Contesting Tradition and Combating Intolerance a History of Free Thought in Kansas

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Contesting Tradition and Combating Intolerance a History of Free Thought in Kansas University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Fall 2000 Contesting Tradition And Combating Intolerance A History Of Free thought In Kansas Aaron K. Ketchell University of Kansas, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Ketchell, Aaron K., "Contesting Tradition And Combating Intolerance A History Of Free thought In Kansas" (2000). Great Plains Quarterly. 2129. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/2129 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CONTESTING TRADITION AND COMBATING INTOLERANCE A HISTORY OF FREETHOUGHT IN KANSAS AARON K. KETCHELL Diversity is the hallmark of freethought in Although the attitudes of freethinkers toward Kansas, for freethinkers were never a homoge­ religion are the primary concern of this essay, neous body. The movement was not only reli­ it must be remembered that freethinkers had gious, or for that matter, antireligious, different ideas about what the movement although the majority of social and political meant and that opposition to organized reli­ issues that it addressed had religious ground­ gion was only one, but a crucial element of the ing. No one specific organized group domi­ freethought agenda. nated historical Kansas freethinking. Instead, In order to understand the history of individuals in the form of editors of various freethought in Kansas one must first define newspapers, journals, and book series became the movement and its ideology. Although the landmarks by which the course of the freethought is most often used to label belief movement's history may be most easily traced. free from the dogmatic assumptions of reli­ gion, it also encompasses a wide range of other ethical and social issues. Samuel Porter Putnam, the foremost authority on nineteenth­ century American freethought, has written, :'When, therefore, I use the word Freethought, I use it in the most comprehensive sense, as an intellectual, moral, industrial, political and social power."! The beliefs of the movement grew out of a rejection of traditional religion, Aaron K. Ketchell holds an M.A. in Religious Studies and is currently a doctoral candidate in the American but freethinkers also embraced women's rights, Studies program at the University of Kansas. political radicalism, scientific discovery, and controversial prose and poetry. The terms "atheism" and "agnosticism" are both commonly associated with freethought. [GPQ 20 (Fall 2000): 281-95] To a religious believer the difference between 281 282 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2000 these two terms may be slim, but many free­ superstition, rational thought; and in place of thinkers adamantly defended their respective the supernatural, the natural."5 camps. As Gordon Stein has put it, an atheist The roots of the American freethought is "one who does not have a belief in God, or movement can be traced to eighteenth-century who is without a belief in God."2 The absence deism. Deists, Warren reports, regarded the of a deity is based upon an atheist's perception deity "not as an anthropomorphic Being, di­ that all proof for the existence of God fails the recting and judging the activities of mankind, test of logic. As will be seen later, scientific but as the creator of the Universe."6 While support for all doctrines is an essential ele­ Deism did not reject the existence of God, it ment of freethought. did strongly support the separation of church Agnosticism is more difficult to define. A and state, thus reducing the stature of religion dictionary explanation describes it as "the in society. Thomas Jefferson, George Wash­ doctrine that neither the existence nor the ington, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and nature of God, nor the ultimate origin of Thomas Paine head the list of acknowledged the universe is known or knowable."3 This deists in the late eighteenth century. The peak definition, though popularly accepted, differs of the deist movement came in 1 794 with from the original meaning of the word coined Paine's publication of The Age of Reason, in by Thomas Huxley in 1869, which demanded which the author promoted reason over rev­ scientific proof and reason as a justification elation, drawing primarily from Newtonian for the existence of a higher being.4 lt is diffi­ science. Deism waned, however, not long cult to draw a clear demarcation between ag­ thereafter, proving to be "too conservative for nosticism and atheism, and this essay will not the dogmatic atheist" and "too radical for the be preoccupied with defining the various uncompromising Christian."7 camps within the larger freethought move­ The Golden Age of Freethought, as it has