Keith McHenry
with
Chaz Bufe
See Sharp Press ◆ Tucson, Arizona Copyright © 2015 by Keith McHenry and Chaz Bufe. Introduction copyright © 2015 by Chris Hedges. All rights reserved.
For information contact:
See Sharp Press llc P.O. Box 1731 Tucson, AZ 85702
www.seesharppress.com
The Anarchist cookbook / by Keith McHenry with Chaz Bufe – Tucson, Ariz.: See Sharp Press, 2015.
154 p. : ill. ; 28 cm. Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-937276-76-8
Contents:
1. Anarchism. 2. Cooking, American -- Recipes. 3. United States -- Economic conditions -- 21st century. 4. Food -- Political aspects. 5. Food relief. I. McHenry, Keith. II. Bufe, Charles.
320.57
Portions of this book previously appeared in somewhat different form in Hungry for Peace, by Keith McHenry, Provocations, by Chaz Bufe, The Complete Manual of Pirate Radio You Can’t Blow Up a Social Relationship, by our favorite author, Anonymous. Contents
Introduction (Chris Hedges) ...... i Its Author on the Original “Anarchist Cookbook” (William Powell) ...... v
I. Anarchism 1. Anarchism: What It Is and What It Isn’t ...... 1 2. You Can’t Blow Up a Social Relationship: The Anarchist Case Against Terrorism ...... 7 3. Revolutionary Nonviolence ...... 19 4. Avoiding FBI Entrapment ...... 25 5. Anarchism vs. “Libertarianism” ...... 33
II. Recipes for Social Change 1. Common Approaches: What Works, What Doesn’t A. Boycotts and Divestment Campaigns ...... 39 B. Co-ops ...... 40 C. Education ...... 41 D. Labor Organizing ...... 42 a. Business Unions ...... 42 b. Revolutionary Unions ...... 43 c. Labor Tactics...... 44 E. Occupations ...... 45 F. Sabotage ...... 46 G. Simple Living ...... 48 H. Street Demonstrations ...... 49 I. Vanguard Parties ...... 50 J. Voting ...... 51 2. Practical Matters: Basic Steps to Effective Organizing B. Public Outreach ...... 56 C. Meetings ...... 57 a. Consensus Process ...... 58 D. Events ...... 60 E. Tours ...... 62 F. Gatherings ...... 64 3. Nonviolent Direct Action Campaigns ...... 69 A. Marches ...... 71 B. Tent Cities ...... 72 C. Occupations ...... 72 D. Blockades ...... 73 E. Risking Arrest Sharing Free Food ...... 73 F. Anarchist Relief Efforts ...... 74 4. Projects A. Food Not Lawns ...... 76 B. Homes Not Jails ...... 76 C. Bikes Not Bombs ...... 77 D. Indymedia...... 78 E. The Really Really Free Market ...... 79 F. Free Radio ...... 79 5. Stolen Property and How to Recover It ...... 83 A. Reclaiming Stolen Property Worldwide ...... 84 B. Reclaiming Stolen Property Locally ...... 86
III. Food 1. The Food Crisis ...... 93 2. Conscious Eating ...... 103 3. Recipes for Small Groups A. Breakfast ...... 105 B. Lunch/Dinner ...... 107 C. Sauces and Dressings ...... 116 D. Soups ...... 117 E. Snacks ...... 118 F. Desserts ...... 119 4. Cooking for Large Groups ...... 121 5. Recipes for Large Groups A. Breakfast ...... 127 B. Lunch/Dinner ...... 128 6. Spices and Herbs ...... 137 7. Gardening ...... 141
Bibliography ...... 143 Index ...... 151 This book is dedicated to
IntroductIon
ulien Benda in his 1927 classic “The Treason of the ancien régime. This was as true in revolutionary JIntellectuals”—“La Trahison des Clercs”—argued France as it was in revolutionary Russia. that we are faced with two options in life. We can It is only, Benda wrote, when we are not in pur- serve the goals of privilege and power or the virtues suit of practical aims or material advantages that we of justice and truth. But, Benda warned, the more can serve as a conscience and a corrective. All those we make concessions to privilege and power the whose primary allegiance is to the practical aims of more we diminish the capacity for justice and truth. power and material advantage—even if they de- This is a truth any anarchist understands. fend this allegiance as one that will lead to justice “As long as social injustice lasts we shall remain and truth—are corrupted intellectually and morally. in a state of permanent revolution,” the French anar- Anarchists, like the intellectuals Benda lauds, must chist Elisée Reclus said in the same vein. be indifferent to popular passions. They must “set This, to me, is what it means to be an anarchist. an example of attachment to the purely disinter- Peter Kropotkin made this point when he said that ested activity of the mind and create a belief in the anarchists do not seek power for themselves but un- supreme value of this form of existence.” They must derstand “the close dependency on everyone’s hap- - piness upon the happiness of all; and of the sense tisms.” They must preach “in the name of human- of justice, or equity, which brings the individual ity or justice, the adoption of an abstract principle to consider the right of every other individual as superior to and directly opposed to these passions.” equal to his [or her] own.” Anarchists understand Benda conceded that those who hold fast to these that power is always the problem. It does not matter principles are often unable to prevent the power- who wields it. And to remain steadfast to the virtues of justice and truth we must be eternally alienated hatred and their slaughters.” But they did, at least, from and antagonistic to all forms of power. “prevent the laymen from setting up their actions Kropotkin also grasped that the indiscriminate as a religion, they did prevent them from thinking violence and terrorism practiced by some in the themselves great men as they carried out these ac- anarchist movement was a grotesque caricature tivities.” In short, Benda asserted, “humanity did of anarchism. Violence, he warned, demoralized evil for two thousand years, but honored good. This and ultimately corrupted any revolutionary cadre. contradiction was an honor to the human species, and formed the rift whereby civilization slipped and discredited anarchism in the eyes of the pub- into the world.” But once the intellectuals began lic. Those who employ violence against the enemy, to “play the game of political passions,” those who he knew, soon employ violence against internal ri- had “acted as a check on the realism of the people vals, as the Bolsheviks amply demonstrated. Revo- began to act as its stimulators.” lutions are nonviolent. They succeed by appealing All forms of centralized power, from Vladimir to the consciences of people within the structures of Lenin and the Bolsheviks to the corporate state, seek power who will no longer defend a discredited elite. to crush this spirit, which is the spirit of anarchism. The Russian revolutionary Victor Serge understood of the organs of internal security and the state bu- this when he wrote “every revolutionary govern- reaucracy defect or refuse to use coercion to defend ment is by its very nature conservative and therefore
i retrograde. Power exercises upon those who hold it tory. They have militarized police and given them - license to kill with impunity. They have stripped us plorable occupational perversions.” Power seeks, of our most basic civil liberties, including the right even when in the opposition, to make cadre loyal - to its doctrine and its hierarchy. It seeks, in short, to out access to the courts or due process, and have capture the individual conscience and make it serve authorized the government to order the assassina- the ends of power. This is done through the promise tion of fellow citizens. At the same time, the cor- of lofty ideals and goals. But all who surrender to the dictates of any power structure became captives and courts have established another set of laws and to the basest instincts of human existence. regulations for the power elite, ones that legalize Mikhail Bakunin, who foresaw the counterrevo- criminality and perpetuate what is little more than a lution that would be imposed by the Bolsheviks, also made this point. A genuine revolution he said “does has replaced the vote. The consent of the governed not foist upon the people any new regulations, or- is a cruel joke. And, handing us our death sentence, ders, styles of life, but merely unleashes their will corporations have unleashed fossil fuel industries and gives wide scope to their self-determination and to ravage the planet, threatening the viability of the their economic and social organization, which must human species, along with all other species. be created by themselves from below and not from There is nothing in 5,000 years of economic his- above.” It must “make impossible after the popular tory to justify the absurd doctrine that human so- victory the establishment of any state power over cieties should structure their behavior around the the people—even the most revolutionary, even your demands of the marketplace. The false promises of power—because any power, whatever it calls itself, the market economy have, by now, been exposed as would inevitably subject the people to old slavery lies. The ability of corporations to migrate overseas in new form.” has decimated our manufacturing base. Wages have Anarchists are the guardians of liberty. Their been driven downward, impoverishing our work- role, holding fast to justice and truth, is to thwart ing class and ravaging our middle class. Huge seg- the lust by centralized power for absolute control. ments of the population—including those burdened This means, unlike the protestations of black bloc by student loans—suffer from crippling debt peon- self-styled anarchists, engaging in strategies and age. And the elites stash an estimated $18 trillion tactics that keep the powerful fearful of a public in overseas tax havens while corporations such as that refuses to be chained and that will revolt if they General Electric pay no income tax. Corporations are manacled. And this makes anarchism the most employ virtual slave labor in Bangladesh and Chi- important creed of our era, for it places its faith in perpetual resistance rather than the accumulation of the last resources from communities and the natu- power. The most successful examples of anarchist power took place in Russia after the 1917 revolution with the rise of the Soviets and during the civil war greater the destruction, the more the corporate ap- in Spain. These anarchist achievements, before be- paratus is used to crush dissent and exact tribute in ing crushed by force, made visible the egalitarian the name of “austerity.” This is the terrible algebra and decentralized structures that are led by the peo- of corporate domination. ple as opposed to a new class of bureaucratic man- - darins. These structures must be our model as we chism is about resisting forces of oppression as Mu- enter an age of diminishing resources and corporate mia Abu Jamal, Edward Snowden, Jeremy Ham- totalitarianism. mond, Chelsea Manning, and Julian Assange have We have undergone a corporate coup d’état. It is resisted. Anarchism means refusing to succumb over. They have won. A handful of corporate global to fear. It means refusing to surrender, even if you oligarchs have seized everything—wealth, power and privilege—and the rest of us struggle as part of Jamal, caged like an animal. It means saying no. To a vast underclass, increasingly impoverished and remain safe, to remain “innocent” in the eyes of the ruthlessly repressed. These oligarchs have cement- law in this moment in history is to be complicit in a ed into place the most sophisticated and terrifying monstrous evil. Anarchism is about, as Benda and security and surveillance apparatus in human his- Kropotkin, knew, living morally. Rebellion is not
ii but by what he or she becomes. And all the great rebels including Christ, Buddha, Sitting Bull, Harriet Tubman, Emma Goldman, and Malcolm X preached this truth. All the great rebels also knew that they could not let fear—the primary instrument those in power use to maintain control—cripple resistance. “Repression,” Serge wrote, “can really only live off fear.” “But is fear enough to remove need, thirst for jus- tice, intelligence, reason, idealism—all those revolu- tionary forces that express the formidable, profound impulse of the economic factors of a revolution?” Serge asks. “Relying on intimidation, the reaction- aries forget that they will cause more indignation, more hatred, more thirst for martyrdom, than real fear. They only intimidate the weak; they exasper- ate the best forces and temper the resolution of the strongest.” The anarchist does not succumb, not because he or she is assured of victory, but because to be ruled by fear, to bow before the demands of power, means one is no longer an anarchist. Anarchism is a state of being. In his poem of resistance, “If We Must Die,” the poet Claude McKay reminded us that rebellion, like - If they come for us, if we are cornered, if as McKay and “let it not be like hogs/Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot/While round us bark the mad and hungry dogs.”
