Anarchism and Religion
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Zur Wahrnehmung Der Oktober Revolution Und
22 Zur wahrnEhmung dEr oktobEr revolution und dEs bolschEwismus Philippe Kellermann ZUR WAHRNEHMUNG DER OKTOBER REVOLUTION UND DES BOLSCHEWISMUS IM INTERNATIONALEN ANARCHISMUS 1917 BIS 1923 Wenn man an die Russische Revolution denkt, war und nun mehr und mehr ihre alten Hoff- dann in erster Linie an die Oktoberrevolution, nungen auf die Entwicklung in Russland begra- den Sieg der Bolschewiki, und vielleicht hat ben musste. In den Jahren 1918/19 war allen man noch im Kopf, was sich in den darauffol- voran sie es gewesen, die in den USA massiv genden Jahren entwickelte: das System des ihre Stimme zur Verteidigung der Bolschewi- Stalinismus mit seinen unzähligen Toten und ki erhoben hatte. In ihrer Broschüre «The Truth dem Gulag. about the Boylsheviki» (Die Wahrheit über die Dies vor Augen, scheint eine Antwort auf die Bolschewiki), die sie kurz vor Antritt ihrer Haft- Frage nach dem Verhältnis der anarchisti- strafe (Anfang 1918) wegen antimilitaristischer schen Bewegung zum Ereigniskomplex «Rus- Agitation geschrieben hatte, verteidigte sie sische Revolution» relativ einfach: grund- diese sogar gegen die Kritik ihres alten anar- sätzliche Gegnerschaft. Denn was sollten ein chistischen Lehrmeisters Kropotkin; und sie Denken und eine Bewegung, die sich schon hatte eine von ihr bewunderte Sozialrevolutio- jahrzehntelang «gegen die Herrschaft, die Au- närin – Jekaterina Breschko-Breschkowskaja – torität in jeder Form»1 wandte, an einer Bewe- dafür attackiert, dass sie öffentlich gegen die gung, zumal einer marxistischen, überdies Bolschewiki -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Anarchist Movements in Tampico & the Huaste
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Peripheries of Power, Centers of Resistance: Anarchist Movements in Tampico & the Huasteca Region, 1910-1945 A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (History) by Kevan Antonio Aguilar Committee in Charge: Professor Christine Hunefeldt, Co-Chair Professor Michael Monteon, Co-Chair Professor Max Parra Professor Eric Van Young 2014 The Thesis of Kevan Antonio Aguilar is approved and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Co-Chair University of California, San Diego 2014 iii DEDICATION: For my grandfather, Teodoro Aguilar, who taught me to love history and to remember where I came from. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page……………………………………………………………..…………..…iii Dedication……………………………………………………………………………...…iv Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………….v List of Figures………………………………………………………………………….…vi Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………vii Abstract of the Thesis…………………………………………………………………….xi Introduction……………………………………………………………………………......1 Chapter 1: Geography & Peripheral Anarchism in the Huasteca Region, 1860-1917…………………………………………………………….10 Chapter 2: Anarchist Responses to Post-Revolutionary State Formations, 1918-1930…………………………………………………………….60 Chapter 3: Crisis & the Networks of Revolution: Regional Shifts towards International Solidarity Movements, 1931-1945………………95 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….......126 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………129 v LIST -
Human-Computer Insurrection
Human-Computer Insurrection Notes on an Anarchist HCI Os Keyes∗ Josephine Hoy∗ Margaret Drouhard∗ University of Washington University of Washington University of Washington Seattle, WA, USA Seattle, WA, USA Seattle, WA, USA [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT 2019), May 4–9, 2019, Glasgow, Scotland, UK. ACM, New York, NY, The HCIcommunity has worked to expand and improve our USA, 13 pages. https://doi.org/10.1145/3290605.3300569 consideration of the societal implications of our work and our corresponding responsibilities. Despite this increased 1 INTRODUCTION engagement, HCI continues to lack an explicitly articulated "You are ultimately—consciously or uncon- politic, which we argue re-inscribes and amplifies systemic sciously—salesmen for a delusive ballet in oppression. In this paper, we set out an explicit political vi- the ideas of democracy, equal opportunity sion of an HCI grounded in emancipatory autonomy—an an- and free enterprise among people who haven’t archist HCI, aimed at dismantling all oppressive systems by the possibility of profiting from these." [74] mandating suspicion of and a reckoning with imbalanced The last few decades have seen HCI take a turn to exam- distributions of power. We outline some of the principles ine the societal implications of our work: who is included and accountability mechanisms that constitute an anarchist [10, 68, 71, 79], what values it promotes or embodies [56, 57, HCI. We offer a potential framework for radically reorient- 129], and how we respond (or do not) to social shifts [93]. ing the field towards creating prefigurative counterpower—systems While this is politically-motivated work, HCI has tended to and spaces that exemplify the world we wish to see, as we avoid making our politics explicit [15, 89]. -
Freethought Society, : Civil Action No
Case 3:15-cv-00833-MEM Document 86 Filed 07/09/18 Page 1 of 34 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT MIDDLE DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA NORTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA : FREETHOUGHT SOCIETY, : CIVIL ACTION NO. 3:15-833 Plaintiff : (JUDGE MANNION) v. : COUNTY OF LACKAWANNA : TRANSIT SYSTEM, : Defendant : MEMORANDUM The saying has been around since at least the 1800's: “Never discuss religion or politics with those who hold opinions opposite to yours; they are subjects that heat in handling, until they burn your fingers; . .”1 Even Linus van Pelt has acknowledged: “There are three things I have learned never to discuss with people . religion, politics and the Great Pumpkin!”2 Certainly, topics such as religion and politics have been deemed controversial for ages, but can the government prohibit advertising about such topics in public transit advertising spaces without violating the First Amendment? 115 February 1840, The Corsair, “The Letter Bag of the Great Western,” pg. 775, col. 1. 2PEANUTS by Charles M. Schulz, October 25, 1961. 1 Case 3:15-cv-00833-MEM Document 86 Filed 07/09/18 Page 2 of 34 The First Amendment prohibits the government from “abridging the freedom of speech.” U.S. CONST. AMEND. I. However, courts have differed on how that guarantee applies when private speech occurs on government property. Depending on the forum in which the speech occurs -- a traditional public forum, a designated forum, or a limited (or nonpublic) forum -- private speech is afforded different levels of protection. One particular area that has frustrated the courts is how to distinguish between designated and limited public forums. -
