KyotoKyotoUniversity University

imthetzst Asian Stecdies, Vol, 27, No, 2, September 1989

Liem Thian Joe'sUnpublishedHistory of Kian Gwan

Charles A. CoppEL*

Studies on the role of the overseas Chinese sue the talent for writing which was already

in the economies of are rare evident in his schoolwork. A short ex-

enough, despite their generally acknowledged perience as a trader in Ngadiredjo soon con- importance. This has been particularly true vinced him, however, that he should seek his

of , and consequently it is a matter livelihood as a writer.

of some interest to discover an unpublished His career in joumalism seems to have

history of Kian Gwan ( Con- begun in the 1920's when he joined the staff of cern), the biggest and longest-lasting Chinese the peranakan Chinese daily, PVbma

business of all in Indonesia. Further interest VVZxrta

is aroused by the fact that the manuscript was he also contributed to the Jakarta daily, Plar:

written by the late Liem Thian Joe, the well- nitrgaan, at this time). In the early 1930's, he

known Semarang journalist and historian. moved from to edit the Semarang This combination gives us promise of insights daily, L!iawa 7;engah (and its sister monthly

into the firm itself, the Oei family which l]!iawa 7lengah Revt'ew). In later years he

established it and built it up, and the history of was also a regular contributor to the weekly

the Chinese of Semarang where its original edition of the Jakarta newspaper, Sin R).2}

oMce was founded. His best-known publication, Riwojat

Semarang tDari Lijamannja thm Pbo shmpe

TetrhaPoesnja Kongfaaan), was published by Ho I TheAuthori) Kim Yoe of Semarang in 1933. Based on a

Liem Thian Joe was born in Parakan, in Cen- series of articles which he had written for the

tral Java, in 1895 or 1897. His earliest educa- Qiawa Tengah Review from March 1931 to Ju- tion was at Malay and Javanese schools, but ly 1933, this boek of some 300 pages is not so

he soon moved to a Hokkien Chinese school much a history of Semarang (as its main title

which he attended for ten years. After this would suggest) as of its Chinese inhabitants,

he attended the Tiong Hoa Hak Tong (the from their first arrival in about 1416 to the

Chinese-language school established by the abolition of the Council of Chinese OMcers

Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan) at Ngadiredjo. (Kongkoan) in 1931. For all its Chinese-cen-

Nter leaving school, he did not at once pur- trism, the book remains an invaluable source

for our understanding of the histery of ' Central Departrnent of History, University of Melboume, and Semarang in Liem was Parkwille. Victoria 3052, Australia Java particular.

1) Biographical data relating to Liem Thian Joe are fortunate in being able to use records in taken from Tan Hong Boen [1935: 138], Suryadinata [1972], and private communication 2) On the peranakan Chinese press of this period, see frorn Liem Ek Hian, Suryadinata[1971}.

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Chinese which had been stored over a very Another book, Pbesalea Tionghoa, was pub-

long period in the oMce of the Kongkoan, but lished in Semarang in about 1952. which had fallen into very bad condition Liem's interests, demonstrated in his

through lack of proper care and the ravages of publications, were parochial in the sense that

time and were soon, with the abolition of the his attention was firmly rivetted on the history

Kongkoan,tovanishcompletely. Uustwhere of his owri group, the Indonesian Chinese, and

they disappeared to is a mystery which con- in particular those who lived in his own region ceivably may be related to the equally of nonh-. His regionalism may

mysterious three wagonloads of Chinese readily be understood since he never had the

documents which, Professor Slamet Muljana opportunity to travel far from his native prov- tells us, were seized in a police raid in 1928 by ince of Central Java. His Chinese-centrism the Dutch Resident Poortman from the was typical of Indonesian Chinese intellec- Chinese shrine of Sam Po Kong on the out- tuals of his age. His formative years were skirts of Semarang [ Muljana 1968: 12; Parlin- those of the fiowering of overseas Chinese na- dungan 1964]. If Poortman did indeed gain tionalism in the Indies and the Chinese-

possession of a large quantity of old Chinese language schooling which he received was documents in Semarang at about that time itself a product of the heightened con-

which were to fonn the source for a resume in scieusness of Chineseness amongst the