ment, even though many freethinkers consid­ been called, extended for about half a century ered such distinctions important. For the from 1865; it was the time during which radi­ moment it will suffice to note that Robert cal antireligion staged its most dramatic as­ Ingersoll, probably the nation's most promi­ cent. The life of Robert Ingersoll is in many nent freethinker, always considered himself ways synonymous with the growth of the an agnostic, while Emmanuel Haldeman­ freethought movement. Born in 1833, Ingersoll Julius, the eminent Kansas publisher, labeled became a prominent attorney and served in himself an atheist. the Civil War as a colonel. After the war he Freethinkers, for all their diversity, found turned to the promotion of his ideas, largely common ground in their belief that the truths through speaking tours, and in his forty-three and aims of science ranked far above those of years of antireligious evangelizing spoke in religion. Freethought always involved the almost every town of any size in every state in promotion of rationality and science. Indeed, the Union.s His rhetoric was one of self-reli­ scientific method was deemed the only ac­ ance and faith in science: "Man must learn to ceptable way to determine truth. The intelli­ rely upon himself. Reading bibles will not pro­ gibility of the universe was affirmed by, but tect him from the blasts of winter, but houses, not attributed to, transcendent design. This fires and clothing will. To prevent famine, one faith in science had the effect of making sepa­ plow is worth a million sermons, and even ration of church and state a primary goal in patent medicines will cure more diseases than the freethought movement, for, as historian all the prayers uttered since the beginning of of freethought Sidney Warren has written, the world."9 "To a world dominated by religious sentiment, Long after his death in 1899, Ingersoll's they would offer one in which the spirit of words were remembered by the thousands of scientific inquiry would prevail; instead of people who heard his lectures. In addition to A HISTORY OF FREETHOUGHT IN KANSAS 283 influencing an entire nation through his dis­ Party called for recognition of governmental course, he also was instrumental in the orga­ power as derived from God. 13 It was in this nizing of freethinkers into a developed body. atmosphere of the growing union of God and Out of the Free Religious Association, founded politics that the Kansas freethinkers formed by Unitarian ministers to promote "pure" reli­ their first state organization. gion and encourage the scientific study of the­ From 5 to 10 September 1879, the National ology, grew the National Liberal League. Liberal League held a camp meeting at Bis­ During the first four days of July 1876, the marck Grove, a popular meeting place along league held its first convention in Philadel­ the Kansas Pacific Railroad tracks just east of phia, working toward its avowed goal of the North Lawrence that was well equipped for promotion of secularism in America and op­ large gatherings. 14 At this convocation, chaired posing church influence in public life. lo Indi­ by former governor Robinson, thirteen promi­ viduals in many states took notice of the nent freethinkers from eight different states national organization and sought to form lib­ delivered twenty-two speeches, all anti-Chris­ eralleagues of their own. Kansas joined their tian. The speeches strongly supported estab­ ranks on 9 September 1879. lished National Liberal League precepts, Freethought was not new in Kansas; several including taxation of church property, the prominent persons in the early history of the elimination of the use of public money for state also were freethinkers. The first gover­ religious functionaries employed by the gov­ nor of the state, Charles Robinson, was a ve­ ernment, prohibiting use of the Bible in pub­ hement opponent of religious influence on lic schools, and the repeal of all Sabbath government. Annie Diggs, who held a high observance laws. 15 position in the Free Religious Association and The critique of the evils of Christianity was who later became the most prominent female relentless over the six days of the camp meet­ Populist, was a resident of Lawrence in the ing. Professor William Denton, a geologist 1870s and played an influential role in the from Massachusetts, stated on the third day, formation of the Kansas Liberal League. II Frank "My intention is to destroy Christianity. Chil­ Doster, elected to the Kansas state legislature dren are trained in the greatest absurdities in 1872 as a Republican, identified with many instead of teaching them the truth." G. W. tenets of freethought and was instrumental in Walser, of Lamar, Missouri, told the meeting, its beginnings as a distinct movement in the "I don't believe in the inspiration of the book state.12 called the Bible.
