total of 400,000 francs ($8,000) from Katanga's office. Some supported Lumumba's release, while others considered him dangerous. Casa-Wubu, Mobutu, Foreign Minister Justin Marie Bomboko and security chief Victor Nendaka personally arrived at the camp and held talks with the soldiers. The conflict was avoided, but it became obvious that keeping a controversial prisoner in the camp was too great a risk. Harold Charles d'Asrepair Linden, the last Belgian minister of the colonies, ordered the land of Lumumba, Mpolo and Okito to the state of Katanga. Lumumba was forcibly detained while flying to Elizabethville on 17 January 1961. Upon arrival, he and his accomplices were arrested at The Bruvez's house, where they were severely beaten and tortured by Katanga and Belgian officers, while President Tsombe and his office decided what to do with him. In the evening of the same day, Lumumba was taken to an isolated location, where three firing squads were assembled. The Belgian Commission of Inquiry found that the execution had been carried out by the Katanga authorities. She reported that President Tombe and two other ministers were present, with four Belgian officers under the command of the Katanga authorities. Lumumba, Mpolo and Okito lined up by a tree and shot one at a time. Execution is believed to be January 17, 1961, between 9:40 p.m. and 9:43 p.m. (according to the Belgian report). The Belgians and their colleagues later wanted to get rid of the bodies, and did so by digging up and dismembering corpses and then dissolving them into sulphuric acid, while the bones were grounded and scattered. Announcement of death Protests in Slovenia, Yugoslavia, against the death of Lumumba, 1961. Until three weeks later, no statements were made, despite rumors that Lumumba was dead. On 10 February, radio reported that Lumumba and two other prisoners had escaped. His death was officially announced on Catangan radio on 13 February, when it was alleged that he had been killed by angry villagers three days after escaping from the Kolatea prison farm. Street protests were organized in several European countries following the announcement of Lumumba's death; in Belgrade, protesters looted the Belgian embassy and clashed with police, and in London a crowd marched from Trafalgar Square to the Belgian Embassy, where a letter of protest was delivered and protesters clashed with police. The demonstration at the United Nations Security Council in New York escalated into violence and spilled into the streets. Foreign involvement in his death was suffered by both Belgium and the United States in their attitude towards Lumumba because they feared he was increasingly subject to communist influence. They thought he gravitated to the Soviet Union, although, according to Sean Kelly, who covered the events as a Voice of America correspondent, it was not because Lumumba was a communist, but because he felt that the USSR was the only force that would support his country's efforts to get rid of colonial rule. The U.S. was the first country from which Lumumba sought help. Lumumba, for his part, denied being a communist and said he thought colonialism and communism were just as deplorable. He declared his personal preference for east-West neutrality. On January 18, panicked by reports that three bodies had been buried, members of the execution team dug up the remains and transported them for reburial to a location near the border with Northern Rhodesia. Belgian Police Commissioner Gerard Soete later admitted in several reports that he and his brother had masterminded the initial exhumation. Police Commissioner Frans Vershur also took part. In the afternoon and evening of 21 January, Commissioner Soete and his brother dug up Lumumba's corpse for the second time, cut it with a knife and dissolved it in concentrated sulphuric acid. In the late 20th and early 21st century, Lumumba's murder was investigated. In 1999, in an interview with Belgian television about his murder, Soete showed a bullet and two teeth, which he said he had saved from Body. According to the Belgian Commission of 2001 investigating Lumumba's murder: (1) Belgium wanted to arrest Lumumba, (2) Belgium was not particularly concerned about Lumumba's physical well-being, and (3), although informed of the danger to Lumumba's life, Belgium did not take any measures to prevent his death. The report concluded that Belgium had not ordered the killing of Lumumba. In February 2002, the Belgian Government formally apologized to the Congolese people and recognized the moral responsibility and an irrefutable part of responsibility for the events that led to Lumumba's death. Lumumba's execution was carried out by the execution of Belgian mercenary Julian Gate; Police Commissioner Katangana Vershur, who was Belgian by birth, had a general command of the execution site. In the early 21st century, the writer Ludo de Witte found written orders from the Belgian government requesting the execution of Lumumba and documents on various mechanisms, such as death squads. In 2003, he published a book about Lumumba's murder. U.S. involvement: CIA Human Rights Violations In a 2001 report by the Belgian Commission described previous U.S. and Belgian plans to kill Lumumba. Among them was an attempt to poison him under the auspices of the Central Intelligence Agency, which was ordered by U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower. CIA chemist Sidney Gottlieb, a key man in the plan, developed a poison resembling toothpaste. In September 1960, Gottlieb brought a bottle of poison to Congo to place it on Lumumba's toothbrush. The plot was abandoned, allegedly because Larry Devlin, the CIA station chief in Congo, refused permission. As Madeleine G. Kalb notes in her book The Congo cables, the record shows that many of Devlin's messages at the time called for the elimination of Lumumba. In addition, the CIA station chief helped guide the search to capture Lumumba