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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. MASTERS THESIS M-3990
FAILEY, Dean Frederick ELIAS PELLETREAU: LONG ISLAND SILVERSMITH.
University o£ Delaware Ofcnterthur Program), M.A., 1971 Fine Arts
University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
© 1972
DEAN' FREDERICK FAILEY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ELIAS PELLETREAU
LONG ISLAND SILVERSMITH
by
Dean Frederick Failey
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillm ent of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Early American Culture.
June, 1971
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Approved UM; i Professor in charge of thesis I on behalf of the Advisory Committee
'7 Approved: C Coordinate of the Winterthur ProgranT
Approved:______Dean of the College of Graduate Studies
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PREFACE
The number o f monographs on American craftsm en have been
surprisingly few in number, and, for the most part, biographical in
nature. One of the first studies to seriously investigate a specific
craftsman, or group of craftsmen, in relation to the area they served,
the customers who patronized them, and the products and services they
offered to those patrons, was Charles Hummel's examination of the Dominy
family. His original study of this East Hampton, Long Island, family of
cabinetmakers and clockmakers, With Hammer in Hand (C harlottesville, Va.,
1968), was supplemented by a further analysis of the Dominys in Country
Cabinetwork and Simple City Furniture (Charlottesville, Va., 1970).
These two publications shed considerable light on the social and
economic forces operating on eastern Long Island in the latter half of
the eighteenth century, and the first few decades of the nineteenth
century. This scholarship was based on the extant account books, let
ters and papers, tools, and furniture of the Dominys. It is a rare
occasion when such detailed information is available for the historian's
scrutiny, and it is extremely unusual when similar documentation exists
fo r another craftsm an working in the same area a t th e same tim e. I t was
such a situation that attracted me to Elias Pelletreau.
i i i
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Southampton, Long Island, silversmith was fir st’ brought to
public attention in 1931, when a series of articles about him appeared
in Antiques Magazine. Written by Mabel C. Weaks, the articles remained
the only source of information on Pelletreau until 1959. In that year,
the Brooklyn Museum held an exhibition centered on this Long Island
craftsman, and fifty-nine examples of his silver. But, the Pelletreau
account books and related papers, deposited in both the East Hampton
Free Library and the Long Island Historical Society, remained to be
studied in detail and carefully analyzed. Using the Dominy scholarship
as a guide, the Weaks' articles and the Brooklyn Museum exhibition as a
point of departure, and the Pelletreau account books as a foundation,
this study was begun.
The goals of my research were several. There had been no
regional studies of New York silver, and it was hoped that an examina
tion of Pelletreau's craft practice might lead to a better understanding
of silversmithing in this area, as well as the distinctive "New York"
style of silver design. Similarly, discovery of new information on
Pelletreau might prove applicable to silversmithing in all of colonial
America. It was hoped that some idea of the craft of the colonial sil
versmith would be conveyed, be it his multi-talented abilities, his
lim itations and problems, or his relationship to the community in which
he worked. Pelletreau also offered the opportunity to closely examine
the relationship between urban and rural silver design, a question that
has aroused considerable interest in the study of furniture. Finally,
in conjunction with the Dominy studies, an attempt was made to better
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. define the economic, social, and aesthetic character of rural, eighteenth
century Long Island. It is my belief that such regional analyses are
the key to fully understanding the decorative arts of early America.
The Pelletreau account books were invaluable in achieving these
goals. The four extant account books, in which Pelletreau recorded
business transactions relating to his agricultural and other activities,
as well as silversmithing, span the period from 1760 to 1810. Pelletreau
numbered his account books in chronological sequence, and they are
referred to in this study as follows: "Account Book No. 1," 1749-60;
(This book has unfortunately disappeared and has never been examined.)
"Account Book No. 2," 1760-66; Account Book No. 3," 1766-76; "Account
Book No. 4," 1776-1800; (Actually, the years 1776-1790 are missing.)
"Account Book No. 5," 1800-10 with additional later entries by John and
William Pelletreau.
Previous writings on American silver have guided my research and
observations about the products of Pelletreau's shop. Without them I
could never have undertaken this study. I relied particularly on the
scholarship of Louise Avery, John Marshall Phillips, Kathryn Buhler, and
Martha Gandy F a le s .
A thesis is a cooperative effort, although its final form is the
responsibility of one person. Information, suggestions, and encourage
ment from many people, sustained my efforts on this project, from
conception to completion. These personal associations are sometimes
among the r ic h e s t rewards o f r e se a r c h .
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. v i
In particular, I would like to acknowledge the continuous and
cheerful assistance of the library staffs at the H. F. du Pont Winter
thur Museum, the E ast Hampton F ree L ib rary, and th e Long Isla n d
Historical Society. I am in special debt to the entire staff of the
Winterthur Museum for giving so freely of their time and information.
To the following individuals I am grateful for various contri
butions of time and information: Marvin D. Schwartz, Miss Patricia
Kane, Edwin F itler, James Kennedy, Mrs. George P. Morse, Mrs. William
G. K a fes, Mrs. G a il B eld en , Mrs. Ann McCann, Mrs. H arold F a ile y , and
Robert D. L. Gardiner.
A s p e c ia l e x p r e ssio n of' g r a titu d e i s due to C h arles F. Montgomery,
who first aroused my interest in American silver, and who provided
assistance and encouragement beyond the call and duty of a teacher. My
final and deepest words of appreciation are to my advisor, Charles F.
Hummel. His example of scholarship has been my guide, and his patient
counseling my support in moments of confusion. I am more than fortunate
in having had the opportunity to prepare this thesis under his direction.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE...... iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS...... v i i
LIST OF TABLES...... v i i i
LIST OF PLATES...... ix
LIST OF FIGURES...... x
CHAPTER I . BIOGRAPHY...... ' ...... 1
CHAPTER I I . CLIENTELE...... 26
CHAPTER I I I . BUSINESS PROCEDURES...... 36
CHAPTER IV. BUCKLES, BUTTONS, AND BRIGHT SHINY BEADS ...... 47
CHAPTER V. COMMISSION SALES ...... 57
CHAPTER V I. HOLLOW WARE...... 64
CHAPTER V II. INCOME...... 104
BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 113
APPENDIX A. INVENTORY OF HOUSEHOLD FURNISHINGS OF ELIAS PELLETREAU MARCH 23, 1811...... 119
APPENDIX B. PURCHASERS OF HOLLOW WARE 1760-1810 ...... 121
APPENDIX C. COMMISSION SALES ...... 124
APPENDIX D. CATEGORIES OF PRODUCTION AND INCOME FOR ELIAS PELLETREAU FOR SAMPLE YEARS, 1765-1810 ...... 128
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF TABLES
T able Page 1. Silver Hollow Ware Made Yearly by Elias Pelletreau 76
2. Yearly Profit for Silver and Shell Work as Calculated by Elias Pelletreau 107
3. Analysis of the Pelletreau Accounts 109
v i i i
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF PLATES
Page PLATE I . Style Chart of Pelletreau Silver 74
PLATE I I . "JLG" Tankard, 1791 78
PLATE III. Naphtali Daggett Tankard, ca. 1751-55 80
PLATE IV. Cann, ca. 1750-98 82
PLATE V. "ILG" Porringer, 1802 84
PLATE VI. Creampot, ca. 1750-60 86
PLATE VII. Creampot, ca. 1765-1800 88
PLATE VIII. Sugar Urn, ca. 1800-15 90
PLATE IX. Soup Spoon, ca. 1782 93
PLATE X. Pelletreau Mark 95
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF FIGURES
F igu re 1. Drawing of Pelletreau Design for Suffolk County, New York S ea l
x
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I
BIOGRAPHY
In 1804, Timothy Dwight, president of Yale College, visited
Long Island and noted of Southampton that i t ,
is said to have been formerly a flourishing settle ment, the whaling business having been vigorously pursued and become a source of wealth to the inhabitants. At present, it wears the aspect of d e c lin e .
Indeed, by 1800, the town had become a shadow of its former
self. For most of the eighteenth century, Southampton had been a
prosperous community, serving as a mercantile center for a considerable
portion of eastern Long Island. A serious drawback to its continued
expansion, however, was that Southampton was landlocked. The Atlantic
coastline that bordered Southampton offered no harbor, and all shipping
had to be done from the protected landing at Sag Harbor. From the end
of the Revolution and into the nineteenth century, therefore, Southamp
ton increasingly fell behind Sag Harbor as a center for commercial . . 2 a c t i v i t y .
Southampton's seventy-five year span of commercial prosperity
paralleled the lifetim e of one of its more noted inhabitants, Elias
Pelletreau, goldsmith. The story of Pelletreau1s life is, in fact, a
1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. reflection of Southampton's eighteenth century history. It is also an
informative insight into the career of one of America's most successful
rural craftsmen.
Seventy-seven years after its founding in 1640, but at the
beginning of its awakening to trade and commerce with New York City, the
Pelletreau name first became associated with Southampton. In 1717,
Francis Pelletreau, who was then seventeen years old, arrived alone in
that Long Island community. His father, Elie Pelletreau, a French
Huguenot, had emigrated to America shortly before 1700, and had settled
in New York. He and his brother Jean were in the business of candle
making and whalebone cutting, and this may have prompted the sending of
Francis to Southampton, where he was taken into the business of Stephen
Bouyer, a friend of Francis' father.
Francis married Jane Osborne, of East Hampton, on September 26, 4 1721. Their son Elias Pelletreau was born May 31, 1726. Francis
Pelletreau's activities as a merchant were apparently quite successful,
because in 1728, he purchased a comfortable house and small shop on
Southampton's main street."’
Elias' childhood was marred, shortly before he was eight years
old, by the death of his mother. His father, who had been remarried in
1734 to Mary King, became ill, and decided, in 1737, to go to London
for an operation. He never returned, dying in a London hospital on
September 27 o f th e same y ea r.^
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. By the terms of his father's w ill, Elias received the major
portion of the estate,including,
all [thej lands, buildings, and commonage. . .one half the moveable estate. . . [thej Watch, Sword, and Gun and [thej best Bed and Furniture. . .a ll [thej wearing apparrel, Linnen as well as Woolen. . J
Elias' and his sister Hannah's further welfare was insured by their
stepmother's marriage to Hugh Gelston, a close friend of their father.
Gelston was a man of high social standing in the community, and he
served as magistrate and Judge for the County of Suffolk. He had also 3 been previously married, and had several children by his first wife.
Francis Pelletreau's w ill had stipulated that his children be
given a sound education, and in compliance with this, Elias was sent to
school in New York, in 1739. The b ill for Elias' one year of schooling
with Mr. John Proctor gives no hint as to what he studied, nor do we
Q know why he stayed in school for only one year. Possibly, the school
ing was in preparation for his apprenticeship in a craft where at least
a rudimentary knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic was
mandatory.
In 1741, Elias returned to New York, where he and his step
father signed his indenture papers, obligating him to a seven-year term
of apprenticeship with the Huguenot silversm ith, Simeon Soumaine. The
printed-form indenture was signed on November 19, 1741, but the
apprenticeship did not begin until January 12, 1742.^® It was a
standard agreement between master and apprentice, whereby Pelletreau
was to be taught the "art and mystery" of the goldsmith, in return for
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. his seven years of service to Souraaine. The only deviation from the
printed indenture was the crossing out of the section which obligated
Soumaine to provide Pelletreau with clothes.
By apprenticing himself to Soumaine, Pelletreau was entering an
elite group of craftsmen. The choice of silversmithing as a vocation,
by boys from families of means and social prominence, is echoed again
and again throughout the colonial period in America. Two prime examples
of this in New York were Kiliaen Van Rennselaer, who apprenticed to
Jeremiah Dummer, in Boston, and Adrian Bancker, a contemporary of
Pelletreau's, who was the son of Albany's mayor. Pelletreau's actual
choice of Soumaine as a master may have been influenced by their common
Huguenot ancestry.
Pelletreau's apprenticeship must have been completed shortly
before the end of a full seven-year period, because in December of 1748,
he married his stepsister, Sarah Gelston, in Southampton.^ One of the
terms of the indenture had been the obligation not to "contract
19 matrimony.'
The real estate holdings inherited from his father were
probably managed by Judge Gelston during Pelletreau's apprenticeship.
The earliest notice of Pelletreau in the Southampton Town Records
appears in 1742, when, "Elias Pelletrue" was named part owner of a tract
of land. In 1747, just prior to the completion of his apprenticeship,
Pelletreau evidently exercised his right to buy land, having reached
no the age of 21, by purchasing property from John Sayre. This was
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. surely an indication that he always intended to return home, despite
the fact that he remained in New York, at least until August 31, 1750, 14 when he became a Freeman of that city.
No person was permitted to engage in trade or the practice of a
craft in New York, unless he had been granted the freedom of the city.^
This right was granted after a certain period of work in the city,
possibly as a journeyman, which suggests Pelletreau continued to work
for Soumaine following his apprenticeship. Soumaine died in 1750, and
Pelletreau's stay in New York may have been lengthened by the attraction
of business that might normally have gone to his former m aster.^
The date of Pelletreau's return to Southampton cannot be
documented, but it probably was not long after he had been made a Free
man. His return to eastern Long Island, some 100 miles from the city,
however, did not mean the end of his connections with New York. The
details of Pelletreau's life between 1750 and 1760 are unknown, but it
is possible that he occasionally supplied New York City silversmiths
with small articles, such as spoons and jewelry. Pelletreau certainly
must have known a number of his fellow craftsmen and maintained ties
with them. He supplied Samuel Tingley Junior at least once with
jewelry item s.^ Pelletreau's cousin in New York had married William 18 Ustick, a hardware merchant. Throughout the early years of
Pelletreau's career, Ustick acted as a valuable agent and supplier for
him in the city.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6
Pelletreau also continued in his father's footsteps, by
obtaining, cutting, and selling whalebone in New York. The earliest
reference to this activity is for 1760 when he was twice credited by
the e s ta t e o f Mary A lexander, o f New York C ity , fo r the c u ttin g o f
122 pounds, and 204 pounds of bone. Myer Myers and Adrian Bancker are 19 also included in the Alexander accounts for services rendered.
Pelletreau might have had contact with these fellow craftsmen, in 20 addition to Myer Myers' brother, Asher, with whom he did business.
Pelletreau's time was also occupied with agricultural pursuits.
Like most rural craftsmen, he found the need for his skills as a
silversmith did not occupy every working day, and if he could, it was
to his economic advantage to provide for as many of his own necessities
as possible. Naturally, success at his craft meant that he would be
able to buy more land for farming and grazing; in itself a valuable
investment.
In addition to what he had inherited, and what he had bought in
1747, Pelletreau made at least two land purchases in the 1750's,
involving 15 acres. Writing of Pelletreau in 1940, Lizbeth White, of
Southampton, said,
In looking over the land records of the town we fin d th e name o f E lia s P e lle tr e a u more often than any other, so we have no doubt that his business was remunerative. .
Between 1760 and 1794, Pelletreau made 18 separate purchases of 22 property, for which bills of sale still exist. All of the land was
in or near Southampton, as well as the land noted on occasion, in the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7
account books, as being rented:
memorandum May 7 th 1767
this Day Hired of Jonah Halsey one half of his Barn Close on the south side for mowing & grasing to have it for one year for the sum of £5-0-O2^
The size of Pelletreau1s farm fluctuated, as he bought or sold
acreage and commons r ig h t s . By the tim e o f th e R ev o lu tio n , i t was a
sizeable and valuable holding. The British, in their "Estimate of real
Estate in the County of Suffolk belonging to persons in actual
Rebellion," listed Pelletreau's 125 acre farm as having a value of
£1200.24
Pelletreau was an example of Tench Coxe's description of the N rural craftsmen in this country, who lived, "upon farms of twenty
to one hundred and fifty acres, which they cultivate at leisure 25 times. . ." Like other farmers on eastern Long Island, Pelletreau
raised wheat and flax, selling his excess. He also kept a garden, to
supply his own kitchen, and he raised cows, sheep, and chickens.
Because he was regularly, if not always employed in his shop,
Pelletreau hired farm hands on both a part-time and full-tim e basis,
to make profitable use of his farm.
Merchandise bought from him was sometimes paid for with
several days labor. For example, John White Junior paid for his two
pair of brass buckles and four tortoise shell buttons, with three days
of hard labor, clearing thorn and apple trees on Pelletreau's farm.2 6
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Part-time farm help could not always be relied on, and
Pelletreau hired Silas Jagger, James Jagger, James Norris, and William
Phillips Junior, to work either seasonally, or by the year. The cost
of this labor was approximately two shillings six pence per day, or
between twenty and thirty pounds sterling per year. Elias Person
[Pierson] Junior was favored as the person to do Pelletreau's butcher- 27 ing. The raising of cows and hogs provided not only meat, but skins
which could be tanned and used for clothing, or sold.
Slaves were a part of eighteenth century life, even in
Southampton. P e lle tr e a u owned a t le a s t two, a man named Pomp, and a
woman. The woman was bought by Pelletreau in 1766 for thirty-five
2ft pounds sterling, in cash. Pomp, who was often sent on errands, and
who may have even helped around the shop, was probably "my negro man,"
who Pelletreau claimed was stolen by the British during the Revolu- 29 tion. He was probably left behind to watch the property, while the
family went to Connecticut.
Pelletreau's first child was his daughter Jane, born in 1750.
His first son Francis, born in 1752, lived only to be thirteen. This
boy's final illness is tragically recorded in Pelletreau's accounts
with Dr. George Muirson, who tended Francis.30 John Pelletreau was
born in 1755, and two years later, Elias Junior became part of the
family. Pelletreau's last child, Hugh, who was born in 1762, also died
young, at the age of eight. Pelletreau came to depend on John for
assistance in his shop, and although there are no records, he surely
must have been trained as a silversmith by his father.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9
Long before John was old enough to begin helping in the shop,
however, Pelletreau must have needed an apprentice. The remarkable
portraits of the colonial silversmiths Nathaniel Hurd and Paul Revere,
by John Singleton Copley, clearly reveal the strength that must have
been contained in their massive hands. The craft of a silversmith was
not one of delicacy and light work, and many of the tasks involved in
silversmithing were more easily performed with an extra pair of hands
to a s s i s t .
Pelletreau must have taken on Edward White as his first
apprentice, almost immediately upon returning to Southampton .in late
1751 or early 1752. White, the son of the Southampton pastor, 31 Reverend Sylvanus White, married Pelletreau's sister, Hannah. There
are no formal documents which confirm this apprenticeship, but a letter
from White, addressed to Pelletreau, and reproduced below, indicates
quite clearly that White was not only a silversmith, but that he was
familiar with Pelletreau's shop and business.
Brother Pelletreau Sir [,]
This comes to acquaint you of the welfare of our family being all in reasonable health as I wish this may find you & yours[.] You wrote to me some time past for earring stones but I have not got any by me at present]]] I sent to Boston for a quantity of earring stone and through a mistake Mr. Welch sent button stones which I shall send to exchange per first opportunity[.] It is dull times at present respecting work[.] James T illey's time is out with me, [and] he hath a mind to travel about to perfect himself in the Goldsmiths trade K more e s p e c ia lly in the la rg er branch o f th e same [,_ viz[,] such as making of tankards[,] canns [,] [and] porringers[,] which his notion leads him to more than smaller work for which he has had but a poor
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10
chance [,] comparitively speaking [,] not but what I have done my endeavor to procure a ll the large work that I could and have gave him the chance of making a ll that came to hand which was no great matter of late [.] But I advised him to take a trip to the Island not doubting but [that] you would employ him so as that he may perfect himself in the trade, which would be a satisfaction to him as well as to me [,] imagining that he would have a chance to see more large work made in your shop in one winter than he w ill in mine in 3 years [.] Sir £,] you w ill find him a young man of good manner s [,] well bred[,] [and] of a manly disposition[.1 On that you may rely upon for his integrity[.] [He is_ a person in whom you may put confidence, , .and as good a work man as' you can expect [.] All things considered [,] I hope Sir you w ill sit him to work and give him wages that are honorable. Not that he stands in need of the same for he is the only son of his father [,] a man of a bountiful estate[.] But I pray that you would use him with kindness upon the account of me and my wife as well as for his own merits sake, for we both have a regard for his. . .good behavior since he lived in the house with us[,] which experience w ill create the same good liking in your family In haste I subscribe myself your loving brother[, Erd White
P. S. My wife joins in love to you and spouse [,] Mr. Jacobs[,] and [?] and 2 blanks in this lottery of which James w ill give you an account by the next weeks p ap er[ .] E.W. „ Hartford 30th July, 1761
This informative letter is the only record yet discovered of
Edward White working as a silversmith in Hartford, Connecticut, although 33 there are one or two E. W., or E. White marks known. Edward White
O/ died in 1767. His short life, and the "dull times" may have con
tributed to his present anonymity.
As White's letter reveals, James Tilley had finished his
apprenticeship in Connecticut, in 1761, and he intended to come to
Southampton in search of work as a journeyman. According to entries in
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Pelletreau's second account book, Tilley did arrive, delivering the
letter in person. The account book entry, which credited Tilley for
making several buckles, is dated August 1, 1761; just two days after
White's letter was written. There is no indication that Tilley found
full-tim e employment in Pelletreau's shop, or that he obtained any work
in "the larger branch" of the goldsmith's trade. Pelletreau's few
entries for Tilley span the period from his arrival, until 1769, several
years after he had returned to Connecticut.
Tilley was in Southampton, at least interm ittently, until June,
1765, when he delivered some goods from Pelletreau, to the merchant
Nathaniel Williams, in Huntington, Long Island. In 1761, Pelletreau
credited Tilley with making eight pair of buckles, two stock buckles,
and two tea tongs. In 1762 and 1763, he was again credited with doing
O £ minor "stone" or jewelry work.
If Tilley did not find all the answers to his wishes with
Pelletreau, there were other attractions in Southampton. Too much of a
coincidence to be ignored, a James Tilley is known to have married
O 7 Phebe White, the younger sister of Edward White. Subsequently,
Tilley is documented by several newspaper advertisements, the first
appearing in 1765, as working in Hartford. He served as a captain in
the Revolution, and following the war he opened "a house of entertain-
OO ment. Tilley is recorded as having died in the south, August 29,
1 7 9 2 .39
with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12
A new apprentice, taken on about the time of T illey's arrival
in Southampton, may have damaged T illey's chances of obtaining much
work with Pelletreau. Stephen Rodgers was credited in Pelletreau's
accounts, in August of 1761, for writing the indenture for Silas
Howell.^® Since there is no further mention of Howell by Pelletreau,
however, and as there is no record of a Silas Howell ever working as a
silversmith, it can be assumed that silversmithing did not meet all of
Howell's expectations, and that the indenture was nullified.
Pelletreau's next apprentices were most likely his sons John
and Elias, Jr. As the oldest son, John was likely to have heen given
first preference, and this may account for Elias, Jr.'s, presence in
New York, at the age of 11, where he was selling small jewelry work and 41 whalebone for his father. It is possible that he was apprenticing or
working for "cousin" Ustick in his hardware store.
A few years later, however, in 1773, Elias, Jr., opened a store
of his own in New York, as verified by an advertisement he ran in the
New York Mercury, for several weeks, beginning in May of 1773. In the
past, this notice has been mistakenly associated with Elias 42 Pelletreau, Sr.
Elias Pelletreau Takes this method to inform the Merchants and the Public in general, That he has set up at his House on Golden-Hill, at the Sign of the Dish of fry'd Oysters, a place for cutting of Whale Bone; those that w ill favour him with their custom, may depend upon being served with care and expedition
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13
N.B. He has also for Sale a parcel of Silver Smith's Tools, which he w ill sell Cheap for C ash .43
The postscript concerning the silversm ith's tools might indicate that
Elias, Jr., had been partially trained at that craft by his father, but
because of lack of business, or his own inclination, had given it up.
By 1774, there is no doubt that John had begun to assume some
o f th e r e s p o n s ib i l it ie s in h is f a t h e r 's shop. A number o f the e n tr ie s
in Account Book No. 3 are in John“'s handwriting, and Pelletreau
occasionally noted that certain work had been done by himself. One
entry originally read, "By a pair Shoes for Father," but the word
father was crossed out by a different hand, that of Elias', and the 44 words, "my self," substituted.
Pelletreau's constant concern with his business, his farm, and
his family, did not prevent him from fulfilling his duties, as an adult
male in the community. In 1761, Pelletreau was made a lieutenant in
the Southampton m ilitia company; a sign of his respected position. He
was promoted to captain in 1765.43 How closely Pelletreau followed the
building conflict between England and the Colonies cannot be determined.
Certainly he had enough contact with those local, county, and colony
officials who knew him and patronized his shop, to be aware of the
issues involved.
On the eve of the Revolution, Pelletreau committed himself to 46 the American cause by signing the Articles of Association. Shortly
afterwards, he loaned William Floyd, of Moriches, a sum of money which
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enabled him to travel to Philadelphia and attend the Continental 47 Congress meeting there. Floyd remained in Philadelphia to sign the
Declaration of Independence.
Pelletreau was too old to fight in the regular army, but won a
la s t in g p la ce in th e memory o f h is town by the r o le he played on the
homefront, in leading the town's military company of senior citizens.
This action was immortalized by Peter Force, in his American Archives:
Southampton, S u ffo lk "County, New York, J u ly 23, 1776. Last Monday a ftern o o n , was e x h ib ite d to view in this town a very agreeable prospect: the old gentlemen, grandfathers, to the age of seventy years and upwards, met, agreeably to appointment, and formed themselves into an Independent company. Each man was well equipped with a good musket, powder, ball, cartridges, etc., and unanimously made choice of Elias Pelletreau, Esq., for their leader, (with other suitable officers,) who made a very animating speech to them, on the necessity of holding themselves in readiness to go into the field in time of invasion. They cheerfully agreed to it, and determined, at the risk of their lives, to defend the free and Independent States of America. May such a shining example stimulate every father on Long-Island in particular, and America in general, to follow their aged brethern h e r e .
E lias, Jr., presumably returned home from New York when the
situation looked dangerous. Neither he nor his older brother joined any
of the local m ilitia companies, nor did they actively participate in
the war. When the Battle of Long Island ended in defeat for the
A m ericans, a number o f the more p o l i t i c a l l y a c tiv e r e s id e n ts o f
Southampton requested permission to seek safety:
At a Meeting of a quorum of the Committee of Southampton was Voted that Major Uriah Roggers
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Capt Zebu Roper Capt Elias Pelletreau Capt Jeremiah Rogers Mr Abraham Cooper & Mr Henry Herrick by this Certificate have our lisence to Remove their Respective families for their Safety into any part of Connecticut at their discretion not absenting themselves & to hire a Boat for that purpose------Signed by order of the Committee Obadiah Jones
Southampton 31 Augst 1776
With permission to leave, and the British occupation imminent,
Pelletreau left for Simsbury, Connecticut, on September 5. Soon after,
however, he returned with a hired man to collect his eleven head of
cattle, two horses, and additional personal belongings. Pelletreau
made one more trip to Southampton in September, 1778, to "get off
affects," and John Pelletreau made yet another trip on June 10, 1779.^
Pelletreau's reasons for selecting Simsbury as a place to wait
out the war are unknown, as are his reasons for moving to Saybrook in
1780. In both towns, Pelletreau made suitable arrangements for his
family's lodging, a kitchen garden, and the care of his livestock. In
Simsbury, Pelletreau contracted with Aaron Dibol for,
hire of his Lot & Barn[.] S^ £Said] Elias Pelletreau is to Give Mr. Dibol five Pounds for the same until the 15th of Octobr Next(\J S^ Dibol is to put up the fence & Cart the Dung on the Stock Ground & Sow the same for me for the above sum as witness our Hands this 26 Day of March[,J 1778[.]
On October 5, 1780, Pelletreau made arrangements to settle his
family in Saybrook, by agreeing to rent from Captain Jabez Stow,
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one half of the West end of. . . [the] Dwelling House with the Garden Joining to the same for the sum of four Pounds Hard money. . .
Most of the pages from Pelletreau's account books, spanning the
years he was in Connecticut, are missing. This has led to the state
ment in a recent authoritative work on Connecticut silver that 53 Pelletreau's work in that state was limited to jewelry and spoons.
It is difficult to believe that, in six years, Pelletreau's skills were
not called upon even once to fashion a tankard, milk pot, or porringer.
Silver smithing had been profitable for Pelletreau, even in 54 rural Southampton. His credit had been good enough, before the
Revolution, for him to have taken out a bond loan from David Gardiner
for 515 pounds, due, oddly enough, on September 20, 1774, the day of
Gardiner's death. Pelletreau was a constant buyer of lottery tick
e t s , ^ was a shareholder in a group that built a wharf in Sag Harbor, ^ 58 and invested in ship ventures.
It is not surprising to learn, therefore, that on September 11,
1779, Pelletreau sent a "parsel" of money to Boston, perhaps for safe- i 59 keeping. Elias Pelletreau sent 900 pounds, John Pelletreau, 300
pounds, and Elias, Jr., 200 pounds. The money was entrusted to Pliny
Hillyer on the journey. Hillyer later married Pelletreau's daughter, 60 Jane. Following the war, the money was returned.
Pelletreau's return to Long Island was duly noted in his
account book by an entry on May 29, 1782: "Began to work at my trade
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in Southampton."^ During the British occupation of Southampton,
Pelletreau's house had served as a commissary for the soldiers, who had
not gone out of their way to keep it in good repair. Pelletreau esti
mated his losses and damages at 516 pounds, including 300 pounds for
h is Negro man.
Despite the general economic hardship that followed the Revolu
tion, business was remarkably good for Pelletreau upon his return.
From the time he began to work at' his trade, to July 2, 1782,
Pelletreau1s "workmanship" totaled 317 pounds, 10 shillings, and 10
pence.^ During this period, both John and Elias, Jr., were helping in
the shop, although soon after, Elias, Jr., seems to have set up a shop
for the sale of general merchandise, in Southampton. The shop
Pelletreau bought in 1791 from Sylvanus Howell, for 9 pounds, might
well have been for his son's use.^
The increased appearance of John Pelletreau's handwriting in
"Account Book No. 4," signified the dominant role he began to play in
the silversmith's shop in the late 1780's. There was still enough
activity in the shop at this time to require the assistance of an
apprentice. An entry in the accounts for December 13, 1793, makes
f i 5 mention of, "my apprintice Sherry Conkling." Elias' wife had died in
1784, and he took as his second wife, a daughter of David Conkling, of 66 East Hampton. Sherry, or William Sherrill Conkling, was her nephew.
He is mentioned again in the accounts in 1795 when he was credited with
making a "steal top thim ble.It is doubtful that he completed his
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. apprenticeship, however, and there is nothing to indicate that he ever
worked as a silversmith.
C olon el David H edges, the E ast Hampton s ilv e r s m ith , h a s, by
tradition, been said to have apprenticed with Elias Pelletreau. John
Chatfield Hedges was mentioned by Pelletreau in 1791, for "workmanship,
and in 1792 for "10 weeks Jorney work," but there is no evidence to
prove David Hedges' apprenticeship, as logical as it may seem because
of his near location.^
Elias Pelletreau1s passive role in the running of the shop is
verified in a letter he wrote to his daughter and son-in-law in
Connecticut, on the 29th of September, 1800:
. . .your Brother John (missing) that he would go to pay you a V isit if he could any way leave home, byt (but it) a ll depends on him he having no help in the Shop, but myself & is Oblig to do his farming work himself. ^
Judging from the account books, it was mainly the farm that
prevented John from crossing the Sound on a visit. Lack of business
may have prompted him to successfully seek appointment as the County
Coroner in 1 7 9 8 . Other than money, the attractions of such a job
were few.
John Pelletreau's oldest son, William, continued in the family
tradition by becoming a silversmith. He probably began to learn the
trade from his father and grandfather around 1800, when he was fourteen
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William remained in Southampton for a few years, but by 1815, he was
working in New York, in partnership with S. Van Wyck.7'*'
His reasons for moving to New York are evident in the last
account book kept by Elias and John Pelletreau. After 1810, and Elias'
death, only six pieces of hollow ware are found listed among the
e n t r ie s .
How long Pelletreau was able to continue helping John around
the shop we do not know. We do know that he considered himself a
"helper" by 1800, although at that date he could still fashion a milk 72 pot for his granddaughter Jane. His health failed him in his last
few years, and shortly before his death on November 2, 1810, John wrote
to his son Nathaniel to say that his grandfather's illness was very 73 s e r io u s .
Pelletreau's w ill, and inventory of his estate, reflect the
plain, New England character, and rural sim plicity of life in South
ampton.^ A full listing of Pelletreau's household furnishings can be
found in Appendix A. It is interesting to note here, that his plate
consisted of a single tankard, two porringers, one pepper box, a pair
of sugar tongs, and four tablespoons.
The provisions of Pelletreau's w ill left both Jane and Elias,
Jr., with $50 in cash. John was the recipient of the remainder of the
estate, including land, buildings, and government bonds totaling at
least $1,473.65.75
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The practice of Pelletreau1s craft was unavoidably molded by
his life in Southampton. He seems to have fully understood the
obstacles of practicing his craft in a remote and rural situation. He
made concessions and adjustments where necessary in order to provide
for himself and his family, and to provide service for his customers.