Contesting Tradition and Combating Intolerance a History of Free Thought in Kansas
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Fall 2000 Contesting Tradition And Combating Intolerance A History Of Free thought In Kansas Aaron K. Ketchell University of Kansas, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Ketchell, Aaron K., "Contesting Tradition And Combating Intolerance A History Of Free thought In Kansas" (2000). Great Plains Quarterly. 2129. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/2129 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CONTESTING TRADITION AND COMBATING INTOLERANCE A HISTORY OF FREETHOUGHT IN KANSAS AARON K. KETCHELL Diversity is the hallmark of freethought in Although the attitudes of freethinkers toward Kansas, for freethinkers were never a homoge religion are the primary concern of this essay, neous body. The movement was not only reli it must be remembered that freethinkers had gious, or for that matter, antireligious, different ideas about what the movement although the majority of social and political meant and that opposition to organized reli issues that it addressed had religious ground gion was only one, but a crucial element of the ing. No one specific organized group domi freethought agenda. nated historical Kansas freethinking. Instead, In order to understand the history of individuals in the form of editors of various freethought in Kansas one must first define newspapers, journals, and book series became the movement and its ideology. -
Religion in the American Suffrage Movement, 1848-1895 Elizabeth B
Boston University School of Law Scholarly Commons at Boston University School of Law Publications Betsy Clark Living Archive 10-1989 The olitP ics of God and the Woman's Vote: Religion in the American Suffrage Movement, 1848-1895 Elizabeth B. Clark Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.bu.edu/clark_pubs Part of the Family Law Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Elizabeth B. Clark, The Politics of God and the Woman's Vote: Religion in the American Suffrage Movement, 1848-1895, (1989). Available at: https://scholarship.law.bu.edu/clark_pubs/3 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Betsy Clark Living Archive at Scholarly Commons at Boston University School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Boston University School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POLITICS OF GOD AND THE WOMAN'S VOTE: RELIGION IN THE AMERICAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT, 1848-1895 Elizabeth Battelle Clark A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY RECOMMENDED FOR ACCEPTANCE BY THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY October, 1989 © Copyright by Elizabeth Battelle Clark 1989 All Rights Reserved Thesis Abstract This thesis examines the role of religion— both liberal and evangelical Protestantism— in the development of a feminist political theory in America during the nineteenth century and how that feminist theory in turn helped to transform American liberalism. Chapter 1 looks for the genesis of women's rights language, not in the republican rhetoric of the Founding Fathers, but in the teachings of liberal Protestantism and its links with laissez-faire economic theory. -
Together We Will Make a New World Download
This talk, given at ‘Past and Present of Radical Sexual Politics’, the Fifth Meeting of the Seminar ‘Socialism and Sexuality’, Amsterdam October 3-4, 2003, is part of my ongoing research into sexual and political utopianism. Some of the material on pp.1-4 has been re- used and more fully developed in my later article, Speaking Desire: anarchism and free love as utopian performance in fin de siècle Britain, 2009. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. ‘Together we will make a new world’: Sexual and Political Utopianism by Judy Greenway By reaching for the moon, it is said, we learn to reach. Utopianism, or ‘social dreaming’, is the education of desire for a better world, and therefore a necessary part of any movement for social change.1 In this paper I use examples from my research on anarchism, gender and sexuality in Britain from the 1880s onwards, to discuss changing concepts of free love and the relationship between sexual freedom and social transformation, especially for women. All varieties of anarchism have in common a rejection of the state, its laws and institutions, including marriage. The concept of ‘free love' is not static, however, but historically situated. In the late nineteenth century, hostile commentators linked sexual to political danger. Amidst widespread public discussion of marriage, anarchists had to take a position, and anarchist women placed the debate within a feminist framework. Many saw free love as central to a critique of capitalism and patriarchy, the basis of a wider struggle around such issues as sex education, contraception, and women's economic and social independence. -