to hand over to his enemies in Katanga. Devlin was involved in the transfer of Lumumba to Katanga, and the cia chief at Elizabethville was in direct contact with the killers the night Lumumba was killed. John Stockwell, a CIA officer in Congo and then cia station chief, wrote in 1978 that a CIA agent had a body in the trunk of his car to try to get rid of it. Stockwell, who knew Devlin well, believed that Devlin knew more about the murder than anyone else. John F. Kennedy's inauguration in January 1961 raised fears among the Mobutu faction and the CIA that the incoming democratic administration would favor prisoner Lumumba. In anticipation of his inauguration, Kennedy came to the view that Lumumba should be released from custody, although he could not return to power. Lumumba was killed three days before inauguration on January 20, although Kennedy did not learn of the assassination until February 13. The Church Committee decided in 1975 that CIA Director Allen Dulles had ordered Lumumba's murder as an urgent and primary goal. In addition, the declassified CIA cables quoted or mentioned in the Church report, as well as in Kalba (1982), mention two specific CIA plots to assassinate Lumumba: a poisonous plot and a shooting conspiracy. The Committee later found that although the CIA had conspired to assassinate Lumumba, it was not directly involved in the assassination. U.S. government documents In the early 21st century declassified documents showed that the CIA was plotting the murder of Lumumba. The documents indicate that the Congolese leaders who killed Lumumba, including Mobutu Sese Seko and Joseph Kasa-Wubu, received money and weapons directly from the CIA. The same disclosure revealed that at the time the U.S. government considered Lumumba a communist and feared it because it considered it a threat to the Soviet Union during the Cold War. , showed that U.S. President Eisenhower said something (CIA chief Allen Dulles) that Lumumba should be eliminated. An interview with the Senate Intelligence Committee's investigation into the covert actions was published in August 2000. In 2013, the U.S. State Department acknowledged that President Eisenhower had authorized the assassination of Lumumba. But documents released in 2017 showed that the U.S. role in Lumumba's murder is under review by the CIA. CIA Chief Allan Dulles allocated $100,000 to carry out the act, but the plan was not implemented. British MP David Lee said in a letter to the London Review of Books in April 2013 that he had discussed Lumumba's death with MI6 officer Daphne Park shortly before her death in March 2010. Park was stationed in Leopoldville at the time of Lumumba's death and was later a semi-official representative of MI6 in the House of Lords. Lee said when he mentioned the noise surrounding Lumumba's abduction and murder, and recalled the theory that MI6 could have had something to do with it, Park replied: We did it. I organized it. The BBC reported that Whitehall sources later described the allegations of MI6 involvement as speculative. Lumumba's political ideology and rhetoric did not support a comprehensive political or economic platform. He was the first Congolese to formulate a Congo narrative contrary to traditional Belgian views on colonization, and he highlighted the suffering of the indigenous population during European rule. Lumumba only among his contemporaries, covering the entire Congolese people in their narrative (others were limited to their discussions of their respective nationalities or regions), and he proposed a basis for a national identity that was based on the fact that he survived colonial victimization, as well as the innate dignity of the people, humanity, strength and unity. The ideal of Lumumba's humanism included the values of egalitarianism, social justice, freedom and the recognition of fundamental rights. He viewed the State as a positive defender of social well-being and its interference in Congolese society, which was necessary for equality, justice and social harmony. The legacy of the Lumumba Statue in Kinshasa, erected in January 2002, despite its brief political career and tragic death - or perhaps because of them - Lumumba made history through the front door: it became both a flag and a symbol. He lived as a free man and an independent thinker. Everything he wrote, said and did was a product of someone who knew his calling to be a liberator, and he represents for Congo what Castro does for Cuba, Nasser for Egypt, Nkrumah for Ghana, Mao Tse-tung for China, and Lenin for Russia.- Thomas Kanza, friend and colleague of Lumumba, 1972, Misconceptions about Lumumba persisted by his supporters and his critics. The academic discussion of his legacy was largely limited to the later stages of Mobutu's rule in the Congo. Belgian literature in the decades following the Congo crisis portrayed him as incompetent, demagogic, aggressive, ungrateful, undedicugated and communist. Most 20th-century Africans, such as Jean-Claude Willame, viewed Lumumba as an unapologetic, unrealistic idealist without any tangible agenda that distanced himself from his contemporaries and alienated the Western world with radical anti-colonial rhetoric. They held him responsible for the political crisis that led to his downfall. Several other writers, such as Ian-Paul Sartre, shared the belief that Lumumba's goals were unattainable in 1960, but nevertheless regarded him as a martyr of Congolese independence at the hands of some Western interests and the sacrifice of events over which he had little control. According to sociologist Ludo de Witte, both of these views exaggerate Lumumba's political weaknesses and isolation. The traditional narrative of Lumumba's premiership and fall, that he was an uncompromising radical who provoked his own murder by angering internal separatists, was seriously challenged by De Witte's 2001 work The Assassination of Patrice Lumumba, which provided evidence that