Recommended publications
  • Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio
    TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction.....................................................................................................................2 2. The Principles of Anarchism, Lucy Parsons....................................................................3 3. Anarchism and the Black Revolution, Lorenzo Komboa’Ervin......................................10 4. Beyond Nationalism, But not Without it, Ashanti Alston...............................................72 5. Anarchy Can’t Fight Alone, Kuwasi Balagoon...............................................................76 6. Anarchism’s Future in Africa, Sam Mbah......................................................................80 7. Domingo Passos: The Brazilian Bakunin.......................................................................86 8. Where Do We Go From Here, Michael Kimble..............................................................89 9. Senzala or Quilombo: Reflections on APOC and the fate of Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio...........................................................................................................................91 10. Interview: Afro-Colombian Anarchist David López Rodríguez, Lisa Manzanilla & Bran- don King........................................................................................................................96 11. 1996: Ballot or the Bullet: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Electoral Process in the U.S. and its relation to Black political power today, Greg Jackson......................100 12. The Incomprehensible
    [Show full text]
  • Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
    individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Was My Life Worth Living? by Emma Goldman [Published in Harper's Monthly Magazine, Vol
    Published Essays and Pamphlets Was My Life Worth Living? by Emma Goldman [Published in Harper's Monthly Magazine, Vol. CLXX, December 1934] It is strange what time does to political causes. A generation ago it seemed to many American conservatives as if the opinions which Emma Goldman was expressing might sweep the world. Now she fights almost alone for what seems to be a lost cause; contemporary radicals are overwhelmingly opposed to her; more than that, her devotion to liberty and her detestation of government interference might be regarded as placing her anomalously in the same part of the political spectrum as the gentlemen of the Liberty League, only in a more extreme position at its edge. Yet in this article, which might be regarded as her last will and testament, she sticks to her guns. Needless to say, her opinions are not ours. We offer them as an exhibit of valiant consistency, of really rugged individualism unaltered by opposition or by advancing age. --The Editors. How much a personal philosophy is a matter of temperament and how much it results from experience is a moot question. Naturally we arrive at conclusions in the light of our experience, through the application of a process we call reasoning to the facts observed in the events of our lives. The child is susceptible to fantasy. At the same time he sees life more truly in some respects than his elders do as he becomes conscious of his surroundings. He has not yet become absorbed by the customs and prejudices which make up the largest part of what passes for thinking.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchism and Religion
    Anarchism and Religion Nicolas Walter 1991 For the present purpose, anarchism is defined as the political and social ideology which argues that human groups can and should exist without instituted authority, and especially as the historical anarchist movement of the past two hundred years; and religion is defined as the belief in the existence and significance of supernatural being(s), and especially as the prevailing Judaeo-Christian systemof the past two thousand years. My subject is the question: Is there a necessary connection between the two and, if so, what is it? The possible answers are as follows: there may be no connection, if beliefs about human society and the nature of the universe are quite independent; there may be a connection, if such beliefs are interdependent; and, if there is a connection, it may be either positive, if anarchism and religion reinforce each other, or negative, if anarchism and religion contradict each other. The general assumption is that there is a negative connection logical, because divine andhuman authority reflect each other; and psychological, because the rejection of human and divine authority, of political and religious orthodoxy, reflect each other. Thus the French Encyclopdie Anarchiste (1932) included an article on Atheism by Gustave Brocher: ‘An anarchist, who wants no all-powerful master on earth, no authoritarian government, must necessarily reject the idea of an omnipotent power to whom everything must be subjected; if he is consistent, he must declare himself an atheist.’ And the centenary issue of the British anarchist paper Freedom (October 1986) contained an article by Barbara Smoker (president of the National Secular Society) entitled ‘Anarchism implies Atheism’.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939
    The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939 Sam Dolgoff (editor) 1974 Contents Preface 7 Acknowledgements 8 Introductory Essay by Murray Bookchin 9 Part One: Background 28 Chapter 1: The Spanish Revolution 30 The Two Revolutions by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 30 The Bolshevik Revolution vs The Russian Social Revolution . 35 The Trend Towards Workers’ Self-Management by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 36 Chapter 2: The Libertarian Tradition 41 Introduction ............................................ 41 The Rural Collectivist Tradition by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 41 The Anarchist Influence by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 44 The Political and Economic Organization of Society by Isaac Puente ....................................... 46 Chapter 3: Historical Notes 52 The Prologue to Revolution by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 52 On Anarchist Communism ................................. 55 On Anarcho-Syndicalism .................................. 55 The Counter-Revolution and the Destruction of the Collectives by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 56 Chapter 4: The Limitations of the Revolution 63 Introduction ............................................ 63 2 The Limitations of the Revolution by Gaston Leval ....................................... 63 Part Two: The Social Revolution 72 Chapter 5: The Economics of Revolution 74 Introduction ...........................................