Dutch which later appeared in Indonesian peranakan Chinese population which underlay

translation in Parlindungan's Tuanku Rao and the nationalist movement.3}

were thence taken up by Slarnet Muljana, it His writing, particularly in Riwojat

would seem more likely that they were ac- Semening

We know, from Liem Thian Joe, that a large bahasa Melaju Tionghoa), which has by now

quantity of old Chinese books was held there all but died out in speech and no longer ap- and that it disappeared at that time [Liem pears in print.4} His style is anecdotal and per-

1933: Preface]. On the other hand, there sonal rather than analytical and, although

seems no good reason to believe that ancient there are occasional references to sources

books had been kept at the Sam Po shrine, such as books or newspaper articles, these are

which lacked the facilities for storing such a never encumbered by such details as date and

large quantity of perishable material.) place of publication or even the number of the Liem was also responsible for writing page to which reference is made. several other published books. In 1937 his His absorption in the history of the Chinese

book comrnemorating the thirtieth anniver- 3) On the rise of overseas Chinese nationalism in In- sary of the foundation of the Semarang donesia, see Williarns [1960]. Chinese Chamber of Commerce (Boeleoe Rer 4) For a discussion of this dialect, see Nio Joe Lan [1962: Chapter 2], and Tio Le Soei [1959: Chapter i,rgelan, 1901-193Z Tfong Hwa Siang Hweq 13]. On the language of daily use among the Indone Semara2rg) was published anonymously. sian Chinese in 1920, see Coppe1 [1973]. 178

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C.A. CoppEL: Liem Thian Joe's Unpublished History of Kian Gwan

of Semarang was fu11y appreciated by the essays by his father, and a collection of

author of the major sociological study of that documents dating from the late nineteenth

community, Donald Willmott, who dedicated and eaTly twentieth century which are of par- "To his book, 71he Chinese of Slamartxng, Liem ticular interest to a student of the history of Thian Joe, the Semarang historian, journalistthe Chinese in Java. The latter include ex- and friend who has given this study its founda- amples of the travel passes which were re-

tions in the past"[Willmott 1960]. Liem died quired under the Pczssenstelsel, burial permits,

in Semarang in 1963. etc.

It is not clear why the manuscript was never

published. Liem Thian Joe did receive a II The Origin of the Manuscript honorarium from the company of Rp. 10,OOO

The manuscript, which has no title or in March 1960 and an intimation from Tan heading, is typewritten on foolscap paper, run- Tek Peng, the then manager of the firm, that

ning to some 31 pages (including two pages of the Oei family might pay him an additional

notes). It bears a number of sigris of being a premium if they were happy with the

draft, rather than a final version, but the only history. But to the day of his death, Liem

obviously incomplete section is the absence of heard nothing further from the Oei family. It

the Chinese text of a poem written by Oei Tjie may be that the troubles which led to the na-

Sien, the founder of the firm, of which an In- tionalization of the Indonesian sector of the

donesian translation by Liem is incorporated giant enterprise in 1961 made it seem inap-

in the text. The manuscript is dated propriate to publish an Indonesian-language

Semarang, 1959. 0ccasionally words, centenary history, since by the time the firm's

phrases or even whole sentences are inserted centenary arrived the company was already

in the author's handwriting, as are also occa- nationalized. Ontheotherhand,nosuchcon-

sional words in Chinese characters. siderations prevented the publication of a The manuscript was acquired by the Dutch-language history of the firm by one of

Monash University Library in early 1972 from its directors, Tjoa Soe Tjong, in the centenary

Liem Ek Hian, a son of the author who still year [Tjoa Soe Tjong 1963].

lives in Semarang. According to Liem Ek

Hian, his father was commissioned by the III TheManuscriptasEconomic company to write the history in anticipation of History the centenary of the firm (which was to occur

in 1963) and spent three years finding the data It must be admitted that the economic

for it in the company archives and the cor- historian who looks to this unpublished

respondence of the Oei family. The Monash history for an explanation of the success of

University Library also acquired from Liem Kian Gwan and the entrepreneurial talents of