the Belgian government, with the complicity of the United States and the United Nations, was largely responsible for his death. Lumumba's Discussion in MEDIA the book's release, as well as a feature film in 2000, Lumumba, became much more positive afterwards. Subsequently, a new narrative emerged, in which Western espionage was blamed for Lumumba's death, and he highlighted the threat his charismatic appeal posed to Western interests. Lumumba's role in the Congolese independence movement is well documented and he is generally recognized as his most important and influential leader. His exploits are usually celebrated as his work as a person, rather than as the work of a broader movement. Political influence due to his relatively short career in government, rapid removal from power and controversial death, consensus on Lumumba's political legacy was not achieved. His fall has damaged African nationalist movements, and he is generally remembered primarily for his murder. Numerous American historians have called his death a major contributor to the radicalization of the American civil rights movement in the 1960s, and many African-American activist organizations and publications have used public commentary on his death to express their ideology. The popular memory of Lumumba often cast aside his politics and reduced him to a symbol. The ideological heritage of Lumumba is known as Lumumbaism (French for Lumumbinism). Instead of a complex doctrine, it is usually framed as a set of fundamental principles consisting of nationalism, pan-African, non-alatism and social progressivism. Mobutism is built on these principles. Students at the University of Congolese who did not respect Lumumba before independence accepted Lumumba after his death. According to political scientist George Nsongola-Ntalaji, the greatest legacy of Lumumba... for congo is the ideal of national unity. Nsongola-Ntalaja further stated that, as a result of Lumumba's high praise for the independence movement and his work to end the Katanga secession, the congolese people would probably remain steadfast in their defence of national unity and territorial integrity, whether hell or high water would come. After the suppression of the uprisings of 1964 and 1965, much of the Lumumbist ideology was limited to isolated intellectual groups that faced repression under the Mobutu regime. The centers of popularity of Lumumba during his lifetime have undergone a gradual decline in loyalty to his persona and ideas. According to the African Bohumil Jewish, by 1999 the only surviving core of the Lumumbista is in Sancourt and Maniema, and his loyalty is questionable (more ethnic, regional and sentimental than ideological and political). The image of Lumumba was unpopular in southern Kasai for years after his death, as many Balubs knew about the military campaign he ordered in August 1960 that to brutal atrocities against their people. (197) IN THE a dozen Congolese political parties stated that they had a political and spiritual heritage of Lumumba. Despite this, few organizations have tried or succeeded in incorporating his ideas into an understandable political agenda. Most of these parties enjoyed little electoral support, although the Luminbeist Unifi Party was represented in the Congolese coalition government formed under President Joseph Kabila in 2006. In addition to student groups, the ideals of lumumbists play only a minor role in current Congolese politics. Martyrdom: We must move forward, relentlessly striking out imperialism. From all over the world, we must learn the lessons that event allows. Killing Lumumba should be a lesson to all of us. Che Guevara, Lumumba's death in 1964 began to make a major difference in the collective memory of the Congolese people in the years following his passing. Lumumba is believed to have been killed by Western fraud because he was defending Congo's self-determination. The killing is seen in the context of remembrance as a symbolic moment in which the Congo has lost its international dignity and its ability to determine its future, which has since been controlled by the West. Lumumba's determination to achieve its goals is extrapolated to the Congolese people as its own; Thus, the dignity and self-determination of the Congo will ensure their redemption from the victimization of Western Powers. Historian David Van Raybrook wrote: In our time, Lumumba became a martyr of decolonization... He owes this status to the terrible end of his life rather than his political successes. Journalist Michela Incorrectly remarked that he really became a hero after his death, so one has to wonder if he would be such a hero if he stayed and ran the country and faced all the problems that would inevitably bring the management of such a big country as Congo. Historian Pedro Monaville wrote that his globally cult status was not commensurate with his more complex heritage in the Congo. In popular culture, Lumumba is considered one of the fathers of independence of the Congo. Lumumba's image often appears on social media and is often used as a rallying cry in demonstrations of social defiance. His figure prevails in art and literature, mostly outside the Congo. He was cited by numerous African-American writers of the American civil rights movement, especially in their post-civil rights work. He was devoted to many songs and plays, and many praised his character, contrasting him with the supposedly irresponsible and indiscipline of the Congolese people. Among the most famous works with his participation are the 1966 play Une saison au Congo by Aimee Sezer and the 1992 documentary by Raoul Peck and feature film, Lumumba, la mort d'un proph'te and Lumbumba, respectively. In music, he is remembered in Miriam Makeb's Lumumba, Neil Diamond's Done Too Soon and Spencer Davis's Waltz for Lumumba. His name is also mentioned in rap music; Arrested Development, Nas, David Banner, Black Thought, Damso, Baloji, Medin, Sammus