—Chris Hedges Princeton, New Jersey
iii
Its author on the orIgInal “anarchIst cookbook”
orty-four years ago this month, in December the book serves as an implicit refutation of the emo- F1969, I quit my job as a manager of a bookstore tional immaturity of the Cookbook. The premise is in New York City's Greenwich Village and began to that all learning takes place in a social context, and write the Anarchist Cookbook. My motivation at the that teachers with a high degree of emotional intel- time was simple; I was being actively pursued by ligence construct relationships with students that the US military, who seemed single-mindedly de- enhance learning. I continue to work hard, in an Ar- istotelian sense, to be more civilized. Vietnam. For the last 40 years, I have served as a teacher I wanted to publish something that would express and school leader in Africa and Asia, working in my anger. It seems that I succeeded in ways that far some of the poorest and least developed countries exceeded what I imagined possible at the time. The of the world. Together with my wife, I have been Cookbook is still in print 40 years after publication, involved in supporting schools around the world in and I am told it has sold in excess of 2m copies. becoming more inclusive of children with learning I have never held the copyright, and so the deci- challenges. We have written books on the subject sion to continue publishing it has been in the hands and speak regularly at international conferences. of the publisher. In 2010 we founded, together with other colleagues from international schools, the Next Frontier: Inclu- quietly taken out of print. What has changed? Unfortunately, the source of my anger in the late schools be more inclusive of children who learn dif- 60's and early 70's—unnecessary government-sanc- ferently—children with developmental delays, dys- tioned violence—is still very much a feature of our lexia, ADHD, and autism. world. The debacle of the US invasion of Iraq is yet I suspect that these children have taught me a another classic example. It still makes me very an- great deal more than I have taught them. gry. So my change of heart has had less to do with So what is the connection between the needs of external events than it does with an internal change. these children with learning disabilities and my Over the years, I have come to understand that wish to see the Cookbook go out of print? the basic premise behind the Cookbook is pro- For one thing, children with learning challenges - are often ostracized; sometimes informally by peers, ing of the Cookbook blinded me to the illogical no- sometimes more formally by schools that deny them tion that violence can be used to prevent violence. I admission, and sometimes by teachers who fail to had fallen for the same irrational pattern of thought understand their academic, social and emotional that led to US military involvement in both Vietnam needs. No child should have to earn the right to be- and Iraq. The irony is not lost on me. long. To paraphrase Aristotle: it is easy to be angry. The Cookbook has been found in the possession But to be angry with the right person, at the right of alienated and disturbed young people who have time and to the right degree, that is hard—that is launched attacks against classmates and teachers. I the hallmark of a civilized person. Two years ago, I suspect that the perpetrators of these attacks did not co-authored a book entitled Becoming an Emotionally feel much of a sense of belonging, and the Cookbook Intelligent Teacher. Although written for educators, may have added to their sense of isolation.
v Schools need to be safe places. Students and teachers need to feel physically and psychologi- cally safe. Learning is greatly inhibited when fear pervades the schoolhouse. Learning is also greatly inhibited when children and young adults do not feel a sense of belonging. had on the thinking of the perpetrators of these at- tacks, but I cannot imagine that it was positive. The continued publication of the Cookbook serves no purpose other than a commercial one for the pub- lisher. It should quickly and quietly go out of print.
—William Powell, author of the original Anarchist Cookbook
(This piece originally appeared in the December 19, 2013 is- sue of The Guardian. Reproduced here by permission of the author.)
vi anarchIsm
anarchIsm What It Is and What It Isn’t
here are many popular misconceptions about been primitivism and amoral egotism. Again, the Tanarchism, and because of them a great many people dismiss anarchists and anarchism out of hand. to give anarchism a bad name, because of, on the Misconceptions abound in the mass media, one hand, the absurdity of primitivism and, on the where the term “anarchy” is commonly used as a other, the obvious antisocial nature of amoral ego- synonym for “chaos,” and where terrorists, no mat- anarchism with chaos, mindless rebellion, absurdi- often referred to as “anarchists.” As well, when ties (such as primitivism), and antisocial attitudes anarchism is mentioned, it's invariably presented and behaviors (such as amoral egotism) has three as merely a particularly mindless form of youth- primary undesirable effects: 1) it allows people to ful rebellion. These misconceptions are, of course, easily dismiss anarchism and anarchists; 2) it makes also widespread in the general public, which by and large allows the corporate media to do what passes because they already think that they know what it is for its thinking. and have rejected it; and 3) it attracts a fair number Worse, some who call themselves “anarchists” of what Fabbri calls “empty headed and frivolous don't even know the meaning of the term. These types,” and occasionally outright sociopaths, whose words and actions tend to further discredit anar- as the great Italian anarchist Luigi Fabbri pointed chism. out a century ago in - So, if we're ever to get anywhere, we need to make arquismo, consists of those who are attracted to the plain what anarchism is and what it isn't. First, let's lies in the mass media. By and large, these people deal with the misconceptions. antisocial behavior. The good news is that most of them eventually mature and abandon what they What Anarchism Isn't consider “anarchism.” The bad news is that while they're around they tend to give anarchism a very Anarchism is not terrorism. An overwhelming ma- bad name. As Fabbri put it: jority of anarchists have always rejected terrorism, because they've been intelligent enough to realize [These are] persons who are not repelled by the ab- that means determine ends, that terrorism is inher- surd, but who, on the contrary, engage in it. They ently vanguardist, and that even when “successful” are attracted to projects and ideas precisely be- it almost always leads to bad results. The anony- cause they are absurd; and so anarchism comes to mous authors of You Can't Blow Up a Social Relation- be known precisely for the illogical character and ship: The Anarchist Case Against Terrorism put it like ridiculousness which ignorance and bourgeois cal- umny have attributed to anarchist doctrines.1 this:
The second class consists of those who equate an- You can't blow up a social relationship. The total archism with some pet ideology having essentially collapse of this society would provide no guarantee nothing to do with anarchism. In modern times, the about what replaced it. Unless a majority of people most prominent of these mislabeled beliefs have
1 their “terrorist” opponents; and because, as history has shown, the chances of success are very low. Even though armed resistance may sometimes be called for in repressive situations, it's a far different matter to succumb to the romance of the gun and to engage in urban guerrilla warfare in relatively open societies in which civil liberties are largely in- tact and in which one does not have mass popular support at the start of one’s violent campaign. Vio- lence in such situations does little but drive the pub- lic into the “protective” arms of the government; narrow political dialogue (tending to polarize the populace into pro- and anti-guerrilla factions); turn politics into a spectator sport for the vast majority of people3; provide the government with an excuse to suppress civil liberties; and induce the onset of repressive regimes “better” able to handle the “ter- rorist” problem than their more tolerant predeces- sors. It’s also worth mentioning that the chances of creation of an alternative society, we would see the success of such violent, vanguardist campaigns are old world reassert itself because it is what people microscopic. They are simply arrogant, ill-thought- would be used to, what they believed in, what ex- out roads to disaster.4 isted unchallenged in their own personalities.