Ek Hian at the same time a copy of the Oei those members of the Oei family who guided family genealogy, eleven short Chinese- its fortunes will be disappointed. The late

language writings, four short unpublished Liem Thian Joe was more chronicler than

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historian. The date when each new company was a sharp fall in sugar prices, as a result of or branch in the group was established within which many speculators went bankrupt. As

Indonesia or abroad is carefully noted in the the prices fell and fell, Kian Gwan adopted a "wait narrative. So, too, are changes in location of and see" policy. According to Liem it

the head oMce or main warehouse or in the did not, however, follow the traditional

seniormanagement. Theappointmentofout- Chinese commercial proverb: Lijiok lehi, boo

siders (i.e., those who were not members of tijiole looh fouy in when prices rise, but not the Oei family) and, in particular, those with when they fall). Once the prices had reached

specialist technical ski11s to high othce in the a very low level, Kian Gwan suddenly cor-

group, is noted but its significance is passed nered a very large amount of the sugar from

over. Similarly, we are able to follow the the brokers. Then, after a few months, as

growth and expansion of the enterprise in the prices gradually rose again, it was able to

narrative but only rarely are we given any hint release its sugar onto the market profitably,

of the economic context in which this expan- unlike the other Chinese companies during

sion took place. The entrepreneurial skill of the sugar crisis. This is not to say that Kian the principal businessmen in the family (Oei Gwan had everything going its way at that

Tjie Sien, Oei Tiong Ham, and Oei Tjong time. In September 1917 the Netherlands In- Hauw) is not analyzed in any depth and we get dies government imposed a war profits tax of

no clear picture of the degree to which, if at 30 per cent on profits made between 1914 and

all, decision-making was delegated to senior 1917, a retroactive measure which created

managerial staff. All of these matters are difiiculties for many companies which had

more satisfactorily dealt with in the paper by already dissipated their profits. Further-

Panglaykim and Palmer [1970].5) more, during the period from 1917 to 1919 Two aspects of Liem's treatment of the rice prices rose steeply and, after an unsuc- company history, however, perhaps deserve cessfu1 attempt by the Resident of Semarang

mention here. Firstly, he describes one to induce rice merchants like Kian Gwan to

episode in the history of the company which is hold down prices voluntarily, he seized all the

passed over by Panglaykim and Palmer and stocks in their warehouses and sold them

which may have some interest. In 1917 there direct to the public with the assistance of the

municipal authorities after allowing the mer- 5) An earlier and less comprehensive version of their "Study chants a smal1 profit of only 25 cents to the paper appeared under the title, of En- trepreneurialship [sic] in Developing Countries: picul [Liem MS: xvii-xviii].6) The Deyeloprnent of One Chinese Concern in ln- The other interesting feature of Liem's donesia" jbzamal of sathcast Asinn Studies, March 1970, pp,85-95. For an earlier economic history of history of the company is his explanation of the firm, to which their is indebted "Chinese paper greatly the longevity of the firm in terms of for factual material, see Tjoa Soe TZjong [1963]. On Chinese business methods and entrepreneurship more generally in Indonesia, see Vleming [1925] 6} A characteristic of Liem's writing (which reflects and Wimaams [1952t 34-60]. The standard his Hokkien school education in Java} is his use of economic history of the Indonesian Chinese is Hol(kien versions of Chinese-langtiage quotations Cator [1936]. rendered in a Dtttch form of romanization,

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C.A. Cop?EL: Liem Thian Joe's Unpublished History of Kian Gwan

philosophy." He rightly pointed to its unique about them which cannot be found in the

success amongst Chinese businesses in In- other studies of the business or the family

donesia in managing to survive for almost a which are known to me. These studies are

century and over four generations of the fam- the paper by Panglaykim and Palmer, the arti-

ily. AccordingtoChinesephilosophy,hesaid, cle by Tjoa Soe Tjong, and the little-known

the longevity of anything was due to the vir- but fascinating autobiography by Oei Tiong

tue (kebetijikan) of those who play an impor- Ham's second daughter, Koo Hui Lan

tant part in it. The Chinese preverb went: (Madame ) [Koo 1943]. It 71iele sian iji keh, Pityu i khing (A household may be useful to set out here thumbnail which accumulates virtue will surely gain its sketches of the three leading figures in the reward in plenty). This, he said, was the case family as they appear in the manuscript, and

with Oei Tjie Sien, Oei Tiong Ham, and Oei at the same time fleshing out the picture with