and many others mentioned it in their work. In popular painting he is often paired with notions of sacrifice and redemption, even portrayed as a messiah, with his fall being his passion. Lumumba is relatively absent from Congolese writing and is often portrayed only with subtle or ambiguous references. Congolese authors Sony Lab'ou Tansi's and Sylvain Bemba's fictional blood braces, respectively, both characters bear a strong resemblance to Lumumba. In written tributes, Mobutu Lumumba is usually portrayed as an adviser to the former. The writer Charles Jungu-Simba observed: Lumumba is rather seen as a relic of the past, albeit a glorified past. His surname is often used to define a long drink of hot or cold chocolate and rum. A tribute to the commemorative stamp of the USSR, 1961 In 1966, the image of Patrice Lumumba was rehabilitated by the Mobutu regime and proclaimed a national hero and martyr in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. By presidential decree, The Bruvez House, where Lumumba's brutal torture took place on the night of his murder, became a place of pilgrimage in the Congo. On June 30, 2018, Lumumba Square was opened in the Belgian city of Bruxel. The square is located at the entrance to the Matonge area and was opened 58 years after the independence of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In 1961, the University of Friendship of the Peoples of the USSR was renamed the University of Friendship of the Peoples of Patrice Lumumba. In 1992, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it was renamed the University of Friendship of the Peoples of Russia. Lumumba was marked by a street in Warsaw from 1961 to 1993. Lumumba was immortalized on a street in Kiev, Ukraine, until in 2016 this street was renamed in honor of Pope John Paul II. Lumumba was marked by a street in Artemivsk (today Bakhmut), Ukraine. In 1964, Malcolm X declared Patrice Lumumba the greatest black man who has ever walked the African continent. Notes: Although Lumumba was dismissed from his post on 5 September 1960 by President Casa Wubu, Parliament continued to recognize his powers. Lumumba competed with his replacement, Ileo, over control of the government before the September 14 coup finally suspended the parliamentary system and removed both from power. Kanza later said: Lumumba didn't care... as long as the American submitted this contract. People like us tried to tell him not to sign. He and in his opinion it was something very good for Congo. When Lumumba left the Congolese parliament, he went on a break. On his return, he recommended that the body be left on a three-month break so that its members could go on training tours. Parliament met again only in September. According to Govender, Lumumba has always been reluctant to declare a state of emergency, but with increased hostility against his regime by Congolese conspirators and their Western friends, he felt that the state of emergency would help his ill-equipped security forces and administration act more effectively against the creators of calm. Govender wrote that, with the exception of the Belgian case, Lumumba took no steps against foreign correspondents. He allowed them complete freedom of movement and the right to express their opinions. The Government has successfully established tribunals in only a few locations. The relevant ruling for the rehydrim militia was overturned on 4 November. There is ample evidence that Lumumba was increasingly impatient with the parliamentary system and was looking for alternatives to achieve his agenda. At the same time, he did not plan a coup until he suspected the intention of his opponents to overthrow him. Article 22 of the Loy Foundation read: The President Calls and Withdraws the Prime Minister. There was no study on the matter, and nowhere in the document did it explain the nature or limits of authority, including the need for parliamentary approval. However, it was stipulated that any action taken by the President should be signed by the Minister responsible for the parliament. This provision was interpreted as extending to the Casa-Wubu order. Lumumba denied that he had authorized the arrests and apologized to the Chamber. According to de Witte, the vote was counted as 41 against two, with six abstentions. De Witte described the order to dismiss Casa-Wubu as clearly not constitutional and called article 22's reference completely outdated provision, which can only be settled by law or revision of the constitution adopted by parliament with confidence in Lumumba. Evan Luard wrote: From Casa-Wubu, it is reasonable to say that, by the way, he used his power without addressing the parliament, as well as the abuse of the constitution. Gerard and Kuklik noted that in August 1960 Baudouin, acting under an extremely similar Belgian Constitution, asked Prime Minister Eiskens to resign, but Eiskens, with a solid parliamentary majority, refused and retained his post. Various sources said mobutu's actions were encouraged and supported by Belgium and the United States. Journalist Russell Warren Howe listed several popular about Lumumba in 1968: Lumumba was a radical revolutionary (the view of his fans) or a member of a conspiracy inspired by Moscow and Nkrumah (the image of his critics); he is always always 1000 and the electoral majority (his fans); he sought to supplant Western finances and socialize the economy (his critics); he was more African, less European than his rival Casa-Wubu (his fans); he is a living force in Congolese politics, the father of Congolese nationalism (his fans again). Anthropologist Yolanda Covington-Ward wrote that while Lumumba was privileged in the historical literature on nationalism in the Congo, Casa Wubu and ABACO were in fact the main driving force behind the independence movement. The quotes are Fabian, Johannes (1996). Remembering the present: painting and folk history in the city. Berkeley: University of California Press. page 73. ISBN 978-0520203761. - Willame, gin-Claude (1990). Patrice Lumumba: La crise congolaise revisit. Paris: Cartala. 