The biographical sketch that has been presented in this chapter, should
help to give a fuller context to the information on the "specifics" of
Pelletreau's craft, contained in the other chapters of this paper.
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FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I
^Timothy Dwight, Travels in New England and New York, ed. by Barbara Miller Solomon (4 v o ls.; Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1969), III, 222.
2Ibid. , 216. 3 Mabel C. Weaks, Captain Elias Pelletreau, Long Island Silver smith: An Account of his Life & Times, his Office, and his Craft (reprint; Southampton, New York: The Yankee Peddler Book Company, 1966), unpaginated.
4Ibid. , [2].
-%ill of sale for house and lot, to Francis Pelletreau from Samuel Woodruff, 1728, William Pelletreau Papers (hereafter WPP), Long Island H istorical Society (hereafter LIHS), MS 45-175.
6>3Weaks, Captain Elias Pelletreau, [3] .
7,.^Will of Francis Pelletreau, 1735, WPP, LIHS, MS.
Q Benjamin F. Thompson, History of Long Island from its Discovery and Settlement to the Present Time (3 vols., 3rd ed.; New York: Robert H. Dodd, 1918), II, 165.
Q B ill from John Proctor for schooling of Elias Pelletreau, 1740, WPP, LIHS, MS 4 5 -1 1 1 .
^Indenture of Elias Pelletreau to Simeon Soumaine, December 6, 1741, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-251.
■^Weaks, Captain Elias Pelletreau, [3] .
"^Pelletreau indenture, MS 45-251. 13 The Third Book of Records of the Town of Southampton, Long Island, New York, with Other Ancient Documents of Historic Value (Sag Harbor, New York: John H. Hunt, Printer, 1878), pp. 33, 70-71.
^"4Weaks, Captain Elias Pelletreau, (j3j .
^Ordinance passed by the Common Council in New York, 1683. Adm ittance was granted by th e Mayor or Court o f Aldermen. 16 Marvin D. Schwartz and Arthur J. Pulos, Elias Pelletreau, Long Isla n d S ilv e r s m ith , and H is Sources o f D esign (New York: The Brooklyn Museum, 1959). Pulos makes the statement that Pelletreau
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opened his own shop in 1750, on John Street, between C liff and Pearl Streets. I have not been able to confirm this, and Pulos may be basing this on the erroneously attributed newspaper advertisement which is given in the Darling Foundation's book, New York State Silversmiths (New York, 1 9 6 4 ), p. 139.
^See Chapter V, p. 58.
■^Weaks, Captain Elias Pelletreau, [4] .
^Estate of Mary Alexander, 1760-1768, Charles N. Bancker Papers, Joseph Downs Manuscript and Microfilm Collection, Microfilm M-101. 20 Account Book No. 3, Elias Pelletreau, 1766-1776, LIHS, MS.
^Lizbeth H. White and Robert Keene, The Old Pelletreau House & Shop, 1686-1968 (Southampton, New York: The Yankee Peddler Book Company, 1968), unpaginated, [2] .
OO B ills of sale for land, bought by Elias Pelletreau, WPP, LIHS, MSS 45-183, 187, 191, 193, 195, 197, 211, 215, 221, 223, 225, 229, 231, 233, 235, 237, 269.
Pelletreau Account Book No. 3, memorandum page at front of book. o / "Estimate of real Estate in the County of Suffolk belonging to persons in actual Rebellion, 1778." Auckland Manuscripts, King's College, Cambridge, Steven's Facsimile 12337'. 25 Tench Coxe, A View of the United States of America (Philadel phia: Printed for William Hall, and Wrigley & Berriman, 1794), p. 443. 26 Pelletreau Account Book No. 3, p. 10.
27Ibid. , pp. 18, 37, 83, 104, 106, 115.
28Ibid., p. 5. Pelletreau's entry indicates she was 36 years o ld .
^Account Book No. 2, Elias Pelletreau, 1760-1766, Long Island Collection (hereafter LIC), East Hampton Free Library (hereafter EHFL), MS(x)/CF/2, memorandum page at back of book.
30Ibid.. p. 6.
3^Thorapson, History of Long Island, II, 167.
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33Letter from Edward White to Elias Pelletreau, July 30, 1761, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-113. The spelling and capitalization has been modernized. 33 H ollis French, A List of Early American Silversmiths and Their Marks (New York: The Walpole Society, 1917), p. 125. French l i s t s two u n id e n tifie d marks: E:WHHE; EW.
-^Thompson, History of Long Island, II, 167.
■^Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 101.
36Ibid. , pp. 43, 101.
^Thompson, History of Long Island, II, 167. 38 Henry N. Flynt and Martha Gandy Fales, The Heritage Founda tion Collection of Silver: With Biographical Sketches of New England Silversmiths, 1625-1825 (Old Deerfield, Mass.: The Heritage Foundation, 1968), pp. 338-39.
39I b id .
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 54. 41 Pelletreau Account Book No. 3, p. 62.
^Darling Foundation, New York State Silversmiths, p. 139.
^Advertisement, New York Mercury, May 24, June 7, 14, 21, 1773.
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 3, p. 118.
^3Schwartz and Pulos, Elias Pelletreau, (jj] .
^White and Keene, The Old Pelletreau House & Shop, (Y] •
^Weaks, Captain Elias Pelletreau, [9] .
^■Speter Force, American Archives, Fifth Series (Washington, D. C.: M. St. Clair Clarke and Peter Force, 1848), I, 543.
^Handwritten pass, August 31, 1776, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-117.
3^Typed copy of b ill submitted by Pelletreau to the State of New York for moving expenses, 1776, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-248; Pass from the Selectmen of Simsbury, Conn., September 15, 1778, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-103; Pelletreau Account Book No. 3, memorandum page at back of book.
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-^Account Book No. 4, Elias Pelletreau, 1776-1800, LIC, EHFL, MS(x)/CF/3, loose sheet.
^photocopy of lease of house, LIC, EHFL, MS RM/60.
“*3 P e t e r Bohan and Philip Hammer slough, Early Connecticut Silver, 1700-1840 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1970), p. 247.
"^See Chapter VII, "Income."
^inventory of Estate of David Gardiner, LIC, EHFL, MS(x)WH/6.
-^Pelletreau Account Book No. 3, p. 83. This is one of many similar account book entries.
-^Pelletreau Account Book No. 4, memorandum page.
■^Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 80.
59Ibid. , memorandum page at beginning of book.
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 3, memorandum page.
6^Pelletreau Account Book No. 4, memorandum page at back of book.
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, entry for March 26, 1784, at back of book.
Pelletreau Account Book No. 4, memorandum page at back of book.
^ B ill of sale, December 17, 1791, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-109.
6 SPelletreau Account Book No. 4, p. 144. 66 Jeanette Edwards Rattray, East Hampton History Including Genealogies of Early Families (Garden City, New York: Country Life Press, 1953), p. 248.
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 4, p. 143.
68ibid., pp. 112, 123.
^Letter from Elias Pelletreau to Pliny and Jane Hillyer, September 29, 1800, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-252.
^O fficial commission as coroner of Suffolk County, Long Island, New York, February 24, 1798, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-199.
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^Darling Foundation, New York State Silversmiths, p. 140.
^Letter from Elias Pelletreau to H illyers, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-252.
^Letter from John Pelletreau to Nathaniel Pelletreau, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-131.
7^Will of Elias Pelletreau, January 16, 1811, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-123; Inventory of the estate of Elias Pelletreau, March 23, 1811, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-123.
^Ibid. This sum does not include the value of the lands or buildings or livestock. See Appendix A.
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CLIENTELE
It is difficult to imagine how Pelletreau supported himself as
a silversmith in a community as small and isolated as Southampton. In
1776, Southampton had a population of 2,792. The United States census
of 1790 revealed that the population had increased only slightly to
3,408.^ Most other rural silversmiths in eighteenth century America,
working in similar situations, produced no hollow ware to speak of.
Craftsmen such as Edward Lang and Daniel Burnap produced only spoons 2 and small quantities of jewelry. Daniel Rogers, of Ipswich, Massachu
setts, supplemented his income by making gold beads for Boston
silversmiths, but produced relatively few large silver pieces. Only
in a situation such as that enjoyed by Samuel Casey, in Little Rest,
Rhode Island, did a rural silversmith have the opportunity to make
those silver vessels which today have secured his fame.
Little Rest, although a rural town, was located in the heart
of the landed estates of the "Narragansett Planters," and despite
competition from Newport and Boston craftsmen, Casey was able to
capture a portion of their patronage. His success was, no doubt,
partially due to his apprenticeship with the famous Boston silversmith,
Jacob Hurd. Casey's achievement was almost a unique situation in
26
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New England, paralleled only by the career of Elias Pelletreau, and it
is safe to say, that of the various eighteenth century crafts, silver -
smithing was one of those least suited to a rural environment.^
There can be no doubt that silver objects were luxury items,
symbols of status and station, and were, therefore, more apt to be
found in urban or highly developed areas, where the wealth tended to
be concentrated, and where the barter system had, to a large extent,
been replaced by one dealing with cash or specie. Pelletreau could
not afford to continuously exchange silver tankards, containing some
thirty ounces of silver, for bushels of wheat. This was especially
true when he was able to raise most of the produce he and his family
needed. Therefore, he found it necessary, more than any of his fellow
craftsmen in Southampton, to go beyond the geographical, social, and
economic lim its of his town for his clientele.
Nearly 400 names appear in Pelletreau's account books. Of
this total, 100 different accounts indicate purchases of silver hollow
ware, and another 8 to 10 names can be added to this figure from
existing silver, with inscriptions or coats of arms that identify the
original owner. A compilation of Pelletreau1s hollow ware clientele,
and their purchases, show that of the slightly more than 100 individual
customers, no more than one-fourth of them account for one-half to
three-fourths of his total listed hollow ware production.
A further analysis of the nature of these customers reveals
that Pelletreau dealt with a much different and varied group of men
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than that which we might suppose populated the quiet, agricultural,
and isolated Southampton. As late as the first decade of the 1800's,
Reverend Lyman Beecher, of nearby East Hampton, wrote that, "more than
half the inhabitants of these retired villages made no other journey
during their whole lives," than the trip on Sunday to church.^
John Lyon Gardiner had similar comments to make about "these
retired villages," in an earlier period:
An East Hampton man may be known from a Southampton man as well as a native of Kent in England may be d is tin g u is h e d from a Y orkshire man. . .Very l i t t l e intercourse took place between the two towns before the Revolutionary War; since that visits and inter marriages are more frequent.
Two things are apparent from Pelletreau's account books. The
first is that he was an exception to both Beecher's and Gardiner's
comments. The second is that there were actually two Southamptons:
the one fitting the above descriptions, and being introspective; the
other being outward looking and mercantile-oriented. It was within
the sphere of this latter group, as well as from people outside of
Southampton, that Pelletreau found the patronage to support his
activities as a silversmith. This conclusion is further supported by
a comparison of Pelletreau's customers with those found listed in the
account books of the Dominy craftsmen, who had their cabinetmaking and
clock shops only a few miles away, in East Hampton.
A d e ta ile d study o f the D om iny's, by C harles Hummel, i n v e s t i
gated their craft practice, the type of furniture they made, and for
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whom it was made.^ It was determined that affluence had little bearing
Q on the furniture forms bought from the Dominy's. One suggested reason
for this was that the Dominy's paid some of their debts with furniture.
In this manner, very little actual cash changed hands, and, for example,
an £11 desk rarely cost that much in hard money. In other words, a
less wealthy individual would be able to obtain the same quality of
furniture as the most affluent person in the community, if the Dominy's
were indebted to him for produce .or some service rendered.
This did not hold true for Pelletreau's customers. One
explanation for this has already been mentioned: the large and expen
sive amounts of silver needed to make silver plate. Unlike the
Dominy's, Pelletreau did not generally accept barter goods or services
in exchange for his hollow ware, and only the more affluent seem to
have had surplus cash to invest in silver hollow ware. This economic
barrier is revealed in a comparison of Pelletreau's customers with
those of the Dominy's. The account books of the two families of crafts
men indicate that only six purchasers of hollow ware also bought pieces
of case furniture.^* It can safely be concluded that the majority of
Pelletreau's customers were drawn from a different group of individuals
than those who patronized the Dominy's. Tax rankings for Pelletreau!s
customers are not available. If it were possible to compile such a
list, however, it is doubtful that any person would rank lower than
the median, in terms of assessed wealth.
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A general profile of Pelletreau1s customers has been made,
based on the occupational and/or social and economic identification of
more than one-third of them. His clientele, for hollow ware, was
composed of men of importance and prominence, both socially and
politically. As is shown below, these men were comparitively wealthy,
and fairly well educated. They were also men who had traveled exten
sively outside of their town lim its. They were doctors, merchants,
lawyers, court justices, government officials, clergy, ship captains,
and large land holders. More than half of them lived outside of
Southampton township, and a surprising number of them placed their
commissions with Pelletreau even though it might have been more con
venient to place their orders in New York City. An indication of the
wide geographical area served by Pelletreau can be gained from
Appendix B, which lists his hollow ware clientele, and their place
of residence.
A representative sampling of Pelletreau1s customers includes
Samuel Townsend, John Butler, Nathaniel Woodhull, Dr. George Muirson,
Abraham Gardiner, David Gardiner, John Lyon Gardiner, Burnett M iller,
Richard Smith, Ezra L'Hommedieu, Reverend Benjamin Tallmadge, and
William Walton.
Samuel Townsend, of Oyster Bay, was one of Long Island's most
successful merchants, and the owner of several vessels.^ He was a
magistrate for over 30 years, and a member of the Provincial Congress
from 1774-1777. An idea of his wealth can be gained from the fact that
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his financial losses during the Revolution were estimated, by a 12 nineteenth century historian, at more than $10,000.
Also from Oyster Bay was John Butler. We are not sure of his
background, but the Oyster Bay town records show that he purchased 13 property there in 1760 for 4,000 pounds.
Nathaniel Woodhull and other family members were early patrons
of Pelletreau. Woodhull married into the landed Floyd family, also
customers of Pelletreau, and was the owner of considerable property
himself. He was politically active as a member of the New York
Assembly. Serving as an American General during the Revolution,
Woodhull was killed in the Battle of Long Island.
Dr. George Muirson was a well known doctor, who pioneered on
Long Island in the use of smallpox vaccination. He married the
daughter of Henry Smith, of St. Georges Manor. For more than twenty 14 years, he was appointed Sheriff of Suffolk County. Pelletreau lost
this valuable customer during the Revolution when Muirson sided with
the British, and had his property confiscated. Muirson was one of
Pelletreau1s few customers who insisted on "high top" tankards.
David Gardiner was the sixth Proprietor of Gardiner's Island.
In 1774, his vast estate was inherited by John Lyon Gardiner, his four
year old son. The Gardiner's were not only one of the oldest and most
influential families on eastern Long Island, but also one of the
wealthiest.
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C olonel Abraham G ardiner was a prom inent E ast Hampton c i t i z e n ,
who became John Lyon's guardian upon his father's death. Abraham
Gardiner was involved in various mercantile adventures, including the
ownership of two brigs employed in the West Indies trade.^
Captain Burnett M iller, of East Hampton, like many of
Pelletreau's customers, served in elected positions of government and
m ilitia, an indication of his standing with his fellow townsmen.
Miller served as the supervisor of East Hampton on two occasions, and
was the Town Clerk or Recorder from 1747 to 1777.
Richard Smith, III, was a direct descendant of the founder of
Smithtown, Major Richard Smith. One of Pelletreau's best customers,
Smith bought eight tankards from Pelletreau, at various times during
1 7 6 3 .16
Ezra L'Hommedieu, a Yale graduate, served first in congress,
and then in the state senate. Beginning in 1784, he was clerk of
Suffolk County for a period of 26 years. He was well known for his
research and practice with advanced agricultural methods. Charity
Floyd, daughter of General William Floyd, was his first wife. A
tankard, made by Pelletreau for Charity, before her marriage to
L'Hommedieu in 1756, is extant.^
The Reverend Benjamin Tallmadge was minister of the church in
Setauket, Long Island. A noted classical scholar, he tutored his son,
who won entry into Yale. The young Benjamin married another Floyd
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daughter, Mary, and following the Revolution moved to Connecticut,
where he served as representative to Congress for sixteen years.
William Walton was a noted New York merchant, before and after
the Revolution. He was heir to a large fortune from his uncle of the
same name. As one o f the founders o f th e Chamber o f Commerce, he
served as an officer in that organization for several terms. It is
said that the English Parliament, when debating over the question of
whether or not to tax the Colonies, made special reference to the great
quantities of silver plate which Walton displayed at his dinner parties 18 in New York. Possibly some of this plate had been fashioned by
Pelletreau.
The examples which have been given here are illustrative of
the type of customer that ordered silver plate from Pelletreau. On the
other hand, there are an additional 250 to 300 names listed in the
account books, which reveal that Pelletreau was also at home with the
second circle of Southampton residents: the tailor, the cordwainer,
the blacksmith, and farmer. While the tasks Pelletreau performed for
them were minor, in comparison to making a tankard or teapot, those
customers were extremely important to Pelletreau in providing for all
of his needs. If they had few goods Pelletreau could use, their labor
could be substituted. It was with this second group that Pelletreau
dealt with largely on the barter system. Therefore, despite the fact
that the portion of Southampton society that patronized Pelletreau for
hollow ware was quite limited, his services were used, in many minor
ways, by a much broader spectrum of the community.
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FOOTNOTES TO-CHAPTER I I
^"Town and Village H istories," History of Suffolk County (New York: W. W. M unsell & Company, 1 8 8 2 ), p. 19. 2 This statement is based on two published studies: Harriet S, T ap ley, "The Ledger o f Edward Lang, S ilv e r s m ith , o f Salem," E ssex Institute Historical Collections, LXVI (July, 1930), 325-29, and Penrose R. Hoopes, Shop Records of Daniel Burnap Clockmaker (Hartford, Conn.: The Connecticut Historical Society, 1958), pp. 81-91. 3 Martha Gandy Fales, "Daniel Rogers, Ipswich Goldsmith: The Case of the Double Identity," Essex Institute Historical Collections (January, 1965), pp. 40-49.
^Shirley Ann Martin, "Craftsmen of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, 1750-1800" (unpublished Master's thesis, Winterthur Program, University of Delaware, 1956). This thesis, concerned with an agriculturally oriented area, similar to Suffolk County, Long Island, showed that there was not one person in Bucks County who was employed full-tim e at silver smithing.
^Barbara M. Cross, ed., The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961), I, 86. £ James Truslow Adams, History of the Town of Southampton (reprint; Port Washington, New York, 1962), p. 111.
^The Dominy1s craft practice has been detailed in two studies: C h arles F. Hummel, With Hammer in Hand ( C h a r lo tt e s v ille , V a .: The U ni v e r s it y P ress o f V ir g in ia , 1968), and C h arles F . Hummel, The Dominys o f East Hampton, Long Island, and Their Furniture," in Country Cabinetwork and Simple City Furniture, ed. by John D. Morse (Charlottesville, Va.: The University Press of Virginia, 1970).
g C harles F. Hummel, "The Dominys o f E ast Hampton, Long Is la n d , and Their Furniture," p. 66.
9I b id .
^These men were Nathaniel Baker, David Gardiner, John Lyon Gardiner, Deacon David Hedges, Huntting M iller, and Jeremiah M iller.
■^Benjamin F. Thompson, History of Long Island from its Dis covery and Settlement to the Present Time (3 vols., 3rd ed.; New York: Robert H. Dodd, 1918), III, 622.
12Ibid., 624.
13Ibid. , II, 440.
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14Ibid. , 318.
■*""\jeanette Edwards Rattray, East Hampton History, Including Genealogies of Early Families (Garden City, New York: Country Life Press, 1953), p. 342.
•I £ Account Book No. 2, Elias Pelletreau, 1760-1766, Long Island Collection, East Hampton Free Library, MS(x)/CF/2, pp. 36, 91.
•^This tankard is illustrated in the Brooklyn Museum exhibition catalogue, Elias Pelletreau, Long Island Silversmith, and His Sources of Design (1959), Figure 10. The tankard is owned by Mrs. F. Carrington Weems. 18 Martha J. Lamb, History of the City of New York: Its Origin Rise, and Progress (3 vols., 3rd ed.; New York: A. S. Barnes and Company, 1896), II, 685-86. This reference appears to be to the younger William Walton, and not his uncle, who died in 1768. It was for the younger Walton that the Pelletreau silver was made.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I I I
BUSINESS PROCEDURES
The account books of Elias Pelletreau reveal a great deal, not
only about the objects that he made, but also about his business
methods. These books, kept throughout his career, were running ta l
lies of what products and services had been rendered to certain
individuals, and what the payment for these items had been.
Pelletreau used a double entry accounting system, with the
debits and credits for each transaction listed on separate but facing
pages, identically paginated. Each entry contained the date, the
name of the customer, a notation on the nature of the business, and
the amount of money involved, calculated in pounds, shillings, and
pence. If the fashioning of a silver object was involved, the weight
of the silver, in ounces, pennyweights, and grains, was often stated,
as well as the current value of the silver per ounce. Furthermore,
the entries were grouped or listed together, under the name of the
particular customer, although the business described in the various
entries may have been done in different years.
The account books do not contain all of Pelletreau's business
transactions, however. If an article was paid for in its entirety,
36
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either in advance of its receipt, or upon its completion, Pelletreau
would not necessarily have needed to record it, as he owed nothing,
and nothing was due to him.'*'
A more complete record of Pelletreau's business would have
been kept in his daybook and receipt book, both of which are men
tioned in the account books. The daybook was somewhat of a daily
business diary, and transactions were listed in it as they occurred.
Such a system was not a convenient bookkeeping method. It was cumber
some to r e fe r t o , and Pe lle tr e a u th e r e fo r e tra n sc r ib e d many o f th ese
day by day entries into his account books, where they could be grouped
under each customer's own account. At a glance, Pelletreau could then
assess his financial standing with any of his clients. As in the case
of Daniel Burnap, a Connecticut clockmaker and silversm ith, Pelletreau
•i ^ may have posted entries directly into the account books, once a person
was listed in them.2
The majority of Pelletreau's customers were within traveling
distance of his shop, and they placed their orders, or did business,
with Pelletreau personally. A number of commissions for silver items
came from a distance, however, and were placed through an intermediary.
Such a method was employed by John Lyon Gardiner. In addition,
Pelletreau sold a substantial amount of jewelry through agents working
on a commission basis. This aspect of Pelletreau's business w ill be
‘ discussed separately, in a following chapter.
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Customers known to Pelletreau, and with good credit, were able
to place their orders by letter. In the same manner, their finished
objects were sent to them. It should be kept in mind that Pelletreau's
referral to the "post" probably meant that an item was sent with a
person traveling through, or to, the town where the purchaser of the
silver lived. He was not necessarily a person paid to carry and
deliver mail. Although there was a postal service in operation in the
colonies, it connected only the major cities. Southampton was not one
of these towns, and residents of eastern Long Island depended upon
neighbors and ship captains visiting New York to pick up their mail.
The sending of orders to Pelletreau by letter suggests that within the
lim its of a brief description both Pelletreau and the customer under
stood each other, and had a common conception of what a tankard or any
other object would be like.
William Ustick, the New York hardware merchant and Pelletreau's
relative by marriage, acted as an agent for customers in New York. He
handled Elizabeth Beekman's order for a tankard in 1770,^ and Jacob
Townsend's request for two canns in 1763."* The tankard made for
Elizabeth Beekman is particularly interesting in light of an advertise
ment placed in the New York Gazette and the Weekly Mercury on
August 26, 1776, which notified the public that a silver tankard,
"almost new," and bearing the in itia ls EB in a cypher, had been
stolen. The maker of the tankard was identified as "E.P."^
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Townsend's order for the canns was placed sometime in June of
1763, because on June 16 Ustick wrote to Pelletreau, "Mr [.] Jacob
Townsend D e sir e s you to mark th e mugs T h is in form ation should
make all students of American silver pause, because the surname
initial was usually placed at the apex of the triangular grouping of
letters, not at the end. It is not likely that Townsend was ignorant
of fashion in such matters, and the arrangement of in itials must be
taken to represent his individual preference. It was not until a
month after placing his order that Townsend received the canns, but
according to Ustick, Townsend was, "much pleas'^ with ye cans," when
Q they finally arrived.
Townsend, along with such other customers as Nathaniel
Woodhull, William Jones, and John Lyon Gardiner, were able to place
their orders and pay later, when the objects were completed. In the
majority of cases recorded, however, the customer paid Pelletreau in
advance. For example, when Stephen Jagger, Esqr., ordered a tankard
from Pelletreau in 1775, he provided the silver, in coins, in Septem
ber, but did not receive the tankard until December.^
Operating in a rural economy, where barter was the accepted
form of payment for most goods and services, Pelletreau made full use
of this method of exchange on many occasions, but demanded cash or
payment in silver, for all major silversmithing. This distinction in
method of payment is important to note, and is contrary to what was
implied by Mabel Weaks in her article on Pelletreau in Antiques (May
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and June, Vol. XIX, Nos. 5-6, 1931). The barter system often enabled
a person to stretch his buying power, but even in Southampton it could
never completely substitute for hard cash.
In the past, writers on American silver have stated and
restated the fact that American silversmiths constantly remelted old
plate in order to obtain the metal necessary to fashion new pieces.
The real extent of this remelting of silver has never been substanti
ated. The destruction of old plate may have been more prevalent in
urban areas, where it might have been important to maintain a con
stantly fashionable sideboard of silver, but, there are relatively few
indications that Pelletreau relied upon this source for his supply.
In most cases, the silver that was remelted by Pelletreau consisted of
buttons or similar small articles. It was a very rare occasion when a
large hollow ware object was melted down rather than repaired. Less
than ten instances of remelting were recorded in the account books.
As previously indicated, Pelletreau's customers were asked to pay in
cash, that is, hard money or coin, for their purchases of hollow ware.
Martha Gandy Fales has pointed out that the eighteenth century
American silversmith, "had to be cognizant of current costs and
values," because he was constantly dealing with a wide variety of
monies, and a market value for silver which was always in flu x.^ The
silversmith had not only to be a skilled craftsman, but also an astute
businessman. In mid-eighteenth century America, foreign coinage
probably dominated over English monies; and Pelletreau would have had
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to be familiar with the current values of French crowns, Portuguese
johannes, and Spanish "pieces-of-eight. 12
Charles Oliver Bruff, of New York, was one of the few silver
smiths to charge a flat or set rate per piece for the fashioning of
1 O silver. Pelletreau, like most silversmiths, charged so much per
ounce for fashioning, in addition to the cost of the silver. Prior to
the Revolution 2 shillings 6 pence was Pelletreau's charge per ounce
for the fashioning of any object except spoons. They were slightly
more expensive. By 1790, the standard cost per ounce for fashioning
had risen to 3 shillings 6 pence, and spoons were made at the rate of
5 shillings 6 pence per ounce.
There has been some debate by scholars over the question of
the proportionate charge for metal and labor. Pelletreau's practice
confirms Kathryn Buhler's statement that, "All through the colonial
and early federal period, metal rather than workmanship was the costly
item ."^ Pelletreau's charge for making hoilew ware consistently
averaged at one-third the cost of the metal involved, with two
exceptions. The cost of fashioning teapots and milk pots was more
often half that of the expense of the silver involved.
It is disappointing that Pelletreau's account books, while rich
in information about many aspects of his craft, are not revealing about
his craft techniques, or the physical appearance of his shop, on the
interior. The Pelletreau silver shop still stands on Main Street, in
Southampton, although much altered from its original state. Until
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1878, the shop was attached to the Pelletreau house. In that year,
the house was demolished. Both structures were built in 1686 by
Stephen Bouyer, a merchant and friend of Elias' father.^ Francis
Pelletreau bought the house and shop in 1728, not from Bouyer, but
from Samuel Woodruff.^ Elias Pelletreau inherited the house upon his
father's death in 1737, and when he eventually returned to Southampton
in the early 1750's, he used the attached building as his silver
smith's shop.
The shop has undergone two restorations and several altera
tions within recent years. At one point it contained plumbing, oil
heat, and a kitchen. It still retained its tall chimney and sway-
back roof, however. In 1966, a final restoration was made. This was
done by the Southampton Colonial Society with the assistance of Henry
Francis du Pont. Much of the evidence for an accurate restoration of
the interior had been destroyed and its restoration is conjectural.
In addition, the window, door, and chimney locations were changed.
The small shop has also been turned end-wise to the street, although
it once stood with its long side, containing three small adjoining
windows, facing the main avenue of Southampton. ^
The processes of silversmithing have been discussed by other
authors and need not be dealt with here.’*-® Contemporary inventories
of silversm ith's equipment show great variation in the number of tools
each owned, and presumably used, in their trade. The more complicated
the piece made, the more the silversmith would have needed larger sets
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of hammers, swages, and irons. If the silversmith had apprentices, he
would have needed tools for them. Pelletreau's inventory does not
give a detailed accounting of the tools he owned, but listed them only
as "silversmith tools," with an appraised value of one hundred
d o l l a r s .^
It would seem logical that a rural silversmith would not have
as great a need for as many tools and supplies as his city counter
part. Pelletreau, however, was trained in the shop of a distinguished
urban craftsman, and carried on a large trade. At the time of his
death, business had declined, and the small stock of items on hand in
the shop was not comparable to the valuation of his tools. Pelletreau's
inventory listed,
14 Silver Stock buckels 6 pair plated buckels 1 pair Silver D Old Silver & Gold 1 Silver Watch Shoe buckels Stock etc. 1 glass Case 20 1 pair Gold sleave buttons
A few of Pelletreau's needs for silversmithing supplies were
taken care of locally. The coke or coal for his forge often came from
the town blacksmith. Gershon Colver, a local carpenter, supplied
Pelletreau on at least two occasions with teapot handles. He was also
credited with "cuting out a handel & Blacking.
It is doubtful that Pelletreau ever used precious stones, such
as diamonds or emeralds, for his jewelry work. His accounts refer
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simply to "jewelry stone," which was supplied to him by Edward White
and James Tilley, of Hartford, Connecticut. They, in turn, ordered
the stone from Boston, Massachusetts.22
It is apparent, however, from the few scattered entries and
notations in his account books that Pelletreau depended on William
Ustick, in New York, to replenish the majority of his supply of
materials and tools. A typical order to Ustick was for tortoise
2-3 shell, copper wire, saltpeter, and pumice stone. On other occasions,
Pelletreau requested files, borax, thimble tamps, "cruseables"
[graphite crucibles], and tongs. All of these items are basic
materials in silver smithing. There is, however, a reference, in a
letter from Ustick to Pelletreau, of a more unusual object. While
indicating what supplies had been sent, Ustick mentioned that 0 / Pelletreau's "Rolers" were not "done" yet. He may have been refer
ring to a flatting m ill, which was a much easier method of flattening
silver, by means of rollers, than hammering it flat. Few American
silversmiths are known to have owned a flatting mill before the end of
the eighteenth century. The fortunate few included Caesar Ghiselin
and Joseph Richardson, Jr., of Philadelphia, and Daniel Burnap, of 2 S Connecticut. Pelletreau's ownership of one in rural Southampton is
an indication of the extent of his business.
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FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I I I
"*Tn her a r t i c le in A n tiq u es, Mabel Weaks im plied th a t the account books kept by Pelletreau contained all of his business trans actions. Obviously, this is not the case. See, Mabel C. Weaks, "Captain Elias Pelletreau, Long Island Silversmith," Antiques, XIX, Nos. 5-6 (May and June, 1931), pp. 365-68, 438-40. 2 Penrose R. Hoopes, Shop Records of Daniel Burnap Clockmaker (Hartford, Conn.: The Connecticut Historical Society, 1958), p. 10.
^See Chapter VI, p. 85.
^Account Book No. 3, Elias Pelletreau, 1766-1776, Long Island Historical Society (hereafter LIHS), MS, p. 17.
^Letter from William Ustick to Elias Pelletreau, June 16, 1763, William Pelletreau Papers (hereafter WPP), LIHS, MS 45-128.
% otice, New York Gazette and The Weekly Mercury, August 26, 1776.
^Letter from William Ustick to Elias Pelletreau, June 16, 1763, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-128.
^Letter from William Ustick to Elias Pelletreau, August 4, 1763, WPP, LIHS, MS 4 5 -1 0 3 .
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 3, p. 130.
•^One example of this is, E. Milby Burton, South Carolina S il versmiths 1690-1860 (Charleston, South Carolina: The Charleston Museum, 1942), pp. x v i - x v i i . .
■^Martha Gandy F a le s , E arly American S ilv e r fo r th e C autious Collection (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1970), p. 212.
^ J. Earl Massey, America's Money, The Story of Our Coins and Currency (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1968), pp. 17-22.
■*-%ales, Early American Silver, pp. 208-09.
■^Jeanette W. Rosenbaum, Myer Myers, Goldsmith, 1723-1795, technical notes by Kathryn Buhler (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1954), p. 121.
■^Lizbeth H. White and Robert Keene, The Old Pelletreau House & Shop, 1686-1968 (Southampton, New York: The Yankee Peddler Book Company, 1968), [5] .
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16B ill of sale, 1728, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-175.
l^White and Keene, The Old P elletreau House, (4, 9, lo ] .