Tjong Hauw in the history of Kian Gwan. details from other sources where these confiict This virtue did not just consist in generosity with or add to Liem's account.

of charitable donatiens, since according to The founder of Kian Gwan, Oei Tjie Sien,

Chinese philosophy a virtuous deed must be alias Soe Khiem, was born on June 23, 1835 in

done without any desire for reward or praise, the village of Li-lim-sia, in the Tong-an or, as the Chinese proverb put it, slan yole tijin district of the residency of Tjoan-tjiee in the ti, Pest si ijin sian. It was enly such deeds, province of Fukien. He was the sixth son of known as im tele, which were acceptable to the Oei Tjhing In and, of a peasant family [Liem

Almighty. Liem concluded his histery of MS:i].7) (AccordingtoKooHuiLan,hisfather

Kian Gwan on this traditional note, with the was a petty government oMcial [Koo 1943: 4].)

traditional prayer that the enterprise might en- At all events, he received a good education in dure for thousands of years (tay gmp diian his youth, for various accounts confirm that in tijiu> [Liem MS: xxix]. later 1ife he spent much of his leisure reading books from his considerable library and

writing poetry [Liem MS: i, viii-x; Koo 1943: IV The Manuscript as Biography of 151. He left China for Semarang in 1858, the Oei Family together with a number of friends who shared

It will probably have emerged from what his views, for political reasons. From Liem's

has already been said that the manuscript is account it appears that Tjie Sien was an oppo-

quite uncritical of the leading figures of the nent of the Manchu government who had Oei family who were responsible for the formed a trade oMce which carried on a kind

development of Kian Gwan and the Oei Tiong of rice-growing cooperative with like-minded

Ham Concern group as a whole, Conse- people. His departure for Java was, in fact, quently, one should not expect to find a fully fiight from the increasingly repressive rule of

rounded biography of these unusually successfu1 the Manchus. (This version confirms the

entrepreneurs. On the IndonesianChinese 7} For photographs of Oei Tjie Sien and his wife, see

other hand, we can find biographical data thmpoo Fonds Blad [1938: opposite 6]. 181

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rather romantic description given by Koo Hui should become his son-in-law, a proposal Lan of his fiight as a rebel refugee after the which Tjie Sien accepted with alacrity [Koo failure'of tlie T'aiping rebellion [Liem MS: i; 1943: 6-7]. Koo 1943: 3-5].) According to Liem, Tjie Sien Oei Tjie Sien was responsible for purchas-

maintained his political views until his death, ing the family estate at Semongan, outside which apparently occurred in Sernarang on Semarang, and in 1880 was given oMcial per-

March 8, 1900. He relates that in 1897 the mission to reside there, although it lay outside

Manchu government made him an award the Chinese quarter. According to Liem, he

(tionggie tay-hoe) but that he never discussed chose the property, which was owned by a the award with his family and would not Jew named Johannes, because at Gedung-

displayit. HeremainedconvincedthatChina batu, on part of the land, was situated the

was the land for the Chinese to return even- shrine of Sam Po Kong, which was much

tually and he refused, contrary to the custom venerated by the Chinese. Oei Tjie Sien was

arnongst the Chinese of the time, to have his upset by the venality of his predecessor in gravestone (bongtpay) engraved with the year title, who had levied a toll on the Chinese

of the Ch'ing dynasty. It is interesting that pilgrims who came to pray there on the first Koo Hui Lan, who gives a lengthy description and fifteenth day of each Chinese month. By

of Oei Tjie Sien in his declining years, makes acquiring the property, he was able to abolish no mention of this Manchu honor. (On the this tax on religious devotion [Liem MS: iii-

other hand, she does mention that by the time iv].8} It was on this estate, too, that he made

his son Oei Tiong Ham was seven years eld, 8} The story of the aequisition of the land by Oei Tjie Tjie Sien had saved enough to buy his pardon Sien also appears in thmPoo Fetids BLad [1938: 3- 4], which includes a of the Chinese- from the Manehu government so that he could "Testament"photograph language stone