22, 23, 25. ISBN 978-2-86537-270-6. Kanyaruanga, Jin I N (2006). Republic de Democratic Congo : les g'un'rations condamn'es : Delicementation d'une soci'te pr'capitaliste. Paris: Publibook. 76, 502. ISBN 9782748333435. Lumumba. Collins English Dictionary. a b c d Patrice Lumumba in encyclopedia Britannica - The appearance of the missing hand statue revives the colonial row, The Guardian, February 22, 2019. b c Kanyarwunga, Jean I N (2006). Republic de Democratic Congo : les g'un'rations condamn'es : Delicementation d'une soci'te pr'capitaliste. Paris: Publibook. page 76. ISBN 9782748333435. Leo Seilig,15, 2015. Lumumba: The Lost Leader of Africa. House Publishing. ISBN 9781908323958. Hagendorens, MGR J (1975). The ɔtɛtɛla-France. Bandundu: Ceeba Publications. 275-76. Hagendorens, MGR J (1975). The ɔtɛtɛla-France. Bandundu: Ceeba Publications. page 309, 371. B Patrice Lumumba. University of Friendship of the Peoples of Russia. Received on September 21, 2016. b Struggle filled Lumumba's life, from tribal days to fame. The New York Times. February 14, 1961. a b Gibbs 1991, page 79, Gibbs 1991, page 80, Gerard and Kuklik 2015, page 58. Kanza 1994, page 96. Hoskins 1965, 74. Hoskins 1965, 75. Hoskins 1965, 75-76. CRISP No. 70 1960, paragraph 63. a b c d Hoskyns 1965, page 76. CRISP No. 70 1960, paragraph 74. CRISP No. 70 1960, paragraphs 75-78. a b c Kanza 1994, page 97. CRISP No. 70 1960, points 81-82. CRISP No. 70 1960, points 83-87. CRISP No. 70 1960, paragraph 88. CRISP No 70 1960, paragraph 104. CRISP No. 70 1960, paragraph 96. Nsongola-Ntalaja 2002, page 104. sfn error: no goal: CITEREFNzongola-Ntalaja2002 (help) b c Kanza 1994, p. 103. CRISP No. 70 1960, paragraph 110. Kanza 1994, page 104. ^ 1994, page 258. a b c Kanza 1994, page 100. Hoskins 1965, 78. CRISP No 70 1960, points 112-113. Kanza 1994, page 100-102. CRISP No. 70 1960, paragraph 117. CRISP No 70 1960, points 119-120. CRISP No. 78 1960, paragraph 16. sfn error: no goal: CITEREFCRISP_no. 781960 (help) - Hoskyns 1965, p. 79. Hoskins 1965, 79-80. b c Hoskins 1965, p. 80. Hoskins 1965, 83. b It's about Independence Day. marxists.org. Received 20 November 2017.fr, nl and Adam Hochschild, The Ghost of King Leopold: A History of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa, 1999, Mariner Books, ISBN 0-618-00190-5, ISBN 978-0-618- 00190-3. De Witte, Ludo (1999). De Mord op Lumumba. Leven: Whitgeverius van Halevik. Murder of Lumumba, Ludo de Witte, Trans. Anne Wright and Renee Fenby, 2002 (Orig. 2001), London; New York: Verso; ISBN 1-85984-410-3, page 1-3. Godfrey Mwakikagile, Africa 1960-1970: Chronicle and Analysis, New Africa Press, 2009, page 20. Gibbs 1991, page 81 - Murder of Lumumba, Ludo de Witte, Trans. Anne Wright and Renee Fenby, 2002 (Orig. 2001), London; New York: Verso; ISBN 1-85984-410-3, page 1-7. Michelle 1961, page 63. sfn error: not a goal: CITEREFMichel1961 (help) - Merriam 1961, page 205. Hoskins 1965, page 87. Kanza 1994, page 184. Kanza 1994, page 185. Vanderstraethen 1993, page 137. Merriam 1961, p. 208. Kanza 1994, page 186. Willam 1972, page 63. Hoskins 1965, 87-88. McCown 1969, page 108-109. de Witte 2002, page 177. Hoskins 1965, 88. Young 1965, page 334. error sfn: no purpose: CITEREFYoung1965 (help) - b Young 2015, page 316 - Larry Devlin, Station Chief Congo, 2007, Public Relations, ISBN 1-58648-405-2 - b c Sherer, Lindsey (January 16, 2015). U.S. foreign policy and its deadly impact on Patrice Lumumba. Washington State University. a b c Gondola 2002, p. 118 - Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002, page 98 harvnb error: no goal: CITEREFNzongola-Ntalaja2002 (help) - b Young 2015, page 317 - b Gibbs 1991, p. 82 - Osabu-Cle, Te Danielteh (2000). Compatible cultural democracy. Broadview Press. page 254. ISBN 978-1-55111-289-3. Young 2015, page 318 - Young 2015, page 319 - Kanza 1994, page 223. Wilson Center 2011, page 53. sfn error: no goal: CITEREFWilson_Center2011 (help) - Hoskyns 1965, p. 155. a b Willame 1990, page 205. sfn error: multiple goals (2×): CITEREFWillame1990 (help) - Young 1965, p. 362. mistake sfn: no goal: CITEREFYoung1965 (help) - Hoskins 1965, page 155-156. Kanza 1994, page 236. Hoskins 1965, page 156. Hoskins 1965, page 157-158. Kanza 1994, page 260. Hoskins 1965, p. 165. a b Hoskins 1965, p. 166. Kanza 1994, page 252. a b Gendebien 1967, page 63. a b Govender 1971, page 137. Hoskins 1965, page 189. de Witte 2002, page 12. Tambwe 2004, page 178. Government 1971, p. 138. - Govender 1971, Chronologie Internationale 1960, page 9. a b Ordonnance abrogeant l'ordonnance du 16 ao't 1960 relative au r'ime militaire (PDF). Moniter Kongalais (French). Leopoldville: Government of the Republic of The Congo. 2 (4): 25. January 31, 1961. b c Hoskins 1965, page 188. - Willame 1990, page 224-225. sfn error: multiple goals (2×): CITEREFWillame1990 (help) - Willame 1990, p. 214. error sfn: several goals (2×): CITEREFWillame1990 (help) - Gondola 2002, page 123 - Gondola 2002, p. 124 - Young 2015, page 324 - b Young 2015, page 329 - b Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002, page 108 harvnb error: no goal: CITEREFNzongola-Ntala2002 (help) - O'Ballance 1999, p. 26-27. a b Gerard and Kuklik 2015, page 100. Young 1966, page 35. Gerard Kuklik 2015, page 101. Kanza 1994, page 292. - Willam 1990, page 398. sfn error: several goals (2×): CITEREFWillame1990 (help) - Kanza 1994, page 292-293. - Willame 1990, page 399-400. sfn error: multiple goals (2×): CITEREFWillame1990 (help) - Willame 1990, p. 400. sfn error: several goals (2×): CITEREFWillame1990 (help) - de Witte 2002, page 22-23. Okumum 1963, page 186. sfn error: no goal: CITEREFOkumu1963 (help) - Young 1966, p. 36. de Witte 2002, page 22. Gerard and Kuklik 2015, 99-100. a b Hoskins 1965, page 214. Hoskins 1965, page 216. Hoskins 1965, page 221-222. O'Ballance 1999, page 34. Hoskins 1965, page 222. Hoskins 1965, page 266. O'Ballance 1999, page 35. a b c Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002, p. 110 harvnb error: no goal: CITEREFNzongola- Ntalaja2002 (help) - b Kanza 1994, p. 318-319. a b 1961: Former Congolese prime minister declared dead. news.bbc.co.uk the British Broadcasting Corporation. Katanga's communique on Lumumba's murder. The New York Times. February 14, 1961. Proquest 115317883. Gerard Kuklik 2015, page 195. Gondola 2002, page 126 - Correspondent: Who Killed Lumumba-Transcript. Received on 21 May 2010. 