Proponents of terrorism and guerrillaism are to be Anarchism is not primitivism. In recent decades, opposed because their actions are vanguardist and groups of quasi-religious mystics have begun equat- authoritarian, because their ideas, to the extent that ing the primitivism they advocate (rejection of sci- they are substantial, are wrong or unrelated to the ence, rationality, and technology—often lumped to- results of their actions (especially when they call gether under the blanket term, “technology”) with themselves libertarians or anarchists), because their anarchism.5 In reality, the two have nothing to do with each other, as we'll see when we consider what actions produce either repression with nothing in anarchism actually is—a set of philosophical/ethi- return, or an authoritarian regime.2 cal precepts and organizational principles designed Decades of government and corporate slander cannot alter this reality: the overwhelming major- say that the elimination of technology advocated ity of anarchists reject terrorism for both practical by primitivist groups would inevitably entail the and ethical reasons. In the late 1990s, Time magazine deaths of literally billions of human beings in a called Ted Kaczynski “the king of the anarchists”; world utterly dependent upon interlocking technol- but that doesn't make it so. Time's words were just ogies for everything from food production/delivery another typical, perhaps deliberately dishonest, at- to communications to medical treatment. Primitiv- tempt to tar all anarchists with the terrorist brush. ists’ fervently desired outcome, the elimination of This is not to say that armed resistance is never technology, could only come about through means appropriate. Clearly there are situations in which which are the absolute antithesis of anarchism: the one has little choice, as when facing a dictatorship use of coercion and violence on a mass scale, as that suppresses civil liberties and prevents one from it’s inconceivable that a majority of human beings acting openly—which has happened repeatedly in would voluntarily give up such things as running many countries. Even then, armed resistance should water, sewer systems, modern medicine, electric be undertaken reluctantly and as a last resort, be- lights, and warm houses in the winter.6 cause violence is inherently undesirable due to the suffering it causes; because it provides repressive re- Anarchism is not chaos; Anarchism is not rejection gimes excuses for further repression; because it pro- of organization. The idea that anarchism equals re- vides them with the opportunity to commit atroci- jection of organization is repeated ad nauseam by the ties against civilians and to blame those atrocities on mass media and by anarchism’s political foes, espe-
2 cially marxists, who sometimes know better. Even a and fuck everybody else”—with anarchism will be- brief look at the works of anarchism’s leading theo- come apparent in short order when we’ll consider what anarchism actually is. and over in the writings of Proudhon, Bakunin, Anarchism is not “Libertarianism.” Until relatively not a rejection of organization, but rather a preoc- recently, the very useful term “libertarian” was used cupation with it—a preoccupation with how society worldwide as a synonym for “anarchist.” Indeed, it should be organized in accord with the anarchist was used exclusively in this sense until the 1970s principles of individual freedom and social justice. when, in the United States, it was appropriated by For over a century and a half, anarchists have been the grossly misnamed Libertarian Party. arguing that coercive, hierarchical organization (as This party has almost nothing to do with anar- embodied in government and corporations) is not chist concepts of liberty, especially the concepts of equivalent to organization per se (which they regard equal freedom and positive freedom—that is, ac- as necessary), and that coercive organization should cess to the resources necessary to the freedom to act. be replaced by decentralized, nonhierarchical orga- (Equal freedom and positive freedom are discussed nization based on voluntary cooperation and mu- in the following section of this essay.) Instead, this tual aid. This is hardly a rejection of organization. “Libertarian” party concerns itself exclusively with the negative freedoms, pretending that liberty exists Anarchism is not amoral egotism. As does any only in the negative sense, freedom from restraint, avant garde social movement, anarchism attracts while it simultaneously revels in the denial of equal positive freedom to the vast majority of the world's sociopaths, persons simply looking for a glamorous people. These “Libertarians” not only glorify capitalism, their disregard for the rights and dignity of others, the mechanism that denies both equal freedom and and their pathetic desire to be the center of atten- positive freedom to the vast majority, but they also tion. These individuals tend to give anarchism a bad wish to retain the coercive apparatus of the state name, because even though they have very little in while eliminating its social welfare functions— common with actual anarchists—that is, persons hence widening the rift between rich and poor, and concerned with ethical behavior, social justice, and increasing the freedom of the rich by diminishing the rights of both themselves and others—they're that of the poor (while keeping the boot of the state often quite exhibitionistic, and their disreputable actions sometimes come into the public eye. To once exceedingly useful term “libertarian” has been make matters worse, these exhibitionists sometimes hijacked by egotists who are in fact enemies of lib- publish their self-glorifying views and deliberate- erty in the full sense of the word, and who have very ly misidentify those views as “anarchist.” To cite little in common with anarchists. one example, several years ago the publisher of an This is what anarchism isn't. American “anarchist” journal published a book by a fellow egotist consisting primarily of ad hominem at- tacks on actual anarchists, knowing full well that the “anarchist” author of the book is a notorious police What Anarchism Is narcotics informant who has on a number of occa- sions ratted out those he’s had disputes with to gov- In its narrowest sense, anarchism is simply the re- ernment agencies. This police informer’s actions— jection of the state, the rejection of coercive govern- which, revealingly, he’s attempted to hide—are completely in line with his ideology of amoral ego- such apparent absurdities as “anarcho-capitalism” tism (“post-left anarchism”), but they have nothing and religious anarchism are possible.7 to do with actual anarchism. Amoral egotists may But most anarchists use the term “anarchism” in (mis)use the label, but they're no more anarchists than the now-defunct German Democratic Republic of coercion and domination in all forms. So, most (East Germany) was democratic or a republic. anarchists reject not only coercive government, but The full absurdity of identifying amoral ego- also religion and capitalism, which they see as other tism—essentially “I'll do what I damn well please forms of the twin evils, domination and coercion.
3 its negative sense, that of being free from restraint. “The anarchist . . . is not a utopian. . . He Hence most people equate freedom only with such does not want to plunge mankind into a things as freedom of speech, freedom of association, and freedom of (or from) religion. But there’s also condition of life for which its nature is not a positive aspect of freedom, an aspect which anar- chists almost alone insist on.8 and well-meaning people who cannot rid That positive aspect is what Emma Goldman themselves . . . of the belief that govern- called “the freedom to.” And that freedom, the free- - dom of action, the freedom to enjoy or use, is highly ness of man. They forget that a man with dependent upon access to the world’s resources. Be- the forces of government at his command cause of this the rich are in a very real sense free to a much greater degree than the rest of us. To cite an example in the area of free speech, Donald Trump multiplied a thousand times. could easily buy dozens of daily newspapers or tele- The anarchist does not deplore the og- public opinion. How many working people could nizes it and is guided accordingly. . . . The do the same? How many working people could anarchist is not so foolish as to think that afford to buy a single daily newspaper or a single television station? The answer is obvious. Work- one set of men, because they belong to a ing people cannot do such things; instead, we're different party, or hold different opinions reduced to producing ‘zines with a readership of a in politics or economics, are any better or few hundred or putting up pages on the Internet in worse than any other set. He knows that our relatively few hours of free time. all men are made from the same clay, Examples of the greater freedom of the rich and that placed in the same position they abound in daily life. To put this in general terms, will act the same way. . . . He insists that because they do not have to work, the rich not only have far more money (that is, access to resources) - but also far more time to pursue their interests, plea- ing placed in positions of authority, where sures, and desires than do the rest of us. it can enslave mankind, and that the way To cite a concrete example, the rich are free to send their children to the best colleges employing to strip it of all power, except the power the best instructors, which the rest of us simply can't each person possesses within himself.” afford to do; if we can afford college at all, we make do with community and state colleges employ- Mother Earth, November 1917 ing slave-labor “adjunct faculty” and overworked, underpaid graduate teaching assistants. Once in college, the children of the rich are entirely free They reject religion because they see it as the ulti- to pursue their studies, while most other students mate form of domination, in which a supposedly must work at least part time to support themselves, all-powerful god hands down “thou shalts” and which deprives them of many hours which could be devoted to study. If you think about it, you can Anarchists likewise reject capitalism because it’s - designed to produce rich and poor, and because dom of the rich in the areas of medical care, housing, it's designed to produce a system of domination in nutrition, travel, etc., etc.—in fact, in virtually every which some give orders and others have little choice area of life. but to take them. For similar reasons, on a personal This greater freedom of action for the rich comes level almost all anarchists reject sexism, racism, and at the expense of everyone else, through the dimin- - ishment of everyone else’s freedom of action. There equality, and thus domination. is no way around this, given that freedom of action To put this another way, anarchists believe in - freedom in both its negative and positive senses. In sources. Anatole France well illustrated the differ- this country, freedom is routinely presented only in ences between the restrictions placed upon the rich