A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfaction of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO PUBLIC CATHOLICISM AND RELIGIOUS PLURALISM IN AMERICA: THE ADAPTATION OF A RELIGIOUS CULTURE TO THE CIRCUMSTANCE OF DIVERSITY, AND ITS IMPLICATIONS A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology by Michael J. Agliardo, SJ Committee in charge: Professor Richard Madsen, Chair Professor John H. Evans Professor David Pellow Professor Joel Robbins Professor Gershon Shafir 2008 Copyright Michael J. Agliardo, SJ, 2008 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Michael Joseph Agliardo is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2008 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ......................................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents......................................................................................................................iv List Abbreviations and Acronyms ............................................................................................vi List of Graphs ......................................................................................................................... vii Acknowledgments ................................................................................................................. viii Vita.............................................................................................................................................x -
The Impact of the Communist Regime in Albania on Freedom of Religion for Albanians
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 12 No 1 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) www.richtmann.org January 2021 . Research Article © 2021 Tokrri et.al.. This is an open access article licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/) Received: 21 November 2020 / Accepted: 11 January 2021 / Published: 17 January 2021 The Impact of the Communist Regime in Albania on Freedom of Religion for Albanians Dr. Renata Tokrri Vice-Rector, Lecturer, University Aleksanër Moisiu, 14, 2001, Rruga Currila, Durrës, Albania Dr. Ismail Tafani Head, Lecturer, Department of Legal Sciences, Albanian University, Bulevardi Zogu I, Tirana 1001, Albania Dr. Aldo Shkembi Advocacy Chamber, Tirana, Albania DOI: https://doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2021-0004 Abstract The multi religions Albania passed last century from a country where atheism was the constitutional principle in a country where the basic card guarantees not only the freedom of religion but also the freedom from religion. Today, in order of guaranteeing the freedom of belief, the Constitution of Republic of Albania expresses principles which protect the religious freedom, starting from its preamble. Indeed, the preamble has no legal force but stated goals and assists in the interpretation of provisions. The spirit, with which the preamble stated, is that of tolerance and religious coexistence, in a vision where the people are responsible for the future with faith in God or other universal values. This statement reinforces the principle of secularism of the state where the latter appears as the guarantor of religious freedom by knowing in this perspective the beliefs that "sovereign" could have and can develop. -
Charlotte Wilson, the ''Woman Question'', and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism
IRSH, Page 1 of 34. doi:10.1017/S0020859011000757 r 2011 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Charlotte Wilson, the ‘‘Woman Question’’, and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism S USAN H INELY Department of History, State University of New York at Stony Brook E-mail: [email protected] SUMMARY: Recent literature on radical movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has re-cast this period as a key stage of contemporary globali- zation, one in which ideological formulations and radical alliances were fluid and did not fall neatly into the categories traditionally assigned by political history. The following analysis of Charlotte Wilson’s anarchist political ideas and activism in late Victorian Britain is an intervention in this new historiography that both supports the thesis of global ideological heterogeneity and supplements it by revealing the challenge to sexual hierarchy that coursed through many of these radical cross- currents. The unexpected alliances Wilson formed in pursuit of her understanding of anarchist socialism underscore the protean nature of radical politics but also show an over-arching consensus that united these disparate groups, a common vision of the socialist future in which the fundamental but oppositional values of self and society would merge. This consensus arguably allowed Wilson’s gendered definition of anarchism to adapt to new terms as she and other socialist women pursued their radical vision as activists in the pre-war women’s movement. INTRODUCTION London in the last decades of the nineteenth century was a global crossroads and political haven for a large number of radical activists and theorists, many of whom were identified with the anarchist school of socialist thought. -
Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia V. Chester County
Louisiana Law Review Volume 65 | Number 1 Fall 2004 Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia v. Chester County: The esirD ability of a De Minimis Exception to the Supreme Court's Establishment Clause Jurisprudence Michael L. DeShazo Repository Citation Michael L. DeShazo, Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia v. Chester County: The Desirability of a De Minimis Exception to the Supreme Court's Establishment Clause Jurisprudence, 65 La. L. Rev. (2004) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol65/iss1/15 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia v. Chester County: The Desirability of a De Minimis Exception to the Supreme Court's Establishment Clause Jurisprudence In Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia v. Chester County, the Third Circuit upheld the constitutionality of a display of the Ten Commandments on the facade of the Chester County, Pennsylvania courthouse. The court held that the County's refusal to take down the plaque was not motivated by a desire to endorse religion, but rather by a desire to "preserve a longstanding plaque." It also stated that the plaque was not a "real threat" to separation of church and state, thus invoking the spirit of the legal maxim "de minimis non curat lex" or "the law does not bother with trifles." This article examines the Freethought decision and concludes that it reached an incorrect result by misapplying both tests used by courts to decide Establishment Clause cases.