00.35.38-00.35.49 - Prados, John (2006). Safe for democracy: Secret Wars by CIA Rowman and Littlefield. page 278. ISBN 9781566638234. De Witte, Ludo (2001). Killing Lumumba. Verso Books. page 136. ISBN 978-1859844106. Patrice Lumumba katanga was tortured. BBC ON THIS DAY - 13 - 1961: Former Congo PM declared dead. BBC Online. Received on November 23, 2012. Ershlagen im Bush. Spiegel Online (in German). June 22, 1961. Received on November 23, 2012. Kinzer, Stephen (2013). Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and their secret World War II. New York: Books of the Times. Hofmann, Pavel (February 1961). The New York Times. Proquest 115365584. BBC: 1961: Lumumba rally clashes with UK police. BBC News. February 19, 2001. Received on January 17, 2011. Mahoney (1983). Jfk. page 72. In the United States, the news of Lumumba's murder provoked racial unrest. During Ambassador Stevenson's address to the Security Service The demonstration led by American blacks began in the visitors' gallery. This quickly escalated into riots in which 18 UN guards, two newsmen and two protesters were injured. Clashes broke out outside the UN building between whites and blacks. A large protest march in Times Square was stopped by police. UPI (February 16, 1961). Screaming demonstrators riot in the United Nations Security Council. Lodi News Sentinel. Sean Kelly, Tyrant of America: CIA and Mobutu from zair, page 29 - Kelly, page 28 - Kelly, page 49 and de Witte 2002, p. 140-143. and b Patrice Lumumba - Mysteries of History. Usnews.com. received on January 17, 2011. The report blames Belgium for Lumumba's death. The New York Times. Belgium; Congo (formerly zair). November 17, 2001. Received on January 17, 2011. World Briefing Europe: Belgium: Apologies for Lumumba's Murder, New York Times, 6 February 2002. a b Murder of Lumumba, Ludo De Witte, 2003, ISBN 1-85984-410-3 - Hollington, Chris (2007). Wolves, jackals and foxes: The killers who changed history. A true crime. 50-65. ISBN 978-0-312-37899-8. Received on December 11, 2010. Reporter: Who killed Lumumba-Transcript. Received on 21 May 2010. 00.36.57 - Kettle, Martin (August 10, 2000). The president ordered the assassination of Congo's leader. Keeper. London. Received on June 18, 2006. 6) Plan to poison Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba (p. 464), CIA family jewels documents, National Security Archive website - b c Murder in Congo. U.S. News. July 24, 2000. Received on June 18, 2006. Sidney Gottlieb obituary by Sidney Gottlieb. Counterpunch.org. Interview with Mark Garsin. Counterpunch.org. Archive from the original on January 5, 2006. Kalb, Madeleine G. (1982). Congo Cables: The Cold War in Africa - from Eisenhower to Kennedy. Mcmillan. 53, 101, 129-133, 149-152, 158-159, 184-185, 195. ISBN 978-0-02-560620-3. Hoyt, Michael. (2000). Prisoner in Congo: The return of the consul to the heart of darkness. The press service of the Naval Institute. page 158. ISBN 978-1-55750-323-7. Stockwell, John (1978). In Search of Enemies: The Story of the CIA. W. W. Norton. page 105. ISBN 978-0-393-00926-2. Stockwell (1978). 71-72, 136-137. Mahoney, JFK (1983), page 69-70. The Kasavubu-Mobutu regime began to consider the Kennedy administration a threat to its own survival. Kennedy's plan was seen as a testament to the new and unexpected solidarity with the forces of Casablanca ... (radical non-aligned African governments that supported Lumumba). The CIA station in Leopoldville bears most of the responsibility for the rupture. She opposed any political solution to the power struggle and, worse, strengthened the resolve of Kasavubu and Mobutu, Nendaki, and the rest to use violence against others to save themselves. [...] The effect was tragic: reports that the incoming administration was planning Lumumba, on the one hand, and the deadly calls of the CIA on the other, acted as a final vice on the desperate people in Leopoldville. Mahoney, JFK (1983), page 70. The quote: White House photographer Jack Lowe caught Kennedy, terrified of hitting his head in his hand while receiving the first news on the phone the full four weeks later on February 13. All the agonizing searches for a way around Lumumba were on the buck. Forty-eight hours before Kennedy took the presidential oath, Lumumba was already dead. William Blum, Murder of Hope. MBI Publishing Co., 2007: page 158. ISBN 978-0-7603-2457-8 - b Martin Ketle, President ordered the assassination of Congo's leader, The Guardian, August 9, 2000. Steven Weissman, Discovery of Secret Files about Lumumba's Murder, Washington Post, July 21, 2001. Blaine Harden, Africa: Dispatchers from a fragile continent, page 50, Kettle, Martin (August 9, 2000). The president ordered the assassination of Congo's leader. Keeper. Received on January 18, 2017. International Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, Volume XXIII, Congo, 1960-1968 - Office of the Historian. history.state.gov. received on May 17, 2017. A form of identification of the John F. Kennedy assassination system (PDF). Received on September 15, 2018. Yuhas, Alan (October 27, 2017). The government releases classified documents about the assassination of John F. Kennedy - as it happened. Received on December 17, 2017 - through www.theguardian.com. Weiss, Herbert F. (2007). REVIEW INSIDE CIA: Congo In the 1980s, a book by Larry Devlin. Station Chief, Congo: Memories of 