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University of California San Diego
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO Infrastructure, state formation, and social change in Bolivia at the start of the twentieth century. A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Nancy Elizabeth Egan Committee in charge: Professor Christine Hunefeldt, Chair Professor Michael Monteon, Co-Chair Professor Everard Meade Professor Nancy Postero Professor Eric Van Young 2019 Copyright Nancy Elizabeth Egan, 2019 All rights reserved. SIGNATURE PAGE The Dissertation of Nancy Elizabeth Egan is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________ Co-Chair ___________________________________________________________ Chair University of California San Diego 2019 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS SIGNATURE PAGE ............................................................................................................ iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ..................................................................................................... iv LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ vii LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................... ix LIST -
Introduction Indian Problems, Indian Solutions
INTRODUCTION Indian Problems, Indian Solutions On March 29, 1899, in the midst of a civil war pitting the Liberals against the Conservatives, the Liberal Party supporter and Aymara in- digenous community leader of Peñas, Juan Lero, received a letter from a neighboring Indian community leader. Its author confirmed support for the Liberal Party and a willingness to coordinate military efforts among Bolivia’s highland indigenous communities on behalf of the Lib- eral leader, General José M. Pando. “I write to inform you,” stated José Maria Galligo, the community leader of Guayllani, “that here we are ready to take up the railroad tracks and fight against Alonso [president of Bolivia and head of the Conservative Party]. Please tell us on which day we should mobilize. We await your reply.”1 This correspondence illustrates the network of indigenous community leaders that developed in the second half of the nineteenth century in Bolivia. These leaders played key roles in defending their community lands, in petitioning the government, in brokering political alliances, and in testifying in court- rooms. Cesiliano Gallego, the Aymara community authority of Merque Aimaya, assured Juan Lero in April 1899, just days before the end of the civil war, that the people of Merque Aimaya would also lend their support to the Liberals’ final push for victory. “I got your letter . in which you told us to prepare our community,” he wrote. “We are ready for tomorrow; wait for us and we will bring honor to Pando’s forces.”2 1 © 2013 University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. 2 | INTRODUCTION Figure 1. -
PARAMILITARIES Kill Suspected Supporters of the FARC
UniTeD SelF-DeFenSe FoRCeS oF ColoMBiA (AUC) PARAMiliTARY TRooPS, lA GABARRA, noRTe De SAnTAnDeR, DeCeMBeR 10, 2004 PARAMiliTARieS kill suspected supporters of the FARC. By 1983, locals reported DEATh TO KIDNAPPERs cases of army troops and MAS fighters working together to assas- sinate civilians and burn farms.5 After the 1959 Cuban revolution, the U.S. became alarmed power and wealth, to the point that by 2004 the autodefensas had this model of counterinsurgency proved attractive to the Colom- that Marxist revolts would break out elsewhere in latin Ameri- taken over much of the country. bian state. on a 1985 visit to Puerto Boyacá, President Belisario Be- ca. in 1962, an Army special warfare team arrived in Colombia to As they expanded their control across Colombia, paramil- tancur reportedly declared, “every inhabitant of Magdalena Medio help design a counterinsurgency strategy for the Colombian armed itary militias forcibly displaced over a million persons from the has risen up to become a defender of peace, next to our army, next to forces. even though the FARC and other insurgent groups had not land.3 By official numbers, as of 2011, the autodefensas are estimat- our police… Continue on, people of Puerto Boyacá!”6 yet appeared on the scene, U.S. advisers recommended that a force ed to have killed at least 