■^Two of the most recent discussions have been, Martha Gandy F a les, Early American S ilv er, pp. 195-206, and Henry J. Kauffman, The Colonial Silversmith, His Techniques & His Products (Camden, New Jersey: Thomas Nelson, 1969).
19See Appendix A.
^Inventory of estate of Elias Pelletreau, January 16, 1811, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-123. 21 Account Book No. 2, Elias Pelletreau, 1760-66, Long Island Collection (hereafter LIC), East Hampton Free Library (hereafter EHFL), MS(x)/CF/2, p. 62.
2^See Chapter I, letter from Edward White to Elias Pelletreau, 1761, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-113.
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 97.
^ L e tte r from William Ustick to E lias P elletreau , June 16, 1763.
^Martha Gandy Fales, Early American Silver, p. 203, and Penrose Hoopes, Shop Records of Daniel Burnap, p. 100. The plating m ill owned by Burnap was quite small, having 1 3/4" x 2 1/4" r o lle r s .
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER IV
BUCKLES, BUTTONS, AND BRIGHT SHINY BEADS
A silversmith's reputation is usually based upon the extent
and quality of his known hollow ware production. From this viewpoint,
Pelletreau must be regarded as one of the important American silver
smiths of the third quarter of the eighteenth century. Despite the
large number of tankards, porringers, and other hollow ware items that
he fashioned, however, a considerable portion of h is income was
derived from more mundane craft activities, and less individually
expensive articles.
The eighteenth century silversmith, such as Pelletreau was, by
economic necessity, a versatile man, capable of supplying a great
variety of needs. The rural silversmith in particular was forced into
playing many roles. No task which Pelletreau could perform within his
shop was too menial for him, and in h is account books minor serv ices
are found recorded alongside of entries for substantial pieces of
hollow ware.
Repair Work
Repair work naturally constituted a portion of Pelletreau's
usual activities. In today's world of built-in obsolescence, it is
47
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easy to forget that in the eighteenth century even common items such
as buttons were often repaired. Pelletreau was called upon to repair
these as well as buckles. He also performed such services as removing
"bruses" or dents from porringers and tankards, polishing tarnished
silv e r , replacing clasps and hinges to B ibles and books, and mending
and cleaning stone jewels. With a sense of humor, he even recorded
the mending of a "tea spoon B it by the hogs."'*'
Occasionally, Pelletreau was asked to do small repair work on
guns, warming pans, spectacles, and other objects not directly related
to silver smithing. Charges for the cleaning and rectifying of clocks
and watches also appear frequently in the account books.
A number of eighteenth and early nineteenth century craftsmen
combined the skills of clockmaking and silversmithing, but there is no
evidence to indicate that Pelletreau ever did more than minor repairs
to timepieces. In fact, on one occasion, Pelletreau recorded in his
account book that a certain Daniel Jennings had done repair work on 2 watches entrusted to him by other parties.
Although speculative, it seems logical that Pelletreau
acquired his watch repairing skills while working as an apprentice in
Simeon Soumaine's shop, and that he passed on th is knowledge to h is
son John. By 1785, John had completely taken over phis part of the
business, as is indicated by a le tte r of that year, addressed to John
Pelletreau from James Raynor, of Beaver Dam:
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Sir [,] I w ill Inform you that Since you Did my Watch She Ran Very Well & from ye 13th of December to the 10th of June She Never Was Altered But Kept Very good time [.] But I unluckely let Her Fall from off my Horse and I Expect jared something out of place Because She runs slower [.] Sir[,] I Would be Glad [if] you Would Look of her and See What Wants Doing and I Will See and satisfy you.
Engraving
Pelletreau was never ca lled upon to engrave currency, book
plates, certificates, trade cards, or maps. Pelletreau did make
individual ring stamps, or seals, and shortly after his return from
his Revolutionary War exile in Connecticut, he was commissioned to,
make fa] Seal for Suffolk County [the] Bigness of [aj half Dollar [with] the figure of an 0x[,] Motto Suffolk County Seal fredom & Independance---- with a Socket on the top for a handle.^
Hopefully Pelletreau's spelling on the actual seal was better than
this note, scrawled on the cover of one of his account books. The
seal has long since disappeared, although the present Suffolk County
Seal i s a copy of P elletrea u 's design. The Southampton silversm ith
received £2 for his work on the official stamp, which is reproduced
below, from a lin e drawing issued by the Suffolk County H istorical
Society.’’ A more detailed discussion of Pelletreau's abilities as an
engraver of silver follows in the chapter on hollow ware.
i l f
4 *
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. uuc ivau vci.y Heir oc irom ye ijcn o£ December to the 10th of June She Never Was Altered But Kept Very good time [.] But I unluckely let Her Fall from off my Horse and I Expect jared something out of place Because She runs slower [.] Sir[,] I Would be Glad [if] you Would Look of her and See What Wants Doing and I Will See and satisfy you.
Engraving
Pelletreau was never called upon to engrave currency, book
plates, certificates, trade cards, or maps. Pelletreau did make
individual ring stamps, or seals, and shortly after his return from
his Revolutionary War exile in Connecticut, he was commissioned to,
make fa] Seal for Suffolk County [the] Bigness of [aj half Dollar [with] the figure of an 0x[,] Motto Suffolk County Seal fredom & Independance---- with a Socket on the top for a handle.^
Hopefully Pelletreau's spelling on the actual seal was better than
this note, scrawled on the cover of one of his account books. The
seal has long since disappeared, although the present Suffolk County
Seal i s a copy of P elletrea u 's design. The Southampton silversm ith
received £2 for his work on the official stamp, which is reproduced
below, from a lin e drawing issued by the Suffolk County H isto rica l
Society.^ A more detailed discussion of Pelletreau's abilities as an
engraver of silver follows in the chapter on hollow ware.
hi
4<* r v v Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50
M ilitary Equipment
The m ilitary finery which was so much a part of eighteenth
century m ilitia companies provided another line of work for
Pelletreau.' In 1761, Lieutenant Richard Howell was charged £6-16-0
for a sword.^ Quite possibly, this is the sword now in the collection
of Philip Hammerslough. ^ Other en tries in the account books refer to
the fashioning or repair of sword hilts, scabbards, blades, and
hangers.
Spoons
The two related craft activities which provided the most work
and possibly income for Pelletreau, and probably all other rural
silversmiths, were the making of spoons and jewelry.
By Pelletreau's own calculations, he fashioned 225 table- and
470 teaspoons in 1761. The following year he produced 188 table- and
438 teaspoons. In 1763, the totals for table- and teaspoons were 168 g and 317, respectively. The number of spoons made in previous and
succeeding years must have been comparable to these figures.^
There were few customers, listed in the account books, who did
not order at least one silver spoon, although the predominant trend
was to order spoons in sets of three, six, and twelve. One spectacu
lar order was placed by C hristian Siberberg, of New York. In 1763,
Siberberg, who may have been a merchant or silversmith, had Pelletreau
make 72 teaspoons and 12 tablespoons for him.^®
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Sugar and Tea Tongs
Sugar and tea tongs also appear co n sisten tly among the account
book entries. Both scissor and spring tongs were fashioned in
Pelletreau's shop. Two extant examples of the scissor-type tong are
virtually identical., having scallop-shell grips and elaborately
engraved circular hinges set within a square. Both plain and bright-
cut spring tongs are known. The number of tongs ordered from
Pelletreau show that tea-drinking was as fashionable in rural
Southampton as i t was in New York C ity. According to the inventory of
his estate, Pelletreau owned a pair of silver tongs, although he did
not have a silv e r tea service. Such was undoubtedly the case with
most of h is neighbors.
Jewelry
George Dcrwig, of Philadelphia; Charles Oliver Bruff, of
New York; and Matthias Lanckton, of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, were
three of many colonial silversmiths who advertised themselves as both
silversmith and jeweler, indicating the importance to them of the last
named craft. Pelletreau used only the title "Goldsmith," but, may as
well have called himself a jeweler judging from the amount of jewelry
work listed in his accounts. In almost every year, the total value of
his recorded jewelry production exceeded the value of his similarly
listed hollow ware. 11
Undoubtedly because of their utilitarian nature, buckles and
buttons constituted the largest quantity of items, classified as
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jewelry, made by Pelletreau. He seems to have made all of his jewelry
in his own shop, ordering from William Ustick, in New York, only 12 chapes and "tungs" for his buckles. A small number of jewelry items
were bought by Pelletreau from James T ille y , but th is was during
T ille y 's employment in P elletrea u 's shop as a journeyman.
In addition to silver buckles, Pelletreau noted in his
accounts the sale of brass, "wrate," copper, and "plaited," buckles.
A note to Pelletreau from one of his regular customers and business
associates, Joseph Jacob-s, indicates that there was a distinct differ
ence in the quality of buckles that could be had, even if of silver:
"Lett the Berrer have a pr of Cheepe silv e r Buckels and chorge the
same to my acct." 13
The recurring mention of tortoise shell buttons, rings, snuff
boxes, and other small articles, confirms the popularity of this
material in the mid-eighteenth century. The amount of "shell work"
done by Pelletreau, was apparently of great interest to him. In the
back of his account books, he kept careful records of the value of
such work produced and sold.^ For the year beginning on October 1,
1761, Pelletreau calculated that £133-17-03 worth of shell work had
been sold.'*""’ In following years, this total steadily declined, as can
be seen in Table 2, Chapter VII.
The tortoise shell was obtained from William Ustick, and was
relatively expensive. Pelletreau paid 14 shillings a pound for it in
1765.^ Apparently it was not always easy to obtain, and at least
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once Ustick had to inform P elletreau that he could not get any sh e ll
at the present time, but would send some as soon as possible.^
Unfortunately, no examples of this tortoise shell work can be identi
fied today.
Another jewelry item of extreme popularity was the single and
multiple string necklace of gold beads. Two strings of beads stamped
by Pelletreau are in museum collections today. One, with a single
string, is in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. A more com
plex double string with hollow locket is in the Yale University
collections. The latter example descended in the Pelletreau family,
and may have been made for Pelletreau's sister Hannah, as the initials 18 HP appear on the locket.
The average price for a gold bead necklace was between £3 and
£4. The size and number of beads probably varied from necklace to
necklace, but Pelletreau charged £3-10-0 for one containing 55 "beeds,"
in 1 7 6 5 .^ As popular as these necklaces were, they were time consum
ing for the silversm ith to make, as indicated by the method noted by
Daniel Burnap, of East Windsor, Connecticut, in h is shop memorandum
book:
First, after your gold is plated down, boil it out in alum water & then scouer it with sand. (Rule for plating: Allow 9 pennyweight of gold to be made about 3 feet in length, which will cut out 58 beads of a common size, which ought to be 11 inches & an half long when finished). Then cut it out & punch out the centers, and then h a lf hollow them, and then anneal them and hollow them up, & then rub them down, and then cramp them, and then charge them, & then solder
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them, & then b o il them out, 6c then f i l e them up, & then polish them, & then anneal them, & then color them, & then b o il them out in clean water, & then burnish them, and then open holes to a suitable bigness 6c they are compleated, . .
Other jewelry forms made by Pelletreau included "hart," shell,
stone, sh ell and stone, and gold rin g s, "hare" pins, brooches, hand
kerchief pins, lockets, and earrings. Interestingly, while buckles
and buttons were often of silver, other pieces of jewelry never were.
The thimble, while not exactly an item of jewelry, should be
mentioned here. Often being made of silver, with a steel tip, the
silversmith was naturally asked to fashion them, and they appear
regularly in Pelletreau's account book entries. Colonel Abraham
Gardiner's account contains mention of a thimble brought in for repair,
21 and Pelletreau made special note of the S-S touchmark that it bore.
This mark was probably that of Simeon Soumaine, and the thimble may
even have been fashioned by Pelletreau during his apprenticeship with
that silversmith.
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FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER IV
^"Account Book No. 4, Elias Pelletreau, 1776-1800, Long Island Collection, East Hampton Free Library (hereafter EHFL), MS(x)/CF/3, p. 200.
^Account Book No. 3, E lia s P elletreau, 1766-1776, Long Island H istorical Society (hereafter LIHS), MS, p. 43. O A loose note in Account Book No. 3, from John Raynor to John P elletreau.
^Account Book No. 2, Elias Pelletreau, 1760-1766, Long Island Collection, EHFL, MS(x)/CF/2, memorandum page at back of book, unpaginated.
'’Suffolk County H isto rica l Society, a pamphlet on county and town seals (Riverhead, Long Island, New York, n.d.).
C. Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 16.
^The sword in the Hammerslough c o lle c tio n bears the Pelletreau stamp, and the initials RH. It was included in the Brooklyn Museum Pelletreau exhibition in 1959. It is Number 66 in the catalogue, and is illustrated in Fig. 19. O Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, pp. 100, 104. Q The account books indicate totals for the years 1760-1774.
■^Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 88. This order was placed through William Ustick in New York.
■*•■*•826 Appendix D. The totals given for each year under silver ware include spoons as well as hollow ware. If the spoons are deleted in each case from the totals, then the jewelry production total will surpass that of the hollow ware.
12Letter from William Ustick to Elias Pelletreau, August 4, 1763, William Pelletreau Papers (hereafter WPP), LIHS, MS 45-103.
A loose note in Account Book No. 3, from Joseph Jacobs to Elias Pelletreau.
■*^These listings, for the years 1760-1774, are found in the last pages of Account Book No. 2 and Account Book No. 3.
■'■•’Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 104.
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•^Ibid., p. 37.
^Letter from William Ustick to Elias Pelletreau, November 23, 1761, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-107.
■^Kathryn Buhler and Graham Hood, American Silver in the Yale University Art Gallery (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1970), pp. 110-11.
^ P e lle tre a u Account Book No. 2, p. 57.
"^Penrose R. Hoopes, Shop Records of Daniel Burnap Clockmaker (Hartford, Conn.: The Connecticut Historical Society, 1958), p. 117.
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 8.
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COMMISSION SALES
One of the most interesting aspects of Pelletreau's business
activity is the network of commission agents which he established to
sell various small wares from his shop. Between 1761 and 1801, silver
and to rto ise sh ell work valued at several hundred pounds was sold by
approximately twenty-five different people in various Long Island
communities.^
Hollow ware items were never listed in the accounts of these
men, and it appears that only jewelry and spoons were sent out for
sale, with the agent receiving a commission of ten per cent. One
exception to this was noted. Lieutenant Richard Brown's wife, of
Oyster Pond, received a commission of seven per cent for jewelry which 2 she sold. Such marginal notations in the account books as, "Ye
peticulars of Each piece of work to be found in my Desk," are evidence
that Pelletreau kept a careful record of all of the work which left
h is shop.^
A great deal more of Pelletreau's work was undoubtedly resold
by a number of merchants, such as Aaron Isaacs, of East Hampton, who
took large quantities of buttons from Pelletreau in exchange for goods and supplies.^
57
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A number of American silversmiths are known to have made items
for fellow silversmiths. Pelletreau did this on at least one occasion
when he supplied Samuel Tingley Junior, of New York, with £10-13-0
worth of buckles."’ Another New York silversmith, Charles Oliver
Bruff, advertised that he would supply jewelry promptly, for any order
from the country. There are, however, very few, if any, recorded
instances of a mid-eighteenth century rural silversmith being able to
successfully distribute his work for sale outside of the geographic
C. area directly served by his shop. Yet, Appendix C indicates the
widespread popularity of Pelletreau's jewelry work, and demonstrates
that Pelletreau must have actively sought such sales as an important
means o f increasing h is income.
It should be noted that there was a definite decline in the
total value of merchandise sold on commission after 1765. Whether
this decline was due to the general economic turmoil in New York,
which began at this time and continued through the Revolution, can
probably not be determined. Pelletreau was never again able to
establish such an active and successful chain of outlets. By the time
he returned from Connecticut in 1782 he was f i f t y - s i x years old, and
it was several more years until Long Island had economically recovered
from the war and the B r itish occupation.
John P elletreau, who by 1790 had assumed the greater part of
the responsibility for his father's business, seems never to have been
as interested in silversmithing as Elias. Obviously, this may have
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been from lack of business and diminishing returns from practice of
the craft. In any event, the last account book entry indicating work
sent out on consignment was in 1801.^
As revealing as the figures in Appendix C are, they do not
tell us much about those agents or middle men who came to be involved
with Pelletreau in the selling of his silver work. Most of these men
remain anonymous, but through those that can be id e n tifie d , their
general character emerges.
Pelletreau noted in h is accounts that two of these men were Q "pedlars," but they sold an insignificant amount of work. The large
consignments were made to merchants and shopkeepers. Aaron Isaacs, as
previously mentioned, operated a store in East Hampton. Goldsmith
Davis, of Corum, and David Youngs, of Moritches, were also listed by
Pelletreau as merchants. Uriah Rogers, sometimes a business partner
with Pelletreau in the selling of whalebone, ran a store in Southamp
ton. It would not seem probable that he would try to compete with
Pelletreau, and it is likely that he was able to trade his buckles and
buttons elsewhere.
Certainly this was true of Joseph Jacobs, a merchant and ship
captain, who acted as a messenger for P elletreau between Southampton a and New York. Jacobs regularly took large amounts of jewelry work
from Pelletreau in return for household goods and supplies. Southamp
ton had no harbor, and it is presumed that Jacobs sailed out of
Sag Harbor, using the north shore, or Long Island Sound route to
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New York. In view of this, it would also seem logical that Jacobs may
have delivered jewelry work to merchants along the entire north shore,
in such ports as Huntington, Oyster Bay, and Hempstead.
Pelletreau's friend and family relation, William Ustick, the
hardware merchant in New York, also undertook the sale of P elletreau 's
work. Other r e la tiv e s contributed th eir fa ir share. David Gelston,
the son of Pelletreau's step-brother, sold various jewelry items in
his New York store. John Gelston also sold articles on consignment,
as did Elias Pelletreau, Jr., in his New York shop, before returning
to Southampton.
Two men stand out among all of the others, however, because of
the large sums of work sold by them. There is no clue to the id en tity
of Frederick Hutson, or where he lived, despite the fact that he is
credited with over £375 of silver and jewelry work. Enough evidence
has been gathered, however, to piece together a skeletal portrait of
Nathaniel Williams, of Huntington, Long Island.
Williams' f ir s t account book entry with P elletreau was in
1762, his last in 1773. In 1764 alone, Williams sold more than £90
worth of gold and silver jewelry. This was a considerable sum for
1764, being worth the equivalent of approximately $2,500 today.'*'® The
town records of Huntington indicate that Williams was a prominent and
respected businessman. For a consecutive number of years, he was
elected to the highway committee, and then served as overseer of the
poor, collecting and distributing funds in their behalf. Undoubtedly
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with an eye on business, he became involved with the building of a new
town dock. At the May 4, 1774, meeting of the town cou n cil, i t was
voted that all the lost goods found near the town were to be brought
to Nathaniel Williams' store—perhaps an indication of its central
location. ^
It is quite possible that Pelletreau asked the captains of the
various ships, plying between Southampton and New York, to inquire
with merchants in several ports as to the possibility of selling work
on commission. In the case of Nathaniel Williams, Pelletreau probably
made the initial contact himself, because in 1749, Williams' daughter 12 Sarah married the Southampton pastor, the Reverend James Brown.
With his daughter liv in g in that community, i t is lik e ly that he came
to know Pelletreau, and that a business agreement was arranged.
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FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER V
■'"It must be kept in mind that Pelletreau's account book entries are not complete, and that a considerable number of pages are missing from the extant accounts.
^Account Book No. 3, E lias P elletreau , 1766-1776, Long Island Historical Society, MS, p. 13. 0 Account Book No. 2, Elias Pelletreau, 1760-17 66, Long Island Collection, East Hampton Free Library (hereafter EHFL), MS(x)/CF/2, p. 85.
^Ibid., p. 66.
^Ibid., p. 93. This is of further interest, because so little ’ silver by Tingley is known today. Pelletreau's supplying him with buckles suggests he was at least temporarily busy. £ The only other commission sale attempt known to the author was made by Joseph Perkins, a Little Rest, Rhode Island silversmith, in 1786. It was an unsuccessful and minor e ffo r t.
^Account Book No. 5, E lias P elletreau , 1800-1810 with additional la ter en tries by John and William P elletreau , Long Island Collection, EHFL, MS(x)/CF/l, p. 204.
Q These peddlers were David Flyn and Benjamin Wells. See Appendix C. q Although there are no known documents listing Jacobs as a ship captain or owner, Pelletreau noted under Jacobs' account that several items had been sent by his ship.
■^Pelletreau always converted coin or specie, including foreign money, into the English pound sterling for bookkeeping pur poses. The valuation of money in New York varied slightly from year to year, but during the majority of Pelletreau's career it was more stable than in some of the other colonies, such as Massachusetts. In 1764, there was no great problem from in fla tio n , and we can therefore translate, approximately, the £90 into today's money by multiplying the pound value by a factor of twelve. For a similar situation see Charles Hummel, With Hammer in Hand (Charlottesville, Virginia: The University Press of Virginia, 1968), p. 225. 1 I Charles R. Street, Huntington Town Records, including Babylon, Long Island, New York, 1688-1775 (Huntington, New York: Long Islander Print, 1888), II, 502, 532, 534.
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1 O Benjamin F. Thompson, History of Lone: Island from i t s Discovery and Settlement to the Present Time (3 vols., 3rd ed.; New York: Robert H. Dodd, 1918), I I , 173.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER V I
HOLLOW WARE
No evaluation of a silversmith can possibly be complete without
as assessment of his major work—his hollow ware. But, on what basis
should th is judgment be made, and exactly what should be judged? For
example, how many pieces of silver should a silversmith have been
expected to fashion within a given period of work? Is quantity impor
tant at all, or should the emphasis be placed on the aesthetic aspects
of the silver? Should a silversmith working in a city be rated along
the same lines as a rural silversmith? Can factors of training and the
number of apprentices or journeymen in the silv ersm ith 's shop be con
sidered? How should client demand and taste be weighed? Is a silver
smith's response to style changes crucial in measuring him against his
contemporaries?
Unfortunately, most of these questions can never be answered
because of lack of evidence and information about a particular silver
smith. This is not the case with Elias Pelletreau. Certainly there
are considerable gaps in the documentation of Pelletreau's career, but
the rich source material available on this craftsman makes an evalua
tion of his craft, and the products of his craft, a realistic goal.
Various aspects of Pelletreau's life and business have been discussed
64
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in the previous chapters of th is paper. They must constantly be kept
in mind., while applying the information presented here, to actual
examples of Pelletreau's silversmithing skill.
The specific pieces of silver discussed in this chapter have
been chosen in an attempt to make as accurate assessment of Pelletreau's
hollow ware production, as well as to illustrate previously unpublished
examples of importance, demonstrate a variety of forms, exemplify sty
listic changes and/or characteristics, and present new and supplementary
documentation for his work. In any such evaluation, subjective judg
ments cannot be avoided, but an attempt has been made in the section on
form, to let the s ilv e r and P elletrea u 's account books t e l l the story.
Quantity of Silver Fashioned
The Pelletreau account books contain entries for 236 pieces of
hollow ware fashioned before Elias Pelletreau's death in 1810. As pre
viously mentioned, this, total cannot be regarded as anything more than
a good suggestion of the productivity of the Southampton artisan.. This
figure obviously does not include hollow ware that might have been
recorded in his account.book for the years 1748-1760, and not every
piece of silver made by Pelletreau was transcribed from the daybooks
and receipt books to the account books.^ Confirmation of this practice
is provided by an entry in the account book of David Gardiner, dated
November 1, 1774, which indicates the purchase of a tankard and spoons 2 from "Peltrow." No corresponding entry exists in Pelletreau's account
book for th is transaction.
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It is natural to assume that Pelletreau was most active as a
silversmith in the years immediately following his apprenticeship in
New York. He was probably the last apprentice to complete his inden
ture before Soumaine's death in 1750, and it is probable that Pelletreau
obtained a considerable amount of business which normally would have
gone to Soumaine's shop. Certainly the large number of extant pieces
of silver hollow ware by Pelletreau that are not listed in the account
books, that have histories that date them before 1760, or that stylis
t ic a lly seem to date from th is early period in h is career, would
confirm this possibility.
Hollow ware examples from the late 1740's and early 1750's,
include the great two-handled covered cup made for the Van Rensselaer
family, 3 a tankard made for Charity Floyd, A a porringer inscribed with
the date "1753,""* several articles of church silver, and the large
number of silver pieces made for the Walton family, in New York.
The church silver made by Pelletreau in 1748 for Elihu Avery
may be his earliest extant silver. In that year, Avery gave three
beakers to the Church of Christ in Groton, Connecticut. Sometime in
the nineteenth century, handles were added to these v e s se ls , stamped on
the face with Pelletreau's mark. Two other beakers, made for church
use, and attributed to Pelletreau are discussed in the section of this
chapter on marks. The only other known example of church s ilv e r by
Pelletreau is a tankard presented to the Congregational Church in Fair-
C. fie ld , Connecticut, by Samuel Bradley, in 1768.
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The silver made for the Walton family has, for the most part,
only recently come to public attention and sale, having descended,
"quietly," in successive family generations.^ Although Pelletreau's
surviving account books do not make mention of any Walton family member,
it is likely that the Waltons turned to closer and more conveniently
located silversmiths for additional articles, once Pelletreau was
Q permanently established in Southampton. Pelletreau's entries for the
Walton fam ily would most lik e ly have occurred in "Account Book No. 1."
The extant Walton silver can be documented by an inventory of
9 the estate of William Walton, dated October 25, 1796. Twenty-two
hollow ware items and numerous pieces of flatw are are lis te d in the
inventory together with their corresponding weights. There is no indi
cation in the document as to the maker(s) of these o b jects, but nine
Walton family pieces of s ilv e r have come on the market bearing the
touchmark of E lias P elletreau . A sin g le coffee pot was sold at auction
in 1936.^ It has since disappeared, but should be noted, as it is the
only known example of this form made by Pelletreau. In addition to this
pot, only one other similar form is listed in Pelletreau's account
books.’*''*' More recently, a cann, a milkpot, a waiter, a small dish or
bowl, a punch stra in er, a la d le , a tablespoon, and a sugar nipper, a ll
with a Walton history, have come up for sale. 12
The silv e r made by Pelletreau for the Waltons was undoubtedly
specifically commissioned. There is not a single indication that
Pelletreau ever stocked an item of hollow ware, or that he ever sold
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13 silver items made by anyone outside of his shop. It is true that he
had the assistance of at least one apprentice at all times, and finally,
the full-time help of his son John. But, it would appear that
P elletreau him self was responsible for the fashioning of most of the
products of his shop, at least until the Revolution disrupted his craft
practice.
Following the Revolution, business declined, or so it would
seem, judging by Pelletreau's account books. And increasingly, John
P elletreau assumed the r e sp o n sib ility for carrying on the trade. This
is of interest in assessing the quantity of silver possibly fashioned
by Pelletreau, because 186 of the recorded 236 pieces of hollow ware
were made before 177 6. After this date, or after Pelletreau's return
from Connecticut in 1782, it is impossible to determine the true extent
of Elias Pelletreau's activity in the making of hollow ware. Naturally,
any of the p ieces made in h is shop might be expected to bear h is mark,
but as w ill be shown, in the d iscu ssion o f forms, John Pelletreau con
tinued to use his father's mark after Elias' retirement, and possibly
after his death.
This should not negate, however, the remarkable practice and
business Pelletreau enjoyed as a rural silversmith. In short, with the
knowledge that Pelletreau's first account book was over 190 pages, with
possibly half or more of his extant silver stylistically or otherwise
datable before 1765-70, and with the obvious fa ct that he would have
been at the prime of his career in the commercially prosperous atmos
phere of New York City, it is not inconceivable that Pelletreau
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produced twice the 236 pieces of hollow ware that are listed in his
accounts.^ Nearly 100 pieces of Pelletreau silver have survived, but
only 8 or 9 can p ossib ly be traced to account book e n t r i e s .^
Stylistic Characteristics
E lia s P elletreau worked in a geographically remote, and d is
tinctly rural setting. Yet, as was suggested in an earlier chapter on
clientele, his customers for hollow ware were from a rather elite social
group--a group that might be expected to be aware of changes in fashion
and taste. In addition, Pelletreau apprenticed with a first rate urban
silversm ith, who had worked at one time, in London. In h is training,
Pelletreau would have been expected to adopt many of the same stylistic
features used by his master, which in turn would have been conditioned
by the prevailing fashions in New York. For the first five and even
ten years of his career, P elletrea u 's silv e r forms would have been as
acceptable and fashionable in sty le as those of almost any other
New York silversm ith. By moving to rural Southampton, he probably would
have extended this length of time by a few more years.
Yet, such logical reasoning does not account for the "hybrid"
quality of the silver Pelletreau produced. There has yet to be dis
covered, identical forms, in every respect, by Soumaine and Pelletreau.
Besides the individual creative spirit, something not to be neglected,
what can help explain the character of the silver fashioned by
Pelletreau?
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Eastern Long Island, in the mid-eighteenth century, was very
much like New England. Almost the entire population of that area was
of English stock, via New England. Their family and commercial ties
were often with Connecticut, not New York. Yale was the accepted
school for the education of their young men. By nature, they were a
conservative group. This fact may help explain the sober quality of
Pelletreau's silver, the almost complete lack of solely ornamental fea
tures, and occasion ally the addition o f elements more New England in
character than New York. In P elletrea u 's hollow ware can be found a
common meeting ground for the m aterialistically generous, bourgoise
Anglo-Dutch tradition, and the cautious, fashion-wary New England mind.
The accommodation of various preferences played a key part in
Pelletreau's craft practice. In Chapter II, it was shown that
Pelletreau enjoyed a geographically wider distribution of clientele
than the Dominys did. In fact, while more than half of Pelletreau's
customers lived outside of Southampton, only 10 of 433 transactions
with the Dominys, for furniture, were with non-residents of East Hamp- 16 ton. Why should Pelletreau have enjoyed a wider patronage by the
socially elite of eastern Long Island than the Dominys?
The answer might lie in the fact that although Pelletreau's
silver was "plain," it did not lack the basic qualities of style. It
is true that the stylistic elements and adjustments of Pelletreau's
silver were minor, in comparison to the flux of fashion in urban
colonial centers, but nevertheless, they may have given Pelletreau's
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. plate an appeal to a group of people who were slightly more fashion
conscious than those East Hampton residents who patronized the Dominy
shops.
A good example of th is i s to be seen in the tankard form.
Pelletreau, when given the choice, seems to have preferred to make the
flat-top, New York style of tankard, but on several occasions he
appears to have been specifically requested to fashion a "high top"
tankard. He duly noted these requests in his account book.
Many of the silver forms made by Pelletreau required little in
the way of change to be "in sty le ." The porringer underwent no s t y l i s
tic changes during the latter half of the eighteenth century, and in
New York, very few "bellied" tankards appeared to replace the standard
shape.
Pelletreau did make some stylistic modifications, however. A
number of h is canns have handles which end in bud term inals, and we
might expect these to date from the early years of his career. Later
canns employed reverse G-scroll handles, topped with acanthus leaf
furls. A more marked stylistic change occurred in Pelletreau's milkpot
form. The earliest examples were heavy (see Plate VI), and had pear-
shaped bodies supported on three feet. These were supplanted by a
pyriform shape, complete with elaborate tw isted handle and punched bead
ing, or pearling, around the lip and base, as in Plate VII.
One other form produced by Pelletreau is interesting for its
variations, which again may reflect on his customers' preferences. The
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octagonally shaped pepper box, with decoratively pierced top, surmounted
by a small finial, was definitely a form of the first half of the
eighteenth century, but at least two examples of this type, made by
Pelletreau, are extant. A similar although cylindrical pepper box,
with a bell finial, is also known. Marked with the initials RW, pre
sumably for Ruth Woodhull, th is may be the box described by P elletreau
in an entry in "Account Book No. 2" as, "Pepper Box Round." I t was
purchased by Major William Smith in 1762."^ Normally it would seem
that the pepper box was replaced around 1750 by the more familiar
caster, which was also used for salt and sugar. Pelletreau fashioned
at lea st one such ca ster, although h is account book en tries contain no
mention of this form.
The engraving which appears on American silver underwent sty
listic changes similar to those which affected the actual form. But,
an examination of the silver fashioned by Pelletreau, as well as his
account books, reveal that engraving was not his specialty, and that he
retained the same manner of engraving his silver from the beginning to
the end of his fifty-year career. The one exception to this was the
adoption of a limited use of bright-cut engraving in the 1780's and
1790's. Its use was limited strictly to flatware.
Numerous entries in his accounts indicate that "siphers," or
initials, were regularly inscribed on hollow ware and flatware made in
his shop, but these were fairly simple affairs, and could have been
expected from any silversmith with Pelletreau's training. On the other
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hand, there are very few elaborate examples of engraving, such as coats
of arms, which appear on Pelletreau silver, and which can definitely be
attributed to Pelletreau's own hand. His account books contain no
mention of engraving of this type, other than the seal he was called
upon to make for Suffolk County. 18
The Dunscombe coat of arms on a tankard by Pelletreau, now in
the Museum of the City of New York, is identical to the arms on another
tankard in the Yale University collections, made for the Dunscombes by
Peter Quintard. The arms on both of these tankards, set in a rococo
cartouche, were probably added at a la te r date. 19 Sim ilarly, the arms
on a cann made by P elletreau, and illu s tr a te d in Plate IV, were added
in the nineteenth century. The Walton family coat of arms, on the
previously mentioned cann and waiter from that family, are executed
with a heavy enough hand, and crudely enough to be by Pelletreau, but
even these examples might easily be nineteenth century additions.