    [Show full text]
  • “In God We Trust:” the US National Motto and the Contested Concept of Civil Religion
    religions Article “In God We Trust:” The U.S. National Motto and the Contested Concept of Civil Religion Michael Lienesch Department of Political Science, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3265, USA; [email protected] Received: 12 April 2019; Accepted: 20 May 2019; Published: 25 May 2019 Abstract: In this essay, “In God We Trust”, the official motto of the United States, is discussed as an illustration of the contested character of American civil religion. Applying and evaluating assumptions from Robert N. Bellah and his critics, a conceptual history of the motto is presented, showing how from its first appearance to today it has inspired debates about the place of civil religion in American culture, law, and politics. Examining these debates, the changing character of the motto is explored: its creation as a religious response to the Civil War; its secularization as a symbol on the nation’s currency at the turn of the twentieth century; its state-sponsored institutionalization during the Cold War; its part in the litigation that challenged the constitutionality of civil religious symbolism in the era of the culture wars; and its continuing role in the increasingly partisan political battles of our own time. In this essay, I make the case that, while seemingly timeless, the meaning of the motto has been repeatedly reinterpreted, with culture, law, and politics interacting in sometimes surprising ways to form one of the nation’s most commonly accepted and frequently challenged symbols. In concluding, I speculate on the future of the motto, as well as on the changing place of civil religion in a nation that is increasingly pluralistic in its religion and polarized in its politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Freethought Society, : Civil Action No
    Case 3:15-cv-00833-MEM Document 86 Filed 07/09/18 Page 1 of 34 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT MIDDLE DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA NORTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA : FREETHOUGHT SOCIETY, : CIVIL ACTION NO. 3:15-833 Plaintiff : (JUDGE MANNION) v. : COUNTY OF LACKAWANNA : TRANSIT SYSTEM, : Defendant : MEMORANDUM The saying has been around since at least the 1800's: “Never discuss religion or politics with those who hold opinions opposite to yours; they are subjects that heat in handling, until they burn your fingers; . .”1 Even Linus van Pelt has acknowledged: “There are three things I have learned never to discuss with people . religion, politics and the Great Pumpkin!”2 Certainly, topics such as religion and politics have been deemed controversial for ages, but can the government prohibit advertising about such topics in public transit advertising spaces without violating the First Amendment? 115 February 1840, The Corsair, “The Letter Bag of the Great Western,” pg. 775, col. 1. 2PEANUTS by Charles M. Schulz, October 25, 1961. 1 Case 3:15-cv-00833-MEM Document 86 Filed 07/09/18 Page 2 of 34 The First Amendment prohibits the government from “abridging the freedom of speech.” U.S. CONST. AMEND. I. However, courts have differed on how that guarantee applies when private speech occurs on government property. Depending on the forum in which the speech occurs -- a traditional public forum, a designated forum, or a limited (or nonpublic) forum -- private speech is afforded different levels of protection. One particular area that has frustrated the courts is how to distinguish between designated and limited public forums.
    [Show full text]
  • Charlotte Wilson, the ''Woman Question'', and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism
    IRSH, Page 1 of 34. doi:10.1017/S0020859011000757 r 2011 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Charlotte Wilson, the ‘‘Woman Question’’, and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism S USAN H INELY Department of History, State University of New York at Stony Brook E-mail: [email protected] SUMMARY: Recent literature on radical movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has re-cast this period as a key stage of contemporary globali- zation, one in which ideological formulations and radical alliances were fluid and did not fall neatly into the categories traditionally assigned by political history. The following analysis of Charlotte Wilson’s anarchist political ideas and activism in late Victorian Britain is an intervention in this new historiography that both supports the thesis of global ideological heterogeneity and supplements it by revealing the challenge to sexual hierarchy that coursed through many of these radical cross- currents. The unexpected alliances Wilson formed in pursuit of her understanding of anarchist socialism underscore the protean nature of radical politics but also show an over-arching consensus that united these disparate groups, a common vision of the socialist future in which the fundamental but oppositional values of self and society would merge. This consensus arguably allowed Wilson’s gendered definition of anarchism to adapt to new terms as she and other socialist women pursued their radical vision as activists in the pre-war women’s movement. INTRODUCTION London in the last decades of the nineteenth century was a global crossroads and political haven for a large number of radical activists and theorists, many of whom were identified with the anarchist school of socialist thought.