4 and the poor when he wrote, “The law, in its ma- in the face and treated you as an equal. Servile and jestic equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor even ceremonial forms of speech had temporarily to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to disappeared. . . . The revolutionary posters were ev- steal bread.” Because the primary goal of anarchism is the blues that made the few remaining advertisements look like daubs of mud. . . . All this was queer and greatest possible amount of freedom for all, anar- moving. There was much in it that I did not under- chists insist on equal freedom in both its negative stand, in some ways I did not even like it, but I rec- and positive aspects—that, in the negative sense, in- ognized it immediately as a state of affairs worth dividuals be free to do whatever they wish as long as they do not harm or directly intrude upon others; and, in the positive sense, that all individuals have This is anarchism. And Orwell was right—it is equal freedom to act, that they have equal access to 9 the world's resources. Anarchists recognize that absolute freedom is an impossibility, that amoral egotism ignoring the 1. , by Luigi Fabbri. Tucson, rights of others would quickly devolve into a war AZ: See Sharp Press, 2001, p. 16. of all against all. What we argue for is that everyone 2. You Can’t Blow Up a Social Relationship. Tucson, AZ: See have equal freedom from restraint (limited only by Sharp Press, 1998, p. 20. respect for the rights of others) and that everyone 3. It may be that now due to apathy, but in violent/repres- sive situations other options are cut off for almost everyone have as nearly as possible equal access to resources, not directly involved in armed resistance. thus ensuring equal (or near-equal) freedom to act. 4. For further discussion of this matter, see You Can’t Blow Up This is anarchism in its theoretical sense. a Social Relationship: The Anarchist Case Against Terrorism and In Spain, Cuba, and a few other countries there have been serious attempts to make this theory 5. Ted Kaczynski is in some ways quite typical of this breed reality through the movement known as anarcho- of romantic. He differs from most of them in that he acted on his beliefs (albeit in a cowardly, violent manner) and that syndicalism. The primary purpose of anarcho-syn- he actually lived a relatively primitive existence in the back- dicalism is the replacement of coercive government woods of Montana—unlike most of his co-religionists, who by voluntary cooperation in the form of worker- live comfortably in urban areas and employ the technologies controlled unions coordinating the entire economy. they profess to loathe. This would not only eliminate the primary restraint 6. For further discussion of this topic, see Anarchism vs. Prim- itivism, by Brian Oliver Sheppard. Tucson, AZ: See Sharp on the negative freedoms (government), but would Press, 2003 (available online at www.libcom.org). See also also be a huge step toward achieving positive free- the “Primitive Thought” appendix to Listen Anarchist!, by dom. The nearest this vision came to fruition was Chaz Bufe. Tucson, AZ: See Sharp Press, 1998. in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939, when huge 7. Indeed, there have been a fairly large number of admi- areas of Spain, including its most heavily industrial- rable religious anarchists, individuals such as Leo Tolstoy and Dorothy Day (and the members of her Catholic Worker ized region, came under the control of the anarcho- groups, such as Ammon Hennacy), though to most anar- syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo. George chists advocating freedom on Earth while bowing to a heav- Orwell describes this achievement in Homage to Cat- enly tyrant, no matter how imaginary, seems an insupport- able contradiction. To the best of my knowledge there have alonia: been no such shining examples of anarcho-capitalists. 8. To be fair, marxists also tend to emphasize positive free- The anarchists were still in virtual control of Cata- dom, but for the most part they’re curiously insensitive, and lonia and the revolution was in full swing. . . . the often downright hostile, to “negative” freedom—the free- aspect of Barcelona was something startling and dom from restraint (especially when they have the guns and goons to do the restraining). been in a town where the working class was in the 9. Of course, this discussion of anarchism is necessarily sche- matic, given that this essay is intended as an introductory saddle. Practically every building of any size had 10-minute read. For elaboration see the many books on an- been seized by the workers and was draped with archism listed in the bibliography, especially Anarchism and - Anarcho-Syndicalism, by Rudolf Rocker; What Is Communist chists; . . . Every shop and café had an inscription Anarchism?, by Alexander Berkman (now published by AK saying it had been collectivized; even the bootblacks Press as What Is Anarchism?); Fields, Factories and Workshops Tomorrow, by Peter Kropotkin; and Anarchy in Action, by Co- had been collectivized and their boxes painted red lin Ward. and black. Waiters and shop-workers looked you
5 “And Sue said to me, ‘But Richard, how can someone as sensitive as you and a practicing humanitarian take this job?’ And I said, ‘Sue love, I genuinely believe that by doing so I can alleviate some of the worst excesses of the system.’”
6 You can’t bloW up a socIal relatIonshIp
ou Can’t Blow Up a Social Relationship was origi- amples of such direct action include wildcat strikes, Ynally published as a pamphlet in 1979 by sev- factory occupations, and civil disobedience.) Nei- eral cooperating anarchist and libertarian socialist ther do they discount the quieter but equally essen- groups in Australia, who encouraged others to re- tial efforts of those doing educational work. Finally, produce it. In 1981 the short-lived Anarchist Com- munist Federation (ACF) published a Canadian edi- they believe that situations may arise in which armed self-defense becomes necessary. U.S. edition and has kept it in print ever since. Why? The changes made in the text in this edition fall You Can’t Blow Up a Social Relationship is in all likeli- into two categories: 1) minor spelling and punctua- hood the best critique of urban guerrillaism and ter- tion changes made solely to bring the text in line rorism ever written, and remains as timely now as with standard American usage (substituting jail for gaol, for example); and 2) minor copy editing chang- Events in recent years have amply demonstrated the correctness of its main points: 1) That means We’ve retained most of the comments added to determine ends—the use of horrifying means guar- the text in the 1981 ACF edition and have added a antees horrifying ends; 2) That urban guerrillaism few of our own. These comments appear either as almost always leads to repression and little else— endnotes or in brackets within the text. The brack- - eted notes and comments within the text are ours. tive political work such as organizing and educa- Our initials appear after the footnotes we’ve added; tion; 3) That “successful” urban guerrillaism leads all other footnotes are from the ACF edition. to authoritarian outcomes; 4) That these results are determined by the nature of guerrillaism. Guerrillaism relies upon the capitalist media for * * * much of its impact, presenting political acts as spec- tacles divorced from the day-to-day lives of ordi- nary people (reducing them to passive spectators), You Can’t Blow Up while providing the corporate media with a perfect A Social Relationship opportunity to frighten the public into the “protec- tive” arms of the state. To put it another way, guer- rillas presume to act for the people—attempting to he Sydney Hotel bombing of March 1978 raised substitute individual acts for mass actions—thus Tthe issue of terrorism in Australia.1 The deaths perpetuating the division between leaders and fol- of three innocent people gave this incident a human lowers (in this case, vanguardists and spectators). While the authors of You Can’t Blow Up a Social press and politicians about this absurd and sinister Relationship reject terrorism, it should be empha- act amounted to a catchcry for the erosion of demo- sized that they are not arguing for political passiv- ity. They are not arguing against the many forms articles in newspapers also showed an ignorance of of direct action which form an essential part of any the past because, for some time now, Australia has mass movement for fundamental social change. (Ex- had organized terrorist groups.
7 In fact, there have been numerous incidents over at the expense of rights. Finally, a general attempt the last few years which only by good fortune did was made to exploit the deaths to take the heat off not result in deaths. Has the attempted assassina- political police under attack after the South Austra- tion of Arthur Calwell in 1966 really been forgottcn?2 lian investigations of the Special Branch. Calls were Australia has long been the base for overseas ter- made for a strengthening of their organizations.4 rorist operations. The Croatian Ustasha3 had been Despite all this, in sections of the press and espe- carrying out arms training and a number of bomb- cially in letters to the editor and street interviews (notably at Bowral, New South Wales) evidence of Liberal rule at the time. Yugoslav travel agencies existed that many people were keeping things in and consulates have been attacked and murders at- proportion. Overseas experience has shown that the tempted in the Yugoslav community. In September most powerful weapon in the hands of those try- 1972 sixteen people were injured by a bomb in a ing to use the existence of terrorism as an excuse to Yugoslav travel agency. Raids were mounted into weaken democratic rights has been the creation by Yugoslavia by commandos trained in Australia. The the media, police, and politicians of an atmosphere September 1978 raid on an arms training camp indi- of hysteria. Then the real impact of terrorism can no cates that Ustasha is still militarily active. As well, longer be sensibly gauged. But more than this will Australian Nazis possessed extensive weaponry be required if people are to stand up to the pressure (and undoubtedly still do) and petty harassments to acquiesce in a gradual growth of repression. For and announcements of death lists have occurred fre- example, justifying political police activity by invok- ing the fear of subversion was not really questioned by the Nazis to damage property, and terrorism oc- in the 1978 South Australian inquiry into that state’s curred when they bombed the Communist Party Special Branch. Subversive activities, according to headquarters in Brisbane in April 1972. Another at- Liberal-National governments, have not been those tempt was made in Perth. In the Brisbane bombing of Ustasha and other extreme right-wing groups, people at a CPA meeting when the bomb exploded but those of all leftist, unionist and reform groups were lucky to escape without injury. The origin of and even those of the ALP [Australian Labour Par- the letter bombs sent to Queensland Premiere Bjel- ty]. This was spelled out by sacked South Australian ke-Petersen and Prime Minister Fraser in 1975 was Police Commissioner Salisbury, who said at a press not discovered and, though it was blamed on the left conference that, before the Second World War, an and a number of left-wing households were raided ASIO [Australian Security Intelligence Organiza- tion, the central government secret police force] not more truly serve the interests of the right at the equivalent organization would have concentrated time. Certainly, no leftists were prosecuted. on the right wing, but that since the war [WWII] the There have been some incidents originating from the left as well. There were some incidents of prop- for intelligence services. erty damage during the Vietnam War and, recently, We have already pointed out that since the war it there was the bombing of the woodchip facility in is the right that has dominated the few incidents of Western Australia. The only personal attack was the terrorism that have occurred. The current balance of forces within the Liberal Party has resulted in police black activist. None of these incidents has revealed attention to Croatian rightists. This has not changed the hand of an organized group of leftist terrorists. the function of political police, which is to limit po- What is noticeable then in the history of terror- litical debate, not to prevent violence. Subversion ist activity in Australia has been the existence of or- for today’s political police is not merely question- ganized right-wing terrorism, though even this has ing the status quo—it is questioning the Liberal- National status quo, which makes the connection of the ALP with the setting up of the political police involvement, massive security measures or expand- all the more reprehensible. It seems that Dunstan’s ed political police forces. will remain an isolated act in Australian social de- Fraser took advantage of the Hilton bombing for mocracy. Despite Attorney General Murphy’s raid precedent-setting military histrionics which even se- on ASIO headquarters during the Whitlam gov- curity commentators attacked. He announced a new 5 the ALP’s main concern emphasis on security which will soon be seen to be regarding the political police was not to question