Engraving was not Pelletreau's forte, and he undoubtedly felt at ease,
and was satisfied with his "siphers11 and triangularly grouped, block
in it ia ls .
A further number of stylistic features will be discussed in the
examination of various individual forms in the next section of this
chapter, and for convenient reference, the line drawings in Plate I may
be consulted. The drawings have been taken from various Pelletreau
pieces, and arranged, where p o ssib le , in what would seem to be a lo g ica l
chronological order.
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A
t f $ V i 1750-98 ca. 1750-71
/ '4 ji. ca. 1750-76 ca 1760 c a . 1 7 6 0 >
ca. 1765-lQOO
9 3
O G? < 0
PLATE I. Style Chart of Pelletreau Silver
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Pelletreau was far less limited in the variety of forms he
fashioned throughout his career than most American rural silversmiths.
The range of forms known to have been produced by him, was of course
extended by his training, working period in, and connections with,
New York City.
The forms demanded of him from his more local clientele appear
to have been fairly common. If a" generalization, based on Pelletreau,
may be made, wealth on Long Island seems to have dictated the ownership
of a tankard, porringer, and in le s s numerous instances, a teapot,
milkpot, pepper box, and cann. Articles of silver, such as candle
sticks, salvers, and sauce boats are never mentioned in Pelletreau's
accounts.
From these accounts, and extant silver, it is not only possible
to determine which forms were more prevalent than others, but also when
the demand for certain items declined. Table 1 illustrates the correla
tion between date and form, utilizing information only from Pelletreau's
account books. It must be remembered, however, that as Pelletreau
neared the end of his active working career, factors of local economic
conditions, and Pelletreau's own ability to work and meet new tastes,
also probably affected the number and variety of forms made in his shop.
After 1800, the Pelletreau account books cannot be relied on for giving
an accurate picture of preference for silver forms on eastern
Long Island. As pointed out in Chapter I, Sag Harbor replaced
Southampton as the commercial center for that region, and as only one
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Table 1
SILVER HOLLOW WARE MADE YEARLY BY ELIAS PELLETREAU*
1760 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 91
Tankards 2 5 5 10 23141231 3 413
Canns 2 3 2 1 1 2
Cups 1 3 2 12111
Mugs 1
Porringers 3 9 5 12 5214454611
Milkpots 14431 1211 112 1 2
Sugar Cups 1 1 1 1 1
Teapots 333 11 11 12
Coffee Pots 1
Pepper Boxes 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1
Sauce Pans 1
Pitchers
Slop Dishes
*These figures are based only on entries in Pelletreau's account books. Most of the entries for 1777-90 are missing, those years have therefore been deleted from this table. The entries for 1760 are also incomplete.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 1800 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 Totals
1 2 1 1 1 57
31 112 21 22
3 15
1
2 1 4 5 71
2 1 1 1 30
5
1 17
1
2 14
1
1 1
I
1 i j
i i i
Ii i i i i
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customer from Sag Harbor bought a piece of hollow ware from the
Pelletreau shop, it would suggest that business was being taken
elsewhere.
Pelletreau's account books and extant silver bearing his touch-
mark indicate the following forms were fashioned by him: tankards,
canns, mugs, beakers, a two-handled cup with cover, porringers, teapots,
coffee pots, milkpots, sugar cups, pepper boxes, casters, salvers and/or
waiters, dishes or bowls, a sauce’ pan, strainers, a sander, whistle and
bells, tobacco and snuff boxes, sugar and tea tongs, soup spoons
(ladles), and flatware.
Of the fifty-seven tankards recorded in the Pelletreau account
books, only four are listed as having "high tops." The majority, if
not all, of the others were undoubtedly of the typical, flat-top,
New York type. Fifteen such tankards by Pelletreau are known to be
extant. An example of this flat-top variety is the Gardiner tankard,
illustrated in Plate II. It is the only one which can be documented
with any certainty, by an entry in the account books. 20 On April 2,
1791, Pelletreau noted that John Lyon Gardiner had been charged 21 £24- 3- 6, for a tankard weighing 35oz 7dwt 12gr. This charge
included the engraving of the "Sipher," presumably the initials JLG, on
the lid .
In the surviving daybook of John Lyon Gardiner, there is a
corresponding entry, or series of entries, further verifying the
O O fashioning of this tankard. Gardiner's entries do not make it clear,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79
however, when the tankard was actually made, or how long was required
to make it, because his payments, which also included the price of one
dozen tablespoons, began in March of 1791 and ended with the final pay
ment in June. Even more confusing is the date "1792," inscribed on the
base of the tankard, since neither Pelletreau or Gardiner record a
tankard made in that year.
The answer to this particular problem, a common one in dating
silver solely on the basis of inscriptions, is that the "1792" was
d e fin ite ly added sometime in the nineteenth century. Perhaps the date
was meant to represent the year in which John Lyon Gardiner reached his
majority, at the age of twenty-one, but if so, the date was off by one O O year, because Gardiner was born in 1770.
This tankard, which has descended directly in the Gardiner
family, is one of the last tankards made by Pelletreau, although stylis
tically, it is identical with one Pelletreau apparently made in the A / early 1750's. Certainly the Gardiner tankard is in a style popular
in New York well before 1750. The preference for this outdated form
was obviously as much Gardiner's as Pelletreau's, and it echoes
Gardiner's choice of dealing with the Dominys in East Hampton for his
furniture.
Four examples of domed tankards by Pelletreau survive, each a
minor variation on a theme. They are not, however, the four "high top" 2 5 tankards listed in the account books between 1761 and 1769. One of
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PLATE III. Tankard, ca. 1751-55
Inscriptions: "NDS" engraved on handle drop; "This Tankard/ formerly the property of/ President Naphtali Daggett/ and Sarah his wife/ was presented to the/ CHURCH IN YALE COLLEGE/ by th eir Grand-daughter/ GRACE ANN DAGGETT/ July 1st 1866" onfront; "36oz 12 new" on bottom. H. 8 3/8" D. base 5 1/4" WT.: 35oz lOdwt Owner: Yale University
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these extant examples is the Naphtali Daggett tankard illustrated in
Plate III. It may be the earliest example of this type by Pelletreau.
The high domed tankard i s c erta in ly not a common New York form,
and this example relates closely to Boston tankards, including the bell
finial and banded body. 26 Boston silverwork was not unknown on
Long Island. In 1764, the Lloyd family, merchants of Huntington, 27 obtained a Boston-made tankard for a lo ca l c lie n t . Daggett was from
New England himself, having attended Yale, and he may have dictated its
domed form.
The o r ig in a l notation, "36 oz £12 new," inscribed on the base
of the tankard, would indicate that i t was made before 1760. At that
date, Pelletreau charged for silver at the rate of nine shillings three
pence per ounce, and Daggett's tankard would have cost him over £15 in
material alone. This precludes the possibility that it was fashioned
by Pelletreau during his stay in Connecticut during the Revolution.
In all probability, the tankard was made between 1751, when
Daggett came to Smithtown, Long Island, as pastor of the church there,
and November 6, 1755, when he was dism issed, and removed to New Haven,
Connecticut. During his stay in Smithtown, Daggett married Sarah,
daughter of the third Richard Smith, and descendant of the founder of
Smithtown. It may have been through Smith, one of P elletrea u 's most
active customers, that Daggett learned of Pelletreau. Smith may even
have presented the tankard to Daggett and his wife as a wedding gift.
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from the P illa g e of the Manor House of Gardiner's Island By Spanish P ira tes, A.D. 1728" on f o o t ; Owner: Owner: Robert D. L. Gardiner "M*G" on "M*G" fo o t . Inscriptions: Gardiner family coat of arms on front; "This Piece of Silver was the Only Piece Saved PLATE IV. PLATE Cann, ca. 1750-98 H. H. 5 1/2"
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On the basis of the Pelletreau mark, and stylistic similarities
to other Pelletreau silver, as well as having come down through succes
sive family generations, the cann in Plate IV can be stated to have
been made by Elias Pelletreau. Obviously, this means that the nine
teenth century inscription on the base of the cann is incorrect,
perhaps being confused with another item, for in 1728, Pelletreau would
have been 2 years old.
The engraved initials, M * G, belong, by family tradition, to
Mary Gardiner, daughter of John Gardiner, the Fifth Proprietor of
Gardiner's Island. This would date the cann somewhere in the early
1750's, and while this may be the case, the Gardiner coat of .arms on
the cann further confuses the history of this piece, being engraved in
a style popular in the early 1800's. In addition, the coat of arms is
not one used by the Gardiners at this time. 28
There are two extant canns with handles exactly similar to the
one on this example. Stylistically, this type of handle would place
the cann's date of fashioning at the beginning of Pelletreau's career,
or the early 1750's. As we have seen in the case of the Gardiner
tankard however, stylistic features are not necessarily an indication
of the date of its making. It is therefore entirely possible that this
cann i s the one indicated in the Pelletreau account book entry of 1798.
At that time, "Widow Mary Gardiner," was charged £6-14- 6 for a cann 29 and £3- 4- 0 for the labor involved in fashioning it. The spout and
strainer have been added in the nineteenth century, although skillfully.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PLATE V. Porringer, 1802
In scrip tion s: "I.L.G. 1802" on handle face. L. 8 1/8" Owner: Mrs. George Morse
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Surprisingly, as the opposite is true of almost every other
form, account book references to canns are much greater after 1790 than 30 before. This may have been due to the final decline in popularity of
the tankard, and the resulting substitution of the cann in its place.
The last tankard was made in 1796, and John Pelletreau recorded the
la st entry for a cann in 1811.
On the basis of Pelletreau's account book entries and surviving
examples, i t i s safe to say that the porringer was the hollow ware form
he was most often ca lled upon to produce. Seventy-one porringers are
listed in the Pelletreau accounts. Twenty different extant porringers
are also known. Of further interest, is the fact that out of 34
recorded commissions for porringers, all but 9 were orders for 2 or more.
On January 20, 1802, John Lyon Gardiner made the following entry
in h is daybook:
John Peltreau I wish you to make for me two silver porringers to middling sise with the Citter (Sypher) JLG & 1802 on them to be Sent to J Davton where your money w ill be
According to Pelletreau's account book, Gardiner was charged
£11-15- 0 for the two porringers, including £3-12- 0 for their fashion
ing."^ As Gardiner noted in his daybook that Pelletreau had been paid
for them on the 26th of January, they had been completed in 5 days or
le s s .
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PLATE VI. Creampot, ca. 1750-60
Inscriptions: "WW" in cypher monogram on side of body. H. 4 3/4" WT. 7 oz ldwt Owner: Edwin F itle r
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Most significantly; Gardiner's entry indicates that John
Pelletreau had definitely replaced his father as the Southampton silver
smith; although he continued to use the familiar EP mark in a rectangle; OO found on this piece. One porringer of this pair is illustrated in
Plate V.
The porringer form itself is simple enough so that no adequate
judgment of John's creative skill as a silversmith can be made from it.
It is; however; well formed and almost identical in shape and handle
design with a porringer made by Elias Pelletreau more than 35 years
earlier for Anna Floyd . ^ The keyhole pattern handle on this porringer
is the most elaborate of three designs used by Pelletreau. The other
patterns are often referred to as New York patterns; and consist of
three simple piercings. The two additional designs used by Pelletreau
appear in the style chart; Plate I. All of the known Pelletreau por
ringers have a slightly raised or domed center on the inside of the
base; with one exception. A porringer; descended in the Gardiner family;
and bearing the script initials "MG;" has; what is called in descrip
tions of pewter forms; a basin bottom.^5
The silver form referred to today as a creamer; was alternately
called a milkpot and creampot by Pelletreau. Thirty such named objects
are recorded in the Pelletreau account books; yet none of the ten
extant examples can be positively connected with any of these entries.
The milkpot in Plate VI has only recently been discovered; and
it brings to three the number of known American examples of this form
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WSKSH
PLATE VII. Creampot, ca. 1765-1800
Inscriptions: "AP" scratched on bottom of base. H. 5 3/8" WT. 5oz 15dwt Owner: Yale U n iversity, Mabel Brady Garvan C ollection (1930.1233)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 89
with ball and claw feet. The other two examples are by Samuel Casey,
of Rhode Island, and Bancroft Woodcock, of Delaware.Like the w ell
known Casey milkpot, this example by Pelletreau bears the original
owners in it i a ls , in a cypher, on the face of the body. Pelletreau
undoubtedly learned of the use of this particular engraving style from
his master, Simeon Soutname. 87 '
It would seem, judging from extant Pelletreau silver, that he
made use of this particular cypher form only in the first few years of
his practice.^ This, in addition to the fact it was made for William
Walton, as previously discussed, and that Pelletreau did change to a
more fashionable style of milkpot, would date the piece sometime in the
early 1750's.
Of the nine extant creampots, four are of the single-bellied
type, supported on three feet. Each of these varies slightly from the
others, particularly in the handles and the feet used. One example at
Yale has pad feet, another, privately owned, has trifid feet, and a
third, illustrated here Plate VI, has ball and claw feet.
Three more of the existing milkpots are of the type illustrated
in Plate VII. This particular example in the Yale University collection,
with its punched beading, double-bellied form, and twisted handle, marks
the greatest extent of Pelletreau's adaptation of newer and more fash
ionable styles after 1760. Pelletreau may not have fully understood
the rococo style, but this relatively plain and top-heavy creampot is a
distinctive interpretation of it.
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PLATE V III. Sugar Urn, ca. 1800-15
Inscriptions: "ELC" in script on front. H. 9" Owner: Robert D. L. Gardiner
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The two remaining milkpots are somewhat of an enigma. Both of
them are extremely simple and squat forms, interpreted in a Grecian
manner of the early nineteenth century. The mark on at least one of
these creamers is creditable, and gives rise to two possibilities.^
Either John Pelletreau made them sometime after 1800, and before his
death in 1822, stamping them with the EP mark, or there was another
silversmith working at this time with a similar mark.
A parallel situation exists with the sugar urn pictured in
Plate VIII. Almost without question, this is a form foreign to
Pelletreau. All of his account book references to "sugar cups" could
hardly include th is monumental form. The only surviving P elletreau
sugar cup is modeled after the well known "Chinese bowl" example by
Simeon Soumaine. Although the urn illu str a te d here bears an authentic
Pelletreau mark on the base, it is safe to rule out Elias Pelletreau as
i t s maker. Instead we can suggest that John Pelletreau fashioned i t ,
and that he continued to use his father's touchmark. The history of
this sugar urn is not at all clear, as it did not descend in the
Gardiner family, the present owners. The story connected with it,
however, indicates that it was owned by one of the Conkling families
of the Hampton area.
Stylistically, it is quite unlike any other piece of hollow
ware bearing the Pelletreau mark, but it does conform to other con
temporary New York forms. In discussing somewhat similar examples,
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John Marshall Phillips m ote,
One local feature is the rounded dome urn cover of the sugar basin surmounted by a cast finial in the shape of an acorn or a pineapple, symbol of h o sp ita lity . . . On the whole, New York hollow-ware in this period lacks the balance and proportion found in the other c e n t e r s . ^ ®
The real importance of this sugar urn, lies of course, not in
i t s uniqueness as an example of a form by one maker, or i t s s im ila r i
ties to other New York pieces, but in the fact that it could very well
have been fashioned by John P elletreau and yet stamped with E lia s
Pelletreau's mark, even after his death.^
Several ladles made by Pelletreau are known today, and are
frequently referred to as punch la d les. Such terminology was apparently
foreign to Pelletreau, however, and the only possible entries found in
his account books which could indicate such forms, are those using the / 0 term "soop spoon.'
There is a wide variety of design and decoration in these exist
ing soup spoons. Two examples are entirely silver, with plain oval
bowls, and the initials of the owners on the faces of the turned back
handles. 43 Another example in the Garvan Collection at Yale is quite
sophisticated, having a silver, "shallow, oval bowl, fluted and double
lipped," attached to a tapered wooden h a n d le .^ It i s in fa c t, id e n ti
cal to a ladle by Myer Myers, in the Philadelphia Museum of A rt.^
The ladle or soup spoon in Plate IX has a well executed, deep,
almost circular, repousse shell bowl, and is decorated on the handle
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PLATE IX. Soup Spoon or Ladle, ca. 1782
Inscriptions: "AGM" on tip of handle face; "1745" on back of handle. L. 14 1/2" Owner: Robert D. L. Gardiner
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94
face with a bright-cut, faceted, pattern. This spoon is identical to
one fashioned by Paul Revere, which is now in the Museum of Fine Arts,
Boston. Having descended in the Gardiner family, and presently in
the possession of Robert Gardiner, i t can be assumed that the in it i a ls
on the handle tip, "A ® M," are those of Colonel Abraham Gardiner and
his wife Mary.^^ This is confirmed by their marriage date, 1745,
engraved on the reverse side of the handle. This date was added, how
ever, in the nineteenth century, apparently at the same time the date
on the Gardiner tankard, Plate II, was inscribed.
Although the bright-cut engraving could have been added later,
it is probably contemporary with the spoon, indicating that it was
made considerably later than 1745, perhaps as an anniversary g ift.^
Colonel Gardiner died in August of 1782, however, and the ladle must
therefore date before his death.
Since bright-cut engraving was not widespread in America until
after the Revolution, this ladle is one indication that Pelletreau, a
silversmith in a rural situation, was not necessarily incapable of
responding to changes in fashion, or that his clients were totally
unaware of sh iftin g ta ste s.
Marks
There seems to be no chronology or change of touchmark through
out Pelletreau's career. The only mark that can be attributed to him,
is the simple EP, in capital Roman letters, set within a rectangle.
The middle horizontal bar in the letter E usually appears to be thicker
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PLATE X. Pelletreau Mark
This is the mark on the documented "JLG" tankard, Plate II. It is placed on both sides of the handle, just below the lip.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96
than the lower or upper bars, as in Plate X. An occasional mark has
been observed where this is not the case, and where the letters seem to AQ be less sharply defined. This may be due to wear on the piece of
silver, or on the die for the mark itself. It is curious to note, how
ever, that where this version of the mark occurs, the piece is doubly
stamped. In a ll other known instances, the object is singly marked, or
is stamped in two d ifferen t places, such as on opposite sid es of a
tankard handle, rather than next to each other. This alone is not con
clusive proof that the silver is not by Pelletreau, but these same
pieces are also in question stylistically, as to whether they could
have been fashioned by Pelletreau. Two of the objects bearing this
mark are definitely early nineteenth century forms, and this may be
further proof that John Pelletreau continued to use his father's mark,
or that another "EP" maker did exist.
The latter possibility is also suggested by two beakers pre
sented to the Church of Christ in Stamford, Connecticut, in 1761, by
Dr. Ebenezer Bishop. Although these beakers have always been attributed
to Pelletreau, they are marked with an EP in an oval touch. It is
lik e ly that they are the work of a lo c a l, and as yet unidentified
Connecticut silversmith.
Comparison and Summation
In a final attempt to evaluate the quality of his work, it would
seem most fa ir to compare Pelletreau with contemporary silversm iths in
similar rural situations. Yet, information on such craftsmen is still
lacking, and it is not possible to compare a wide range of forms by
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another rural silversmith with the hollow ware fashioned by Pelletreau.
The recent book, Early Connecticut Silver. 1700-1840, by Peter Bohan
and Philip Hammer slough, does make it possible, however, to compare
Pelletreau with a great many neighboring silversmiths. Such a compari
son is quite valid, because although Pelletreau worked on Long Island
rather than in Connecticut, the "temperament" of the two areas was much
the same, and many of the same influences of ta ste and distance from
an urban design center were at work. Indeed, the overall hollow ware
production of Pelletreau seems to amply reinforce Bohan's and Hammer-
slough's contention that "rural" silversmiths between New York and
Boston borrowed elements of design freely from both sources, and then
produced less elaborate adaptations of high style city forms.
In light of this then, and in view of the fact that Pelletreau's
t ie s with New York were extremely c lo se , how does Pelletreau compare
with contemporary New York City silversmiths? A great number of names
of would-be rivals come to mind, including, Adrian Bancker, John
Brevoort, Charles Oliver Bruff, Thomas Hammersley, Richard Van Dyke,
John Heath, Daniel Fueter, Lewis Fueter, John Burt Lyng, John Moulinar,
Nicholas R oosevelt, Peter de Riemer, Ephraim Brasher, George Ridout,
and Myer Myers.
There are obvious stylistic sim ilarities between Pelletreau and
these other New York craftsmen. The porringers of Bancker and
Pelletreau are v ir tu a lly id e n tic a l. Myers and Pelletreau both used
"twist" handles on some of their creampots, and similar forms for ladles,
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canns, and tankards. And, the single surviving tea- and coffee pots by
Pelletreau hold their own against examples by Richard Van Dyke and
Thomas Hammersley.
There are also obvious differences. One cannot deny that
Pelletreau's silver generally seems to lack the same fine sense of line
and proportion that characterizes the work of Myer Myers, at least to
the modern eye. The sophisticated touches that appear on silver by
Hammersley and others are also missed in Pelletreau's hollow ware.
This lack of stylish ornamentation makes Pelletreau's work seem dull
and mechanical in comparison, yet, it also sets his silver apart. Per
haps his relative isolation from any fashion center, and the resulting
lack of constant visual contact with current high style examples of
silver, dulled his design sense, and led him to reproduce, until the
end of h is career, silv e r with an outdated form and fee lin g . The
analogy between P elletreau and the Dominys on th is point is quite strong.
As Charles Hummel pointed out about the Dominys,
These craftsmen were able to make a distillation from the constant repetition of basic forms and shapes over a long period of time [which] makes their products seem to be tim eless.
The very same might be said of Elias Pelletreau.
These handicaps, by present day standards, might also have been
Pelletreau's strong points in his own day. His silver is characterized
by its generous proportions, solidity, and weight. These pieces were,
after a l l , meant to function a s u sefu l u te n s ils , and P elletrea u 's
ability to fashion durable silver may have overcome minor aesthetic
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qualms. Judging from the forms and the services Pelletreau was called
upon to offer, it would seem that his customers sought after and were
satisfied with the utility of their silver. In fact,, it is quite likely
that most of them did not care that P elletrea u 's silv er was far simpler
in terms of both form and decoration than many of his New York City
counterparts. Their conservatism, coupled with Pelletreau's own
abilities, helped define the appearance of the silver, as much as any
other factor.
Not being in the midst of the probably voracious New York com
petition, neither Pelletreau nor his customers had to continually strive
to keep up with the latest fashions in London, and as a result,
Pelletreau's silver does not have the exuberant fadishness of some of
his contemporaries. Rather, his silver reflects the pace of life in
Southampton. In the end, this reliance on conservative tradition may
have caused, at least partially, the decline in Pelletreau's and his
son's business. But prior to this, he enjoyed a good many golden years
as Southampton's goldsmith.
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FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER V I
"''See Chapter III., p. 36. 2 Account Book, David Gardiner, 1770-1799, Long Island Collection (hereafter LIC), East Hampton Free Library (hereafter EHFL), MS QB/1, p . 51.
This cup is illu s tr a te d in , Marvin Schwartz and Arthur Pulos, Elias Pelletreau, Long Island Silversmith, and His Sources of Design (New York: The Brooklyn Museum, 1959), Figure 1. The cup is presently on loan to the Museum of the City of New York.
^See Chapter II, p. 32.
^This porringer is illustrated in, Darling Foundation, New York State Silversmiths (New York, 1964), p. 132.
°This tankard is recorded in, Alfred E. Jones, The Old Silver of American Churches (Letchworth, England: National Society of Colonial Dames of America, 1913), p. 177.
?Due to the anonymity of the seller of these pieces at the auction (conducted by Adam A. Weschler & Son, Washington, D. C., May 22-24, 1970), this family ownership cannot be absolutely verified.
^Either William Walton or William Walton, Jr., owned silv er of English origin. An elaborate pair of English candlesticks owned by one of these men is illustrated in Esther Singleton's, Social New York Under the Georges (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1902), p. 150. The surviving Walton silver by pelletreau is not nearly as sophisticated. Q The original inventory accompanied the sale of the silver at the Washington, D. C., auction, see footnote seven, and at the time of this writing was in the possession of Edwin Fitler, of Ardmore, Pennsylvania.
•^American Art A ssociation, Anderson G a ller ie s, In c., Catalogue of Public Sale 4285, December 19, 1936, No. 6, p. 115.
■^Account Book No. 3, Elias Pelletreau, 1766-1776, Long Island H isto rica l Society (hereafter LIHS), MS, p. 89. This coffee pot was purchased by William Butler, of New York City in 1771, and cost £23-13-4, in addition to a handle at £0- 5- 0.
12This is the same silver referred to in footnote seven. 13Pell etreau did purchase jewelry items from James T ille y (see Chapter IV, p. 52), but th is was while T ille y was working for him as a journeyman.
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■^Account Book No. 2, E lias Pelletreau,, 1760-66.. LIC, EILFL. MS(x)/CF/2, p. 28.
■^•^Those surviving hollow ware pieces that can be d e fin ite ly or possibly connected with entries in the Pelletreau account books are: a tankard made for John Lyon Gardiner, 1791; a porringer made for John Lyon Gardiner, 1802; a pepper box made for Ruth Woodhull, 1769; a porringer made for Thomas and Lydia Fanning, 1761; a tankard made for David and Elizabeth Pierson, 1791; a cann made for Matthew Mulford, 1762; a tankard made for Hugh Smith, 1772; and a cann made for Mary Gardiner, 1798.
•^Charles F. Hummel, "The Dominys of East Hampton, Long Island, and Their Furniture," in Country Cabinetwork and Simple City Furniture, ed. by John D. Morse (Charlottesville, Va.: The University Press of V irgin ia, 1970), pp. 40-41.
■^Pelletreau Account Book No. 2, p. 14. The entry for the pepper box included the capital letters "R*W."
■*-®See Chapter IV, p. 49 .
^Kathryn Buhler and Graham Hood, American Silver in the Yale U niversity Art Gallery (New Haven, Conn.: Yale U niversity Press, 1970), p. 74. This conclusion was also reached by these authors.
70uSee footnote fifteen for other possibilities.
^ A c c o u n t Book No. 4, Elias Pelletreau, 1776-1800, LIC, EHFL, MS(x) /CF/3 , p. 114.
22pay Book, John Lyon Gardiner, LIC, EHFL, MS(x)/WH/5, p. 33.
23Jeanette Edwards Rattray, East Hampton History, Including Genealogies of Early Fam ilies (Garden City, New York: Country Life Press, 1953), p. 343.
^ S e e Mabel C. Weaks, Captain E lias P elletreau. Long Island Silversmith. An Account of his Life & Times, his Office, and his Craft (reprint; Southampton, New York: The Yankee Peddler Book Company, 1966), [lo] .
^George Muirson purchased two of these, Jeremiah Osborne, the third, and John Mitchel, the fourth.
^Norton Art Gallery, American Silver and Pressed Glass (Shreveport, Louisiana: The R. W. Norton Art Gallery, 1967), No. 16, p. 20. Many similar examples are to be found in other catalogues and books.
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27papers of the Lloyd Family of the Manor of Queens Village, Lloyd's Neck, New York 1654-1826 (New York: The New York H isto rica l Society, 1927), II, 683-85. The maker is not named, but it weighed 45oz 5dwt. I t was purchased for Mr. Samuel W illis.
OQ °Sarah Diodati Gardiner, Early Memories of Gardiner's Island (East Hampton, New York: East Hampton Star, 1947), pp. 69-70.
^Pelletreau Account Book No. 4, p. 143.
on JUNine canns were made before 177 6, and thirteen after 177 6.
31Day Book, John Lyon Gardiner, LIC, EHFL, MS QB/4, unpaginated.
•^Account Book No. 5, Elias Pelletreau, 1800-1810 with addi tional later entries by John and William Pelletreau, LIC, EHFL, MS(x)/CF/l, p. 4.
33Further confirmation of Elias' retirement by 1800 is given in a letter written by Pelletreau, and quoted in Chapter I.
3^Anna Floyd was married to Hugh Gelston Smith about 1765. This porringer has descended in the family. It is marked with her i n it i a ls , "A*F."
OC J By family tradition, it was made for Mary Gardiner. It is now in the collection of Robert Gardiner, East Hampton, New York. 36 Samuel Casey milkpot, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Bancroft Woodcock milkpot, Yale University.
37' Soumaine used th is type of cypher engraving on his famous sugar bowl in the Yale University Art Gallery. The source of that cypher was Colonel Parson's, A New Book of Cyphers (London, 1704).
33More commonly, P elletreau used scrip t in it i a ls for monograms, set within a banded circu lar design.
39Unfortunately, there are no histories of ownership accompany ing either creamer, that can trace them to a family, or even a geographic area.
^^John Marshall P h illip s , American S ilver (New York: Chanti cleer Press, 1949), p. 116.
^There are no references or entries in the account books which would indicate that John Pelletreau made this sugar urn. Naturally, this does not rule out the possibility that he made it.
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^Martha Gandy F a les, Early American Silver for the Cautious Collector (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1970), p. 64. This author also agrees that most of these "ladles" were soup spoons. 43 William Walton spoon, c o lle c tio n of Edwin F itle r , Ardmore, Pennsylvania; unidentified spoon, initials "?®A, collection of Mrs. William G. Kafes, Morrisville, Pennsylvania.
^B uhler and Hood, American S ilv er, p. 112.
^^Jeanette W. Rosenbaum, Myer Myers. Goldsmith 1723-1795, technical notes by Kathryn Buhler (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1954), p. 81. 46 Kathryn C. Buhler, Paul-Revere, Goldsmith (Boston: Museum of Fine A rts, 1956), No. 26.
^Mary Smith, of Moriches, Long Island. A porringer, also pre sumably owned by Mary Smith is in the collection of Robert Gardiner.
^There are two sugar tongs by Pelletreau with bright-cut engraving, reinforcing the contention that he could execute such work. There are no known Pelletreau spoons with bright-cut engraving, however, or hollow ware.
^This mark appears on two objects, a salver and a creamer. Both pieces were in the 1959 Brooklyn Museum exhibition, Catalogue Nos. 41 and 15.
■^Charles Hummel, "The Dominys of East Hampton, Long Island, and Their Furniture," p. 64.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER V I I
INCOME
The one aspect of the colonial craftsman's craft practice that
is usually disregarded, or dealt with only in passing, is the question
of the income or p ro fit that he was able to derive from i t . Yet, th is
must have been of paramount concern to most of our early artisan s.
Generalizations about the wealth or financial success of American s il
versmiths are difficult to make. As in any business, it is possible to
have great variations of achievement among individuals. As a class of
craftsmen, however, the silversmith has been regarded as belonging to
the "aristocracy. Certainly he worked with a metal that had great
value, but was it actually profitable to be a silversmith in a rural
town, such as Southampton? A review of the information provided in the
previous chapters of this thesis, in conjunction with the financial
records left by Pelletreau, clearly answers this question.
Rural, eighteenth century, Long Island was an area comprised of
farms, ranging from 75 to 150 acres. Although a farm of th is size could
provide a living, it would have been difficult for anyone to have O prospered from this agricultural activity alone. Possibly Pelletreau
engaged in his agricultural pursuits in hopes of supplementing his
income by s e llin g produce. His account book en tries in d ica te, however,
104
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that no substantial amount of income was ever gained from farming, and
in a l l probability, the farm was mainly a source of produce for the
family's own consumption.
In Chapter II, it was suggested that the basically agricultural
economy, in which he practiced silv e r smithing, forced Pelletreau to go
beyond the confines of Southampton for h is c lie n te le for hollow ware.
He was successful in doing this until the disruption of his business, in
1776, by the Revolution. Discussed in several previous chapters was the
very substantial business done with people who could not afford large
articles of silver plate, but only an occasional set of buttons or
buckles. This group of customers often exchanged goods or services with
Pelletreau, rather than cash.
This system of payment worked extremely well for Pelletreau. He
exchanged his services for those of the town blacksmith, carpenter,
tailor, and cordwainer. In the same way, he was able to pay for the
schooling of his children, and for medical care. As pointed out by
Charles Hummel in h is evaluation of the Dominys' a b ility to earn a l i v
ing in East Hampton,
The lo ca l economy was almost one of customer to customer rather than of producer to consumer. There was no need for large sums of cash to purchase necessities or l u x u r i e s . 3
The desire to increase one's income and wealth was, and still is,
a common goal of men. Pelletreau was no exception to this, as the
previous chapters of this thesis have indicated. He regularly invested
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in ventures, lotteries, and land. His active pursuit of increased sales
of products from h is shop i s w ell documented in the records of his
commission sales (see Appendix C and Chapter V). He was an astute and
careful businessman, as exemplified by an account book entry noting that
one false dollar had been given to him out of a total sum of twenty-three
pounds, and that i t was to be deducted from that amount.^ The p rofit
motive in Pelletreau was strong, as was his interest in evaluating some
of the sources of his income.