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C.A. CoppEL: Liem Thian Joe's Unpublished History of Kian Gwan

his choice of site for the family cemetery, us- He rarely ate with the family, but when he did

ing the traditional Chinese science of hongsoei it was a formal occasion. At such meals he in- [Liem MS: vii]. Liem does not, however, br- variably gave the younger generation a little ing out Tjie Sien's almost obsessive preoc- lecture on the virtue of thrift, but every morn-

cupation with the cemetery and his own tomb ing he himself would present a coin to each of in his later years [Koo 1943: 18-20]. Tjie hisgrandchildren. Hewasveryconservative Sien spent much of the latter part of his life on and traditional in his ways. He never wore

the estate, after leaving the management of anything but traditional Chinese dress, he

the business in the hands of his son, Tiong kept his queue, he was very religious and

Ham. According to Liem, he talkedagreat strictly celebrated Chinese holidays.9) His

deal with his friends, was fond of reading, and one extravagance, according to his grand-

wrote verses. One of his favorite books was daughter, was his stables. Liem also depicts 7jban-ijioe Ifoe-ijie, a four-volume history of him going about Semarang in his carriage

the city of Tjoan-tjioe which he had annotated drawn by a pair of large Australian horses,

profusely, Liem intended to incorporate in wearing silk jacket and trousers in contrasting his history of Kian Gwan the Chinese text of colors of black (oh-tioe) and white (txeh-tioe)

one of Tjie Sien's poems, and Liem's own with a conical hat (kopiah harPt{s) to complete

translation into Indonesian in syair form ap- the ensemble. After Tjie Sien's death, his

pears there. The poem, in eight stanzas, body was interred in the cemetery at Penggi1-

traces his life from his birth in Tong-an ing on the Semongan estate but his hio-hwee

district, through his emigration to Semarang were sent to Amoy in China [Liem MS: xi, xii;

to his success in business there. Liem com- Koo 1943: Chapter 2].

ments that he was unable to render adequate- Oei Tiong Ham, alias Oen Tiong, the son of

ly in his translation the tone of humility (seed- Oei Tjie Sien, was born on November 19,

7'D in the Chinese original [Liem MS: viii-x]. 1866. At the age of eight he began to attend Apart from his poetry, Tjie Sien also con- an old-style Chinese school (see-siole) and later

structed short balancing phrases (twi-thee).also took lessons in Malay language and the Liem cites ene example of these in the original Roman alphabet [Liem MS: 2]. When he was characters which incorporates the name of the of age (dewasa), his father began to train him

firm (Kian Gwan) [ Liem MS : vi]. One in commerce and gradually withdrew himself

gentlemanly pursuit of his later years which is from the family business [Liem MS: iv]. not mentioned in Liem's account was lotus Liem gives no hint of the story recounted by

cultivation [Koo 1943: 20].

If we combine the accounts in the 9} Quite apart from any personal pTeference on Tjie

Sien's wearing attire other than Chinese manuscript and in the Koo Hui Lan memoirs, part, dress would have been illegal in those days unless can fairly clearly the of this we picture person govemment permission was obtained to do other- founder of Kian Gwan, We can imagine an wise; see The Siauw Giap [1966: 187, fn. 6], For a detailed description of Chinese holidays in Central elderly man, aloof, stiff, and rather formal. Java in the late nineteenth century, see Tjoa Tjoe His sons always had to stand in his presence. Koan [1887].

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Koo Hui Lan of her father as a profligate best Dutch doctors rather than traditional garnbler in his youth [Koo 1943: 8-11], nor of Chinese physicians or Javanese tloekeens [Koo any friction between Oei Tiong Ham and his 1943: 65].ii}

father over busines$ methods [Koo 1943: 12]. Despite this, there were limits to his recep-

In this connection, Koo Hui Lan has some in- tiveness to Westernization. He did not speak

teresting observations to make of her father's the Dutch language and his command of

"business genius," which she much admired: English was modest, so he conversed with

Dutch othcials through an interpreter since it

He was always alert for new ventures in would have been beneath the dignity of either which to invest his money and he had a to use Malay (a language which botli sides remarkable flair for choosing brilliant up- understood perfectly) [Koo 1943: 33]. By the

and-coming associates. He believed in same token, he showed no interest in applying