8 their function but merely to make them more ef- tance or if it has to handle a social crisis which is creating resistance. Terrorism and guerrillaism can- South Australian revelations was that judges and not be attacked just because they produce repres- other upright citizens were being watched. “What sion. Even more important is the fact that there is a waste of time,” they say, “when the police should nothing to have made it worthwhile. In the end the be concentrating on those weird folk who think that guerrillas get wiped out and there is nothing left but capitalism should be reformed or done away with.” repression (and a law and order mentality amongst If these people cannot be awakened to a concern for the people). basic rights, they should at least be reminded that A developing mass movement will produce re- one thing leads to another and that it might be their pression, but it will also produce numbers of people rights endangered tomorrow. Subversion is in the with clear aims and the organized means of reach- eye of the beholder, and the beholder is the ruling ing them. It will be able to build far more lasting class. means of armed defense. In a social crisis in which Furthermore, the recent past has shown that de- all sorts of positive developments begin, a separate mocracies will use the opportunity created by politi- guerrilla or terrorist group dashing about creating cal violence to disrupt or repress the left as a whole. ultimately irrrelevant confrontations concentrates They will even incite or conspire in terrorism to jus- political debate in too narrow a compass—“have tify their own actions. An ex-member of a German they (government or guerrillas) gone too far?” etc. terrorist group, now living incognito, has written a instead of—“should the workers have occupied book critically appraising the guerrilla experience those factories?” etc. Terrorism and guerrillaism de- [How It All Began, by Bommi Baumann]. In it he tells stroy politics. by a police agent: “Unwittingly, we were a very Terrorism by the State 37) Stupidly, he does not follow the obvious impli- Terrorism, of course, does not belong solely to cations of this: “It isn’t clear to me even today what small bands in Italy and Germany. The most bru- role one plays in that game.” (p. 85) tal and ruthless agent of terror, now, as throughout The famous American Sacco and Vanzetti case human history, is the ruling class. Read history. of the 1920s is an archetypal case of the prepared- Alternatively recall that throughout the world our ness of the police to frame dissenters on charges of humane rulers have the nuclear weaponry to kill ev- political violence. They were charged with robbery eryone on Earth 24 times over (Ruth Legar Sivard in and murder. It is now generally accepted that these Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, April 1975). Or think of the implications of the property-preserving, life- that the anarchists did not get a fair trial. Despite destroying neutron bomb. The point must be made massive international campaigns over a period of that state terrorism is stronger, more prevalent and years for their release, they were executed in 1927. much more destructive than vanguardist terrorism. Such was the determination of the rulers of the time. It is a question of the degree to which the state Cases like this, and there are many others, should be feels challenged that determines its use of terror, not constitutions or democratic principles. When they court cases arising from them. The state, therefore, are threatened by a serious organized revolutionary can be very ruthless in persecuting such people. movement, the Western democracies will display However, when left-wing terrorism is being carried out in a consistent way in society, it gives the state of torture by France in Algeria, its use by Britain in extra leverage in using political repression against Aden and Northern Ireland, police and army mur- individuals and the left in general. ders and conspiracies in Italy are a few examples of When by their own actions terrorists serve such their readiness to apply ruthless methods in vary- ends, they are contributing to the destruction of politics and the closing of various options for the from the very nature of the state as expressed by the spreading of ideas before they have been fully uti- French Anarchist, Pierre-loseph Proudhon in 1851 lized. [in General Idea of the Revolution in the 19th Century]: Of course, the state will readily use various re- pressive methods if it meets any substantial resis-
9 To be governed is to be watched over, inspected, ings deliberately aimed to kill, maim or affright the spied upon, directed, legislated at, regulated, dock- populace are methods used particularly in non-state eted, indoctrinated, preached at, controlled, as- terrorism. Within this category a distinction can be sessed, weighed, censored, ordered about, by men made between attacks on the public and those on who have neither the tight, nor the knowledge, nor individuals in power, without implying approval the virtue. To be governed means to be, at each in either case. Clearly attacks on the innocent are operation, at each transaction, at each movement, noted, registered, controlled, taxed, stamped, mea- worse than those on people guilty of some crime. sured, valued, assessed, patented, licensed, autho- In general it is important to differentiate between rised, endorsed, admonished, hampered, reformed, terrorism and what could be called intimidation. rebuked, arrested. It is to be, on the pretext of the The state is constantly involved in trying to prevent general interest, taxed, drilled, held to ransom, ex- the expression of political opinions by the threat of ploited, monopolised, extorted, squeezed, hoaxed, slander, harassment or disruption. Much activity of the state falls under the term intimidation. Some ele- ments in the Australian left have attempted various annoyed, followed, bullied, beaten, disarmed, gar- types of intimidation against other leftists. We must rotted, imprisoned, machine-gunned, judged, con- also be careful to differentiate between terrorism - and the damaging of property. Although it is clear ly mocked, ridiculed, insulted, dishonoured. Such is that intimidatory activity and property damage are government, such is justice, such is morality. not usually as serious as terrorism, leftists should In South America state-sponsored undercover recognize the ease with which a preparedness for police death squads and the systematic use of tor- such activities can lead to worse consequences. This ture have been recurrent. In the “white terror’’ in is not to argue that revolutionaries should have a Guatemala literally thousands died each year (2,000 reverent attitude toward private property, merely to 6,000 was the estimate for 1967–1968). The mili- that they should see that there is a vast difference tary dictatorships that have ruled Brazil since the between, say the destruction of a nuclear facility coup in 1964 are notorious for their police-based building site by a mass occupation and the blowing death squads. The U.S. brought members of these up of that site by a few individuals. squads into Uruguay to train police in torture of Just as the rulers prefer the word “terrorist,” ter- urban guerrillas. The U.S. is deeply involved in the rorists prefer the description “urban guerrilla’’ [or development of torture in this region.6 The police- “armed resistance” or “militants”] as it lends them a based AAA [Argentine Anti-communist Alliance] spurious romantic air. Nevertheless, we believe that killed 1,000 people in 1975.7 The full mobilization of there is a distinction between terrorists and those the Chilean regime into terror and killing is prob- revolutionaries who adopt the ideology and prac- ably the worst anywhere since the war.8 Of course tice of “guerrillaism,’’ which is to promote armed state terrorism is not practiced by corporate-cap- struggle as the revolutionary strategy. Especially in italist countries alone. It is also an integral part of rural warfare these people can use nonterroristic the practice of such state-capitalist countries as the armed action. This usually involves armed clashes Soviet union.9 with the police or army. However, because of the circumstances of urban guerrilla warfare, this meth- od automatically leads to terrorism as will be dis- The Urban Guerrilla Strategy of cussed below. Revolution In South America the increased use of urban guerrilla warfare was largely a result of the failure Around the world the word “terrorism” is used of the rural strategy, which had become obvious by indiscriminately by politicians and police with the the sixties. The rural strategy was based on tenuous intention of arousing hostility to any phenomenon theoretical conclusions drawn from an idealized of resistance or preparedness for armed defense view of what happened in the Cuban revolution. against their own terroristic acts. Terrorism is dis- However, the strategy of the urban guerrilla was tinguished by the systematic use of violence against not in essence different from that of the rural cam- people for political ends. Assassination, sniping, paigns. Both were based on the vanguardist concept kidnappings, hijacking and the taking of hostages - from amongst the public, and assaults and bomb- frontations with the ruling regime’s repressive forc-
10 es would provide the small motor (the well known “foco’’) to start the big motor of political revolution. “Kings and emperors have long ar- In this strategy, successful military operation is the ranged for themselves a system like propaganda. The Uruguayan Movement for National Libera- tion (called the Tupamaros), most successful of the one bullet has been discharged an- urban guerrillas, expressed this strategy thus: other takes its place. The king is dead, The idea that revolutionary action in itself, the very long live the king! So what is the use act of taking up arms, preparing for and engaging of killing them?” in the actions which are against the basis of bour- geois law, creates revolutionary consciousness, or- Thou Shalt Not Kill ganization and conditions.’ What a monomania! What simplistic reasoning! Political Rackets The total defeat of the urban guerrillas in Venezuela in 1962–1963, who had support from the country- Both in the corporate capitalist world and the side and even the Communist Party, should have Third World, guerrilla movements have made a very poor showing in the area of ideas. That the It is fractured thinking to identify the essence of state is repressive and that it can be fought is only a revolution as illegality or as armed confrontation very small part of revolutionary ideas, but this con- with the repressive instruments of the state. This stitutes almost the whole content of what guerrillas totally obscures the essence of our objection to this attempt to communicate to the people. It is based society which is not simply a disgust with state vio- on the assumption that there is little to think about lence—the uses of jail, brutality, torture, murder, to make a revolution. All that is required is to con- etc.—but with hierarchical relationships among vince the people that they can defeat the state. Noth- people, with competition instead of cooperation. ing could be further from the truth. If people do not The “very act of taking up arms’’ may defy the law want to see repeated again and again the old pattern but it says nothing about what is being fought for. of the revolution placing in power a new group of The essence of revolution is not armed confronta- oppressors, then they will have to realize that the re- tion with the state but the nature of the movement sponsibility for a new society rests with them. They which backs it up, and this will depend on the kinds will have to think about how to structure this new of relationships and ideas amongst people in the society so that it remains democratic. groups, community councils, workers councils, etc. Since it depends on them, they will have to think about their attitudes, and this includes their atti- The job for revolutionaries is not to take up the tudes in their personal lives. gun but to engage in the long, hard work of pub- It is often argued that such demands are ridicu- licizing an understanding of this society. We must lous in the context of immediate basic needs in the build a movement which links the many problems Third World. In fact, self-organization on coop- and issues people face with the need for revolu- erative lines is becoming a feature of Third World tionary change, which attacks all the pseudo-solu- struggles. The econometric arguments about Third tions—both individual and social—offered within World struggles would seem to be linked with the this society, which seeks to demystify those solu- idea that Western-style leaps into industrialization tions offered by the authoritarian left and instead to are the solution, when in fact decentralization is the place the total emphasis on the need for self-activity key, and this certainly makes the type of personal and self-organization on the part of those people change we are thinking of easier. willing to take up issues. We need to present ideas - about a socialism based on equality and freedom. tion is as much as some groups offer in the way of ideas. The communiques of the German Red Army Fraction (Baader-Meinhoff) never rose above the political level of slogans like “Expropriate Springer [a reactionary German press magnate], Fight for