At the back of "Account Book No. 2" and "Account Book No. 3,"
Pelletreau recorded the monthly and yearly value of certain work pro
duced in his shop. The categories of work noted were "silver" and
" sh ell." Silver work was comprised of hollow ware and spoons. Shell
work included only jewelry made of tortoise shell. No records were
kept, at least in these books, of Pelletreau's other craft activities.
The years for which records survive are 1760-1774. A yearly summary of
them is found in Table 2. In addition to listing the silver and shell
work done, Pelletreau arrived at a yearly calculation of his profit.
This was accomplished by adding the sh e ll work and silv er work, and then
subtracting his expenses, which were also recorded monthly. It can be
assumed that by expenses, Pelletreau meant the cost of the m aterials,
and not labor.
Table 2 demonstrates Pelletreau's interest in the financial
aspect of his craft, and possibly his concern with the downward turn it
seems to have taken after the mid-1760's. By that date, the amount of
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6- 0- 0 6-18- 6 2-10- 0 4-19- 0 62- 4- 6 16- 7- 0 16-19- 0 65-13- 0 P rofit 126-17- 3 132-10- 4 228-19- 7 £160-14- 4
74- 3- 0 75-11- 083-15- 0 50- 5- 0 22- 1- 0 118- 5- 0 115-11- 0 133-14- 0 141- 6- 0 135- 0- 0 142- 9 - 0 177-17- 0 134- 1- 0 31-10- 0 235- 4- 0 281- 3- 224- 0 3- 0 Expenses £230- 4- 6 BY BY ELIAS PELLETREAU
123-11- 0 112- 5- 0 107-12-10 105- 1- 0 146- 0- 0 183- 2- 6 284- 3- 0 Silver Work Table 2 SHELL WORK AS CALCULATED WORK SHELL
3-14- 0 117- 8- 0 9- 2- 0 130-12- 0 14- 5- 0 118- 5- 0 11-13- 0 12-16- 6 13-11- 0 57-0-6 Shell Work £ £ 95- 0- 1 £300-18- 9 PROFIT FOR SILVER AND SILVER FOR PROFIT
1769 1774 1772 1766 31- 5- 0 169- 8- 0 1763 75- 5- 0 235- 2- 4 1762 102- 1- 0 351- 1- 7 YEARLY 1, 1773 1, 1, 1, 1771 1,1767 27-17- 8 1, 1, 1761 133-17- 3 1, The The amounts listed under "Silver Work" include spoons and hollow ware, but not jewelry. These figures were obtained from entries in the last pages of Pelletreau1s "Account Book "Shell Work" seems to refer only to shell jewelry items. the work done "yearly" during that totals. month, or the previous month. The amounts contained in th is table are the October October October 1, No. No. 2," and "Account Book No. 3." The en tries were lis t e d monthly, and grouped by year. Each year October 1, 1770 0-15- 0 October began with October, although it is not clear whether the amount assigned to each month represents October October 1,October 1768 Notes: October October 1, 1765 36-14- 0 118-17- 0 October 1, October October October 1, 1764 October 1, 1760 Year Beginning
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shell work produced had declined greatly, and even the value of the
silv e r work had decreased by anywhere from £50 to more than £100. A
much more detailed, although similar, picture of Pelletreau's business
can be gained from an analysis of h is accounts from 1765 to 1810. The
extracted accounts for this period, sampled at five-year intervals, are
contained in Appendix D. A concise summary of what those accounts
reveal, in terms of Pelletreau1s production and income, may be seen in
Table 3. (It i s recommended, however, that the reader browse through
Appendix D to obtain a full understanding of what these figures reflect.)
The Pelletreau accounts make it possible to assess the relative
percentage of income derived from the various craft activities of a
silversmith. The fashioning of spoons and hollow ware, because of the
amount and high cost of the silver involved, represents a high percent
age of the total amount of production for each year--usually between
twenty-five and fifty per cent. Jewelry work almost always equalled the
amount of "silversmithing" done each year. Pelletreau's dependence upon
his commission sales, as a means of "moving" his jewelry work, is
directly reflected in a comparision of the yearly totals of jewelry
production, and the amount of commission sales for those years. After
1765, these sa les declined sharply, as did the amount of income from
jewelry work. Similarly, these declines are reflected in the yearly
to ta ls for a l l work produced.
Surprisingly perhaps, repair work returned little in the way of
direct income. The greatest yearly total, among the sample years, was
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109
1
* J—
1
f—4 f—4 5-17- 4 H-1 10-17- 0 29-15- 7 44- 5-11 £132-14- 9 £124-17- 5 - - - + 61- 1- 8 + 34-11- 4 13-10- 8 319- 2- 8 277-11- 7 - £1585- 4-11 £ £ 597-14- 3 Table 3 ANALYSIS OF THE PELLETREAU ACCOUNTS PELLETREAU THE OF ANALYSIS 363- 8- 7 £1717-19- 8 £ £ 722-11- 8 debited or charged services credited relationship 1810 21- 0- 8 1805 50- 4- 8 1800 110- 4- 9 98- 7- 5 17701775 1795 283- 8-11 Seven-Year Total 167- 0- 5 196-16- 0 1765 Date Production Accounts Income Cash & Debit to cred it
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£6- 9-0, in 1765. Such work seems to have been performed more as a
service than as a means of making money. Likewise, Pelletreau obtained
supplies for other Southampton residents through h is contacts in
New York. It i s lik e ly that he did th is only upon request, and that he
had no intention of becoming a general merchant. Pelletreau was also
sought by his neighbors when they needed to borrow cash. Again, this
was more of a service than a means of adding to his income, but in a
barter economy, services rendered usually meant services returned.
Because of this, Pelletreau probably would not have been upset
over the debit to income relationship of his accounts (see Table 3). In
four out of seven years analyzed, Pelletreau appears to have been
operating in "the red." The same situation held true for the Dominys
in East Hampton, but as was explained in With Hammer in Hand,
' the value of the to ta l income did not matter greatly. Goods e sse n tia l to the Dominys' physical well-being and comfort might not have had much cash value. . .but they carried high "living" value.^
It is also of interest to note that in 1765, when an analysis of
Pelletreau's accounts reveal a "deficit" of £124-17- 5 (see Table 3),
his own calculations indicate a profit of £21-10- 0 (see Table 2).
Of much greater concern to Pelletreau than whether his accounts
showed a plus or minus of several pounds income, would have been the
volume of the business that he did. The production figures in Table 3,
as well as the accounts, tell the story of the decline of Pelletreau's
craft in Southampton. The evidence gathered and presented in this
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thesis indicates that Pelletreau's craft practice was at its height in
the 1750's and 1760's. During these years., Pelletreau was undoubtedly
employed at silversmithing full-time. He had every reason to calculate
his silver and shell work for these years in terms of profit or income
"cleared," because it was for this work that he received hard cash.
With most of h is daily needs supplied by h is own farm and the barter
economy of Southampton, the cash that he earned from h is silversm ithing
activities could be invested in land, ventures, or simply saved.
Following the Revolution, however, Pelletreau's craft took on a
completely different character. Changes in taste and more convenient
transportation to New York must have affected Pelletreau's ability to
satisfy all of his customers'demands. After 1800, and Elias Pelle
treau's virtual retirement, the recorded yearly production of goods and
services fell below £100 for the first time. And from that point, it
never rose. This did not mean that the Pelletreaus were in danger of
starving, but i t did indicate that Southampton could no longer support a
full-time silversmith. John Pelletreau therefore turned increasingly to
farming. The beginning of a new century brought an end to the practice
of an old craft in Southampton.
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FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER V I I
-1-Martha Gandy Fales, Early American Silver for the Cautious Collector (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1970), p. 194.
^Ralph Henry Gabriel., The Evolution of Long Island (New Haven: The Yale University Press, 1921), pp. 38-39.
^Charles F. Hummel, With Hammer in Hand: The Dominy Craftsmen of East Hampton, New York (Charlottesville, Va.: The University Press of Virginia, 1968), p. 218.
^Account Book No. 3, Elias Pelletreau, 1766-76, Long Island Historical Society, MS, p. 84.
^Hummel, With Hammer in Hand, p. 219.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books
Adams, James Truslow. History of the Town of Southampton, reprint. Port Washington, New York: Ira J. Friedman, Inc., 1962.
Anon. The Third Book of Records of the Town of Southampton, Long Island, New York, with Other Ancient Documents of H istoric Value. Sag Harbor, New York: John H. Hunt, P rinter, 1878.
Avery, C. Louise. Early American Silver. New York: The Century Co., 1930.
Bohan, Peter, and Hammerslough, P h ilip . Early Connecticut S ilv er. 1700- 1840. Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1970.
Bridenbaugh, Carl. The Colonial Craftsman. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1961.
Buhler, Kathryn. Paul Revere, Goldsmith. Boston: The Museum of Fine Arts, 1956.
Buhler, Kathryn, and Hood, Graham. American Silver in the Yale Univer s ity Art G allery. New Haven: Yale U niversity Press, 1970.
Burton, E. Milby. Charleston Silver, 1690-1860. Charleston, South Carolina: The Charleston Museum, 1942.
Coxe, Tench. A View of the United States of America. Philadelphia: Printed for William Hall, and Wrigley & Berriman, 1794.
Curtis, George Munson. Early Silver of Connecticut and Its Makers. Meriden, Connecticut: International Silver Co., 1913.
Darling Foundation of New York State Early American Silversm iths and S ilv er. New York State Silversm ith s. E g g e r tsv ille , New York: By the Author, 1964.
Dwight, Timothy. Travels in New England and New York. Edited by Barbara M iller Solomon with the assistan ce of P a tricia M. King. 4 vols. Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1969.
113
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Ensko, Stephen G. C. American Silversmiths and Their Marks. New York: By the Author, 1948.
F ales, Martha Gandy. Early American Silver for the Cautious C o llecto r. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1970.
F a les, Martha Gandy, and Flynt, Henry N. The Heritage Foundation Collection of Silver: With Biographical Sketches of New England Silversmiths, 1625-1825. Old Deerfield, Mass.: The Heritage Foundation, 1968.
Force, Peter. American Archives, Fifth Series. Washington, D. C.: M. St. Clair Clarke and Peter Force, 1848, I.
French, Hollis. A List of Early American Silversmiths and Their Marks. New York: The Walpole Society, 1917.
Gardiner, Sarah Diodati. Early Memories of Gardiner's Island. East Hampton, New York: East Hampton Star, 1947.
Gottesman, Rita Susswein. The Arts and Crafts in New York: 1726-1776. New York: The New York H isto rica l Society, 1938.
______. The Arts and Crafts in New York: 1777-1799. New York: The New York Historical Society, 19 54.
Hoopes, Penrose R. Shop Records of Daniel Burnap Clockmaker. Hartford, Connecticut: The Connecticut Historical Society, 1958.
Hummel, Charles F. "The Dominys of East Hampton, Long Island, Their Furniture." Country Cabinetwork and Simple City Furniture. Edited by John D. Morse. Charlottesville, Virginia: The University Press of Virginia, 1970.
Hummel, Charles F. With Hammer in Hand, The Dominy Craftsmen of East Hampton, New York. Charlottesville, Virginia: The Univer sity Press of Virginia, 1968.
Jones, Alfred E. The Old Silver of American Churches. Letchworth, England: National Society of Colonial Dames of America, 1913.
Kauffman, Henry J. The Colonial Silversm ith, His Techniques and His Products. Camden, New Jersey: Thomas Nelson, 1969.
Massey, J. Earl. America's Money, The Story of Our Coins and Currency. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1968.
Miller, William Davis. The Silversmiths of Little Rest, Rhode Island. Kingstown, Rhode Island: D. B. Updike, 1928.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 1 5
Morse, John D., ed. Country Cabinetwork and Simple City Furniture. Charlottesville, Virginia: The University Press of Virginia, 1970.
New York Historical Society. Papers of the Lloyd Family of the Manor of Queens V illa g e, Lloyd's Neck, New York 1654-1826. New York: By the Author, 1927, II.
Parson, Colonel. A New Book of Cyphers. London, England, 1704.
Phillips, John Marshall. American Silver. New York: Chanticleer Press, 1949.
Rattray, Jeanette Edwards. East Hampton History, Including Genealogies of Early F am ilies. Garden City, New York: Country L ife Press, 1953.
Rosenbaum, Jeanette W. Myer Myers, Goldsmith 1723-1795. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1954.
Street, Charles R. Huntington Town Records, Including Babylon, Long Island, New York. 1688-1775. Huntington, New York: Long Islander Print, 1888.
Thompson, Benjamin F. H istory of Long Island from i t s Discovery and Settlement to the Present Time. 3rd ed. 3 vols. New York: Robert H. Dodd, 1918.
Weaks, Mabel C. Captain E lias P elletreau, Long Island Silversm ith, An Account of his Life & Times, his Office, and his Craft, reprint. Southampton, New York: The Yankee Peddler Book Company, 1966.
White, Lizbeth, and Keene, Robert. The Old P elletreau House and Shop, 1686-1940. Southampton, New York: The Yankee Peddler Book Company, 1968.
Williams, Carl M. Silversmiths of New Jersey, 1700-1825: With Some Notice of Clockmakers Who Were Also Silversmiths. Philadelphia: George S. MacManus Company, 1949.
Catalogues of Exhibitions
Bohan, Peter J . American Gold 1700-1860. New Haven: Yale U niversity Art Gallery, 1963.
Buhler, Kathryn. Colonial Silversmiths, Masters & Apprentices. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1956.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116
M iller, V. Isa b e lle . Silver By New York Makers: Late 17th Century to 1900. New York: The Museum of the City of New York, 1937.
Rice, Norman S. Albany Silver 1652-1825. Albany, New York: Albany Institute of History and Art, 1964.
Schwartz, Marvin D., and Pulos, Arthur. E lias P elletreau , Long Island Silversmith and His Sources of Design. Brooklyn, New York: Brooklyn Museum, 1959.
Articles and Periodicals
Fales, Martha Gandy. "Daniel Rogers, Ipswich Goldsmith: The Case of the Double Identity." Essex Institute Historical Collections (January, 1965), 40-49.
Tapley, Harriet S. "The Ledger of Edward Lang, Silversmith, of Salem." Essex Institute Historical Collections, LXVI (July, 1930), 325-29.
Weaks, Mabel C. "Captain Elias Pelletreau, Long Island Silversmith." Antiques, XIX, Nos. 5-6 (May and June, 1931), 365-68, 438-40.
Pamphlets
Suffolk County H isto rica l Society. A pamphlet on county and town sea ls. Riverhead, Long Island, New York: By the Author, n.d.
Manuscripts
Manuscript materials relating to Elias Pelletreau are found in the following three locations: The Long Island Collection of the East Hampton Free Library, East Hampton, New York (designated below as EHFL) ; The William Pelletreau Papers of the Long Island Historical Society, Brooklyn, New York (designated below as WPP, LIHS); and The Joseph Downs Manuscript and Microfilm Collection of the Division of Libraries of the H. F. du Pont Winterthur Museum, Winterthur, Delaware (designated below as DMMC).
Alexander, Mary. Settlement of her estate, New York City, 1760-68 (Charles N. Bancker Papers DMMC, M-101).
Committee of Southampton. Pass, for the removal of E lia s P elletreau and family to Connecticut, August 31, 1776 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-117).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117
Gandy, Martha Lou. "Joseph Richardson, Quaker Silversm ith." Unpublished Master's thesis, Winterthur'Program, University of Delaware, Newark, Delaware, 1954.
Gardiner, David. Inventory of Estate, Isle of Wight, New York, 1775 (EHFL, MS(x)/WH/6).
Gardiner, David. Account Book, 1770-99 (EHFL, MS QB/1).
Gardiner, John Lyon. Day Book (EHFL, MS(x)/WH/5).
______. Day Book (EHFL, MS QB/4).
Howell, Sylvanus. Bill of sale to E lias P elletreau , December 17, 1791 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-109).
Martin, Shirley Ann. "Craftsmen of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, 1750- 1800." Unpublished M aster's th e sis , Winterthur Program, U niversity of Delaware, Newark, Delaware, 1956.
P elletreau, E lia s. Indenture to Simeon Soumaine, December 6, 1741 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-251).
Pelletreau, Elias. Bills of sale for land bought, 1756-94 (WPP, LIHS, MSS 45-183; 187; 191; 193; 195; 197; 211; 215; 223; 225; 229; 231; 233; 235; 237; 269.
Pelletreau, Elias. Account Book No. 2, 1760-66 (EHFL, MS(x)/CF/2).
Pelletreau, Elias. Account Book No. 3, 1766-76 (LIHS, MS VP).
P elletreau, E lia s. B ill to State of New York for moving expenses to Connecticut, 1776 (typed copy, WPP, LIHS, MS 45-248).
Pelletreau, Elias. Account Book No. 4, 1776-1800 (EHFL, MS(x)/CF/3).
Pelletreau, E lia s. L etter, to Pliny and Jane H illy er, Grandby, Connecticut, September 29, 1800 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-252).
Pelletreau, Elias. Account Book No. 5, 1800-10 with additional later entries by John and William Pelletreau (EHFL, MS(x)/CF/l).
Pelletreau, Elias. Will, January 16, 1811 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-123).
Pelletreau, Elias. Inventory of estate, Southampton, New York, March 23, 1811 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-123).
Pelletreau, Francis. Will, 1735 (WPP, LIHS, MS).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 1 8
Pelletreau, John. Commission as coroner of Suffolk County, New York, February 24, 1798 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-199).
Pelletreau, John. Letter, to Nathaniel Pelletreau (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-131).
Proctor, John. Bill to Hugh Gelston for schooling of Elias Pelletreau, June, 1740 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-111).
Selectmen of Simsbury, Connecticut. Pass, to Elias Pelletreau, September 15, 1778 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-103).
Ustick, William, New York. Letter, to Elias Pelletreau, Southampton, New York, November 23, 1761 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-107).
Ustick, William, New York. Letter, to Elias Pelletreau, Southampton, New York, June 16, 1763 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-128).
Ustick, William, New York. Letter, to Elias Pelletreau, Southampton, New York, August 4, 1763 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-103).
White, Edward, Hartford, Connecticut. Letter, to Elias Pelletreau, Southampton, New York, July 30, 1761 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-113).
Woodruff, Samuel. Bill to Francis Pelletreau for house and lot, 1728 (WPP, LIHS, MS 45-175).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX A
INVENTORY OF HOUSEHOLD FURNISHINGS OF ELIAS PELLETREAU MARCH 23, 1811
Six pr Cent Stock $ 452.24 Three pr Cent D° 660.24 Apparel 10.00 5 Beds & beding[,] 3 bed steads • 50.00 1 bureau 5.00 1 large looking glass 6.00 1 Small D° 2.50 1 Square table 1.00 1 Small D° .75 8 Chairs 3.75 1 Old Desk and bookcase 6c books 13.00 1 House Clock 35.00 1 Old chest .50 2 Silver porrenger 14.00 1 Silver tankord 25.00 1 pepper box 1.50 4 table Spoons 6.00 1 pair of Sugar tongs 1.00 1 case of bottles 3.00 crockery .75 1 pair of bellows .25 Hollow ware 1.00 Andiron Shovel 6c tongs 2.50 Puter [Pewter] 1.75 Kitchen Furniture 6c f?~j 1 f ? l table .75 1 Meal chest .50 1 Cupbord .37 2 Skimmers 6c 2 tea kettles .25 Old chair 1.50 2 chests .25 2 wheels 6c clock r e e l .75 2 Stands 1.25 6 Windsor Chairs 2.50 2 tables 4.00 1 trunk .75 pickters [pictures?] .50 Old chest .25 3 Hogsheads .75 1 buchel (bushel] of 1 D° barn 4/ 1.50
119
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120
2 Old chests $ .25 Silversmiths tools 100.00 14 Silver Stock buckels 7.00 6 pair plated buckels 3.00 1 pair Silver D° 2.00 Old Silver & Gold e tc . 30.00 1 Silver Watch 10.00 Slive buckels Stock etc. 3.50 1 g la ss Case 1.00 1 pair Gold sleave buttons _____ 2.00
Total $1,473.65
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX B
PURCHASERS OF HOLLOW WARE 1760-1810
This list has been compiled frqm the account books, other documents, and extant silver which indicate the names of Pelletreau's hollow ware customers.
The residence of each customer is given if it is known. Otherwise the letters NR denote that the person is a non-resident of Southampton. No entry under "Residence" in d icates the person is from Southampton.
Name______Residence
Avery, Elihu Connecticut Baker, Nathaniel Amagansett Beekman, Widow Elizabeth New York City Bradley, Samuel Connecticut Brewster, Nathaniel Brookhaven Brown, Richard's wife Oyster Pond B utler, Captain John Oyster Bay Butler, William New York City Buell, Reverend Samuel East Hampton Conklin, Mrs. Cheby Conklin, Lary Conklin, Samuel Brookhaven Cook, John Daggett, Naphtali Smithtown, New Haven, Connecticut Daten[Dayton?] , Dr. Jonathan J. New Jersey Dunscombe, Mumford New York City Edwards, Benaiah Fanning, Thomas Floyd Family Mastic Floyd, Major Richard Mastic Foster, John Gardiner, Colonel Abraham East Hampton Gardiner, John Gardiner, John Lyon Gardiner's Island Gardiner, David Flushing Gardiner, Widow Mary East Hampton Gelston, David New York City Gelston, Hugh G elston, Maltby Bridge Hampton Halsey, Elias Havens, Benjamin Havens, Jonathan Shelter Island Havens, Joseph Shelter Island
121
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Name Residence
Hawkins, Alexander Hedges, Deacon David Helms, Captain William Oyster Pond Herrick, Henry Hewlett, James Horton, David Howell, Widow Abigail Howell, Abner Howell, Ann Howell, Arthur Howell, David South Haven Howell, Elihu Howell, Moses Howell, Phillip Howell, Silas Hubbard, Richard S. NR Jacobs, Joseph Jagger, Stephen Jones, Widow Mary Jones, William L'Hommedieu, Daniel NR L'Hommedieu, Ezra Southold Ludlam, Widow of Jeremiah Matt, Carl Mical, Levi NR? Miller, Burnett East Hampton Miller, Eleazer East Hampton(n .Y.C.?] Miller, Hunting East Hampton Miller, Jeremiah NR M iller, Widow Rebecca NR Mills, Jacob Smithtown Mitchel _1_ , John Mitchel[lJ, John, Jr. Mott, Captain Jacob Hempstead Harbor [Roslyn] Muirson, Dr. George Setauket Mulford, Matthew East Hampton Nicoll, William, Jr. NR Osborne, Jeremiah Osborne, Lewis Parsons[Pasons?] , Phebe Pelletreau, Ann New York City Peters, Dr. Charles Pette ?, Lieutenant John NR? Pierson, Captain David Pierson, Samuel Rapeje, John Reeves, Abner Rogers, Uriah
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Name Residence
Smith., Edmond Smithtown Smith, Epenetus Smithtown Smith, Hugh Smith, Isaac Smithtown Smith, Nathaniel, Jr. NR? Smith, Lieutenant Obadiah NR? Smith, Widow Pheby Smith, Prudence Smith, Richard Smithtown Smith, Major William St. Georges Manor Talmadge, Benjamin Brookhaven Terry, Jonathan NR? Terry, Joseph NR? Topping, Stephen Townsend, Jacob New York C ity Townsend, Samuel Oyster Bay Tuthill, Nathaniel NR? Van Rennselaer Family New York City Walton, William, Jr.[?] New York City Wells, William Southold White, Elnathan White, Major James White, Silas Sag Harbor Williams, Abigail Woodhull, General Nathaniel Mastic Woodhull, Stephen NR
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Items rings, buttons, chains 6-9-0 7-16-7 buttons 18-3-0 14-18-11 16-5-9 spoons, buttons, buckles 20-0-0 + 73-1-8 74-4-7 23-1-9 20-0-0 + £ £ 71-17-4
C APPENDIX APPENDIX COMMISSION SALES* COMMISSION Phillips Roe Aaron Aaron Isaacs 9-16-0 Levi Mical 22-0-0 + Fredrick Hutson William Arthur 17-13-0 Usher More Joseph Jacobs Richard Denten Fredrick HutsonNathaniel Williams 135-1-8 Fredrick Hutson Nathaniel Williams Joseph Jacobs* Joseph Jacobs* 14-5-11 17651765 Fredrick Hutson 105-15-6 1764 1762 1762-63 Aaron Isaacs* 1762 John Case 1764 1763 . 1761 Joseph Jacobs* 1762 Nathaniel Williams 1763 1762 1762 Benjamin Blydenburgh Year Agent Amount+ 5 66 50 1764 32 1765 17 63 32, 94 94 32, 94 52 1762 85 85 7085 1762 37 Page +In +In some cases the amount entered represents a conservative estimate of the value of *Included in this listing are those accounts where large quantities of jewelry items were Book commission sales on behalf of Elias Pelletreau. exchanged for goods as these men would probably resell the dozens of buckles and buttons they accepted from Pelletreau in trade. No. No. 2 No. 2 No. 2 No. No. 2 66 No. No. 2 No. 2 No. 2 No. No. 2 68 1762-63 No. 2 96 1764 No. No. 2 No. No. 2 50 1762 P h illip s Roe No. No. 2 No. 2 No. 2 47 43 1763 No. 2 50 1763 P h illip s Roe No. No. 2 No. 2 63 1762-63 William Arthur 54-10-11 No. 2 Account No. 2 No. 2 No. 2 No. 2 No. 2
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 scythes buttons buttons brooches, buttons buttons, rings buttons buttons buttons, rings buttons buttons buttons buttons buttons buttons buttons buttons buttons buttons buttons buttons
+ +
11-6 0-0 0-0 - - - 1-7-0 1-16-0 1-19-6 2-7-0 5-13-4 3-1-0 2-18-2 4-19-0 6 4-0-7 6 6-9-6 5-2-10 2 2-16-8 4-0-3 2-8-4 3-1-4 9-10-3 4-2-6 2-5-0 13-12-11 16-19-10 10-12-3+ Amount Amount Items David Flyn John Gelston Hugh Hugh Rainer (Raynor?) Wilmot Oakley Phillips Roe Robert Hinchman Christopher Bennett Robert Hinchman John Hubbard John Hubbard William Arthur Richard Brown's wife John Hulbert Aaron Isaacs Richard Brown's wife G ilbert Clemons John Hubbard Nathaniel Williams John Case Agent Aaron Isaacs* Richard Brown's wife 1774 1774 1774 1774 1773 1773 1774 1773 N athaniel W illiams 1770 John Hulbert 1770 1771 1768 176817681768 Joseph 1769Brewster 1769-74 Aaron Isaacs17691770 John Hubbard 1770 John Hulbert Joseph Brewster Samuel N ic o ll 1767 17651765 John Hubbard 1766 1766 Nathaniel1767 Williams 1767 1765 John Case 1 79 68 36 68 88 13 68 62 1768 E lia s P elletreau , Jr. 65 1766 76 7765 17 36 79 47 47 47 47 124 117 126 Book Page Year No. No. 3 No. 3 No. No. 3No. 3 113 No. 3 No. 3 97 No. 3 97 No. No. 3 No. No. 3 No. 3 No. 3 No. No. 3 No. 3 79 No. No. 3 No. No. 3No. 3 79 No. 3No. 3 47 No. 3 No. 3 No. 3 75 No. 3 No. 3 13 No. 2 47 1767 No. 3 22 Account No. No. 2 No. 2 50 1765 No. No. 2 No. 3 1 No. No. 2 No. 2 No. 2No. 2 No. 2 25 1765 Joseph Denten
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. spoons, buckles, buttons brooches, buttons stone jewels buttons buckles, le s uck buttonsb Items buckles buttons buckles buttons buttons buttons 7-6-0 6-8-0 1-12-0 4-1-0 3-9-0 9-6-0 10-7-0 10-0-0 + 13-13-0 23-3-0 buckles, buttons, beads Amount Elias Pelletreau, Jr. Elias Pelletreau, Jr. David Gelston, Jr. John Beers Elias Pelletreau, Jr. Goldsmith Davis John Beers Jonathan Dayton Goldsmith Davis John Beers John Hubbard 1-10-0 Jonathan Dayton 10-19-6 John Hubbard Hugh Gelston, Jr. John Griffen John Hobard (Hubbard?)Elias Pelletreau, Jr. 3-0-0 David Flyn John Gelston John Hubbard Benjamin Wells 0-15-0 Abraham Abraham M iller John Hubbard 1-14-3 1795 1795 1794 1794 1794 1793 1793 1793 1794 1793 Samuel Payne 1793 1793 17921792 Goldsmith Davis 13-11-6 1792 Nathan Mulford's wife-Islip 1792 Hugh G elston, Jr. 19-0-0 + 1775 Robert Hincliman 5-0-0 + 1775 1791 1775 Joseph Brewster 1774 1775 1774 225 177 William Arthur 1-10-0 94 1775 97 132, 155 137 135 143 143 141 1794 137 136 141 132 135136 1793 1793 135 122 106112132 1790 1790 E lias P elletrea u , Jr. 112 1792 John Hobard 113117 1775 1775 Wilmot Oakley 107 124 Page Year Agent Book No. No. 4 141 No. 4 No. No. 4 137 No. No. 4 No. No. 4 No. No. 4 No. 4 141 No. No. 4 No. 4 No. No. 4 No. 4 No. 4 No. 4 No. 4 No. No. 4 141 No. 4 No. 4No. 4 133 No. No. 4 No. 4 No. No. 3 No. 3 No. 4 No. No. 3 47 No. No. 3 No. 4 No. 3No. 3 79 No. 4 No. 3 No. 3 No. No. 3 79 No. 3 Account
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 gold bead necklacegold bead necklace 20-0-0 + spoons, buckles, buttons Jr. Jr. Jr. Jr. Jr. Elias Pelletreau,Elias Pelletreau, Elias Pelletreau,Elias Pelletreau, Elias Pelletreau, Goldsmith Davis 1798 1802 Goldsmith Davis 1795 David Youngs 17961796 John Beers 1800 1801 151 137, 159 159159 1797 204 204 Book Page Year Agent Amount Items No. No. 4 135 No. 4 No. No. 4 141 No. 4 No. 4 No. 4 135 1801 No. 4 Account No. 4 No. 4
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
1- 6- 6 1- 7- 3 3-17- 0 1-5-6 1-10- 0 2- 2- 9 0-13-11 0- 4- 1 7- 7- 9 Charge £ £
12 1- 1- 3 36 19 42 14- 3- 5 26 2 2 - 9 and and page Account Book No. APPENDIX D APPENDIX YEARS, YEARS, 1765-1810 16dwt16dwt 22 0-13- 4
Description °]
d [ CATEGORIES OF PRODUCTION AND INCOME FOR ELIAS PELLETREAU FOR SAMPLE FOR ELIAS PELLETREAU FOR INCOME AND PRODUCTION OF CATEGORIES
to a tankord to fashoning of D° 2/6^ to 6 tea to Spoons 2 table Spoons to a Set of tea Spoons to Ballance of Milk pot to 3 tea Spoons to 5 tableto a & 6 Gillteato SpoonsCup fashoningto 6 tableto 3 6 tea tea wt. Spoons Spoons 2oz & fashoning 6dwt 10 6- 2- 6 to 6 tea Spoons 1765 Silversmithing [hollow ware and spoons! the years evaluate 1765, 1770, the active kinds 1775, career and 1790, amount of as 1795, work each a undertaken silversmith. year 1800, by listed. 1805, Pelletreau and 1810. The in entries his It shop was are during compiled grouped the under in course uniform an attempt categories of to his for study purposes, and and are not arranged as they appeared in the original account books, although they are complete for This appendix is a representative sampling of the' accounts of Elias Pelletreau and his son John, for to CO
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129
1 8 0 8 0 0 ------2 1 0 0 2 8 ------0 1 1- 4- 0 0-15- 0 2 1-16- 0 7-16- 0 0- 4- 8 0 2 2 3- 9- 1 0-18- 0 2-14- 9 3-11- 4 £142-18- 6
£ 4-18- 0 57 57 61 7- 5- 5 7- 9- 6 51 51 12-15-10 77 77 79 84 7-12- 0 2-16- 4 0- 9- 0 67 67 0- 7- 0 86 93 95 13-15- 0 0- 4- 6 46 12- 4- 8 47 47 5-19- 5 2-42 and and page Charge 1765 (continued) Account Book No.