    [Show full text]
  • Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia V. Chester County
    Louisiana Law Review Volume 65 | Number 1 Fall 2004 Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia v. Chester County: The esirD ability of a De Minimis Exception to the Supreme Court's Establishment Clause Jurisprudence Michael L. DeShazo Repository Citation Michael L. DeShazo, Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia v. Chester County: The Desirability of a De Minimis Exception to the Supreme Court's Establishment Clause Jurisprudence, 65 La. L. Rev. (2004) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol65/iss1/15 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia v. Chester County: The Desirability of a De Minimis Exception to the Supreme Court's Establishment Clause Jurisprudence In Freethought Society of Greater Philadelphia v. Chester County, the Third Circuit upheld the constitutionality of a display of the Ten Commandments on the facade of the Chester County, Pennsylvania courthouse. The court held that the County's refusal to take down the plaque was not motivated by a desire to endorse religion, but rather by a desire to "preserve a longstanding plaque." It also stated that the plaque was not a "real threat" to separation of church and state, thus invoking the spirit of the legal maxim "de minimis non curat lex" or "the law does not bother with trifles." This article examines the Freethought decision and concludes that it reached an incorrect result by misapplying both tests used by courts to decide Establishment Clause cases.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of Permaculture and Anarchism in Global Justice Movements in New Zealand
    AN ALTERNATIVE TO DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK: A STUDY OF PERMACULTURE AND ANARCHISM IN GLOBAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS IN NEW ZEALAND By Tazia Gaisford A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Development Studies Victoria University of Wellington 2011 2 Abstract This study is a response to calls for alternatives to development by post- development authors and critics of post-development alike. It asks “can the praxis of permaculture and anarchism provide an alternative to development?” Although alternatives to development arguably do not exist untouched by the dominant development paradigm, it is possible to imagine and to create the different possible organisations based on principles of mutual aid, direct action and self-management. Anarchism as a politically focused social philosophy and permaculture as an ecologically focused design philosophy are mutually beneficial in strengthening each other. The combined analysis of alternatives to development uses case studies in the Wellington Region, primarily Climate Camp Aotearoa, with permaculture and anarchist principles, and contributes another perspective to the post-development debate. The two approaches share converging central ethics, principles and struggles of praxis. They recognise that transformative change is necessary. Whether it is called a cultural revolution, transition or paradigm shift, the underlying recognition is that we need to live more harmoniously with each other and the natural environment by creating diverse post-industrial societies. Many tools, principles and processes advocated by alternative development and post-development are the same. However, the combination of those tools, principles and processes, and how they are designed and applied in relation to each other systemically, are significant in determining whether or not the intent is that of an alternative to development.
    [Show full text]
  • State of Ambiguity: Civic Life and Culture in Cuba's First Republic
    STATE OF AMBIGUITY STATE OF AMBIGUITY CiviC Life and CuLture in Cuba’s first repubLiC STEVEN PALMER, JOSÉ ANTONIO PIQUERAS, and AMPARO SÁNCHEZ COBOS, editors Duke university press 2014 © 2014 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-f ree paper ♾ Designed by Heather Hensley Typeset in Minion Pro by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data State of ambiguity : civic life and culture in Cuba’s first republic / Steven Palmer, José Antonio Piqueras, and Amparo Sánchez Cobos, editors. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8223-5630-1 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn 978-0-8223-5638-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Cuba—History—19th century. 2. Cuba—History—20th century. 3. Cuba—Politics and government—19th century. 4. Cuba—Politics and government—20th century. 5. Cuba— Civilization—19th century. 6. Cuba—Civilization—20th century. i. Palmer, Steven Paul. ii. Piqueras Arenas, José A. (José Antonio). iii. Sánchez Cobos, Amparo. f1784.s73 2014 972.91′05—dc23 2013048700 CONTENTS Introduction: Revisiting Cuba’s First Republic | 1 Steven Palmer, José Antonio Piqueras, and Amparo Sánchez Cobos 1. A Sunken Ship, a Bronze Eagle, and the Politics of Memory: The “Social Life” of the USS Maine in Cuba (1898–1961) | 22 Marial Iglesias Utset 2. Shifting Sands of Cuban Science, 1875–1933 | 54 Steven Palmer 3. Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Cuba: A View from the Sugar District of Cienfuegos, 1886–1909 | 82 Rebecca J. Scott 4. Slaughterhouses and Milk Consumption in the “Sick Republic”: Socio- Environmental Change and Sanitary Technology in Havana, 1890–1925 | 121 Reinaldo Funes Monzote 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Reclaiming Syndicalism: from Spain to South Africa to Global Labour Today
    Global Issues Reclaiming Syndicalism: From Spain to South Africa to global labour today Lucien van der Walt, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa Union politics remain central to the new century. It remains central because of the ongoing importance of unions as mass movements, internationally, and because unions, like other popular movements, are confronted with the very real challenge of articulating an alternative, transformative vision. There is much to be learned from the historic and current tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism. This is a tradition with a surprisingly substantial and impressive history, including in the former colonial world; a tradition that envisages anti-bureaucratic and bottom-up trade unions as key means of educating and mobilising workers, and of championing the economic, social and political struggles of the broad working class, independent of parliamentary politics and party tutelage; and that aims, ultimately, at transforming society through union-led workplace occupations that will institute self-management and participatory economic planning, abolishing markets, hierarchies and states. This contribution seeks, firstly, to contribute to the recovery of the historical memory of the working class by drawing attention to its multiple traditions and rich history; secondly, to make a contribution to current debates on the struggles, direction and options for the working class movement (including unions) in a period of flux in which the fixed patterns of the last forty years are slowly melting away; thirdly, it argues that many current union approaches – among them, business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism – have substantial failings and limitations; and finally, it points to the need for labour studies and industrial sociology to pay greater attention to labour traditions besides business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism.
    [Show full text]