11 class justice, Fight all exploiters and enemies of the nized itself as a state amongst the Palestinians, ter- people, Victory to the Viet Cong,” etc. rorism is used as an instrument of state policy. It is Their pamphlet, “The Concept of the Urban the avenue through which the PLO can threaten to Guerrilla,” is a transference of the same strategy explode the situation in the Middle East. [Since this as quoted above to Western capitalism. The same was written, the PLO/Fatah has renounced terror- goes for the American Weathermen (later Weather ism in favor of the intifada strategy; and while some Underground), the British Angry Brigade, Japanese Palestinians still resort to terrorism, this is now al- Red Army, Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), etc. most the exclusive province of the fundamentalist Usually these groups have shown a sycophantic religious group Hamas.] third worldism which saw activity within imperial- On the whole, struggles revolving around groups ist nations as supportive of the “real revolution’’ in oppressed as a culture or nationality are those in the Third World. The Weather Underground Orga- which terror against the public and terrorism as a nization (WUO) elevated this into their whole ideol- sole strategy is most often found. As a refuge for ogy and strategy. They denied the task of spreading conservative, authoritarian or vanguardist ideas, revolutionary ideas to the majority of people in their nationalism masks them as “progressivism.’’ Ter- own country. Instead the U.S. was to be made im- mobile while the victorious Third World revolution- to place a new group in power whose only require- aries brought revolution from outside. The WUO ment from the people is that they are of the same later became orthodox marxist-leninists. culture or nationality, any method which works will Baumann, author of the book mentioned before, be consistent. The more one wishes to change ex- was in the June 2nd Movement. He reveals the same isting relationships by an aware, self-active popu- kind of thinking; though, unlike the marxist-leninist lace initiating and controlling a movement, then the Red Army Fraction (RAF), they (June 2nd) called more counterproductive and contradictory terror- themselves “anarchists”: ism becomes because of the elitism and manipula- tion inherent in it. Nationalist ideas, as ruling classes know well, al- anarchistic, less libertarian. The third-hand Lenin low the presentation of a dehumanized concept of on the labor aristocracy, the vanguardism, the pro- the enemy from another nationality (or religion), foundly elitist millenarian vision of total destruc- tion, etc., all absolutely exclude anything but a dic- excludes the idea of real unity. In South America the tatorial outcome. groups typically rely on denunciations of tyrants and U.S. imperialism. It would be hard to overes- Baumann described how after Vietnam their line timate the role of U.S. imperialism in the area, but was “people would get involved in Palestine’’ (p. when the enemy is phrased simply in these terms 50)—and the various German and Japanese terror- and the goal is national liberation, real liberatory ists have certainly appeared in Palestinian actions. ideas are excluded. But this only reveals all the more clearly their total As has already been suggested, the guerrilla removal from the real struggle in their homelands. creed is that successful military operation is the pro- And it does not display any substantial concept of paganda. Born of reaction to the stultifying South internationalism, as they were acting totally above American communist parties which opposed all ac- the heads and completely out of the control of the tion which could possibly get out of their control, people they were supposedly representing. They guerrillaism is a philosophy of action, an irratio- were content to work with groups which themselves nal faith in action and the purity of violence which were merely acting as “terrorist pressure groups” propounds few ideas and produces programmatic attempting to gain concessions from various ruling statements mostly dedicated to the need for more classes. action of the same kind. For example, the creation of Black September was Worse, guerrillaism reproduces the old trap of a a result of the defeat of the Palestinians at the hands passive people who are being fought for, struggling of the Jordanian forces in 1970 and of the failure of vicariously through the guerrilla group suffering the various organizations to successfully mobilize for them. While the sympathetic masses watch this the people—instead they turned to international drama played out, time passes and with it their own publicity. Now that the PLO has successfully orga- chance to develop their own response to the social
12 crisis. By the time the drama has become tragedy initiative. They did not see the need for whatever and the guerrillas lie dead about the stage, the au- armed activity is necessary to be organized from an existing democratic movement and to remain under wire, and, while it might now feel impelled to take that movement’s control. One libertarian movement in Spain, the Iberian Liberation Movement (MIL), founded itself on the individuals who continue to object and call on the theory of guerrillaism (though it was involved in audience to storm the stage are dragged out, strug- political activity). It carried out a number of bank gling, to the concentration camps. Guerrillaism is in robberies and during arrests a policeman was killed. the tradition of vanguardist strategies for revolu- As a result an MIL member was garrotted in 1974. tion. While in general it merely leads to repression, The reason the MIL is mentioned here is because should the strategy succeed it can only produce they dissolved their organization after general de- an authoritarian leftist regime. This is because the feat by the police, but also because of the realization people have not moved into the building of a demo- that their strategy was wrong. “lt is now useless to cratic movement themselves. talk of politico-military organizations and such or- The Chinese and Cuban successes (and the Indo- ganizations are nothing but political rackets.” (Con- Chinese and African struggles of the time) were gress of Dissolution) They decided instead to work the great models inspiring assorted rural and ur- to deepen the anarchist communist perspectives of ban guerrillas and terrorists. But in looking to these the social movement. Surely a lesson for all. examples the imitators made little realistic adjust- ment to the general conditions in their own coun- tries. They especially did not make an analysis of the “Nothing Radicalizes Like Pigs in link between the type of governments established the Park’’ by these struggles and the methods used. Of course, for most of these groups the authoritarian govern- A democracy can only be produced if a majority ments established in China and Cuba were entirely movement is built. The guerrilla strategy depends admirable. But for libertarians and anarchists this is on a collapse of will in the ruling class to produce not so. the social crisis out of which revolution occurs, Those armed groups in Spain and elsewhere whether the majority favors it or not. Any reading who called themselves anarchist or libertarian drew of guerrilla strategists reveals that it (guerrillaism) is a philosophy of impatience. While a collapse of revolution and war and the urban warfare that con- will in the ruling class is surely a vital element in tinued there even past the end of the Second World any revolution, unless a mass movement with dem- War. For our argument the civil war in Spain is ex- ocratic structures for running the country exists, then an elite will take power. Always lurking in the was used against politics, to halt the revolution and background and sometimes boldly stated is the idea then to force it back under the stalinist-dominated that guerrilla warfare or terrorism aims to produce a republican governments. In fact, the enthusiasm fascistic reaction which would radicalize the people. The Provisionals (IRA) quite obviously followed back Franco’s 1936 coup was based on the fact that this strategy. But groups like the RAF and June 2nd at the same time they were seizing the factories and coordinating them through cooperative means. especially as the Third World stabilized into dicta- The defeat in war necessarily followed the de- torships and state capitalism, and Western collapse feat of the revolution. Furthermore, the popular appeared a receding prospect. army was reorganized into an ordinary military Of the state apparatus, Bommi Baumann says, and the original egalitarianism was stamped out “We knew that if it was touched anywhere, it would under typical militaristic discipline and hierarchy. show its fascistic face again.” As horrible as many The post-war libertarian guerrillas were aware of aspects of the West German state are, it is not fas- this, but they did not analyze the experience suf- cist. A clearer understanding of the situation would reveal that it is yet another example of the fact that politics over armed struggle. They did not see the dictatorial methods have always been and will con- vanguardist nature of armed groups seizing the tinue to be part of the arsenal of social control in a
