Chinese Media Reaction to USTR Carla Hills Visit
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The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait
asia policy, number 2 (july 2006), 109–139 book review roundtable Richard C. Bush’s Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2005 ISBN: 0-815-71288-X (hardcover) Allen Carlson Derek Mitchell Lyle Goldstein Dan Blumenthal Mark Williams Steven M. Goldstein Richard C. Bush © The National Bureau of Asian Research, Seattle, Washington asia policy (K)not Yet Untied: Comments on Richard Bush’s Untying the Knot Allen Carlson ichard Bush, who served as the acting director of the American Institute R in Taiwan from 1997 to 2002, is one of America’s most experienced observers of Taiwanese politics. His new book, Untying the Knot, clearly reflects such expertise, and forwards a timely, comprehensive, and fairly well- balanced account of the evolution of contemporary cross-Strait relations. The book makes two main contributions to the already vast literature on this potentially explosive relationship. First, Bush attempts to explain the tenacity of conflict across the Taiwan Strait. As an initial step, he identifies sovereignty and security as forming the interlocking core of the conflictual relationship between Beijing and Taipei. He then calls attention to three “aggravating” factors—domestic politics, the decisionmaking process, and leverage-seeking—that have made this volatile situation even more intractable. As a second contribution, Bush suggests a set of policy measures that, if enacted, would be conducive to lessening tensions and reducing the chances of outright military conflict across the Taiwan Strait. More specifically, he recommends that Beijing move beyond the “one country, two systems” formula. Taipei is encouraged not only to refrain from pushing Beijing into a corner (via formal measures to declare Taiwan’s independence) but also to strengthen Taiwan’s own status both at home and abroad in order to maintain its negotiating position vis-à-vis the mainland. -
Taiwan Communiqué Published By: Formosan Association for Public Affairs 552 7Th St
Taiwan Communiqué Published by: Formosan Association for Public Affairs 552 7th St. SE, Washington, D.C. 20003 Tel. (202) 547-3686 International edition, May / June 2011 Published 5 times a year 132 ISSN number: 1027-3999 Gearing up for presidential elections Tsai Ing-wen is the DPP nominee During the past few weeks, Taiwan has started to get into gear for the 2012 elections. On 19 April 2011 the Central Election Commission decided that the Legislative Yuan elections (originally slated for December 2011) and the Presidential elections (originally slated for March 2012) would be combined and held on Saturday 14 January 2012. A few days later, on 27 April 2011, the DPP announced that Tsai Ing-wen was the winner in its primary process, beating out former Prime Photo: Democratic Progressive Party Minister Su Tseng-chang. The nomination was formally confirmed by the DPP’s Central Stand- ing Committee on 4 May 2011. At the same time, the Kuomintang announced that incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou would be its candidate. Some analysis and commentary: Combining the presidential and legislative elections A heated debate erupted in Taiwan about the reasons for combining the elections. Many commentators indicate that this executive deci- sion was made because president Ma felt it was to his advantage to have the legislative and presidential elections coincide: his popularity is DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen becomes relatively low (around 33% in most opinion presidential candidate Taiwan Communiqué -2- May / June 2011 polls) and by combining the elections he hopes to be able to ride the coattails of popular local candidates. -
Four Years of Commitment and Crisis
U.S.-Taiwan Relations: Four Years of Commitment and Crisis Nancy Bernkopf Tucker Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University U.S.-Taiwan relations over the four years of Chen Shui-bian’s first term shifted unevenly between commitment and crisis. The Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) rise to power initially frightened U.S. policymakers, who feared the radicalism of a party long identified with independence. They discovered that Chen could be pragmatic and willing to accept guidance from the U.S. Under both the Clinton and Bush administrations, Taiwan accordingly received significant support for reform and expansion of its military capabilities; support which sometimes exceeded what the DPP and the Taiwan military were prepared to accept. With the advent of the Bush administration, Taiwan enjoyed an era of unprecedented friendship in Washington, experiencing policies that accorded it more respect and dignity as well as greater access and a higher profile. Chen, however, pushed the limits by taking several initiatives considered provocative by China and the U.S. without prior consultation with his U.S. supporters. The result has been anger and friction with uncertain implications for the future. The election of Chen Shui-bian as president of Taiwan in March 2000 brought the decades-old Kuomintang (KMT) monopoly of power on the island to an end. This peaceful transition from one political party to another signified passage of an important milestone in the achievement of full democracy and was greeted with enthusiasm in the United States. Washington’s pleasure with the growth of democratic institutions, however, was offset somewhat with trepidation as to what a DPP presidency would mean for peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. -