1960-67. New York: Public Affairs. MUSE Project, Johns Hopkins University. page 143. Ben quinn, MI6 'organized the cold war assassination' of Congo's prime minister, The Guardian, April 1, 2013. Letters, London Book Review, 11 April 2013, page 4 - MI6 and the death of Patrice Lumumba, BBC News, 2 April 2013 - Stack 1964, page 141. Goff 2004, 129. Goff 2004, 130. a b Kayembe, Don (July 2, 2013). Analysis of Patrice Emery Lumumba's policy and methodology. LAVD Congo (in French). Received on April 10, 2018. b c d e Bouwer 2010, page 4. Kanza 1994, page 10. b Howe 1968, page 592. Blommart and Vershueren 1991, page 16-17. a b de Witte 2002, page 174. Hickner 2011, page 341-342. Hickner 2011, page 342-343. b Covington Ward 2012, page 73. b c de Witte 2002, page 175. Hickner 2011, page 17. - Dworkin 2017, page 231-232. Boover 2010, page 6. Stack 1964, page 142. Monaville 2019, page S22. Nsongola-Ntalaja 2014, 8: The Political Legacy of Patrice Lumumba. Jewish 1999, page 54. Olorunsola 1972, page 260. Monaville 2019, page S31. Kellner, Douglas (1989). Ernesto Che Guevara (World Leaders past and present). Chelsea House publishers. 86. ISBN 978-1555468354. De Goide 2015, page 587. De Goide 2015, page 587-588. De Goede 2015, page 589. Sixty years since Lumumba's speech proclaimed Congo's independence. Tribune. Agence France-Presse. June 29, 2020. Received on July 2, 2020. Muller-Jung, Friederike (January 15, 2016). Patrice Lumumba: Remembering Africa Che Guevara. Deutsche Hlule. Received on May 30, 2018. Monaville 2019, page S33. Congo celebrates its 50th anniversary of independence. Planet Congo. Congo news agency. June 30, 2010. Received on February 20, 2010. Jacobs, Sean (January 17, 2017). Patrice Lumumba (1925-1961). Jacobin magazine. Received on March 18, 2018. Hickner 2011, page 352. Jewish 1999, page 56. Huskens and Goddeeris 2020, page 298-327. 2005 African Studies Review, page 81. De Goide 2015, page 588. a b Bouwer 2010, page 5. Thomas 1996, page 155-156. Emer and Hinderman 2015, page 32. - Ludo de Witte, Lumumba Murder, Trans. Wright A and Fenby R., 2002 (Orig. 2001), London; New York: Verso, ISBN 1-85984-410-3, page 165. Plus de 300 persones et l'inauguration de la nouvelle place Lumumba et Brussels. RTBF Info (french). June 30, 2018. Received on November 19, 2019. From Marxism 101 to Capitalism 101. Cnn. Received May 21, 2010. Gadomsky (tustolica.pl) 2017 - (...) fragment of Plotsky (...) w latach 1961-1993 - nosic (...) name Lumumby (fragment of Plocka St.... in 1961-1993 he was named... after Lumumba) - Kiev renames the boulevard in honor of LB.ua (November 10, 2016) - Bahmut: Patrice Lumumba Street on the map (November 10, 2016). Mapagorod. (Lumumba Street, 87, Bahmut Street). Artemovsk.bankap. - ArtWinnery. Zruchno.Travel. X, Malcolm; Breitman, George (1970). By any means: speeches, interviews and a letter from Malcolm H. Pathfinder Press. ISBN 978-0-87348-145-8. References to the review of African studies. 48. New Brunswick: Association of African Studies. 2005. ISSN 1555-2462. Blomart, Jan; Vershueren, Jeff, eds. The pragmatists of international and intercultural communication. 3. John Benjamins Publishing. ISBN 9789027285966.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Buver, Karen (2010). Gender and Decolonization in Congo: The Legacy of Patrice Lumumba ISBN 9780230110403.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Chronologie Internationale (in French). Paris: Documentation by Francaise. 1960. OCLC 186691838. Covington Ward, Yolanda (January 2012). Joseph Casa-Wubu, ABACO, and Congo nationalist speeches in Congo's independence. In the journal Black Studies. 43 (1): 72–94. doi:10.1177/0021934711424491. ISSN 0021-9347. JSTOR 23215196. S2CID 144014323.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) De Gruf, Matthias, ed. Lumumba in Art. Leven: Leven University Press. ISBN 9789462701748. Dvorkin, Ira (2017). A song about Congo's love: African-American culture and the crisis of the colonial state. Chapel Hill: University Carolina Press. ISBN 9781469632728.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Emer, Kersten; Hinderman, Beate (2015). School of refined drinking: the intoxicating story of the seven spirits. Greystone Books. ISBN 978171641197.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) La formation du premier gouvernement congolais. Courrier Hebdomadaire du CRISP (French). Brussels: Centre recherche et d'information socio-political. 70 (24): 1. 1960. doi:10.3917/cris.070.0001. Gendebudien, Paul-Henry (1967). L'intervention of the nations Unies au Congo. 1960-1964 (French) ISBN 9783111504698.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Gerard, Emmanuel; Puppet, Bruce (2015). Death in Congo: The Murder of Patrice Lumumba. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-72527-0.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Gibbs, David N. (November 1, 1991). The political economy of the intervention of the third world countries: mines, money and U.S. policy in the crisis in Congo. American politics and political economy. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 9780226290713.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) De Goede, Meike J. (December 2015). Mundel, it's because of you the history, identity and meaning of democracy in Congo. In the Journal of Contemporary African Studies. 53 (4): 583–609. doi:10.1017/S0022278X15000786. Proquest 1729455898.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Goff,., ed. Identity and Global Politics: Empirical and Theoretical Developments ISBN 9781403980496.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Gondola, Ch. Didier (2002). The history of the Congo. Greenwood history of modern peoples (illustrated, annotated Ed.). Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780313316968. ISSN 1096-2905.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Govender, Robert (1971). Martyrdom of Patrice Lumumba. London: Nielgo. OCLC 973704.