13 capitalist parliamentary democracy. Such methods will be used with abandon in a social crisis. More “Anarchism . . . it’s not terrorism. The important still is the revelation that these guerrillas are completely unable to understand in a social-psy- chological sense that oppression is maintained by who wears a gun to scare you into consent, and that violence is a secondary phenom- - enon. ments threaten to punish any man or In general it can be seen that these groups are un- embarrassed by any awareness of how major events have changed leftist thought on a whole range of is- therefore the state really amounts to an institution of terror.” which had been suppressed by the dominance of Anarchism marxism). For example, an interpretation of France 1968 or Hungary 1956 seems to have passed them by entirely. not they will be forgotten. Dynamism is everything. In March 1972 the Tupamaros stated that they But rural guerrillas can do this by establishing and wanted to “create an undeniable state of revolution- expanding their territory of action—liberated zones. ary war in Uruguay, polarizing politics between They can choose to take on army formations accord- guerrillas and the regime.” There is even some sug- ing to their situation. But urban guerrillas can hold gestion that they discussed the possibility of carry- no territory, for to attempt to hold a neighborhood ing out actions designed to prompt an invasion by or building is to take on the entire armed might of Brazil in the belief that this would galvanize the to- the city. In any engagement the size of army forces tal population into action. cannot be ascertained since they arrive in minutes. The RAF put it this way: Urban guerrilla warfare must become terrorism We don’t count on a spontaneous anti-fascist mo- in order to develop. There is no other avenue for es- bilization as a result of terror and fascism itself . . . calating the struggle. Furthermore, the warfare can- And we know that our work produces even more pretexts for repression, because we’re commu- This is the appeal of the polarization and militariza- nists—and whether communists will organize and tion of society strategy. It is the ultimate in manipu- struggle, whether terror and repression will pro- lation—an intentional attempt to create suffering duce only fear and resignation, or whether it will among the people for the ends of the guerrillas who produce resistance, class hatred and solidarity . . . assume that they know best and that the people will depends on the response to repression. Whether be better off in the long run. Of course the strategy communists are so stupid as to tolerate such treat- ment . . . depends on this response. usually results only in repression. The Tupamaros came to prominence in 1968. What is revealed completely in this quote is the In 1967 the democratic government had begun re- absolute arrogance of these groups—“Sure we’re hoping for a radical response to the state repression since the war by attacking the working class and we bring down on your heads, but if that doesn’t introducing repressive legislation. So they entered occur, well, that will go to prove you are all stupid.” the right social situation. They had also spent all the They ignore the actual conditions, like all guerril- las, demanding that everyone else miraculously planned well. They had links in the unions and oth- achieve their “advanced’’ consciousness, when, as er legal movements that were not only maintained but grew. They had elan, imagination and human- and without value and merely a rallying cry for a ity. But by 1971, the year of elections, the paucity of massacre. their strategy was becoming apparent and even they The reason for the occurrence of this ugly strat- were indecisive. How could they go one step further egy derives from the limitations of urban guerrilla without losing support? They depended on transi- warfare. Since they depend on armed action for tory support that was impressed with their seeming their existence, all guerrillas can only develop their invincibility and their restrained use of violence. struggle by escalating their engagements. If they do
14 Inevitably they would prove beatable, inevitably More than 100 civilians were believed to have been killed. A Guardian reporter (November 20, 1977) that they had no mass base. After the elections the army was let loose and soon up to 40 Tupamaros were not guerrilla outposts. The Israelis also used were being tried every day. They were defeated be- delayed action bombs so that people were killed fore the military junta came to power in 1973. Just because they were so good within the limits acts of Palestinians are the ones which people abhor of urban guerrilla strategy they prove the basically because they were the acts extensively reported. Before too long the killing of civilians by the Is- the ruling class of Uruguay was going to respond raelis in their incursion into Lebanon will be forgot- to the economic crisis by gravitation to dictatorship. ten. But you can bet that the killing of civilians by But if the energy expended by the Tupamaros had the PLO’s terror squad will be remembered. In fact, gone into the spreading of ideas encouraging people the hypocrisy and cynicism of Israeli planning relies to organize, the resistance would have been larger on this amnesia. and more profound and therefore had more chance The media seek to obscure politics further by of success. treating incidents as spectacles. This does suit the apolitical nature of guerrilla strategy in which their Headline Hunters struggle is supposed to take on bigger and bigger proportions in the media in order to call forth a rul- Another component in the foolishness of guerril- ing class response. laism is that it looks to the media as the agency of its The real effect amongst the people, however, is to propaganda. According to Baumann: RAF said the revolution wouldn’t be built through be viewed passively—usually as dreary routine, but political work, but through headlines, through ap- occasionally as a spectacle. Even if people “support” pearances in the press, over and over again, report- the guerrillas, this hardly has any real meaning in terms of their own involvement in politics. Instead, overestimation of the press, that’s where it com- the usual result is to provide an organizing base of pletely falls apart. Not only do they have to imitate vicious attitudes for the rulers to exploit for their the machine completely, and fall into the trap of ends. only getting into it politically with the police, but The hypocrisy of the media is illustrated by their - They establish themselves only by these means. lence compared with their failure to raise any stir anymore in anything, not even in the people they about industrial accidents and disease. Car acci- still have contact with. dents are treated, even sensationalized, but with a kind of primitive fatalism, when in fact they are a se- This is especially absurd given the role of the rious social and political problem. Many people die most popular news sources in stimulating and of these causes, many more are maimed. Who cares? maintaining the most irrational elements in people’s The existence of media manipulation should not, response to acts of political violence. They deliber- however, obscure its basis in reality. Leftists are in- ately try to obscure political issues by omission and clined to dismiss people’s outrage as “reactionary.” commission. Take the Middle East as an example— But the killing of school children, placing of bombs How many people remember that 106 passengers in underground stations or machine gunning peo- and crew were killed in a civilian plane shot down ple at an airport can never be dismissed no matter by an Israeli jet over Sinai? How many people know what the context. People’s response is, on the whole, that Israeli bombs killed 46 children in a village in genuine moral outrage. This is manipulated into law the Nile delta? How many know that 1500 were and order hysteria which allows legislation to be killed and 3000 napalmed in Palestinian refugee passed and the left to be crushed. But it is typical of camps and villages by Israel from 1969 to 1972? the elitism of many passive leftists lacking in prin- In November 1977 rocket attacks by Palestinian cipled ideas who sycophantically devote themselves guerrillas into Israel killed three people. In response to any active cause somewhere else, carried out by Israeli planes bombed nine villages and three refu- someone else, to pour contempt on the reactions of gee camps which they claimed harbored guerrillas. people to real outrages.
15 Military Madness vacuum of the post-war world). Since this was also the case in Italy it may be no accident that these two countries are the most prominent areas for terrorism There is undoubtedly much evidence of a ten- in Europe. All this is not an excuse for terrorism, but such terrorists and guerrillas. [Ahmad] Jebril [head of the considerations are part of an overall explanation. Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine], one of Concentrating on the supposed insanity of the guer- the leaders of the Palestinian rejection front, sends - his troops into Israel with orders not to return (that cation for murderousness towards them and for the is, to die) and was quoted as saying, “We like death introduction of general repression. as much as life and no force on Earth can prevent Many of these people become involved in terror- us from restoring Palestine . . .” putting himself in ism merely by circumstances and associations, as the same category as the Spanish Falangists (fas- Baumann’s book shows. They get mixed up in an cists) who shouted “Long live Death!” It must be admitted that this trend of love of death has been the world. Even their relationships with supporters prominent amongst various terrorists. WUO leader are one sided rather than broadening. This unreal [Bernardine] Dohrn made a public and positive- situation produces features of madness such that an ly gloating rave of support for the murders of the - Charles Manson gang. There is an element here of nal. But any attempt by the media, police and politi- the “counter-cultural fascism” which saw the U.S. cians to create a caricature of demonic, blood-thirsty divided between “pig amerika vs. woodstock na- monsters will be for the purpose of excusing their tion.” A section of the counterculture made a cult of Manson. Baumann mentions that, at the time, they the book by Heinrich Boll, The Lost Honor of Katarina did not think Manson was “so bad.” In fact they Blum.) thought him “quite funny.” Erich Fromm has written: What should be avoided, however, is a tendency to explain terrorism by the alleged insanity of the We can witness the phenomenon among the sons and daughters of the well-to-do in the United States oppression and provocation—the obvious example being nationalities suffering embittering oppres- home environment as boring and meaningless. sion. - ness toward the poor and the drift toward nuclear such as exceptionally brutal police behavior, lead- war for the sake of individual egotism unbearable. Thus, they move away from their home environ- ing to the death of a demonstrator, the attempted ment, looking for a new lifestyle—and remain un- assassination of a student leader, the venality of the major Springer press (many times worse than have a chance. Many among them were originally Packer or Murdoch [right-wing Australian publish- the most idealistic and sensitive of the young gen- ers]), the social democrat Brandt’s introduction of eration; but at this point, lacking in tradition, matu- berufsverbot in 1972 (an employment ban [in govern- rity, experience, and political wisdom they become ment] against leftists, reformists, etc. who are “not desperate, narcissistically overestimate their own loyal to the constitution,” which was later applied in capacities and possibilities, and try to achieve the some states to social democrats themselves), the at- impossible by the use of force. They form so-called tempt to smash all extra-parliamentary or nonunion revolutionary groups and expect to save the world movements, of which the ban is only the best known by acts of terror and destruction, not seeing that part. All of these things provided the background they are only contributing to the general tendency to violence and inhumanity. They have lost their ca- for political violence. pacity to love and have replaced it with the wish to The whole Nazi experience was constantly en- livened by the fact that ex-Nazis, war criminals solution for individuals who ardently desire to love, and Nazis who were still active in right wing poli- but who have lost the capacity to love and see in the tics all held positions in the judiciary, bureaucracy, business, etc. (an expedient policy of the allies who wanted reliable law and order people in the political people are very different from the loving martyrs,