Description °] °] °]
d d d { [ [ fashoning fashoning of D° 2/9^ pr oz to a pair to of a Buckels pair of for Stone your Jewels Son to a Set of Britches Buttons to a thimble Mark SS to 6 table 6 tea Spoons to 2 Porngers wt. 16oz lOdwt to Ballance to of a a tea to table pot Ballance Spoon of 2 tea Spoons to h is Mother to 2 Spoons to fashoningto a pepper to Box 2 tea to Spoons Ballance of a tea Spoon to 6 table Spoons lOoz 12dwt to 6 tableto Ballance & 6 tea to of Spoons Ballance 2 to Spoons of 6 table tea Spoons 6 & one tea tea Spoons Spoon to 2 tableto 2 4 tea tea Spoons Spoons to 6 Table to & 6 fashoning tea to Spoons a tankord to fashoning of D° 2/6^ 12oz 18dwt pr 6gr oz 27oz 13dwt 6gr to a high top tankord 26oz 9dwt Jewelry Silversmithing (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 2-0-0 3-2-6 2-10 2-10 £0-6-8 Account Book No. D escription and page Charge 2 Coate Buttons mending & one & to a Silverto work f for e r l Sale to a Scabbert for a sword for her son Crook 31 0- 3- 0 32 73- 1- 8 to 2 Doz of Coate Shell Buttons 1" 0“ 0 to a pair of Buckels to your Son 30 1- 6- 0 to 26 Coate 9 & Vest Buttons & fashoning4-19- 0 to one Doz Vestto 2 4 & Doz CoateVest to Buttons 7 6 Doz & 2 VestCoate Buttons& 12 Coate D° 0- 6- 5 0- 8-10 1-10- 6 to 11 Set of Sliveto Ballance to of one was a band pair Button of forwrate Cpt Buckels 3/ Jones 8/ the Vest 3/9 the Slive to 2/6 29 0-19- 0- 6 2- 0 to 12 Doz Vest to a pair of Shoe Buckels 32/ a Ring &- 11/ 4/6^ Account to have ye Coate for 27 2- 3- 0 to a pair to ofBallance Buckels to of 5 Doz a Coate pr ButtonsSlive Buttons 10/ i f he takes them on h is own 25 24 0- 2- 0 1- 5- 0 to 2 Large S ilver Buttons for Wastband 22 0- 3- 8 to a Stone to Shella hartto RingRing a pairof Buckels 0-12- 0 1- 4- 0-19-9 0 to a Set of ChildsButtons to chape toto Buckel Son Icobodfor to a Son a pr pairof Knee of Buckels Stone Jewels 19 1- 0- 0- 8-11 9 0- 0- 6 to a pairto a of BuckelBuckels Chapes & for to a Necklace of Beads Son your to a pr of Knee Buckels 11 0-11- 12 0 16 0- 9 - 3 4- 0- 0 0-10- 0 to 13 Vest to a chape and tung to a Buckel to a pairof wrateBuckels Shoe 15 0- 0- 9 0-17- 0 Jewelry (continued) 1765 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 6 0 2 0 0 - - - - - 6 8 8 2 0 - - - - - 1- 4 - 5 1-10- 7 1-12- 5 0 0 3-10- 0 0 0- 0- 9 2- 9- 0 0- 0- 9 0- 4- 6 0 2 0-2-9 £0-6-0 50 50 51 54 0-15- 0 56 0-16- 57 6 0- 5- 0-12- 0 9 55 1-16- 0 36 38 39 0- 8-11 0- 9- 0- 6 5- 5 35 41 1-18- 42 0 0- 7- 1-11- 9 46 0 47 1- 0- 7 2- 5- 0 43 45 1- 9- 0 1- 1- 0 and and page 2 - 3 Charge 3 1765 (continued) Account Book No. Buttons 3-16- 6 Description to Ballance of a Ring to Ballance of a Ring to a Set to of Ballance Stone to Buttons of a Necklace a pair of of Beeds Buckels of 55 to one Doz Coate Buttons a 8/ to a pare of Shoe Buckels to Set to of a Slive pair Buttons of Stone to Jewels Set to of his Stone Buttons Daughtr to a Set of Britchesto Buttons 12 Doz Vest Buttons to 3/9 3 Doz Coate 6 Doz Vest & 12 Set to of 12 Doz Slive Vestto Ballance 3/9 & 6 Coate/8^ of pr a Button Set of Buttons Gold to Chanes to to Gold Buttons a pairto & goldof a Buckels added pairof to Son wrate peter to Shoe Buckelsa Set to of one Britches wrate Knee Buckel Buttons to a Set to of a Gold pr Buttons of Jewels to 6 Set of Slive 2/6 to Ballance to of a Buckels Stone to Ring Ballance 23/ to gold of a Ring Beads one toJewels & to 15/ Britches his & Rings to Sister Buttons 2 Vest Sib-*- Buttons to a pairof wrate Shoe Buckels to a Set of Britches Buttons Jewelry (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
w
1- 4- 0 1- 2- 6 0-14- 0 1- 3- 0 0- 3- 9 2- 5- 0 1- 4- 0 1- 4- 0 1-10- 0 0-18- 4 0-13- 6 0- 8- 8 2-11- 6 1- 8- 6 0- 4- 6 3-16- 6 2- 3- 3 1-4-0 1-15- 0 0- 4- 0 0- 5- 4 0- 1- 6 3-15-10 1-12- 0 1-10- 0 0- 1- 6 0- 2- 9 2- 6- 6 2- 0- 0 2-5-0 83 78 75 77 79 76 63 64 66 68 69 73 6061 0- 6- 2 1- 5- 4 74 59 £ Account Book No.
D escription and page Charge fashoning a /3^ to 6 Doz of Vest Buttons to a Stone Ring to his Daughter to 6 Doz Vest pr Maltby Gelston 3/9 to 12 Doz Vest Buttons a 3/9 to one Doz Vest a 3/9 to one Doz & 10 Cote Buttons 10/ Doz pr to a pair of Knee Buckels to one Doz Vest 4/6^ to & 3 4 Set Doz Sliveof of Coate Buttons Buttons a 3/ 8/6^ & 7 Set of Slive 2/6 to 9 Buttonsto a 171 /6^ Beads & 2 Rings 0-11- 9 a 6/9 to one Slive Button to a pr of Brass to Buckels pair of Stone Jewels to one Childs Buckel to a pairto of Ballance Buckels to of a Necklace a pair of Shell Beeds Buttons to one Sliveto 2 Button Stone to Rings Son Sam'*' 69 to a pair of Buckels to 6 Doz Vest Buttons to 6 Doz Vestto a 3/9 pair of Buckels for 3Doz Coate Daniel 24/ Smith of Corom to 12 Doz Vestto 4 Buttons Doz Coateto a D° 3/9^ 12 Set of Slive D° to a pair to 8/ 2/6 of a pair Buckels of Buckels 2 - to a Set of Britches Buttons Jewelry (continued) 1765 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 133
6 0 8 0 8 - - - - - 2 1 0-10 12 12 12 ------1-14- 0 1- 4- 0 1-15- 0 1 0- 3- 0 0- 5- 2 2 0- 0- 9 1 1-15- 6 0- 1- 6 0- 1- 0 2-13- 0 0- 1- 3 0 0 0- 3- 4 0- 4- 6 0- 6- 9 0- 0- 9 0-16- 3 0-14- 6 0- 1- 6 0 42- 2- 1 £282- 3-10
97 96 87 95 86 94 2 - 8 3 and and page Charge 1765 (continued) Account Book No. Description to a Shell Ring to his wife to a Set of Slive Buttons to Buttons in full to a Locket to a pair of Stoneto Jewels 2 Gold Rings to one Knee to Buckel 6 Doz Vest Buttons to one S livto e 19 Button Coate to to Buttons 3 h Doz is Vest a 8/ mother Buttons pr doz to 18 Vest Buttons to a pair of Buckelsto one Stoneto Button 12 Doz Vest & 1 Doz Coate Buttons a 8/ to Chape to Buckel to a pair of Brass Buckles to a pair to of one Dozen Shoe Buckels of Vest Buttons to 4 Coate Buttons to work for Sale to one Button to a Necklaceto 6 of Doz Vest Gold to Beeds Buttons 3 Doz Vestto By a & 6 Coate pr Shoe Buttons Buckels to 26 Coate Buttons tortoise Shell to a pr of chapes & tungs Jewelry (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 0- 0- 6 0- 1- 0- 3 2- 6 0-13- 0 0-11- 9 0- 2- 0 0- 3- 0 0- 1- 0 0- 3- 0 0- 8- 0 0- 3- 0 0- 5- 0 0- 6- 0 0- 0- 9 0- 1- 6 0- 2- 0 0- 9- 0 0- 2- 6 0- 0- 6 0- 1- 0 0- 5- 0 0-14-10 0- 1- 3 0- 1- 6 0-9-0 £ £ 8 76 57 60 68 75 12 0- 1- 8 55 93 95 29 3136 0- 2- 0 21 22 44 46 0- 1- 0 41 0- 7- 9 Account Book No. D escription and page Charge to chapes to Buckels & fixing to mending Buttonsto Mending Sugar tongs to mending warming to pan & cleaning chapes to your Buckels Hanger & mending Gold Buttons & mending a Buckel to mending & cleaning his Sword to Cleaning to his mending Clock the main spring to watch to Ballance to of mending Mending a Jewelsto tankord fixing& Spoon & Chape to Chapes Buckel to Buckels 53 54 to mending a Clasp to Bible to mending your Chane R & ectifyin g your watch to Borax mending & to a gard mending a to Buckel Gun to Chanes to Gold Buttons & gold added 19 0- 0- 9 to mending your watch Case & Swivel & gard to gun 1/ to mending your to watch mending w ifesto mending Buckels a to Buckel & Chapes mending a to Set mending of a Gold Spoon Buttons to mending Button 51 0- 1- 0 to Mending a tankordto mending 8/ a papper . Box . & plate . added & mending a pair of S issers 1/ 2 - 6 to mending S live Buttons to Cleaning your Clock to puting to a peice mending Jewels Brass on your Gun to mending a Button for Sary 42 to mending Widow Conklens Buttons ipair Work 1765 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135
1- 2- 6 0- 1- 6 0- 2-0 1-19- 9 0- 2-0 0- 4- 0 0- 4- 0 0- 8- 0 6-9-0 0-14- 9 0- 4- 1 0- 3- 8 0-12- 0 0- 3- 1 0- 5- 0 0- 1- 0 £ £ 11-14- 0 £ £ £ 53 29 33 96 56 76 79 0- 5- 0 8694 0-10- 0 1- 4- 6 7073 3- 0- 0 0- 96 0- 8 1- 6- 0 2 - 9 6 1765 (continued) Account Book No. mending mending a gard
D escription and page Charge
to gun to horse hire to chear to chear to go to Meacox to 2 Cow hides wt 55 lb & 53 lb to 12/6d chear chair going to Meacox to a Calf Skin 97 to 7 yrds of Check Lining 3/6 to a Barrel to 14 lb 3/4 of flax to 2 Siderto Barrels a pr to of pees scales 4/ to 26 lb of flax to old iron to 1/2 lb tea to a Saddle & to wate 3 Month from ye. Date to 6 Bushel of flax seed Deliver^ 6/7d to 4 1/2 lb Clover Seed to /H a Barrel of Sider to Mending your watch Case & Swivel to watch & to 10 1/2 lb Beef /3 l/2d to mending a gard to Gun to a Chane to a tea pot Miscellaneous Produce and Merchandise Repair Work (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136
0 0 0 0 0 6 0 ------8 0 1-10 0 1 0 1 0 11 11 ------0 1- 0- 0 1- 0- 0 4-10-11 2- 0- 0 0-16- 3 0- 2- 0- 0 1- 4- 0 8 0- 7- 4 0- 7- 0 0- 1- 6 0- 3- 6 0 0- 8- 4 0- 3- 0 0- 2- 0 7-12- 4 0- 8- 0 2- 0- 0 0 0- 3- 9 0 0- 2- 0 2- 0- 0 0-4-0 11- 0- 0 2 0 Charge £ £ £
9 82 74 78 56 61 68 73 58 10 15 37 43 22 29 and and page 2 - 9 6 1765 (continued) Account Book No.
Description
to Cash paid in full to Cash to Cash in to f u Cash ll to Cash Lent going to Cort to Cash 5 Lent Dto ollars Cash to Cash to Cash Lent to make Change for Eggharber man to Cash Rec of W illm Dautr Havens to Cash to a Cash Sundries paidin f u ll to Cash him Lent to Cash to Cash in f u ll to Cash paidto Uriah Roggers for tea to Cash Lent to Cash paid to him in 3 flower f u ll cash to Cash len t a John Sayre for molt to Cash Lent him to Cash in to fu 3 ll D ollarsto Cash Lent in to f u Cash ll going to York to hire of Chear to Harbour to Cash in f u ll to chare to Sag Cash Miscellaneous (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137
0 0 0 - - - 0 11 12 - - - 1- 6- 2 1-17- 2 3- 4- 0 1- 0- 6 5-13-11 1- 5- 6 0- 2- 6 3- 4- 0 0 4- 0- 0 1 0-14-10 0- 1- 3 0- 4- 9 6- 8- 0 0-17- 0 5- 9- 6 1- 4- 0 3- 4- 0 5-0-0 8-11- 9 7- 9- 0 2- 0- 0 11 £116-19- 1 £722-11- 8 £
8 7 19 16 12 11 95 97 94 101 2-86 1765 (continued) Total Production Account Book No.
D escription and page Charge
& & 6 lb of pummice stone by Cash in by fu Cash ll by Cash in by f u Cash ll in f u ll by Cash pr James Roe by Cash in f u ll by Cash for by thimble 2 Old Buckels by Cash by Cash in by f u a ll old thimble to a 1/2 to Johannice Cash Sent to by purchase his father Sundries for for me Stone in York for Jewels Rings Sc to Cash pr Jeames T iley by Cash in by f u tendance ll by on Cash my Son Francis in f u ll to Cash 8/ Barrel & of Sidder 12/6 to Cash to Cash to Ballance of Accompt due from h is Mother to Cash Sent pr Cpt Cooper to Cash to get Shell & 4 lb of Copper wire 1/lb. Saltpeter to Cash Lent him Cash Cash by Uriah Roggers for Beer Contra Cash Cash (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138
0 0 6 - - - 1 0 11 12 - - - 1-15- 5 6- 3- 0 5-18- 0 0- 8- 4 0-16- 0 0- 2- 0 1- 9- 9 8- 9-10 0- 4- 8 3- 2- 0 6 1- 5- 0 1- 0- 0 0- 1- 0 0- 1- 9 1-11- 9 0- 4- 1 7- 6- 3 0 0-19- 6 2- 0- 0 0- 3- 6 0- 7- 3 0- 1- 5 0- 2- 4 0- 4- 9 0 75-15- 6 73- 1- 0
37 35 36 32 33 30 29 26 27 28 20 22 2 2 - 19 1765 (continued) Account Book No.
D escription and page Charge
7 7 Gallons of by Rum 7 Gallons by weaveing wooling Cloth 14 yrds & 1/4 a /7 pr yrd by by Cash , by 350 Rales a 28/ pr hundred & 20/ in paster by Cash . by helping by with Cash my in pump f u ll by work & Cash in f u ll by work Cash & in f u ll by Cash in f u ll by a pair of (Cards)? by ta le r work & Sundries due to me to make up th is cr*1 by Cash by 3 lb Duck Shott /7 by Cash by 5 1/4 by yrds a paper Calico of pins by Cash in by f u old ll Coate 8 / Cash 3/ by Cash in by f u Cash ll of h is Father for Spoons by Cash by Cash in f u ll by your Son a Tom Day Runing a Range by 3 D ollarsby Cash In full by Cash in by f u ll ldwt 22gr of gold by 2 old by S ilv Sundry er of Buttens Joiner 3dwt work & Cash 5gr paid in f u ll by 4 Days Spinning Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139
0 2 - - 2-10 12 11 - - - 1-17- 5 1- 1- 0 1- 1- 0 0- 8- 0 5- 0- 0 8- 7- 0 7-15- 5 0- 1- 6 1- 0- 0 1-11- 9 0-16- 0 0- 6- 0 0-18- 0 0- 4-10 0 4 - 8- 5 0- 2- 5 2-19- 6 0-13- 4 0- 5- 6 0- 3- 6 0- 7- 9 0- 3- 6 0- 3- 6 0- 0- 8 0- 1- 9 0- 9- 0 0 0 16- 4-11 24- 0- 0 £
50 51 45 47 39 44 46 49 38 41 42 43 and and page Charge 2 - 3 7 1765 (continued) Account Book No.
______Description
by by Cash by by Cash for Buttons & a pair of Buckels by Cash in f u ll by 1/2 lbby Cash of pr Argil James Roe by Cash in by f u Cash ll in by fu a ll Sword blade by Cash in by fu Cash ll in fu ll by a Skin by a Loade of posts by Sundry 3 of hold Labour done to th is Date by by Cash in f u ll by Cash in f u ll by making a Great by a Coate Cow 8/ & mending a Coate by a pair of Shoes by for hire Bine ofby Cash Chear inCash & in fu ll f u ll by a Day by 1/6 of f i f t y New & by Cash Recond By h is Accompt for Taler work by by 1/2 Day Spliting by wood a old tea Spoons wt 6dwt lOgr by a Day Runing Ranges by a Mackrel by Cash in f u ll by Cash in f u ll by Taler a Day Ditching at Seven Ponds Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140
1 0 - - 0- 0 10 12 10-10 - - - - 1- 4- 0 1- 9- 0 6-18- 9 1- 0- 4 1- 8- 6 3-10- 5 1-17- 2 0- 6- 0 0 0 0-19- 8 3- 9- 6 2- 0- 0 2 1-13- 0 3-10- 0 8 0- 9- 0 0- 6- 0 0- 4- 0 2- 9- 0 4- 0- 0 4 - 0- 1 1-18- 0 0- 1- 0 0- 5- 0 0- 2- 6 2- 1- 0 0-13- 6 0-17- 0
66 65 64 57 60 61 58 59 56 52 53 55 2 - 5 1 1765 (continued) Account Book No.
/8^ & Spooling 1/4^
D escription and page Charge
___ by Silver 15oz 9/3 pr oz by Cash in f u ll by flannel in full by Cash in f u ll by Cash in by f u Cash ll in f u ll by 2oz 5dwt by 6gr a Silver hankerchief 9/ & 2 oz of Indigo by one yrd by Shouloon Sundries one Chamber pot & 1/2 oz Sinamint Jane began scool by Cash in by f u Cash ll in f u ll by Scollin g by by Cash in fu ll by one Grose pf pipes by 4 & Cash yr & 1/2 of Check a 3/3 by Scooling per in full by 3 Scanes of thred one yrd Calamink Binding & by Cash in fu ll by 3 lb by powder Cash by Cash in full for 3/ Beads by a by Cash in by f u Cash ll in by f u Carting ll 5 Barrels by Cash in f u ll by Cash in fu ll by weaving 23 yards a by Cash in f u ll Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141
0 0 0 0 0 - - - - - 1-0 0 10 11 12 11 ------1- 5- 4 1- 7- 0 0- 4- 0 3-13- 3 0-12- 9 0 1- 4- 0 6- 0- .3 2- 0- 0 0- 6- 0 0- 1- 7 0- 0- 5 0- 3- 0 2 1- 7- 0 1-11- 0 1- 7- 6 1- 4- 0 0-18- 0 0- 7- 2- 0 6- 3 0 4-15- 1 0- 5-10 0 0 0- 5-10 12 31-18- 9
81 80 76 79 75 73 74 78 69 71 72 68 2-67 1765 (continued) Account Book No.
____
1/2C ____ 5 /6 c
all good New wt wt 3dwt 18gr to make a ch ild s Buckel
D escription and page Charge
____
a 4/
___
the Liqr Costthe 5/ 10 pr Seven Ponds 5 5 Bushel of Wheat 5 5 D ollars 2 2 Bushel 2 2 Bushel of Wheate by h is Accompt by Cash in by fu Cash ll in fu ll by Cash in by f u Cash ll in f u ll by Cash pr David Russel by 10 Months & 5 by Days Cpt & Veal 1/2 work 10 by a old Button by Cash in fu ll by Cash by Cash in f u ll by 3 old Buttons by your printices to fetch Doctr Murison Druget by your Sons John James & each by one Cash a Day a Ditching at by Cash in by f u 2 ll Bushel by of 2 Bushel Wheat by Cash in f u ll by flann el by by by by by Cash in fu ll by 20 lb of Beef /3 Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -p- N> 0- 9-11 1-10- 6 1- 5- 0 0-16- 3 0- 0- 8 6- 2- 3 7-16- 0 5- 0- 0 0- 4- 8 2- 0- 0 3- 4- 0 0-13- 6 0- 3- 0 0- 3- 6 2-15-11 63-13- 5 15- 6- 0. £ £ 1-15- 0
96 87 8486 0- 4- 0 1- 4- 0 94 95 9293 1-14- 5 and and page Charge 2-82 Account Book No. Scane thred
Description of pees a 10/ pr Bushel & 6 lb Chocklet Check Check for Apron 2 1/2 yrd toe Cloth by 3 lb of Coffey by a Bonnet paper Nutmeg & by 1 1/2 yrd of ferret to my wife by Gound for w my by ife a Coate for Elias & Stick of hare by Cash in f u ll by a 1/2 Rim paper & one Bonnet paper By a Bellos & 1/2 Bushel by Cash work & in f u ll by Cash by 6 Brooms toby pay 2 6 yrd lb 1/2 of tow flaxCloth of for hisby ye Riming wife same my Cart by wheals Coopering & fixing by Cash in f u ll by 1/2 Rim of paper Loafe Sugar 10 1/2 lb Rim waste paper 6/6d by Cash in by fu Chease ll by Reaping by Cash by a Cloake by for 6 my wife lb Chocklet 2/3d by timber Ballancd in full by Ballance by in Cash full by by 60 Bushel of Cole by Cashby 1/4 lbby 8 SnuffDollars 83 7- 0-10 3- 4- 0 by Blacksmith work Contra (continued) 1765 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143
0 8 - - 8 12 - - 8- 2- 5 1 2- 0- 0 2-19- 9 0-15- 8 2- 7- 9 2-17- 3 1-19- 1 2-17- 9 0-16- 0 0- 5- 0 3- 3- 9 0-19- 3 0- 1- 6 0- 4- 0 0- 2- 0 0- 3- 6 2- 6- 0 0- 3- 0- 6 1- 9 0-17- 0 11 £597-14- 3
14 97 101 3 3 - 2 - 9 6 1765 (continued) Total Income Account Book No.
one
D escription and page Charge Doz Doz Shoe Chape Barrel 12/6 of Beer 1/2 Doz 28/ Knee D° the whole 5/3 to 2 Porngers to fashoning wt 17oz 8dwt a 9/4 pr oz to a Pepper Box wt 3oz 9dwt 9gr to Ballance of 12 table & 12 table Spoons 1 1 lb of Rotten Stone a l/4d 3 Britches Ball l/6d one by stone in full by Cpt Cooper 8 Nest of Crusebles 8 /8 d by Cpt Cooper 4 lb 2 oz of Shell 14/ by making Spoutsby mending to my Slay a Son by Thomas 1/2 Sundryes Day pr (paintin?)by Cpt 14 Veal 1/2 by 1 Shell lb lb 6 a of 14/ oz Shell pr lb by & Sundries Uriah Roggers pr Cpt Cooper to Ballance of 10 tea Spoons by Son Thomas Runing Range by pigue Stafeby 6 Chears by a Son 5/6d a Tom 1/2 & one Day great making hen coop Chare 13/ by a pair by of a Boston Gloves shilling to my wife by Coate l/3d for & Danes frank money /6d Jacet for pomp by a hed to Rake Nebs & to Sise by Cash 1770 Silversmithing Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144
0 0 0 - - - 0 12 11 - - - 1- 4- 0 0- 6- 2 0- 1- 6 0- 4- 6 0- 7- 1 2 6- 5- 9 0-15- 5 8- 1- 2 2- 0- 0 0-15- 7 0 0-16- 0 0-13- 7 0 4-19- 5 4- 1- 0 0-16- 0 4- 2- 8 15- 2- 8 £ £ 98-12- 1 £ 1-16- 8 14 64 64 0-19- 84 4 15- 8-10 19 19 75 1-11- 82 2 1-14- 7 3- 1- 7 34 34 72 3-14- 9 2-11- 4 3-17 and and page Charge 1770 (continued) Account Book No.
Description to 2 Coate Buttons to your Negro Ballance Man of Knee Buckels to 1 Doz. Vest 2 & Coate Shell Buttons to Ballance of a pair of Shoe Buckels to a pair of Sipherd Stone Jewels to Capt. Daughter to fashoningto of 6 D° tea Spoons loz 13dwt to fashoning a 20/ pr pornger to 6 ta b le Spoons lOoz 13dwt to fashoning a 2/6 pr oz to 2 pint Porngers to 17oz a pairto 5dwt 9gr of fashoning of tongs Sugar D° loz 13dwt 4gr to 4 Table Spoons to 1/2 pint Cup wt 5oz lOdwt a 9/4 pr oz to fashoning to of a Tankord D° 33oz ldwt 18gr a 9/4 pr oz to fashoningto 6 Spoons a to 2/6 a pr pair lOoz oz 18dwt of 4gr Sugar tongs & fashoning D° loz 9dwt 5gr to fashoning to a Silver tankord wt 32oz 8dwt llgr a 9/4^ to Ballance of a tankord wt 33oz 7dwt to 6 te ato Spoons 4 tab le Spoons wt 6oz 12dwt a 9/4 to 6 tea Spoons to Ballance of 6 to tea fashoning Spoons Jewelry (rings, necklaces, buttons, chapes, buckles) Silversmithing (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145
0-11- 4 0- 0- 9 0- 5- 0 1- 2 - 6 0- 2- 9 0- 7- 0 1- 8- 9 0-12- 0 0-10- 0 1-12- 0 2- 0- 0 0-10- 4 0- 0- 9 3- 4 - 0 1-12- 0 0- 0- 9 0- 1- 6 0- 4- 6 0- 4- 0 0- 0- 9 0- 6- 2 0- 3- 0 0- 3- 0 0-12- 0 2- 6- 2- 8 0- 6 £ £ 1- 3-10 62 61 36 48 49 3334 0- 7- 0 19 41 47 16 3032 1- 7- 7 1770 (continued) Account Book No.
Description and page Charge Samuel Scranton a pair of Sleave Buttons a pair of Stone Jewels a pair of Shoe Buckels a Set of Stone Buttons a pair of Shoe Buckels a Gold Ring a pair of Brass Buttons 2 2 Doz. Shell Rings & Chapes to Buckels a pair ofa Buckels Plate for to Buckel his child 2 2 Stone Rings a Set of Gold Sleave Buttons to Negro Pomp to a Set a of Set Square of ones Britches Buttons to a pair Silver Knee Buckels to a Set of Brass Sleave Buttons to a pair of Copper Shoe Buckels to to to to Ballance of a paire of Sipherd Stone Buttens to your Jornaman to to to to to to to 12 Vest Buttons to to to to 2 pair of Brass Sleave Buttons to a Set of Oval Gold Buttons to 1 dozen of Brass to Buttons one Set Shell Sleave Buttons to 14 Coate Buttons to to a pair of Silver Buckels to a pair of Stone Buttons to a pairto Shoe a Buckels pair of Brass to Buckels Brass Sleave Buttons D Jewelry (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 1-6-3 1-12- 6 0- 3- 3 1- 3- 6 1-16- 0 1-13- 0 0- 0- 9 0- 7- 0 0- 8- 0 0 - 4- 6 1- 3- 0 0-12-10 0- 9- 0 0- 7- 0- 8 1- 6 1- 2- 6 0- 5- 0 0-14- 6 0-15-10 0-16-10 0-16-10 0-15- 3 3- 1- 0 2- 0- 0 £ £ 3-13- 9 84 85 82 83 79 77 78 81 76 0- 9- 0 68 7375 1- 3-11 3-64 Account Book No. 3 Coate D° & D escription and page Charge Buckels with Uriah Roggers Uriah Roggers 0-13- 0 to a Set of Shell Sleave Buttons Chanes 6c to a pair of Shoe Buckels to a pair to of a Gold Brass Ring Butons to a pair of Brass Buckels to 16 Coate Shell Buttons a 6/ pr Doz to a pairto of a pair Brass Buttens of Shoe Buckels to a pair Knee Buckels to Son Ezekiel 7/ to Discompt these to a pairto of 2 Coat Knee Buckels Buttons to Buttons in full : to a pairto of 3 Brass Shoe to Buckels Buckels Ballance to of a pair 12 Silver of Shoe Vest Buckels Buttons to 12 Set of Shell Sleave Buttens By Samuel Wick to 4 Doz. Vest & 6 Coate D° by Aaron Isaac to 3 Set to of 3 Doz. Shell to Vest 3 Sleave4 Doz. & Coate Vest Buttons Buttons 4 & 3/ Coate to make Sale for me to 6 Doz Vest Buttons 3/9 to a Necklace of Beads to Thomas Jenning Nease Hutson to a Set of Sipherd Stone Buttonsto 12 to Doz. Discomptto Vest a the & 2 pair Doz to Same with Coate a of Buttons pair Shoe Buckels o f to Stone Jewels h is w ife to Pheby Howell to 3 Doz Vest & 6 Coate Buttons to his Son to a pair of Shoe Buckels to his father 67 1- 3- 5 Jewelry (continued) 1770 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
0- 2- 9 0-10- 6 0- 3- 6 0- 2- 0 0- 2- 0 0- 1- 6 0- 3- 0 0- 0- 3 1-10- 6 0- 8- 0 0- 1- 3 0- 2- 0 0- 0-10 0- 0- 0- 6 3- 0 0- 5- 0 0- 1- 0 0- 0- 0- 6 5- 5 0- 3- 6 0- 2- 7 0- 4- 0- 6 2- 0 4- 1- 9 £ £ 61- 0-11 £ £ 0-0-4
61 69 81 67 74 77 14 49 43 48 41 86 93 3-85 1770 (continued) Account Book No.
D escription and page Charge to tops of Jewels to Rectifyingto making his a Swivel watch to to watch & mending putting a Swivel Chapes to Buckels to Rectifying your watce to chapes to to Mending Buckels a Milk pot to mending a Jewell to mending a to Set chane Gold Buttons to Button to Looping Stone Jewell for his Daughter to mending a Stone Jew ell to Ballance of a Spoon mending & a Spoon & a S ilver Cup to tops of Gold Jewels for his Daughter to mending & cleaningto mending Stone the to Jewels chane tungs of to h is Buckels watch to fix in g a Shoe to Buckel mending gold Jew ells for h is w ife to mending a to fan Clasping to a mending Singing the Book Main Spring of h is watch & chane 0-18- 0 0- 3- 0 to 6 Doz Vest Buttons a 3/9 & 1 Doz Coate D° a 8/ to a pair of Brass Shoe Buckels to one B ritches Button to a Necklaceto 2 of Gold Beads Ringsto of a to pair 55 ye of Beads Brass Buckels Repair Work Jewelry (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 4-4-0 £ £ 12-12- 7 £ £ 3-82 £0-4-6 Account Book No. D escription and page Charge to carting to Carting a lode Loade FlaxHogshead of of& to of Corn SagharbertoRum the harber 0- 6- 0 85 0-12- 0 to Carting Little towood from fetching a Loade Beach a Day of the from Sand Beach 37 69 0- 0- 6- 2- 0 6 to a Bottle of Snuff 99 1- 4- 6 to 6 Bushelto Calfflax Skin Seed to6/ 86 lb 1/2 Beef a /3 d 89 1-16- 0 1- 0- 0- 5 4- 0 to 8 1/2 lb Sugar to a 6 /8 1/2 Bushel of flaxa toSeed 6/ 2 files 85 83 1-19- 0 0- 5- 6 93 0- 1- 4 to 1 Bushel to 2 Bushelsof toD° Lime of2 a Wheat peck Bushelto 8 ofGallons 6/6 1/2Wheat a Molassespeck to 7 yrds Check a 3/6 & Shirt6 Buttons /3 2/2 69 0- 1- 7 80 1- 4- 9 0-13- 0 0-17- 4 0-13- 0 to 8 lb Sugar to 2 a / C alf Skin to 40 Shingles 27 61 62 0-16- 0 0- 4- 6 0- 3- 3 to Loops foyl & cleaning Marys Jewels & taking Bruses out of Mug to mending a Gold Buttons 85 0- 1- 6 to 8 yrds Popling to a hide Cow Returnd6/6 a /3 55 lb 41 2-14- 8 0-13- 9 to a tung to a Buckel to your apprintice 0- 0- 6 A gricultural Labor and Work Produce and Merchandise Repair Work (continued) 1770 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ■p* VO
0 0 - - 2 8-11 2 8-6 - - - 1-11- 6 1- 4- 0 1- 9- 4 1- 0- 0 4- 0- 0 2 1- 4- 3 0- 2- 3 0- 3- 6 1-14- 0 0- 0- 3 0- 0- 9 0- 2- 3 2 1-10- 9 0- 0- 4- 7 0- 1- 8 0-10- 6 3-9-2 0-15- 6 0- 8- 1 0- 4- 5 0-14- 0 2 64- 0- 0 £ £ £ £ 0-9-0 £
3 64 80 61 69 77 14 33 34 48 27 49 83 93 3-86 1770 (continued) Account Book No.
full
D escription and page Charge
to Cash to Cash for Sheep 3 N ights 10/6 pr Night to Cash paid to for a 2 peice Nights of folding Gold to Cash Returd him 20-1/2 Johannises to Cash gave U him stick on W01 Accompt to Cash in f u ll to Cash in to full Cash Sent by Aaron Isaac in to Cash to Cash in f u ll to Cash in f u ll to Cash in f u ll to Cash in to f u Cash ll paid him in full to Cash in fu ll to Cash paid in f u ll to Cash in f u ll to Cash in fu ll to Cash in f u ll to Discompt withto HenryDiscompt Herrick withto Discompt Phineas with Howell Matthew for Rainer 2 hides 123 lb /3C to Carting to a Carting Loade of a Bords Loade from from Knew place Sag Harber hire & of Horse Cash Miscellaneous A gricultural Labor and Work (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 5-7-6 0-2-0 2-7-0 0-3-8 0-3-6 2-8-0 £ 99- 7- 8 £ 1-10- 8 3-80 Total Production £283- 8-11 Account Book No. D escription and page Charge Jewel Stone memorandum by Cash in f u ll 14 by Cash of h is Negro W man ill by Cash in f u ll ^ by his Rate by Cash paid His Rates 0-15- 0 0-15- 0 by Cash by BenjaminWells 10-12- 0 by 5 Gallons of & Cash Rum fullin Joseph of Jacoby 9 by omition of Cred1- of his Son Sent Jeremiah by Cap1" Roggers one Moidore £2-8-0 to get me to Cash paid Josiah Howell Jnr. in f u ll by weaving Gound forby my DaughterSon Silasyrdsby 5 weavingAccount a 17 forby1/6 yrds weaving Doctring Druget a coverlid 6 2-16- 0 0-10- 0 0-11- 0 0-17- 0 0-12- 0 to Cash 3 Dollars to Cash to Cash over paid on tabaco 99 0- 0- 6 93 1- 4- 0 0- 3- 9 to Cash to Cash for 1/2 a toticket Cash paid in him inRow? Lottery f u ll of a ll Accompts to th is Day March[?] - 1770 4-19-11 0- 8- 0 83 1-12- 6 to Cash by 12 pair by Ballance of Chapes of Button Stone & Siphers 3 0-12- 0 to Cash to Cash 1- 0- 6 1-12- 6 Contra Cash Cash (continued) 1770 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151
0-18- 0 0- 2- 6 0-4-6 2-14- 8 3- 4 - 0 0- 9 - 0 1- 4 - 0 1- 0- 3 1-11- 0 0- 3- 0 0- 2- 0 0-16- 0 0-16- 8 1-12- 4 2- 1-10 0- 1- 6 0- 3- 0 0- 4 - 0 0- 3- 0 1-5-0 1-16- 8 0- 8- 3 0-17- 8 0- 7- 2 0-19- 0 0-16- 8 0-12- 7 £ £ 36 37 41 34 32 17 27 19 26 16 222325 2- 4 - 4 0- 7- 3 20 4- 0- 0 and and page Charge 1770 (continued) Account Book No.