`hunches' and played them for all they were to the Indies government for assimilation to

worth. He stressed luck and often told me European legal status CgeliYlestelli)rg) or in that if he were given the choice between a reversing his name, European-style, to dozen intelligent men and one lucky man he become T.H. Oei, a practice which was then would take the lucky one every time [Koo fashionable among some Western-oriented 1943: 57-58].iO) Chinese [Liem MS: xiii-xiv]. His preference for Western clothes and the European quarter ln many ways Oei Tiong Harn was the an- of Semarang did not imply a rejection of

tithesis of his father-a modernizer and a per- thingsChinese. Hewasgenerousinhisfinan-

son who was open to Western influences. cial contributions to the Chinese-lariguage

After his father's death, he was one of the first THHK schools throughout Central Java and

Chinese to obtain the consent of the Indies to the renovation of the Thay Kak Sie temple

government to his cutting off his queue (lauwt- in Semarang [ Liem MS: xiii-xiv]. While Koo 1'ang) and wearing Western dress (which he Hui Lan was young, her father took the farnily

did in 1902). His example was soon followed each year on trips to China and Singapore by many of the Kian Gwan employees [Liem [Koo 1943: 23]. MS: xli]. Oei Tiong Ham was also one of the Oei Tiong Ham was obviously an imrnensely

first Chinese to obtain permission to live in wealthy man and he lived extravagantly.

Gergadji (in the European quarter of In Liem Thian Joe's account, his wealth was

Semarang) rather than in the Chinese quarter, evident from the range of his benefactions,

to which the Chinese were still legany confined 11) On the other hand, Panglaykim and Palmer say under wijleenstelsel [Liem MS: 12-13]. Koo that he retained his luck U7bk-hle) by implementing the hong-swie idea of harmony between wind and Hui Lan tells us that he preferred to use the water, that he consulted hi$ special spiritual ad- viser and foilowed his advice on whether or not to 10) Panglaykim and Palmer also refer to his appoint- buy a new car or a new house, but that he did not "a ment of Tan Tek Peng, daring gambler," as go to the temple to make an oifering after some chief manager of Kian Gwan [Panglaykim and speculative venture as others did [Panglaykim and Palmer 1970: 16-17]. Palmer 1970: l8].

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which Liem lists, and the reference to a Catering for my father was a diMcult task,

dispute over the distribution of his income tax as he was an enormous eater. One night he

in 1915 when he changed his domicile to would order Chinese food, the next a series

Salatiga. His income was said to amount to of complicated French dishes. To satisfy

some two million guilders at that time [Liem his whims there were three kitchens run-

MS: xvi]. He may well have been the ning simultaneously. Chinese food was

wealthiest man in the colony. Part of his im- prepared in one, in another European, while mense fortune was made as the last and prob- the third was used almost entirely for the ably the greatest of the opium pachters, preparation of special delicacies which my

holding as he did the opiurn monopolies on father dispatched in endless streams as

franchise from the colonial government until presents to the Dutch oMcials. There were

the system was abolished in 1904 in Surabaya, four Chinese head cooks and a Malay chef

Solo, Yogyakarta, and Semarang. His profits who had charge of the French cuisine. He frorn the sale of opium in the period 1890- was a magnificent artist who had made his 1903 amounted to 18 million guilders [Liem reputation at the best Dutch restaurant in

MS: vii-viii; 1933: 180-181]. Batavia and had also formerly served as

The extravagance of Oei Tiong Ham's life- head chef to the Governor-General of the

style does not emerge in Liem's account, but island. The three kitchens imctioned as

it is graphically described by Koo Hui Lan. separate units; each cook had his own staff,

We learn frem her that his Dutch colonial- did his own marketing and was responsible

style house in Sernarang was set in a 1arge or- only to the majordomo, who checked his ac-

namental garden which included a private zoo counts once a week.

stocked with bears, deer, snakes, gibbons, cassowaries, and peacocks. The garden and The house and grounds were guarded by

the zoo were thrown open to the public once a four Negro watchmen who were newly ar-

week for a small entrance fee, which was then rivedfromAfricaandspokelittleMalay. Koo