16 who want to live because they love life and who ac- see it any other way. The murder of Schmuecker re- cept death only when they are forced to die in order minds one strongly of Charles Manson. It really is not to betray themselves. Our present-day, self- murder, you have to see that.” (pp. 105–106) are also the accusers, in demonstrating that in our social system some of the very best young people Minimize Violence by Emphasizing become so isolated and hopeless that nothing but Politics destruction and fanaticism are left as a way out of their despair. The very essence of libertarian revolutionary strategy is the idea that there is an inextricable link Baumann shows that he has learned this lesson between the means used and the ends proposed. through harsh experience (though he still misses While there may be a link between the rotten au- that there is a tradition of human values which has thoritarian ends of nationalists and marxist-lenin- survived even “the machine’’ and that this tradition ists and rotten terrorist means, it is unquestionably is asserted, for example, in many episodes of mass clear that libertarian ends must disallow terror- revolutionary activity such as the Spanish revolu- ist means. In fact, the majority of marxist-leninist tion in 1936, the Hungarian revolution in 1956, and groups oppose terrorism, though, as Lenin says in the French revolt in 1968): Leftwing Communism—An Infantile Disorder, “It was, of course, only on grounds of expediency that we Making a decision for terrorism is something al- rejected individual terrorism.” Leninists are the pro- ready psychologically programmed. Today, I can ponents of vanguardism par excellence. They also see that—for myself—it was only the fear of love, are proponents of terrorism by the state—as long as had checked out the dimension of love for myself they control it. beforehand, I wouldn’t have done it . . . Until now Libertarians look at history and at the ruling it has been assumed that there is no simultaneity classes of the world and conclude that a libertarian of revolutionary praxis and love. I don’t see that, movement will face state violence, and armed strug- even today I don’t. Otherwise, I might have contin- gle will be necessary in response. It is quite obvious ued. But I saw it like this: you make your decision, that political activity could not even commence in and you stop and throw away your gun and say: certain conditions without taking up arms immedi- Okay—the end. ately. Also in certain conditions, as in peasant-based societies, it would be necessary to set up armed bas- For me, the whole time it was a question of creat- es in the countryside. But the aim here would not be ing human values which did not exist in capitalism, to carry out “exemplary’’ clashes with the military in all of Europe, in all of Western culture—they’d but to protect the political infrastructure to enable been cleared away by the machine. That’s what it’s about: to discover them anew, to unfold them anew, the spreading of ideas to continue. This may involve and to create them anew. In that way, too, you carry some guerrilla tactics, but it cannot mean the strat- the torch again, you become the bearer of a new so- egy of guerrillaism. Nor can it mean the creation of a ciety—if it is possible. And you’ll be better doing separate, hierarchical, military organization, which - is not only anti-libertarian but is also vulnerable and ures of hatred at the end. Stalin was actually a type - like us: he made it, one of the few who made it. But ninists, hierarchically organized. One of the factors then it got heavy. [Stalin was a gangster (bank rob- in their defeat was the treason of Amodio Perez, a ber, etc.) for the Bolsheviks before the revolution.] “liaison director” in the organization, i.e., a second- level institutionalized leader who knew so much You can see how bad it was in Schmuecker’s case— that he was able to single-handedly put police onto they shot him down (Ulrich Schmuecker was a for- large sections. mer member of the June 2nd Movement who was In Baumann’s book he makes it quite clear that assassinated in 1974 after informing on the group). He was just a small harmless student. They forced the capture of members of groups was often the re- him into one of these situations, not asking them- sult of betrayal by sympathizers. This was not even selves if he was far enough along to handle it. He a result of hierarchical structuring as this did not ex- couldn’t have talked that much anyway, and they ist in the group he belonged to. Though the police did him in. That’s real destruction; you just can’t did use virtual torture methods on some sympathiz-
17 ers, this was not the main factor either. It rather fol- their lives, especially those adapted to the exercise lows from the life of illegality: of power. Small groups operating outside the control of Three people who were illegal would sit in one a mass movement and often in the absence of any apartment and two or three legal ones would take mass resistance at all, who take upon themselves de- care of them . . . (p. 56) cisions of “class justice’’ in the name of groups who are unrepresented but whose interests are affected You only have contact with other people as objects, by action based on these decisions, are nothing but when you meet somebody all you can say is, listen dangerous. The SLA killed a school superintendent old man, you have to get me this or that thing, rent after a community coalition failed to prevent the me a place to live, here or there and in three days introduction of draconian disciplinary measures in we’ll meet here at this corner. If he has any criti- - cism of you, you say, that doesn’t interest me at all. Either you participate or you leave it easy and clear. cal level of the community and exactly the opposite At the end it’s caught up with you—you become of an invitation for the SLA to kill a mere pawn of the Board of Education. “The SLA recognizes but its Because you’re illegal, you can’t keep contact with in much the same manner that many psychopathic the people at the base. You can no longer take part killers claim to be instructed by God. It has killed a directly in any further development of the whole defenseless individual whose guilt is not only not scene. You’re not integrated with the living process proved, but is mainly a fantasy of his executioners.’’ - These comments of Ramparts magazine apply to cause you can’t show up anywhere. (p. 98) many similar incidents. If in these cases guilt can It is obvious that these aspects of such a life are said of those actions against the public at large (in- counter-productive for libertarians. On the whole discriminate bombing, taking hostages, hijacking then it would seem that such organizations could - only have a survival function for certain people un- cation in terms of the kinds of strategies described der threat of murder or torture by the state. At one above. The expected end results from these strate- stage the Tupamaros were able to stop systematic gies supposedly justify the means used. Enough has torture by threatening torturers, but once the state been said about these strategies. But it should be resumed the offensive, torture was resumed. To pre- emphasized again that foul means, far from being vent executions and torture, armed activity might be - tee that the ends achieved will be horrible. be weighed carefully. You can’t blow up a social relationship. The total Armed struggle means people would be killed collapse of this society would provide no guarantee and there is no getting away from the fact that vio- about what replaced it. Unless a majority of people lence threatens humanism. But libertarians would - hope to preserve their humanism by ensuring that ation of an alternative society, we would see the old armed struggle would merely be an extension of a world reassert itself because it is what people would political movement whose main activity would be be used to, what they believed in, what existed un- to spread ideas and build alternative organizations. challenged in their own personalities. The forces of repression (police, army) and the rul- Proponents of terrorism and guerrillaism are to ers themselves would not be excluded from such be opposed because their actions are vanguardist efforts. In fact much effort would be devoted to and authoritarian, because their ideas, to the extent splitting them with politics to minimize the neces- that they are substantial, are wrong or unrelated to sity for violence. In this situation everyone would the results of their actions (especially when they call have a choice. Libertarians are extending to people themselves libertarians or anarchists), because their the hope that they can change. We are extending to actions produce either repression with nothing in will be more satisfying for all people. This includes return or an authoritarian regime. our rulers, even though we recognize the limitations To those contemplating political violence, we say, created by the characters people have developed in -
18 sion of fear of love? There are political traditions and political possibilities you have yet to examine. “The deep-rooted conservatism of the To the society which produces the conditions of - ‘revolutionaries’ is almost painfully structiveness in which the response of political vio- apparent: the authoritarian leader and lence can grow, we say take warning. These condi- hierarchy replace the patriarch and tions must be overthrown. As a French Socialist said the school bureaucracy; the discipline in 1848: “If you have no will for human association I of the Movement replaces the disci- tell you that you are exposing civilization to the fate of dying in fearful agony.’’ pline of bourgeois society; the au- thoritarian code of political obedience replaces the state; the credo of ‘pro- 1. Early in the morning of February 3, 1978, a bomb exploded letarian morality’ replaces the mores in front of the 42-storey Hilton Hotel in Sydney, the loca- - of puritanism and the work ethic. The monwealth countries. The bomb had been placed in a trash old substance of exploitative society can and killed two garbage collectors and a bystander, but injured none of the distinguished delegates. According to reappears in new forms, draped in a press speculation, the bombing was directed at the Indian prime minister by the fanatical Buddhist sect, Anand Marg, whose members believe their leader, convicted of murdering (or Castro or Che) and adorned with defectors from his group, is the incarnation of God. the little ‘Red Book’ and other sacred 2. June 21, 1966, Australian Labour Party leader Arthur Cal- well was slightly injured by broken glass when a bullet was litanies.” was later sentenced to life imprisonment. Listen Marxist! 3. The Croatian Ustasha was founded in 1929 with the Ital- ian fascist movement as a model. With Nazi support it ruled Croatia 1941–1945. 4. On January 17, 1978, the Labour Party premier of South Harold Salisbury following a judicial report critical of un- dercover activities in the state. These activities included the surveillance of over 40,000 persons and organizations, most of them Labour Party supporters. 5. On March 16, 1973, Attorney General Lionel Murphy led an unprecedented raid on the ASIO headquarters in Mel- bourne. Murphy was searching for information about the Croatian Ustasha, which he believed the ASIO was shield- ing. The raid was precipitated by the imminent visit of the Yugoslav premier to Australia. 6. See Inside the Company: CIA Diary, by Philip Agee for de- tails. — CB 7. Estimates of the total number of those murdered by the po- lice and the military (who were primarily responsible for the killings) during the “dirty war’’ against leftist urban guerril- las are in the neighborhood of 9,000 to 10,000. — CB 8. Not really. Following the 1973 coup, the Chilean military murdered at least 3,000 people, with some estimates in ex- cess of 10,000. During the decade 1975–1985 alone, the U.S.- backed regimes in Guatemala and E1 Salvador murdered, according to conservative estimates, 70,000 of their own citi- zens. Other estimates run to as high as 100,000. — CB 9. And China. In June 1989 the People’s Liberation Army slaughtered 3,000 unarmed students in Tiananmen Square. Nor should Cambodia be forgotten. Estimates of the number of those killed by the Khmer Rouge (which, revealingly, the U.S. government supported as the “legitimate representa- tive” of the Cambodian people at the UN from 1979 to 1993) run between one and three million. —CB
19 On: MAY 1, 1984. At: (where else?) MARX MEADOW in GOLDEN GATE PARK
CONTEST RULES
You will have two hours to compose a manifesto using the terms zone, workers party (penalty for use of apostrophe), people’s army, revolutionary government, youth (as a plural), people of color (not colored people) - Graphic from revisionist, fascist, opportunist, deviationist, running dog. You must use all terms!! (Special prize for the most inventive neologism. Last year’s winner: cisgender.) The Heretic’s Handbook of Quotations