Description by a Day Butcheringby 8 Cattel yrds by Popling 6 & hogs yrds a Check 6/6 2 & 3/ paper pins 1/4 by Cash in f u ll by Cash in f u ll by a pair of Shoes for Son John by Cash of Dauter Pheby by Cash by Weaving 15 yrds Linning by his Negro tires a Day Reaping by a Day Choping wood by Cash by a Day Mowing at by Sundries Seven ponds of Coming weaving & by mill Samp by Sawing a 4/ Spare for a Short Ladder by hire of paster by a 3 Loade of Dung a 6/9 by Cash in f u ll D° to 55 Bushel & 1/2 by of a Cole Old pairby a h is /7 Shoe Buckels Accompt to th isby Cash Date in f u ll by Cash Ustick By Wm by Cash pr David G elston by 76 Bushel of Cole by a Cash /7^ in f u l l by Cash pr Doctor Smith by weaving 22 by yrds weaving D° 22 yrds 3/4 by check Cash in & Spooling f u ll Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152
rt n r 0 - - 0 - 3 6 0- 5- 0 1- 6- 6 1- 4- 0 0- 9- 0 0- 1-10 1- 2- 0 0- 2- 6 0- 2 - 0 0- 5- 3 0-13- 0 0- 5- 0 0- 0-10 0- 2 - 6 0- 0-10 9- 4 - 2 0- 6- 0 0- 1- 0 0- 6- 0 0-11- 2 0- 6- 0 0- 7-10 0-18- 0 0- 1- 8 0- 0- 1 £ £ 0-3-0 69 68 67 65 63 64 6162 4-18- 0 0- 4 - 6 49 0- 6- 0 43 3-41 and and page Charge 1770 (continued) Account Book No. Description by Soape Duff & by a Cap Black Silk Hankerchief for Elias by 1 qr lb Sugar & 1/2 Rim wast paper by 1 lb by tea 12 yrds 6/6 Calomink for 1 yrd Gound for Check 2/6 w my ife 2/6 by Cradling by oates Cash in f u ll by Discompt with Uriah Rogger by Cash of by h is 3 Father Dollars by Cash in by fu Cash ll in fu ll by h is Accompt by Scooling by by Sundries a by a pair of Shoes for w my ife by 1 pair of Shoes by 3 lb by of 3 Sheeps lb Wool 1/4 Mutton 1/6 by a pair D° by Cash by a pair of Cloth Shoes for Jane by a Day Talering by by a Day Choping wood by 6 Days talering by Cash in by fu Cash ll 2 D ollarsby Cash in one by S fu h making illin ll a g pair piece Sh ift & 1/ Sleaves in Coppers 47 48 0- 1- 6 by Cash Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153
6 6 0 0 0 0 0 ------6 2 11 11 1 0 12 10 ------1- 1- 6 1- 8- 0 0-16- 0 1-14- 0 0 1- 0- 0 1 0- 7- 0 0- 8- 0 0- 6- 6 0 2- 0- 0 1- 8- 0 0-13-10 0- 3- 6 2 0 0- 1- 5 0-16- 3 2-17-10 0- 7- 0 0 - 3- 6 0- 7- 3 0- 3- 6 0- 7- 0 0- 1- 0 0 0-6-5 0 64- 0- 0 Charge £ £
76 74 75 72 73 70 71 3-69 and and page 1770 (continued) Account Book No.
Description one Buff Cap 2/6 by Cash by Uriah Roggers by h is Accompt in f u ll to the Date by S ilk by hankerchief 2 Bottelsby 6 yrd of toe Snuf by Cloth Negro my a 4/ 2/6 one Check hankerchief 4 / by 8 yrds by Check 9 a yrds 3/ B & of o ttel Brown firstion of Snuff 4 a / 3/6 by Cash in by f u Cash ll paid to Hugh Smith paid me by Doctr Smith by 1 yrd 1/4 of Blueby a Coating Discompt by with a Cash 8/ Daniel for Pheby Foster Howels Jewels Black smith by 4 yrd 1/4 Sholoon by for one Gallon Scirt D° one of to Gallon Rum Jane 3/3 by 2 Caster Hats for Sons John & Elias by Cash pr John by Foster Cash Lent in me 20 h f a u lf ll Johaninsesby a Sithe by 5 3/4 lb Mutton a 3/ by 1 1/2 Gallon & Chamber pot Rum by a Jersey B i l l Reed at Zebulon Howells by 1/2 yrd by Buckrom & Brown 7 thred yrds Check a 3/6 by 4 & Cash lb paid Ustick by Wm 1/4 2 of Gallons Allom by new 1 England Doz 3/6 Shirt Rum /10 Buttons by by 1 my wife 1/2 yrd Check for trowsers a 4 / by 1/2 yard Sholoon & 1 yrd Holland by 2 Gallons 5/ Rum Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154
6 0 6 - - - 2 12 12-10 12 - - - - 1- 1- 0 0- 7- 8 1-13- 5 0- 7- 0 0-17- 6 0- 3- 9 0- 7- 6 0- 3- 6 0- 0- 9 0- 3- 6 0- 1- 0 0- 3- 7 0- 1- 2 0 0- 0- 9 0-15- 0 1- 8- 0 0- 8- 0 0 3- 4- 9 0 2-16- 8 15-11- 3 10 26- 9- 6 26- 0- 0 23- 0- 0 £ £ 0-14- 6
85 82 84 83 79 81 3 - 7 8 and and page Charge 1770 (continued) Account Book No.
Description
one fals Dollar to Deduct out of this sum by Gold Beads Returnd by a Bushel by Salt 1 1/4 lb 3/6 Bees wax a 3/ by one Gallon by N. 2 Gallons E. Rum by D° 1 & 1/2 yrd Coating for John Coate a 14/ by one Gallon by of 1 Rum lb tea by a Bunnet Paper by 1/2 lbby Cap Soape & Sope Omitted by Ballance due J. Jacobs to th is Day by Cash in f u ll by 1/2 Bag by Shott 3/4 lb Brim Stone by 1/2 lb by pepper one Nale by & 1/2 3 Gallons Rum 5/ to my wife by Cash by the hands of Epenetus Smith w ife by 68 lb Clover Seed a /10 by a 1/2 Johannis & /9 by work Done on the farm by Cash by Cash in f u ll by Cash in f u ll by Discompt withby Uriah 14 weeks Roggers one Day & 1/2 a 15/ pr week Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155
1 0 0 0 - - - - 2 8 2 12 - - - - 6 5-17- 1 1-14- 0 1- 4- 0 1- 7- 5 1- 6- 5 1- 7- 0 0-16- 0 4- 5- 0 7-12- 1 0 0-15- 0 0-17- 9 4-15- 2 0-16- 0 0 0 4- 1- 3 2 - 8- 5 0-0-9 2-16- 0 14- 0-11 28- 7-10 Charge £277-11- 7 £ £
13 64 80 84 98 123 125 122 121 116 119 3-86 and and page memorandum 1770 (continued) Total Income Account Book No,
9/4 pr oz
2dwt Descript ion
to a Milk pot to 5 Table Spoons & Shugar Tongs to 12 teato Spoons fashoning wt. 3oz ldwt 12gr "by myself" to 6 Table Spoons to fashoning to 6 Tea Spoons to 6 teato Spoons 6 table Spoons wt. lOoz 4dwf. 9/4 pr oz to fashoning 2 /6 pr to oz Silver tankord to 30oz 6 Teaspoons to Ballance of 3 table Spoons to Silver Head to Cane to & ferrels4 Tea to Spoons two to Tankords his wt. wife 60oz to 17dwt Engraving 6gr two a Siphers 9/4 to fashoning pr oz 2/6 & Engraving & Sipher 6/ to fashoning to Ballance of 4 tea Spoons to 1/2 pint Cup wt. 5oz 3dwt 18gr 9/4 pr oz to Ballance of 6 Table Spoons Of Wm Rainer Of Wm 7 Loades of hay a 8/ pr Loade by Scane Silk 1775 Silversmithing Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Account Book No. Description and page
Silversmithing (continued) 1775 (continued) to Silver Hilt to Sword wt. 6oz 5dwt 3 - 127 to fashoning & Scabbard & Cleaning Blade 0 to Ballance of 2 Table Spoons 0 to a S ilver Tankord wt. 30oz 17dwt a 9/4 pr oz 130 .1 to fashoning of D° 2/6 pr oz % to 12 table Spoons 19oz 19dwt 9/4 pr oz 2 to fashoning 0 to 6 tea Spoons Deliver** to h is Mother 131 9 to Ballance of 6 tea Spoons Large Sise 132 5 to 6 Table & 2 Tea Spoons 0 1
Jewelry to Ballance a pair Stone Jewels 8 0 to pair Gold Jewels 10 0 to a pair of Stone Jewels Sent by T Gelston 17 0 to Gold hart Ring 19 2 to 12 Set Sleave Buttons 2/6 22 0 to Stone Ring 25/ & pair Shoe Buckels 20/ to his Daughter Iranah 23 0 to Necklace Beads 32 0 to 3 Doz Vest Buttons Shell & 2 Coate D°to his Son 40 2 to 2 pair of P laited Shoe Shoe Buckels 47 0 to 12 Doz Vest 3/9 & 3 Doz Coate Buttons 8/ 48 0 to pr Shoe Buckels 25/7 & a Set of Guilt Links Sleave Buttons 2/ 64 7 to one Silver Vest Button 70 4 to Shell Sleave Buttons & fixing Deliverd to his wifes Sister 73 0 to a Set of Stone Sipherd Buttons to Daughter Unise 76 to a Set of Gold Buttons 78 to 1 Doz & 9 Coate Shell Buttons 8/ pr Doz 79 to a pr Gold Jewells for Barnibus Terrel Negro man 157
1- 3- 3 6- 8- 0 0-11- 0 1- 0- 0 1- 3- 7 1-12- 0 0-17- 5 0 - 6- 9 1-11- 6 1-15- 0 1-15- 0 0-18- 9 1-19- 0 0-14- 0 0- 1- 3 2- 3- 4 0- 3- 6 1- 1- 6 2-11- 4 0- 4 - 0 0- 1- 6 0- 5- 8 0- 3- 4 0- 3- 0 0- 5- 0 0-15- 0 £ £ 3-18- 0 97 94 93 117 115 116 114 113 106 108 109 104 105 103 3-84 Account Book No.
D escription and page Charge Buttons & mending a chane D° 5 /- 2 / D° 1-a- 2/6 D° 1 a 3 / D° 1 a-6/ to pair wrate Knee Buckels to 4 Set of Sipherd Stone Jewells 32/ to a pr wrate Shoe Buckels to a Stockto Buckel pair to Gold Jew 1 ells Doz & 1/2 for of h Vest is Buttons S ister to John Edwards Saggharber to a Set to of 7 Sipherd Set Gold Sleave Buttons Buttons Sent 2 by / Benjamin D° Hunt 6 Set a 3/ to a pair Plated Shoe Buckels to Best Buckel to pair to Shoe Buckles 2 pair for wrate h is Shoe Buckles Daughter 25/8 to Ballance of a Stock Buckel to 4 Shellto vests pair Wrat Shoe Buttons Buckels to Mary Roggers to Set of Gold Sleave Buttons to pr Shell Sleave Buttons for Child & one Chane Brass Sleave to 16 Philidelphiato pr Stone to Brass Sipherd pr Buttons wrate Jewells to Shoe Vest pr Buckels wrate Shoe Buckels to a pair pinch Back Buckels to two of the hare pins Sold to 2 pr Stone Jewells 38/ 40/ & to 8 hare pins to make Sale for me to pr Silver Jewell Deliverd to his Dautr 0- 5- 0 to Set Sleave Buttons to his Son D° D° to 6 Set Sleave Buttons a 2/6 to make Sale on Jewelry (continued) 1775 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158
1- 2- 4 1- 6- 0 0- 4-10 1- 0- 0 3-16- 0 2- 0- 0 0- 5- 0 1-13- 6 3- 9-10 1- 1- 9 1-15- 0 0-13- 6 4- 0- 5 0-11- 0 0- 4- 9 2-10- 0 1- 7- 0 1- 6- 0 0- 8- 0 0- 8- 9 0- 1- 0 0-12- 0 2- 0- 0 0-14- 2 0-6-8 0-10- 0 4- 0- 0 2 - 0- 0 130 132 128 129 127 124 125 121 123 119 £ Account Book No.
D escription and page Charge
2 2 Set Sleave Buttons 2/3^ to makeing a knee Buckel to a Necklace Beeds to Silver to Broch wrate 2 Doz with plated a Crown on Ves a 10/ pr Doz & ye16 Coate top a 15/ pr Doz to a pairto plane a pair Shoe Buckels wrate. Shoe Buckels to Gorge H arris junior to Necklace Beeds to pair plane Shoe Buckels to His Wife to 6 Doz V est Buttons 3/6 one Doz Cote D° 8/to & a Necklace Gold Beeds to thimble & top to thimble to 6 Set Sleave Buttons to wrate Stock Buckel to a pr wrateto Set Shoe Buckels of Gold Buttons 6 6 Steal Chanes a 3/ two Stock Buckels a 3/ to make Sale for me to 7 S ilv er Broches 2 / two Watch Seals a 6/ to a pair to o a f Wrate pair Shoe of Buckels Sipherd Stone Buttons to a pair of Stone Jewels to makeing a to Drap to 8 Gold Jewels Beads to one Silverto pr Knee Shoe Buckels Buckel & primechapes Cost to Sary Card to Ballance of pr toKnee Buckels a pair Sipherd Stone Jewell to his wife to 2 Stone hare pins 4/ to his wife 3 - to hart Ring to Necklace of Gold Beads Jewelry (continued) 1775 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ui VO
6 0 6 0 7 0 0 9 0 2- 4- 0 0- 4- 6 4- 0 1- 0 1- 0 2- 2- 0- 0- 5- 0 2- 0- 2 4- 6 0- 0- 0- 0- 0- 0- 0- 0- 6 0- 4- 0 0- 0- 0- 0- 0- 1- 6 0- 2- 6 0- 4- 0 0- 0- 0- 3- 0- 2-0- 0 6- 0 0- 0-11- 0 0- 0-4-0 9 3- 0- 0-16- £ 99- £ £
8 13 67 76 98 99 94 123 120 116 119 114 108 111 107 104 105 3 3 - 132 and page Charge 1775 (continued) Account Book No.
Description to a stay hook and Stretching a Ring to mending Gold Ringto Chapes toto Buckels Rings to tops of stone Jewels Gold & aded to mending Main Spring to watch to Repairing to his Cleaning watch a Stone Ring to mending 2 to Spoons Cleaning 1/3 Repair & to his watch to Chape to toBuckel Cleaning his watch to mending Stone Jewels & teato puting Spoon to Chapes to christial Buckelsto Best to Steal watch Chapes to Buckels to Rectifyingto mending a a Watch to Locket Chape to Buckel to Putting loops and Chanes to Brass Buttons to a pair Chapes to Buckles mending & for Daughter Ruth to Rectifying his Watch to Silver thimble to to Buckelhis Knee to wife & mending a Gold Button Set ofGold & aded Sipherd Stone Sleave Buttons to & a Rectifying broch his watch Cleaning & to Stone Stay to one wrate Knee Buckel & Chapes Repair and Mending Jewelry (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160
3 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 ------8 0-10 8 10 - - - 1 0 - 1 0 - 2 - 0 4 - 0 - 2 0 - 0 - 6 0 - 2 0 - 2 0 - 9 - 2 0 - 4 - 0 - 6 4 - 0 - 6 9 - 0 - 0 9 - 0 - 3 2 0 - 4 - 0 - 6 0 - 4 0 - 4 - 6 0 - 3 - 0 - 0 2 - 2 0 0 - 9 - 2 0 0 - 0 - 0 - 6 0 - 4 0 - 4 - 0 £ 3 - 3 - 4 10 84 32 88 99 34 36 70 96 98 22 26 40 23 103 130 0- 3- 0 3-124 £ 0- 2- 6 and page Charge 1775 (continued) Account Book No.
Description
to a p a ir o f Mens Shoes to pen to Knife 1 Shoe Knife /10d one pen Knife l/6d to 1/2 paper of pins to his wife to Jack to Knife Jack Knife to 1/2 Small Nales to Son Abrm to 1 Gallon West India Rum to keyhowlto Saw weights & granes & fixing his money Scales to 11 lb Nails a /II to pr 1 By GallontoJoseph 2 Rum GallonsJaggarto 2 Rum Augers Deliverd 3/ to & 3/9d his & three son 4/6 formers /10 D° to Jack Knife to a pairto a Shoemakersto S ik e l a Pinchers Gun to 1 Shoe Knife /10 , to Snuff to his wife to D° Snuff2o a Gllont o hat Rum to Rectifying his watch to pair Chapes to Buckels Steal printed D° 10 lb Nails to 3 Case Knives & Forks Produce and Merchandise Repair and Mending (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161 0 - 3 - 0 - 3 7 - 6 1 -1 6 - 0 0 - 9 - 0 0 - 2 - 0 - 3 4 - 6 0 - 1- 6 0 - 7 - 0 - 6 7 - 6 0 - 1- 0 0 -1 2 - 0 0 - 0 - 0 - 5 1- 0 2 -1 6 - 8 0 - 2 - 3 0 - 1 - 0 - 2 6- 0 - 8 4 - 6 0 - 1 - 0 - 6 5 - 0 - 4 2 - 3 0 - 2 - 3 0 -1 4 -1 0 0 - 4 - 0 0 - 8 - 0 0 -0 -8 0 - 6 - 0 £ 126 125 124 119 120 116 117 115 3 - 103 and page Charge Account Book No. the same out in his Shop pr pound to his Daughtr Description 1 1 Ph^an Sithe to take flax fir 1 1 Gallon Rum a Drawing Knife 1/2 Gallon Rum 6 pen Knifes l/3d to be taking 1 /4 Snu ff Hand Hand Saw 1 1 Doz pipes 1 /4 Snu ff 80 lb Nails /8d 1/2 pen K n ife 9 9 lb N ales a Gun 1 1 quart Rum to your Daughter 3 10 Inch files a 1/6 1 1 Doz Alls to Zeb Jesop 2 Bushels Wheat 6/ 1/2 Doz of Knives & Forks one 10 Inch half round file 3 Case Knives & forks Deliverd 2 quarts2 Rum q u a rts Rum 4 f i l e2 s q u a rts Rum 21 1/2 lb flax /8 1/2 a Spider 106 Ballance of a Iron pot 0- 1- 9 to to to to to to to to to to to to to to tp to 4 to lb & 6 oz of Iron Wire a 1/6 to to to to to D° toa to Nife & Cash 0- 1- 7 to to t o D° Produce and Merchandise (continued) 1775 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Account Book No. Description and page
Produce and Merchandise (continued) 1775 (continued) Memorandum to 12 Sithes gave him for to Sale for me got them 3 - a t 8 /6 & 3 D° 9 / the Amount o f th e 12 S ith e s 126 0 to 2 q u arts Rum 4 to 12 lb N a les a /1 0 d 127 0 to 10 lb Nales lld & a Joiners Gouge 0 to 10 Inch file l/6d 6 to 4 lb Nales /10 to your printice 4 to Gard to Gun 0 to 5 lb Nales /lld Deliverd to his printice 7 to 1 Doz Moles of Buttons 129 6 to Iron wire for Ramrods & filing the same 0 to one Gallon Rum 6 to one Gallon Rum 6 to Sikel to his father 0 to one quart Brandy 6 to Calf Skin 130 0 to Calf Skin 0 to 1 lb Allom .0 to Cone Skin wt 59 lb at 4 8 to 1 Doz 1/2 Awls .0 to 2 Doz & 7 Taks 8 to Calf Skin of 6 Weeks Old 131 0 to 2 Gallons Rum 4/6 0 to Stear hide 53 lb /4d 8 to B ushel Wheat 1 3 3 0 to 4 lb Nales a /10 Deliverd to his Printice 4 to Sundries 8 to two Gouges /10d _8 1 163 0 - 12 - 0 - 4 - 6 0 - 2 - 0 0 - 8 - 4 0 0-8-9 £ 4 5 - 0 - 2 £ 2 -1 7 - 6 £0-6-0 71 75 0 - 5 - 3 19 19 0 - 2-10 70 0 -1 6 - 0 23 1 -1 0 - 6 48 0 - 8 - 0 99 0 - 4 - 0 47 0 -1 3 - 3 107 107 4- 0- 0 121 129 41-12- 0 3- 2- 8 108 0- 7- 0 115 0- 1- 6 133 0- 3- 0 106 107 0- 8- 0- 0 3- 6 110 116 0-18- 0-12-0 0 3-70 and page Charge 1775 (continued) Account Book No.
to Sagharber
______
Description
to Cash to Paid Cash him in full to Cash paid in full to Cash Paid for 1 pair half Boots to Cash Gave John Gelston to get webing to Cash Lent him to pay to Elias Matthew to Cash paid in full to Cash in full to Cash paid him for Dresing Druget to Cash paid his Son in full to Cash Lent him to Bording Jonathan & Sary Card to Cash in full to hireto of Discompt Chear with to Doctr Southold Halsey for Itch Ointment to Plowing one Acre Ground for Wheat to Carting Loade of Stalks to 6 Daysto work Carting trashing Loade found him 3/ to Philips 2 Days Mowing 3/6 to Choping Wood a Day at his Wood Pike P by W111 to Carting one Csk Rum from Sagharber Due to David Rose Cash Miscellaneous Agricultural Labor and Work
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164
0 0 - - 1-0 12 10 - - - 0 3 - 0 - 8 1 0 -1 6 - 0 0 - 5 - 0 2 - 0 - 0 2 - 0 - 0 1 - 2 - 0 1 - 4 - 0 3 - 4 - 0 -1 5 6 -1 0 1 - 0 - 0 0 - 4 - 0 -1 3 5 - 3 1 - 2 - 1 2 - 4 - 7 0 - 5 - 8 - 0 2 - 0 0 -1 6 - 0 0 - 4 - 0 2 - 3-11 4 - 0 - 0 0 2 -1 0 - 4 18- 2 - 5 £ 4 8 -1 3 - 4 £
28 17 13 23 26 22 129 131 127 130 115 116 117 110 3 - 107 and page Charge 1775 (continued) Total Production £363- 8- 7 Account Book No.
Description
by Cash inby Cash full pr Sami Jennings Junr in full by Pasteringby Cash my teem & help Load by Cash in fullby 5 Loades hay 8 by Cash in full pr Abrm Cooper to Cash paid in full to Cash to Cash to Lent Cash him to son Nathan 4/ & tung to Buckel /3 by Cash inby Cash full in full to Cash paid when to Burnt Cash the paid K ill your father for Hops to Cash by John Gelston to Cash Lent to Cash to paid Cash Exectr to paid Cash in Elias paid full Matthew in full for Goods for Bought Vandue one years work to Cash on Ballance of Goods Bought for me a New York to Cash o f E lia s P e lle tr e a u in New York to 2 Dollars one of the same for ticket to Cash Rec^ for my Labour on Loading Powder t o Cash Contra Cash (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165
1 -1 9 - 0 0 - 3- 0 - 9 9 - 0 1- 0 - 9 3 -1 8 - 0 0 - 8 - 0 0 - 8 - 0 0 - 7 - 0 0 -1 5 - 0 0 -1 1 - 0 0 - 8 - 6 1 - 4 - 1 - 0 6- 0 0 - 7 - 0 - 6 6 - 0 - 0 2 - 0 -1 0 6 - 0 0 - 9 - 0 - 0 1 - 0 - 3 7 - 0 1 - 1 - 0 0 -1 5 -2 ^ 2 0 -1 2 -1 0 0 - 4 - 0 -1 0 2 - 1/2 0 - 3 - 9 0 -3 -0 2 -1 9 - 0 88 90 84 78 80 75 68 64 67 50 1- 5-10 70 3132 36 £ 46 0 - 1 - 0 and page Charge 1775 (continued) Account Book No. ) 1
Description
Scabbord-to-Bayanet (Baganet) by Cash inby 12 full lb hay seed - /9 by Cash by Cash in full by Cash inby Cash full for Spoons by Cash by a Book 1/ Cash 14/ by pr Shoes for my Daughter by Cash in full by Cash by Cash in fullBallance Due to Aaron Isaac by 4 pair Garterby Straps Scabbord t & o to Sword Bridle Head & Rains by a Catouch Box by 2 pair half boots 4/6 by 21 lb 1/2 of flax 8 1/2 of Jedediah Howell by Seting pr Shoes by Cash paid on folding Sheep to Ebenzr Colver by 4 Bushel Wheat a 6/ by pr Cash lb inby Day full Runingby Ranges 17 lbby (Counneplace 5 1/4 lb flax 10 oz of flax Jedediah of HowellMother /8 by Cash of Silas Howell Esqr. by Cash in fullby Cash in full by Cash In full Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166
0 - 5 - 0 -1 0 4 - 6 2 -1 4 - 0 0 -1 4 - 7 0 - 4 - 0 - 5 3 - 0 1 -1 5 - 0 1 -1 1 - 6 0 - 0 - 0 - 4 4 - 0 1 -1 -6 4 -1 1 -1 1 0 - 5-11 0 - 2 - 0 - 3 2 - 0 - 0 3 - 0 - 0 3 - 3 0 - 1 - 0 - 0 3 - 0 - 0 3 - 0 0 - 2 - 0 0- 5- 0 5- 0- 3 -1 4 - 0 0 -1 3 - 6 0- 7- 0 7- 0- 2 2 - 0 - 0 98 97 9094 £ 0 7- 0- 111 113 115 108 100 1 -1 1 - 0 107 104 106 Account Book No.
Description and page Charge
by Cash by one years work on my farm by A Bushelsby Cash wheat in a full 3/6d by Sundry by Taler loz work by 12dwt 21 15grby lb onebeef yoke /2 Oxen to l/2d Cart hay from Ketchabonack by Cash inby Cash full in full by K illingby Omishon Hogs of Cr by Cash forby Combing Christel Worstedby Bucheringby Buchering a Stear a Cow by weaving 31 yrds Diaper by Cash by h is by Oxen his to Oxen Cart to Sagharber to Ketchabonack by Cash forby 6 2 hair hare pins pins Returned Sold 2/6 me by & Son3/ John by Cash forby Cash Buttons for 3 pins Doz Vest by Cash inby a f u Silk l l Handkerchief by Cash by Cash for Gold Buttons 3 - by Earthan by ware Cash for for my Daughter 2 her by hare pins Sold 5/paid twice must Return the Same Contra (continued) 1775 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167
0 - 12 - 0 - 4 - 6 1- 3 - 0 1- 9-10 7 -1 4 - 0 7 3 -1 6 - 1 0 -1 8 - 0 0 - 8 - 0 - 8 6- 0 0 - 7 - 6 0 -1 8 - 0 1 - 1 - 0 0 -1 8 - 0 0 - 7 - 0 0 - 7 - 0 0 -1 4 - 0 0 -1 6 - 0 2 - 7-10 0 -1 7 - 5 0 - 9 - 0 - 0 9 - 0 - 0 8 - 0 - 0 6 - 0 2 -1 4 - 9 0 - 8 - 0 3 9 - 0 - 6
117 116 3 - 115 1775 (continued) Account Book No.
one yr
Description and page Charge
8 / S ilk 8
6 6 p la te s 6 6 Yds Stripte Linnen a 3/ pr 2 2 Yds Serge danim To a Mohair 7/6 & Silk pr 1/4 Stocking Led 1/6 8/ 6 1/2 pounds Cotton a 2/4 To Stocking To 13 1/2To 3 pounds yds To peutar Gawn 3 Lase pounds a a Cotton 2/6 2/3 wool pr pr a 2/4 To 3 Quart Basons a 2/4 pr To 1 Bake pan 13/ - 2 porenjars a 1/6 pr by Cash for Tortoise Shell Buttons by help by Burning Sundry Cole Buttons K ill Returnd by Omition of Crdfc on separate sheet page 116 Account Book 3 Capt. Elias Pelletreau- Bot Uriah Rogers by Cash to make 3 tankord for his Mother Howell by Cash Cash of his Mother Howell by 20 lb 1/2 tallow /8d Buckrom 2/6 2 Sticks Silk hare /6 two Scanes Silk /9 by Cash in full of all Accountsby 6 lbby Coffey humspun Check by 1/4 for4 yr Apron Blue for Druget my wife 4/ by Cash for Jewells by 3 yrd Stript Cloth for trowsers 3/ by pr Stockens Son John D D 3 yards Stript Cloth 3/ Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168
0 0 0 6 0 - - - - - 10 12 10 10 11 - - - - - 2 1 1 - 6 - 0 0 0 - 1 - 0 3 -1 5 -1 1 1- 5 - 7 0 - 6 - 0 - 0 8 - 6 1- 2 - 9 0 - 8 - 6 0 - 6 - 2 2 - 8 - 0 -1 0 4 - 2 2 - 0 - 0 - 0 2 - 3 1 - 4 - 0 0 - 6 - 0 - 6 7-11 0 - 5 - 6 3 -1 3 - 0 5 -1 6 - 0 0 - 7 - 6 0 - 2 - 0 0 0 - 8 - 0 0 1 8 -1 8 - 9
121 120 118 119 3 - 117 and page Charge 1775 (continued) Account Book No.
Description
Rum Rum 101 Gallons 3/9d
______by 10 yr Holland - 5/ by Cash by by 6 yardsby Cash of for holland Buckels a 5/ pr by Cash by in pr fu Knee ll Buckels of 11 for Accompts Jonathn Card Returnd by a pairby of a Shoes pairby Shoes a for pair for Shoes Elias my Wife for by me A Cooper by ldwt by 23gr Cash Gold of to Son make Elias h a rt Ring S isD° e mending a pair by old by tea Cash Spoon prby Son a John pair Shoes for Son Elias by Cash by Cash inby 6 full D o lla r s By L evi H ow ell to make 6 T able Spoons by a pair of Shoes for my Negro girl Peg by Cash inby Old full Gold by 2 Silk Hankerchief 12/ by Cash by Cash by Cash by Carting 2 Barrels Appelsby Cash from Sagg harbor by one Doller by 2 B ushel Wheat Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ON VO
0 - 3 - 3 5 - 5 6 - 0 5 - 0 3 - 9 6 - 0 0 - 0 8 - 0 0 - 0 7 - 5 9 - 9 12 14- 4 16- 0 15- 6 19- 0 10- 0 19- 4 13- 7 11-10 ■ 3■ - 9 1-■ 0 • 9 - 0 9■ - 0 • 1 - 0 •16- 0 • 3 - 3 • 7 - 0
- 1' 0 -1 4 - 6 0 0- 1- 1- 1- 5- 0- 1- 1- 0- 0- 2- 0- 1- 1- 1- 0- 0- 0- 0- 0- 2- 4- 0- 4- 10- £ 1-
127 126 125 124 123 3 - 121 1775 (continued) Account Book No.