"My turned ever to her rnother's charities [Koo Hui Lan comments: father picked the big- 1943: 30-31]. As she put it: gest and blackest he could find, because they

tenified the natives, who nicknamed them

`Black Father appreciated good living and en- Dutchmen'" [Koo 1943: 31-32]. joyed entertaining in the grand rnanner, so Oei Tiong Ham regularly spent two hours our house was run on a scale unusual even over his elaborate toilette ritual in the morn-

"he in Java, where wages were low and servants ings. And for his breakfast started off easily trained. The household was in the with a few mangoes or papayas, followed by a

charge of a Malay majordomo, who kept bowl of steaming porridge and climaxed with fortyservantsinorder. Directlyunderhim six fried eggs and several slices of liver gar-

was a Malay butler and twelve serving nished with lavish curls of bacon, all washed

boys. They waited expertly on the table down with bowls of tea. To compose his with the greatest elegance and style. ... nerves after this exertion Father smoked two

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fat black cigars" [Koo 1943: 33--35]. The carefu11y analyzed by Panglaykim and Palmer gargantuan scale of this extraordinary man [1970: 19-29], but their account is almost

was also refiected in his eight wives and 26 silent about the three-and-one-half years of

children (13 sons and 13 daughters). theJapaneseoccupation. Theomissionisthe

Nthough he was cold and businesslike in more str iking because, unlike many other prom-

determi4ing which of the children should suc- inent Chinese, he was not interned by the

ceed him in the business, he appears to have Japanese.i2) On the contrary, they appointed

been generous in his treatment of the others him as one of the few Chinese members of the from his vast wealth [Panglaykim and Palmer Central Advisory Council (Chtu)h fungt' in)

1970: 18]. created in August 1943, and sirnilarly of the

The colonial government recognized Oei Committee for the Investigation of Indonesian

Tiong Ham as an important man to cultivate. Independence {Btulan fenjetldile Kemeniehaan In 1898 he was appointed Captain of the lvdonesin) established in 1945 [Sorners 1965: Chinese in Semarang but he only held the posi- 109, fu. 11; Anderson 1961: 10-11, 18]. He

tion for about two years when he asked to be was thus an important political figtire at this

relieved of the post because of pressure of time.

business. In recognition of his services he Liem's history of Kian Gwan has relatively was, in 1901, appointed titular Major [Liem little to say about Oei Tjong Hauw, but it does MS: viii]. For his part, Oei Tiong Ham make some reference to his role during the recognized that it was good business to Japanese occupation. It appears that he was

cultivate Dutch oMcialdom. As Koo Hui Lan also appointed as head of the Semarang

"Papa's says, method was simple: from the Kizdyoh Shohhai (Hoaleino 11ienghwee), the

lowest to the highest, he kept them well fed. only Chinese organization permitted in

It was clever psychology, since the oMcials Semarang. In this capacity he was allowed

were badly paid and could not affbrd al1 the the use of one of the few motor cars available

table luxuries which their robust Dutch apL in the city, and the only Chinese to have one.

petites craved" [Koe 1943: 52]. Oei Tiong Liem is carefu1 to draw attention to less well- Harn died in Singapore on June 2, 1924, and known actions of Oei Tjong Hauw during this

he was buried in Semarang with a remarkably period. He is said to have requested the

simple ceremony for a wealthy Chinese of his release of some Semarang Chinese who had

station, at his own specific request [Liem MS: been interned by the Japanese in Surabaya xix; 1933: 264-266]. and stood surety for their good behavior after

After the death of Oei Tiong Ham, the theirrelease. Healsoissaidtohaveforwarded

business was carried on by two of his sons, medicines to Chinese internees at Tjimahi

Oei Tj,ong Swan and Oei TZjong Hauw. The via the Kblvoh Shehhai in Bandung, and to

foriner seld out his share in 1931, leaving Oei have helped the families of some Chinese in-

Tjong Hauw as the dorninant figure in the ternees who were in diMculties [Liem MS:

company for the next two decades. His role 12) The experience of one such internee is described in the further development of the firm is by Nio Joe Lan [1946].