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Hickner, Jamie Elizabeth (November 11, 2011). Patrice Lumumba and the Black Freedom Movement (PhD). Purdue University. OCLC 809633177.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Hoskins, Catherine (1965). Congo since independence: January 1960 - December 1961. London: Oxford University Publishing House. OCLC 414961.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Howe, Russell Warren (April 1968). A man and a myth in political Africa. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Council on Foreign Relations. 46 (3): 584–598. doi:10.2307/20039326. JSTOR 20039326.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Huskens, Geert; Goddiris, Idesald (2020). Lumumba in the Hood: Patrice Lumumba's legacy in rap music since 1990. In De Gruf, Matthias( Lumumba in Art. ISBN 9789462701748.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Jewish, Bohumil (1999). Chronicle of the Congo: Patrice Lumumba in Urban Art (illustrated). New York: Museum of African Art. ISBN 9780945802259.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Kanza, Thomas R. (1994). Rise and Patrice Lumumba: Conflict in Congo Vermont: Schenkman Books, Inc. ISBN 978-0-87073-901-9.CS1 Maint: ref'harv (link) Mahoney, Richard D. (1983). JFK: Test in Africa. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-503341-0.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) McCown, Robin (1969). Lumumba: Biography. Garden City, New York: Double day. OCLC 977145530.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Merriam, Alan. Congo: The backstory of the conflict. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press. OCLC 424186.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Monaville, Pedro (January 2019). The political life of the deceased Lumumba: the history of the Cold War and the Congolese student left. Africa. 89 (addition S1): S15-S39. doi:10.1017/S000197201800089X. Director of CS1: ref'harv (link) Mwakikagile, Godfrey (2014), Congo in the Sixties, ISBN 978-9987160365 Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges (2014). Patrice Lumumba (illustrated, reissued.). Ohio University Press. ISBN 9780821445068.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) O'Ballance, Edgar (1999). The Congo-Saire experience, 1960-1998 (illustrated example). Springer. 26-27. ISBN 9780230286481.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Olorunsola, Victor A. (1972). The policy of cultural sub-nationalism in Africa. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books. OCLC 915692187.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Oten, Christopher (2015). Katanga 1960-63: Mercenaries, spies and an African nation that waged war on peace (illustrated ed.). Stroud: History Press. ISBN 9780750965804.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Stack, James (July 11, 1964). Legacy of Lumumbisme (PDF). A new African. London: 141-142. ISSN 0142-9345.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Tambwe, Eddie (2004). Recherches sur l'crit au Congo-Kinshasa: essai de bibliologie (in French). l'Harmattan. ISBN 9782747560160.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Thomas, Dominic Richard David (1996). New writings for new times: Nationalism in Congolese literature (PhD). Yale University. OCLC 82544441. Proquest 304305511.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Vanderstratain, Louis-Francois (1993). De la force publique l'Arme nationale congolaise: histoire d'une mutiny, juillet 1960 (French). Brussels: Academy piano de Berk. ISBN 9782803101047.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Willame, Jean-Claude (1990). Patrice Lumumba: la crise congolaise revisit'e (in French). Paris: Edicia Cartala. ISBN 9782865372706.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Willame, Jean-Claude (1972). Patriarchalism and political change in the Congo. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-0793-0.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) de Witte, Ludo (2002). The murder of Lumumba (illustrated: Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-410-6.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Young, Crawford (2015). Politics in the Congo: Decolonization and independence. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9781400878574.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Young, Crawford (1966). The politics of independence in the Congo. Press (26): 34-41. doi:10.2307/2934325. JSTOR 2934325. - via JSTOR (required subscription) External links Patrice Lumumbaat Wikipedia sister projectsMedia from Wikimedia citations from Wikiquote Data from The Speeches and Writings of Wikidata and about Patrice Lumumba, in the Marxist Internet Archive. Patrice Lumumba: 50 years later, remembering a U.S.-backed murder - video coverage of democracy now! SpyCast - 1 December 2007: On appointment to Congo-Peter talks with Larry Devlin, legendary CIA station chief in Congo in the 1960s. A rich source of information about Lumumba, including a reprint of an article by Stephen R. Weissman dated July 21, 2002, from The Washington Post. BBC Lumumba apology: Congo's mixed feelings. Mysteries of the story of Lumumba's murder. Lumumba and Congo on YouTube Documentary about the life and work of Lumumba in Congo. BBC On This Day text. It has an audio recording of the BBC's death of Lumumba. English translation of Lumumba's speech at a ceremony on Independence Day 1960. Patrice Lumumba, Royal Museum of Political Offices of Central Africa, preceded byposition created on the basis of independence from the Prime Minister of Belgium of the Democratic Republic of the Congo24 June - 5 September 1960 Replaced Joseph Ileo, extracted from the patrice lumumba books. patrice lumumba books pdf. the assassination of patrice lumumba book. patrice lumumba biography book. best books about patrice lumumba

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