A Democratizaç Ã O De Taiwan E Suas Implicaç Õ Es Nas Relaç Õ Es Com Os Estados Unidos E Com a China
UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO DE JANEIRO INSTITUTO DE ECONOMIA MONOGRAFIA DE BACHARELADO A DEMOCRATIZAÇ Ã O DE TAIWAN E SUAS IMPLICAÇ Õ ES NAS RELAÇ Õ ES COM OS ESTADOS UNIDOS E COM A CHINA Ben Lian Deng matrícula nº 106089142 ORIENTADOR: Prof. Ronaldo Fiani ABRIL 2012 UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO DE JANEIRO INSTITUTO DE ECONOMIA MONOGRAFIA DE BACHARELADO A DEMOCRATIZAÇ Ã O DE TAIWAN E SUAS IMPLICAÇ Õ ES NAS RELAÇ Õ ES COM OS ESTADOS UNIDOS E COM A CHINA __________________________________ Ben Lian Deng matrícula nº 106089142 ORIENTADOR: Prof. Ronaldo Fiani ABRIL 2012 2 As opiniões expressas neste trabalho são de exclusiva responsabilidade do(a) autor(a) 3 Resumo Após quase quatro décadas de tranquilidade no estreito de Taiwan, a paz no estreito foi subitamente interrompida em 1995, quando a China lançou uma série de testes com mísseis balísticos contra a costa taiwanesa. A partir de 1995, a China passou a acusar as autoridades de Taiwan de promover a “independência” de Taiwan, e por inúmeras vezes ameaçou Taiwan de guerra. Durante este mesmo período, observou-se o rápido crescimento do nacionalismo taiwanês, fato que influenciou diretamente as recentes crises no estreito de Taiwan. Esta monografia procura demonstrar que as recentes crises (1988-2008), foram resultados diretos da democratização de Taiwan ao final da década de 1980, que aprofundou o histórico conflito entre os dois principais grupos étnico e antagônicos de Taiwan, refletindo-se na política interna e externa de Taiwan. 4 Notas sobre as Romanizações O sistema Wade-Giles foi utilizado para romanizar os caracteres chineses, com as exceções dos nomes que já são mais familiares para o ocidente, como Quemoy (Chinmen) e Chiang Kai- shek (Chiang Chieh-shih). -
The Republic of China's Foreign Policy Towards Africa
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Wits Institutional Repository on DSPACE The Republic of China’s Foreign Policy towards Africa: The Case of ROC-RSA Rela- tions ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- By San-shiun Tseng A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Johannesburg, November 2008 Table of Contents Title Page Acknowledgements Abstract Map Abbreviations Chapter I: Introduction····························································································1 Chapter II: Modern Diplomacy of the World ······················································12 1: Personal Diplomacy··························································································13 2: Economic Diplomacy ·······················································································20 3: Foreign Aid·······································································································28 4: Conference Diplomacy ·····················································································38 5: Public Diplomacy ·····························································································49 Chapter III: The ROC’s Policy towards Africa (1949-2004)·····························70 1: Africa’s Position in the World···········································································70 -
Apo Annual Report Apo Annual Report
APO ANNUAL REPORT REPORT APO ANNUAL 2015 APO APO ANNUAL ANNUAL REPORT REPORT 2015 2015 ISBN: 978-92-833-2460-7 (paperback) lSBN: 978-92-833-2461-4 (PDF) DIC 621 (銀) DIC 120 DIC 184 DIC 230 8.5mm First published in Japan by Asian Productivity Organization Leaf Square Hongo Building, 2F 1-24-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku Tokyo 113-0033, Japan www.apo-tokyo.org © 2016 Asian Productivity Organization All rights reserved. None of the contents of this publication may be used, reproduced, stored, or transferred in any form or by any means for commercial purposes without prior written permission from the APO. The APO Secretariat thanks the NPOs for providing updates on their directory information and some of the project-related images used in this report. ISBN: 978-92-833-2469-0 (paperback) ISBN: 978-92-833-2470-6 (PDF) 300.06.2016 Designed by Expressions, Inc. Printed by Hirakawa Kogyosha Co., Ltd., Japan CONTENTS APO Directors, Alternate Directors, Liaison Officers, and NPO Heads iv APO Secretariat vi Foreword vii Organization 1 2015 GBM and WSM 5 Brief Description of 2015 APO Projects 13 Strengthening of NPOs 14 Promoting the Development of SMEs and Communities 32 Catalyzing Innovation-led Productivity Growth 42 Green Productivity 62 Individual-country Programs 73 Evaluation of APO Projects 76 Information Program 77 International Cooperation 82 2015 APO Project Summary 83 Financial Report 115 List of NPOs 132 List of Abbreviations and Acronyms Used 134 APO ANNUAL REPORT 2015 iii APO DIRECTORS, ALTERNATE DIRECTORS, NPO HEADS, AND LIAISON OFFICERS (AS OF 31 DECEMBER 2015) APO Chair NPO Head Islamic Republic of Iran Dr. -
Is China's Flexibility Tactical Or Significant?