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C.A. CoppEL: Liem Thian Joe's Unpublished History of Kian Gwan

26]. Liem's defensiveness on these matters .1962. Elastera indbnesia-11onghea.Jalvarta: Gunimg Agung. suggests that there may have been some Panglaykim, J. and Palmer, I. 1970. Entmpreneurship criticism of collaboration Oei Tjong Hauw's and Conmercial Risks: 71he Ctise of a Sthecmpaten'an Business in indonesin, Occasional with the Japanese, but the issue is not openly Paper No. 2. Institute of Business Studies. raised either in his account or in that of Singapore: College of Graduate Studies, Nanyang Panglaykim and Palmer. Oei Tjong Hauw University. Parlindungan, M.O. 1964. 7letank" Rtto. died suddenly and prematurely on 21, January Sampoo Fbnds Blad Advertentie en Adresboeh. 1938. 1950 at the age of 49 years [Liem MS: xxix]. Semarang: Hap Sing Kongsie. Somers, Mary F,A. 1965. Pleranahan Chinese Pblities In summary, it can be said that Liem Thian in 1hedonesla, Ph, D, thesis, Cornell University. Joe's unpublished history of Kian Gwan, Suryadinata, Leo, 1971. The Are-PVbrld VVbr U Peranahan Chinese Pi,ess A PVeliminary altheugh by no means a major contribution ofJbua: Survay. Papers in International Studies, Southeast like his Riwcijat imarang, has added to our Asia Series No. 18, Ohio University. knowledge of this remarkable family of In- . 1972. Ptominent indbneslan Chinese in the Twentfath Centaty; A Pteliminary Survev, Papers donesian Chinese entrepreneurs and, in par- in International Studie$, Southeast Asia Series No.

ticular, of its three leading figures. 23. 0hio University. Tan Hong Boen, 1935. 0rangOrang IVonghca 1lang 7)erhemoelea di' jova. Solo: The Biographical References Publishing Centre. The Siauw Giap. 1966. Group Confiict in a Plural Anderson,Benedict. 1961.thmeAspectsofindDnesian Society. Revete d" Sudest Asiatique. Politics under the fopanese Ciceupation: 1944-1945, Tio Le Soei. 1959. Lfa Kimhok 1853-1912. Bandung: "Good Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, Cornell L.D. Luck," University. Tjoa Soe Tjong. 1963. 0THC-100 jaar-Een stukje Cator, W.J. 1936, The Etonomic Ilosition the of economische geschiedenis van Indonesia.

Chinese in the IViztherlandslitdies,O]rford: Etonomisch Statistische Ben'chten. June 26, July Blackwell. 10, and July 17. Coppel, Charles A. 1973. Mapping the Peranakan Tjoa Tjoe Koan. 1887, Hbri Roja Otung 7]iina, Chinese in Indonesia, Plapars on Fbr Eastem Batavia: Albrecht,

Histoi),, September. Vleming, J.L., Jr. 1925. Het Chineesche ZLikenleven in Koo, Hui-lan. 1943. An Autobi(rg?fopdy as 7lold to Mbry IVbdedendsch-indie. Weltevreden: Volkslectuur.

van Rensselaer Thctyer, New York: Dia1 Press. Williarns, Lea E. 1952. Chinese Entrepreneurs in In- Liem Thian Joe. 1933, Riwojat Semarang t;Dari donesia. Emplorations in Entmpreneurlal Histot),, L!iamannja Einm Pbo Simpa 1lerhtrpoesnja October, Kongkoard. Semarang: Ho Kim Yoe. . 1960, Overseas Chinese fV?itionalism: The . Manuscript {MS). Genesis of the Pan-Chinese Mbvement in indonesia, Muljana, Slamet. 1968. Runtuhnja Keradiaan Hindu 1900-1916. Glencoe, Ill,: Free Press. dan IVizgura 2 lslam di Qiawa Timbulnja Nitsanlatzx. Willrnott, Donald Earl. 1960. Ilhe Chinese of Jakarta: Bhratara. Semarang: A Changt'ng 2lfinority Community in Nio Joe Lan. 1946. Datem 7lrwanan lljqPang.Jakarta: lvdonesia, Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Lotus.

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