Description and page Charge
Pomps Coate puting Sleaves by to one Coate Silk for Hankerchief Son John firstion 9/ two Check Coate D° 2/9 by turning by Cash by for Taler Drawing Work Knife Done in the House & Sundry other Taler Work Done by Cash fo r 2 S ith e s by Cash forby Cash one for Sithe 4 Sithes Phil 9/ Sold 3 at 8/ & one a 9/ by Cash for one Sithe Phil -9 / by Cash in fullby 1/2 To & guinea by Cash by Cash for a Gun by Cash in fullby Cash in full by mending my whale Boate by Cash inby 8 full Bushelby pr Oates Checkby 2/5 6 yrdsby 3 Hollandquireres 3/2 paper 1/3 D° By Cash of Son John towardsby Cash the In by Spoons Cash full In full by Cash forby 7 2 yrd by Stone Holland Cash- hare in 4/6 pins part & 1 Doz for Shirt Spoons Buttons a /4 by Cash D By Cash For Sugar tongs by Cash for Spoons Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170
Vl 1/2 - 1-10 2-10 0 - 7- 5 7- - - -1-3 -4-0 -3-0 - 8 - -1 9 2 -1 1 - -1 9 -1 0 - 1- 4 - 5 - 6 -1 9 - 6 -10- 0 - 8 - 6 - 0 - 5 - 4 - 0 - 8 - 9 - 8 - 6 - 5 - 0 - 6 - - 6 2 - 4 - 3 - 0 - 5 - 0 - 6 - - 6 -1 0 - 3 -1 4 -1
1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 2 1' 0 3 4 I- 0 O' O' 0- 0- 0- 9- 0- 4- 17 12 £ 0-
132 131 130 128 129 3 - 127 1775 (continued) Account Book No.
10/ forfor Son JaneElias 8/6^
Description and page Charge
by a Old by pair Cash in Stay full Hooks of his wife by Old Silver 4dwt lOgr by Sundry by work the Shoe Above making Ballance brought Down by Cash inby Son full Nathan Driving plow 26 Days /9 by Cash by Cash by Cash in fullby Cash by B illby Bladder parselby Snuff 12 for Buttons 11 Sundries lb Stoneby 2/9 Cash 3 to Sheats make a Red Tankord foyl & Blader Snuff by 5 lb hops 1/ by Old Silverby your Father & Cash in a by full Day weaving a Reaping a Coverlid & Baging by a pairby Cash Shoes for my Self by Cash In full by Cash Inby his full Acpt for Sundri by of pair Joiner Shoes work for my Daughter by a Silk Handkerchief by a Silk Handkerchief Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171
0 - 1 0 - 3- 0 - 0 1 0 - 8 - 0 1- 0 - 0 1- 0 - 0 3 - 5 - 6 1 - 9 - 6 6 -1 5 - 0 3 - 9 - 0 3 -1 2 - 9 6 -1 3 - 6 3 - 6 - 0 0 -1 3 - 0 6 -1 8 - 0 0 -1 6 - 3 2 - 5 - 3 -1 0 1 - 6 2 - 9 - 0 0 - 0 - 6 4 -1 0 - 0 0 - 8 - 3 2 3 - 3 - 8 £ 6 8 -1 4 - 4 £ £319- 2 - 8
155 125 134 152 3 3 - 133 4 - 106 and page Charge 1775 (continued) Total Income Account Book No.
Description to two Silver Salts to Engraving Sipher to fashoningto Silver Tankord wt 34oz 7dwt a 13/6d pr oz to 3 Gill Silver Pornger 6oz lldwt sugar tongs to 4 wt Spoons loz 7dwt wt 6oz 18dwt fashoning with Sipherto fashoning to fashoning fa sh o n in g fash on in g to Silver Milk Pot wt 6oz 12dwt to 4 Spoons wt 7oz 3dwt a 10/ pr oz to 3 te a Spoons to 6 to table 6 table Spoons wt & 6 & making tea Spoons 13oz 7dwt a 10/ pr oz to 2 ta b le & 6 t e a spoons to 6 tea Spoons to 4 table Spoons by Sundries work by Making John pr Velvedby Mending Britches a Bedsted York money 1795 S ilv e r sm ithin g Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172
1 - 4 - 0 0 -1 6 - 0 0 - 4 - 6 0 -1 3 - 3 0 - 6 - 4 -1 0 1 - 0 1- 5 - 0 1 - 4 - 0 0 - 6 - 0 - 0 2 - 0 - 6 1 - 0 0 -1 1 - 0 6 -1 2 - 0 0 -1 6 - 0 0 -1 1 - 6 2 - 1 - 0 - 0 0 - 6 0 - 0 - 6 0 - 1 - 3 0 - 1 - 4 0 - 8 - 6 0 - 6 - 0 0 - 4 - 0
148 145 146 140 141 139 137 134 125126131 0 - 8 - 0 - 0 5 - 0 110 119 0 - 2 - 6 107108 109 £ 1 -1 0 - 8 113 0 - 8 - 0 4 and page Charge 1795 (continued) Account Book No.
Description Silver Locket 5/ to pr Knee Buckles to Son Nicolas to pr Stone Nubs to pr Kneeto Buckles thimble to to his his Cooper wife Sami Waters to five Pr Shoe Buckles price 22/ 22/ 18/ 16/ 13/ to pr plated Knee Buckels to Set Brass Sleave Buttons to 6 prto Brass pr Chapes Sleaves to Buckels Buttons 1/ to 2 pr Brass Clasps at 3/6 pr Stone Nubs 10/ pr pare & to twist stoneto ring pr Plated Buckles for himself to 12 pr Brass Sleave Buttons 1/ pr pr. to pr Stone Gold Nubs for Daughtr Pheby to one to plated pr of Buckle Plated & pare Buckle Chapes to Joseph Osburn the Hatter at Riverhead to one Shell sleave Button & chapes to Buckels 2/6^ to twisted Stone Ring pr to Brass his Sleave Daughtr Buttons Hannah to pr Brassto one Buckles to Sleave pr for plated Butt him to Knee Buckles Silverto a Ring pare Silver Shoe Buckles Sent by Silvanus Brown to pr plated Knee Bucklesto platedto Buckle pr Earrings & Chape to Gold the fellowto BuckleBallance of Gold Stone Nubs to pr Silver Sleave Buttons to Mute White Jew elry
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 0-4-6 1-2-0 0-8-3 0-5-0 £ 65- 0 - 0 155 1-17- 6 Account Book No.
Description and page Charge r r -- - ''d / 14/ two pr Boot Buckles 6/ 6/ one pr Knee 8/ Eight pr pr Boot & two pr Knee at 6/ & Six Set Brass Sleave Buttons 1/ pr Set 10 prcent 12-14- 0 1 4 tea spoons 30/ This work is for him to Sale on Comitions Brass Sleave Buttons 1/ pr hareBrotches 4 pr 3/6 of Shell 3 toSet a tea 2/6 Spoons six 33/ 33/30/ 9-18- 6 to String Gold Beeds to his Daughtr Mahitabe 4-..Q~-2. to one Set Silver Sleave Buttons sent by Sherry Conkling to his Uncle Hugh Gelston Junr 3 pr Silver Sleave Buttons a 4/6a one to pr toSilver a pr SleavePlated ButtonsBuckles to his Son Robert 0-18- 0 0- ® to Ballanceto pr of Platedtwo StoneBuckles twisted Rings 0-13- 5 0-16- 0 to pr PlatedShoe Buckles for James Sanford 154 0-18- 0 to pr toStone pr Sipherd Stone Nubs Gold Jewells ston Nubs for forDaughtr Daugh Mary Hannah 2/3 153 0-18- 0 to Buckle & Chape to pr Shoe Buckels for 60/him to for his wife a pr 40/ 5- 1- 0 to pr Knee Buckelsto pr Copper Buckels , 0-16- 0 to pr Silver Buckles to Carry to Cort 152 1-12- 0 to two pr to make S a le 16/ 16/ 1 -1 2 -0 to 14 Goldto Beedspr platedto hisBuckles to Daughtr10 forGold PolleyBeedshis & mendingSon toGold ElevenLock pr Shoe Buckles 22/ 22/ 18/ 18/ 16/ 16/ 14/ 16/ 16/ 4 - 149 £ 150 0-18- 0 0-12- 0-12-0 4 4 Silver Sliders at 4/ 4 pr Buckles 24/ 22/16/ 14/ 3 Silver to a pr for tohis pr ChildPlated Sho Buckles 151 0-14-0 0-10-0 Jewelry (continued) 1795 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Account Book No. Description and page
Repair and Mending 1795 (continued) to taking Bruses out of Lid tankord 4 - 109 6 to polishing two porngers 114 0 to mending Sugar tongs & Jewell flaxseed Riddle 121 3 to Christial to watch mending wifes Buckle 123 0 to fixing a Boroch pin 125 6 to fixing Sleav buttons 0 mending a plated shoe Buckle 0 to mending table Spoon 142 6 to Eyes & Chanes to Stone Buttons to his Son John 144 0 to mending Silver on a Been for his Child 145 6 to mending of the same 6 to mending warming pan 6 to mending David Gorge Indian Buckle 0 to Chape to his Buckle 148 3 to mending his Buckle 0 to pr Chapes to Boot Buckles 6 to mending Brass Sho Clasp 149 6 to mending his Gold Buttons 150 6 to mending a Buckle /9d Silver hook & Eyes /18 152 5 to fixing Glasses in Spectacles 1/ 154 0 to looping her Stone Jewells & puting Siphers & foyl 0 to mending a pr Buckles Sent by J. Pell wife to David Yongs 156 _6 1
Produce and Merchandise to 6 lb Clover Seed l/ld pr lb 131 Lent 3 Oz Salt Petre to Cow hide a 61 1/2 lb a /5d 144 to 1/4 lb Snuff , 147 to Iron tea kittle 7/6 two oz snuff /6 Bale to Kittl 1/3 175 9 0-6-0 0-3-0 0-2-0 £ £ 2 -1 7 - 4 33 Account Book No. Description and page Charge 4/9 on your Daughtr A cart 0-17- 9 to Cash to Cash paid for Letter I to Cash 4 Dolls t o Cash to Cash 148 1-12- 0 ? to Cash paid for 3 weeks Nurse 4/6 pr week 0-ld- to Cash 9d to Cash paid to my Son Elias for 4 yrdsflanelRed 3/3 pr yrd & to Cash topaid Cash Davidto for White Cash Cartingtoforto Cash Mowingpaywood toinPheby CashfullWhite paid to Ananias Halsey forSoling her Shoes& heal taping 144 0- 146 147 2- 6 0- 0- 5- 1-6 0 2-17- 6 to Cash to on CashChange toof 15 DollerDoll paid 128 0- 0- 3 137 131 6- 0- 0 0-13- 0 to Cash 114 1- 3-0 to Discomp of Jaxson ScottDecest from page 64 123 0- 2- 0 to 1/4 Snuff paid UR 0- 1- 0 to 6 tolb Dried1/2 toApples yrd a Cambbet Shallpaida /5^ paidmy Son to my EliSon 153 0- 1- 6 0- 2- 6 0- 4- 0 to 2 oz Snuff /6d 4 - 147 £ Produce and Merchandise (continued) Cash 179 5 (continued) Miscellaneous
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 '
0 0 - - 10 12 - - 1- 9 - 9 0 - 5 - 9 0 - 5 - 0 0 - 0 - 9 0 0 - 7-11 0 4 - 0 - 0 1 - 4 - 1 - 0 0 - 4 1 -1 5 - 9 0 -1 6 - 0 2 - 0 - 0 0 - 6 - 0 0 -1 6 - 0 0 - 5-10 0 - 4 - 2 -1 0 8 - 2 0 -1 6 - 0 0 - 6 - 0 0-3-3 0 - 8 - 0 0 -1 6 - 0 Charge £ 2 8 - 5- 8 £
108 107 106 104 103 154 and page 4 - 153 Total Production £167- 0- 5 Account Book No.
for Spectacles Sam 0 - 6 - 0
Description
paid to my Son Elias for 1 lb Snuff paid to David Haynes for his Brother paid to Ananias Halsey 1/ to U Roger in f u lto l pay for Shoes paid to E Pell Junr for a Sha(ll) Discounted with Doctr Halsey
QCtbr g to one (continued) 1795 (continued) Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash by Cash to Cash by Cash by Cash by Silvanus Howell wife to one Loade 8/ & hire of horse for peg to Eat by Cash to one Sept 5th to one Sept 12th to one 14th Day to one by Cash in full by Discompt with his Daughter Ruth to to to Cash by 2 Loades wood to to to to to to to to to to Cash to Contra Cash
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 177
6 0 0 6 3 0 0 ------0 2 1-10 1 1 1 11 12 - - - - - 0 -1 3 - 3 0 - 0 1 - 3 - 9 0 0 -1 4 - 0 0 -1 9 - 4 6 - 0 - 0 0 - 4 - 0 - 0 5 - 0 0 - 5 - 0 0 0 - 5- 0 0 - 5- 3 - 4 4 - 6 0 - 6 - 0 - 0 4 - 0 - 0 9 - 0 - 6 4 - 2 6 0 0 - 3 - 0 - 6 3 - 7 - 0 - 8 0 - 2 - 0 0 - 8 - 0 1 4 -1 7 - 2 £ £ 0 -1 8 - 0
145 144 143 140 136 137 133 134 128 132 113 114 121 110 111 4 - 109 and page Charge 1795 (continued) Account Book No.
Description
3 & 1/2 Gallon Molasses 5/9 & 31b Brown Sugar 1/1 2 q u a rts 2 wine q u a rts wine part Day Loping fence at Orchard 2 Bushels Wheat to pay Seed Wheat by quart wine & one D° of Rum & Cash in fu ll by Cash by Hops by Pr Shoes for me by Pr Shoes for me by his Commitions for work Sold by work Returnd & Cash by Sherry Conkling by Steal top thimble by Sherry Conkling by Old Knee by Buckle Cash by by by to Say 3/4 acre and 23 pole 56 feet Oak bord by 15 D o ll Lent by Cash by Knots by inwork full returnd & Cash in full by Cash by Cash by Cash by by 1 Bushel Corn by fresh Beef in full by 3 Loads Dung two of them Corse dung by by Cash by Old Porngerby Cash of wt By 7oz Caping 5dwt my frail 9/4 pr to oz pay for youse Riddle by Henry Halsey Plowing for Corn in the Lot Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178
0 - 10 - 1 - 9 - 0 1- 2 - 5 - 6 4 - 6 0 - 5- 5 1 - 3 - 6 0 -1 6 - 0 0 -1 5 - 2 0 - 8 - 6 1 0 -1 8 - 0 0 -1 4 - 0 1 -1 8 - 2 0- 1 - 0 0 - 1 - 0 0 - 7 - 0 1- 3 - 6 0 - 3 - 0 0 -1 6 - 0 0 - 3 - 0 - 6 5 - 0 - 0 1 - 6 0 -1 8 - 9 0 - 5 - 0 - 6 4 - 0 0 -1 3 - 6 0 - 1 - 0 - 0 4 - 0 . . 0 -1 2 - 4
152 151 149 150 148 147 4 - 145 1795 (continued) Account Book No.
wood
wt 8 /6 d
Description and page Charge
of to one Acre lb my Lot Nursing a 4/6d by Cash by Old Buckle wt 5/5 to make pr Strong Silver Sho Buckles by Cash paid by Cash by 101 ^ of Clover Seed & bag by one pr Returnd by Cash by Old Gold Jewells by Cash by Cash by Buckles Returnd the Ballance I am to take in Corn by Cash in full by Cash of Son Nicols by Cash by Cash and Old Gold by Cartingby Hay plowing out & my Sowing Lot to & cleaning Barn the Ground & Carting the Dung by white oak Crotch & pole for Seller by Sharpingby & his Spliting Negro man a Posts Day Fixing & Rales my (Sase or Safe) Seller by p ip es by Loade by Sand Carting a Loade of by Load Sand by Old Silver Hannah Ludlam Came to Nurse 9th May Nursed 3 weeks a 4/6d Ruth Ludlam Come to Nurse 1 of June By 4 weeks & one Day Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179
c " " " q a 2 - 3 - 2 4 - 0 - 0 ? -1 o Account Book No.
Description and page Charge a t 4 /6 pr Week 153 3 -1 2 - 0 by Cash pr by Cornl Cash Hunting from Esqr. Landon by Cash By th e Hand Mr. Green o f Southold M arituck 2 1 - 8 - 6 by work & Cash in fu ll by one pr Silver Sleave Buttons Returnd 155 0- 4- 6 by 110 Bushel Cole a pr/7 Bushel 2”1 by Cash by 9 Bushel out hisof Shop 0“ ® ® by Cash by Cash O-16' 0_0 6" 0 by Old Gold of Daughtrby Cash Hannah for the Rings 0- 5-9 0-13- 5 by 23 weeks Nursing 4/6 by pr Cash week 5- 3- 6 154 0-18- 0 by two Old by CashSilver Saltswt 5oz by 15dwt 5/6 Widow in Mary 10/ SOld q u iresbypr Gold oz Old Came of to Gold her Ring Nurse DaugtrMary t o S qMary make u ires sto n e Began Nubs to J e w Nurse e lls 2-17- 6 0- 5- 6 1-18- 0 by Cash by Cash 8- 3-15-0-0 6 by Cash & Discount bywith Old Mrs.Buckles by CashSquire inin fullwt full Widow Mary S q u ires Came t o N urse Jen ery 17 to May 9 i s 16 w eeks 1-18- 9 0-17- 6 9- 0-0 by Old Spoonsby Discompt wt withlloz byhis Cash 9dwt Sisterpr oz Cathrine 4 - 152 £ 4-19- 0 0- 5-6 9-14- 6 Contra (continued) 179 5 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 180
6 6 6 6 0 0 8 0 2
10-11 - 1 -1 3 - 6 1 -1 3 - 0 1 -1 5 - 6 1 -1 5 - 1 -1 6 - 1 -1 8 - 1 -1 6 - 1 -1 4 - 1 -1 9 - 0 1 - 2 - 0 - 5 - 6 6 -1 6 - 6 -1 6 - 2 - 6 - 0 1 9 - 7 - 3 -1 2 - 0 7-3-0 18- 5 - 0 £ 1 9 6 -1 6 - 0 £
206 199 158 205 203 190 200 201 204 4 - 156 memorandum 1795 (continued) Total Income Account Book No.
___ 1 - 8 6 7 14- 8 36 10 a 10/ pr lb 14oz 7dwt
Description and page Charge
Sagharbour wharf for £3-12- 0 paid to me in hand to 6 Tableto & Sugar 9 tea tongs Spoons to Silverto Silver Can Milk Pot wt. to 6 to tea BallanceSpoons to his of Six wife tea Spoons to 6 to tea 6 Spoons to with tea 6 Spoons Siphers to teahisSpoons wife to:4 teaSpoons to to Set his to of 6 sister tea te Spoons aSpoons Jacobs to 6 tea Spoons to 6 teto a 6 D° Large tea to Spoons 6 teaspoons to his wife to 6 table Spoons to 6 table & tea Spoons wt & making & Engravin Sipher to 6 t a b le Spoons by Old Gold & S ilv e r by Cash By my Son Elias May 19 this Day Sold Henry P Daring my 1/2 of Share 1800 S ilv e r sm ith in g Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181
6 - 11 - 0 - 1- 0 0 - 1- 0 - 6 4 - 6 5 - 0 - 0 0 - 4 - 0 - 6 2 - 9 0 - 4 - 6 0 - 5 - 0 - 6 8 - 3 0 - 6 - 0 0 - 3 - 0 - 0 7 - 0 - 6 9 - 0 0 - 1 - 0 6 3 - 6 - 0 4 - 3 - 0 3 - 0 - 3 - 0 0 - 0 0 -1 8 - 0 £ 0 -1 4 - 3 £ 1 1 -1 9 - 9 £ 3 -1 0 - 0 £ 7 4 -1 4 - 4
200 204 205 198 205 203 200 204 4 - 206 1800 (continued) Account Book No.
Description and page Charge to Mending tea Spoon & Eye & Chane to Gold Sleave Button to fixing knob on top to tea kittle to mending snuffers to mending key & hasp to trunk to mending his Tankord 4/ & a Scale for his Daug r to EyesChane & to Gold Button & Gold aded to two to pr Silver D° three Clasps pr to Clasps for 5 Gold Girdlesto Rings 2/9“ Silver Seald with thimble Siphers 4/6d to Bring wood for the same to String of to Gold 5 Beeds Brass pr Sent by Sleave Esqr Arm M Buttons iller to Sale t o 6 B pr rass D° to D° two pr Clasps to two sets of tea Spoons to his wife for her Sisters to Eyes to & chanes pr Kneeto to Silver Silver Buckles Buttonsto 7/ Hook and 2 & Eyes pr forBrass pr Silver CloakeSleave Buttons Buttons 4/6 to fash on in g th e Can to fashoningto fashoning theto Milk fashoning the Pot Spoons the tongs R epair Work , Silver smithing (continued) Jew elry
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 182
0 - 1-6 10 12-10 - - - 1 - 7 - 5 0 -1 0 - 7 0 - 4 - 0 0 - 4 - 0 - 0 8 - 0 0 3 - 4 - 3 - 0 4 - 0 0 - 2 - 6 1 0 - 6 - 0 0 £ 6 -1 6 - 6 £ 0 -1 7 - 7 £ 1 -1 4 - 4 £
199 8-11- 0 145 158 197 0-12- 9- 0 7- 0- 6 2- 6 128 0- 8- 3 123 1-16- 9 157 205 204 204 0 -1 7 - 7 4 - 204 (torn page - not complete) 1800 (continued) Total Production £110- 4- 9 Account Book No.
Description and page Charge
by Old S ilv e r wt 2 7 /5 to make the Spoons by Cash by Cash by Cash by Cash of Mr John Green by 4 lb Sheeps wool a 3/ by Cash by Cash by Spinning Stocking Yarn to Cash to Ballance Returnd by Ebnzr Howell by Cash pr Mr. Jeams Jennings by Old Gold & Silver of Daughtr Nancy to make 6 tea Spoons to Cash 8 D o ll by Loade wood pr James White to Sundries brought from page 157 t o Cash to Calf Skin 6 3/4 lb a /10 pr lb to 28 lb 1/4 of Bay tallow a 1/2 pr lb Contra Produce and Merchandise Cash Miscellaneous
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 183 1- 7 - 1 -1 0 6 - 0 1 -1 3 - 0 1 - 8 - 6 1 -1 3 - 9 0 - 5 - 0 0 - 9 - 0 0 -1 0 - 0 2 -1 0 - 0 3 - 9 - 6 1 -1 6 - 0 0 -1 0 - 0 0 -1 0 - 0 0 -1 0 - 0 1 -1 1 - 6 1- 2 - 0 0 - 7-10 0 -1 0 - 0 0 - 3 - 0 - 6 3 - 0 - 6 4 -1 1 2 - 0 - 0 8 - 5 - 4 4 - 9 - 3 0 - 5 - 0 - 7 3 - 8 4 - 3 - 0 £ 0 - 2 - 3 205 203 204 0 -1 4 - 0 201 0 -1 8 - 0 4 - 200 1800 (continued) Account Book No. Description and page Charge by Old Silverby Cash by 3oz Cash a by 9/ Cash this Day Recond Ballance Due to my Son Elias Pelletreau by Old Stone Drap of Jewell by 5 Loads wood Broughtby old by Jeames Gold Buttons Jagger to make 5 Gold Rings Engravd Sipher by Benj Haynes one Loade by Zebulon by Jenningsjam11 Haynes Ben by one one 2 Loade & Loade 1/4 woodby D° Jame s yrd Jagger by Cloth James one Jagger for Loade overhalls one Loade a 15/ by 4 Loades wood a 10/ by Solingby 2 my Shoes Old tea by Spoons Omission of Creditby 6 1/4 tallow a l/3d by Soling my Shoes by Sundries from page 157 by Cash by Cash prby EsqrCash Miller inby pr full Shoes by Cash by Old pr by Knee Cash Buckles wt 3/8 by Cash by Old Silver & one Doll antra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184
6 6 0 0 0 - - - - - 2 0 10 1 1 12 - - - - - 0 0 0 - 5 - 0 0 - 3 - 6 4 - 4 - 4 6 -1 8 - 0 4 - 4 - 4 - 3 3 - 0 7 - 5 - 0 0 -1 0 - 0 9 - 1- 0 0 3 -1 5 - 4 1 0 -1 9 - 0 4 - 3 - 3 0 - 5 - 6 0-3-6 1 6 -1 3 - 12 0 £ 2 3 - 0 - 7 £ 9 8 - 7 - 5 £
1 5 9 7 19 16 18 19 21 206 5-17 4 - 205 and page Charge 1800 (continued) Total Income Account Book No.
Description
to pr Nubs Jewells to Stringto pair of Beeds Gold nubs to large Silver thimble to his wife to Gold to Beeds string Sent by beeds the Post - sent by John White to Brassto thimble ballance of twisted gold ring & mending gold ring to Eyes and Chanes to Brass Buttons to 12 to tea balance Spoonsto two of Tableto six Six and teaTable 6 tea Spoons Spoons Spoons taken off to the pr Recp*- Gold book Nubs Jewells to Six table Spoons by Cash in full by wood on Ballance by Cash 30 Do11 by Cash of his wife by Cash by Cash 1805 Silversmithing J ew elry Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185
6 1 0 0 0 0 ------1 1 6 0 2 11 ------8 0 -1 6 - 0 0 - 4 - 0 1-6-3 0 0 -1 6 - 9 0 - 3 - 9 0 - 1- 0 - 3 5 - 0 0 0 -1 2 - 3 0 - 4 - 0 0 2 0 - 4 - 0 0 - 5 - 0 - 6 3 - 0 0 -1 1 - 5 2 0 £ £ £ 0-7-3 £ 4 - 3 - 7
8 13 13 17 11 19 12 20 22 21 21 5 - 1 9 1805 (continued) Account Book No.
Description and page Charge
->Doll
to Cash Lent 50®°^ topay the Intrst from the Date till paid to Cash to in Cash fullto paid Cash him at paid my Sons him at E. my Pel.SonsE P Shop Shop to Cash 2Do11 to Cash to his Son Hunting Jesup to mending Bible Clasp & Gold Buttons to Cash t o Cash to Cash Lent 201 to making to Rivets mending to his to mending warming wife warming pan Spectacles pan to mending to his mending Turretsto trunk watch keyto & Brasses key paid glass pint to to his & his 1/2 Chare Rum watch for the same to Stone to Twisted one to Knee Ring Buckle string & Mending one beeds for his Daughtr to Ballance of Gold Ring to Daughtr Broght from Recp1- Book Cash Repair Work Jewelry (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186
0 6 6 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 - - 0 ------6 8 8 0 2 1-0 2 2 11 10 10 - - 0 ------1 - 0 - 1- 5 0 - 5 1 - 5-10 0 0 - 5 - 0 2 3 -1 7 - 0 0 - 3 - 0 - 0 3 - 6 2 0 0 - 3 - 6 0 3 -1 3 - 0 0 0 4 - 3 - 0 0 0 -1 0 - 9 0 - 3 - 0 0 0 2 0 £ 5 0- 4 - 8 £ £ 1 5 -1 5 - 9
7 1 5 9 6 3 2 12 13 16 22 5 - 2 1 and page Charge 1805 (continued) Total Production Account Book No.
Description
by Cartingby Cash Saw logs in full to mill to Isaac Sayre by Cash by Cash by fixingby Carting my Chear Saddle 10 Loades wood from Head Crick by Cash by Cash by Pantiloon & Trimmingby Cash by Cash to Cash in full by Shoes 10/ by one Bushelby 6 Corn lb 8/ N a les by l Cash / 4 d to Cash Discounted with of Williamson by Shooingby Hors Cash by Cash pr by J Barrel e n e r a l Flower Smith by 196 25 lbs Bords Carting frate by 1/2 Day puting up Garding fence by Cash in full Recond & Ballance a ll Accpt Contra Cash (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187
0 0 0 0 6 0 ------1 1 - 6 6 6 2 0 2 ------1- 5 - 0 5 - 4 - 0 1 -1 5 - 8 0 -1 6 - 0 0 - 5 - 0 - 0 5- 2 -1 0 9 - 7 2 0 - 3 - 9 1 - 1- 9 0 - 4 - 0 - 1 9 - 0 0 -1 1 - 5 0 -1 3 - 0 0 - 3 - 9 0 - 4 - 0 - 0 5 - 0 0 2 0 -1 6 - 3 0 0 0 - 9 - 3 0 4 - 4 - 4 0 1 0 -1 3 - 4
18 19 22 17 20 21 16 5 - 1805 (continued) Account Book No.
to make pr Gold Nubs
Description and page Charge
lock /6 D D 1 by Day Cash Receiv^ by 1 Day thrashing by His Aprinticeby 140 Brick work & Old a 5/ lumber pr Sc Sash Day window for Son John Pel by Solingby Cash my Shoes Receiv^ of him by Cash byby Elias Cash inby Sanford a full pr by Shoes S by o lin the g a hands pr o' Ananias Halsey by Old pr Shoe Bucklesby Cash by old pare 9/ Silver Shoe Buckles by 4 Howersby Choping Cash by woodby his Day at Holing Daughter my wood pile Postsby 24 1/2 lb by of Cash fish by Cash by 29 whiteby Cash oak post a/9^ is by one Day Choping wood at ponguag by splising tea Spoon stamp 1/6by Old & thum Gold peaceJewells for Dore 9/3 by paper tobaco in full Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 0 - 1 - 6 0 - 6 - 0 0 - 4 - 0 8 - 1 - 0 - 9 9 - 8 0 -1 6 - 0 0 -1 7 -1 0 0 - 6 - 4 0 - 8 - 8 Charge £ 6 -1 8 - 9 £ 9 -1 5 - 7 £ £ 1-4-0 £ 61- 1 - 8
14 3133 0 - 3 - 0 29 5 - 2 9 5 - 2 2 and page 4 - 124 0- 4- 0 Total Income Account Book No. Description to Mending Comb fo r Daughter Mary to Mending his Sister Roes Umberella to makeing silver hooks & eyes with rings to Makeing gold Ringsto Stringto to Jewells gold5 pair beeds of by silverJames Rogers hooks & eyes 32 34 0- 3- 4-6 3- 0 0- 3- 0 to pairto of making hooks clasps for to toSword pairbelt sword of & hooks gold for nubs beltto his Daughter taken by his Wife 0-11- 0 0- 3- 0 to pair gold rings & mending Work 26 to 1 tea Spoon Discounted with Harvey Jessup to making 6 pair of Silver hooks & Eyes 28 0- 6- 7 R epair o f John Morrow Watch to balance of to 2 table 6 Tableto balance SpoonsSpoons with of Siphers table & tea Spoons 32 by Old Silver by my Granson Pelletreau W™ by Cash Pr Lenr- Halsey 1810 Silversmithing Repair Work Jew elry Contra (continued) 1805 (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189
1 - 0 - 6 0 - 8 - 0 -1 8 1 - 3 0 -1 3 - 2 0 - 0 - 0 - 9 0 - 0 -1 9 2 - 0 4 - 0 - 5 0 - 8 - 0 -1 3 1 - 4 0 - 1 - 6 0 -1 9 - 7 0 - 1- 0 0 - 5- 6 0 -1 6 - 0 £ 2 1 - 0 - 8 £ 2 -1 0 - 0 £ £ £
14 17 12 0 -1 6 - 0 2829 0 - 3 - 6 14 27 26 34 0 -1 3 - 0 3134 0 - 3 - 0 -1 6 6 -1 0 2432 0 - 4 - 5 26 0 -1 2 - 0 Dductiori 5 - 33 and page Charge 1810 (continued) Account5Book No.
Description
by Cash inby Cash full in full by 3 readby Old cotten S ilv e r handkerchiefs o f Widow Sayre by Cash in full by 10 fby e e t Making Window & ax helves & old silver to chang not Returndto Cash out in of full 3 Dollar paid b him ill by 3 & 1/2 lb of Iron for Chair tire a /5 to Cash paid her for Old silver by 8 C a ttle f e e t to Cash paid him in full by Carding by chees a 17 lb 1 /8 by Cash in full returnd to Sundries brought from page 19 to Cleaning Watch Cash paid him to Discount with John Smith for Watch Contra Cash Repair Work (continued) Miscellaneous
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190
6 0 0 0 - - - - 8 0 12 12 - - - - 1- 8- 4 8- 1- 6 0- 7- 0 7- 0- 8 0- 1- 9 1- 0- 6 3- 0- 8 9- 0- 0 4 7- 2- 0- 5- 3 5- 0- 6 9- 0- 4- 3- 0 3- 4- 0- 4- 0 4- 0- 0 £ 3 4 -1 1 - 3
34 31 30 32 5 - 2 9 and page Charge 1810 (continued) Total Income Account Book No.
Description
by Cash in full by 110 feet of boardsby Oke Sundries brought from page 19 by Cash in full by Cash inby Cash full in full by Cash inby Cash full in full by Cash in full by Cash byby Thomas Cash Gelston in full by Cash in full by Cash in full by Cash receivd by 7 lb of Clover seed by 10 lb of butter 1/? Contra (continued)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.