China-Taiwan Relations: Is China’s Flexibility Tactical or Significant? by David G. Brown Associate Director, Asian Studies The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies In recent months, Beijing has taken a number of steps that show greater flexibility on issues related to Taiwan. Beijing has said that cross-Strait transportation does not have to be called “domestic”; it has agreed to a proposal from opposition members in Taipei to permit charter flights and given up its initial request that some of the charter flights be flown by PRC airlines; and, in his meeting with President George W. Bush in Crawford, President Jiang Zemin indicated that China might reduce missile deployments opposite Taiwan if U.S. arms sales were reduced. A key question is whether these and other moves are just tactical maneuvers or a significant adjustment in Beijing’s approach to cross- Strait relations. Beijing’s moves represent a challenge for the Chen Shui-bian administration in Taiwan but present opportunities that Taipei and Washington should consider seriously. New Moves by Beijing This quarter has seen a remarkable number of instances in which Beijing has adopted a more flexible or less confrontational approach on issues relating to Taiwan. The first was on the issue of air routes between the mainland and Taiwan. On Oct. 17, Vice Premier Qian Qichen told a visiting Taipei editor that as cross-Strait economic issues should be separated from politics, these air routes could be called “cross-Strait” routes. As noted in last quarter’s report, Beijing’s willingness to drop its insistence that these air routes be treated as “domestic,” a term that the Taiwanese government saw as an indirect way to obtain its acceptance of the “one China” principle, would be a key indicator of whether Beijing would be willing to put politics aside and actively promote economic ties. -
China-Taiwan Relations: Is China’S Flexibility Tactical Or Significant?
China-Taiwan Relations: Is China’s Flexibility Tactical or Significant? by David G. Brown Associate Director, Asian Studies The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies In recent months, Beijing has taken a number of steps that show greater flexibility on issues related to Taiwan. Beijing has said that cross-Strait transportation does not have to be called “domestic”; it has agreed to a proposal from opposition members in Taipei to permit charter flights and given up its initial request that some of the charter flights be flown by PRC airlines; and, in his meeting with President George W. Bush in Crawford, President Jiang Zemin indicated that China might reduce missile deployments opposite Taiwan if U.S. arms sales were reduced. A key question is whether these and other moves are just tactical maneuvers or a significant adjustment in Beijing’s approach to cross- Strait relations. Beijing’s moves represent a challenge for the Chen Shui-bian administration in Taiwan but present opportunities that Taipei and Washington should consider seriously. New Moves by Beijing This quarter has seen a remarkable number of instances in which Beijing has adopted a more flexible or less confrontational approach on issues relating to Taiwan. The first was on the issue of air routes between the mainland and Taiwan. On Oct. 17, Vice Premier Qian Qichen told a visiting Taipei editor that as cross-Strait economic issues should be separated from politics, these air routes could be called “cross-Strait” routes. As noted in last quarter’s report, Beijing’s willingness to drop its insistence that these air routes be treated as “domestic,” a term that the Taiwanese government saw as an indirect way to obtain its acceptance of the “one China” principle, would be a key indicator of whether Beijing would be willing to put politics aside and actively promote economic ties. -
012 Taiwan-PAS Correspondence and Memoranda
SEP-27-'91 17:52 T- T T M C 02-7055211 #769-02 TAIWAN TRANSPORTATION MACHINLRY CORP. 9TH FLOOR, NO. 2, JEN-Al ROAD, SECTION 4. TAIPEI, 10650, TAIWAN TEL (02) 702-9828 September 27, 1991 Mr. Clay T. Whitehead Vice Chairman POPHA LYRACOM SPAC :3 '91 11:20 FROM ALPHA LYRACOM PAGE.001 ALPHA LYMCOM SPACE COMMUNICATIONS FACSIMILE WIVIORANDUAI '10: Mr. J. J. Peng FROM: Tom Carroux FAX: (703) 255-0239 DATE: September 3, 1991 SUBJECT: Visit by Mssrs. Yang, Chang and 1-1siali on Friday September 6, 1991. Arrangements have been made for a car to pick up Mssrs. Yang, Chang and Hsiah on Friday morning 7:30 am at the Overseas Chinese Community Association, Inc. located at 42-97 Cornmelin Street, Flushing New York (718/359-7730). Arrival in Alpha Lyracom's offices located at One Pickwick Plaza(come! of Greenwich Avenue and Putnam Avenue) is expected at 9:00 am. Mr. Ken Zwibek • Vice President and Ms. Karen Sanders - Marketing Manager of Satellite Transmission Systems(ST'S) are looking forward to meeting with the visitors from Taiwan in Happauge, New York_ The car ride from Greenwich to Happauge is approximately 2 hours. STS has tentatively scheduled your arrival at 1:30 in the afternoon (11:30 departure from Greenwich). A car will bring Mssrs. Yang, Chang and Hsiah to SIS from Alpha Lyracom. Please call me if you have any questions. cc: Mr. Tom Whitehead GREFNWICH,CONNECTICUT 06830 • TELEPHONE 20622/66M • FAX Z03/612/9163 PAN AMERICAN SATELLITE' ONE PICKWICK PLAZA • *4( TOTAL PAGE.001 ** CFP 'q1 11:22 FROM ALPHA LYRACOM FAGE.001 eitk ALPHA LYRAMM SPACE COMMUNICATIONS FACSIMILE MEMORANDUM TO: Mr. -
Taiwan and Southeast Asia
38189-aop_16-2 Sheet No. 1 Side A 08/11/2016 08:45:46 No. 2 2016 Macro (Do Not Delete) 7/29/2016 3:29 PM TAIWAN AND SOUTHEAST ASIA: OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS OF CONTINUED ENGAGEMENT JING Bo-jiun* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................... 2 II. TAIWAN’S “GO SOUTH” POLICY AND THE MAINLAND CHINA FACTOR ........................................... 4 A. LEE Teng-hui’s Pragmatic Diplomacy in Southeast Asia (1988-1994) ............................................................................ 4 B. Political and Economic Obstacles to LEE Teng-hui’s “Go South” Policy (1995-2000) ........................................... 17 C. CHEN Shui-bian’s Diplomatic Aggression towards Southeast Asia (2000-2008).................................................. 24 D. MA Ying-jeou’s Viable Diplomacy in Southeast Asia (2008-2016) .......................................................................... 35 III. TAIWAN’S ECONOMIC TIES WITH SOUTHEAST ASIAN COUNTRIES .................................................................. 46 A. Taiwan’s Investment in Southeast Asia ................................ 46 B. Taiwan-Southeast Asia Trade Relations ............................... 60 C. Southeast Asian Migrant Workers in Taiwan ....................... 66 IV. TAIWAN’S SOFT POWER AND PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ............................................................... 72 38189-aop_16-2 Sheet No. 1 Side A 08/11/2016 08:45:46 A. Academic and Cultural Exchanges and People-to-People -
Funeral for Lin Yi-Hsiung's Mother and Daughters
Published by: International Committee for Human Rights in Taiwan Europe : P.O. Box 91542, 2509 EC THE HAGUE, The Netherlands U.S.A. : P.O. Box 45205, SEATTLE, Washington 98105-0205 European edition, February 1985 Published 6 times a year ISSN number: 1027-3999 18 Funeral for Lin Yi-hsiung’s mother and daughters On 1 January 1985, streams of mourners from every part of Taiwan came to pay their last homage to Mr. Lin Yi-hsiung’s mother and his twin daughters in a funeral service at Gi-kong Church in Taipei. The church building used to be the home of Mr. Lin and his family. Five years ago, on February 28, 1980, Mr. Lin’s mother and twin-daughters were murdered there. Mr. Lin’s mother died of 13 knife wounds. The funeral stirred memories of their violent death and the still unsolved murder. Many people broke down and wept. After the funeral service, the hearse followed by about 60 cars and buses left for Mr. Lin’s hometown, I-Ian, on the east coast of Taiwan, where the three deceased were laid Lin Yi-hsiung and his family Taiwan Communiqué -2- February 1985 to rest. The murder continues to be a painful chapter in the history of the Taiwanese people’s strive for democracy and freedom. Mr. Lin’s mother and twin-daughters Liang-chun and T’ing-chun (age 7) were knifed to death after Mr. Lin -- who was in prison at that time -- had indicated to his visiting wife that he had been tortured. A third daughter, Ah-chun, age 9, survived multiple stab-wounds.