140,000 civilians including hundreds of Soon, landowners, drug traffickers, and security forces set made up of civilians be used “to perform counteragent and coun- trade unionists, teachers, human rights defenders, rural organiz- up local autodefensas across Colombia. in 1987, the Minister of terpropaganda functions and, as necessary, execute paramilitary, ers, politicians, and journalists who they labelled as sympathetic government César gaviria testified to the existence of 140 ac- sabotage, and/or terrorist activities against known communist pro- to the guerrillas.3 tive right-wing militias in the country.7 Many sported macabre ponents. -
LA SEGURIDAD NACIONAL a LA DERIVA Del Frente Nacional Ala Posguerra Frfa
CIENCIAS SOCIALES I LA SEGURIDAD NACIONAL A LA DERIVA Del Frente Nacional ala Posguerra Frfa FRANCISCO LEAL BUITRAGO A Alfaomega ill ~ SfOf.AC.t.DW:ADEEa.w:lOI. ·OJ .,' ~. ' ........... ':'... ~-. -.-.~ , ...>~ ~ .~-'." Primera edicion: enero de 2002 © Francisco Leal Buitrago © Universidad de los Andes © Alfaomega Colombiana S.A. ISBN: 958-682-347-4 © 2002 ALFAOMEGA GRUPO EDITOR, SA de C.V. Pitagoras 1139, Col. Del Valle, 03100 Mexico, D.F. Disefio de cubierta: Alfaomega Colombiana S.A. Edici6n y diagramacion: Alfaomega Colombiana S.A. Impreso por Editorial NomosS. A. Impreso y hecho en Colombia - Printed and made in Colombia CONTENIDO AGRADECIMIENTOS vii INTRODUCCI6N EL I I DE SEPTIEMBRE, LA SEGURIDAD NACIONAL Y LA GUERRA Y LA PAZ EN COLOMBIA IX Capitulo Uno LA DOCTRINA DE SEGURIDAD NACIONAL EN AMERICA LATINA Etapas de la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional 3 1. Viejo militarismo 3 2. 1nfluencia politico-militar de Estados Unidos 5 3. Revolucion cubana, politica hemisferica y Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional 8 4. Declinacion de la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional II Formulacion de la doctrina en America del Sur 12 EI modelo doctrinario en Colombia 19 Declinacion y rezagos de Ia doctrina en Colombia 27 Retos derivados de los rezagos de la Doctrina en Colombia 29 Capitulo Dos SEGURIDAD NACIONAL SIN POLITICA MILITAR DE ESTADO DEL FRENTE NACIONAL AL FIN DE LA GUERRA FRIA, 1958-1990 35 El Plan Lazo y las tentativas de definicion de una politica militar 41 Ausencia de una polftica militar de Estado 48 Los procesos de paz: sustitucion parcial de las -
12.2% 116000 125M Top 1% 154 4200
We are IntechOpen, the world’s leading publisher of Open Access books Built by scientists, for scientists 4,200 116,000 125M Open access books available International authors and editors Downloads Our authors are among the 154 TOP 1% 12.2% Countries delivered to most cited scientists Contributors from top 500 universities Selection of our books indexed in the Book Citation Index in Web of Science™ Core Collection (BKCI) Interested in publishing with us? Contact [email protected] Numbers displayed above are based on latest data collected. For more information visit www.intechopen.com Chapter Colombian Forest Monitoring System: Assessing Deforestation in an Environmental Complex Country Edersson Cabrera, Gustavo Galindo, Jose González, Lina Vergara, Cristhian Forero, Alexander Cubillos, Javier Espejo, Juan Rubiano, Xavier Corredor, Leonardo Hurtado, Diana Vargas and Alvaro Duque Abstract Colombia is a key actor related with the adoption of the relevant UNFCC provisions referred in the context of obtaining result-based payments for REDD+ actions. Since 2012, the Colombian Forest Monitoring System (SMByC, Spanish acronym) has generated wall-to-wall historical information about the deforestation process over the last 27 years at national and regional levels. The SMByC generates a methodology that integrates tools for the preprocessing and semi-automated processing of satellite imagery to detect and quantify the loss of forest cover by deforestation. Also, the SMByC has done an extensive literature review, collecting qualitative and quantitative information to identify how the drivers of deforestation (illicit crops, illegal mining and postconflict scenario) could result in an increased forest lost during a postconflict scenario. Given that Colombia is a country conformed by regions that have differentially socioeconomic and environmental conditions, the study shows how the methods could generate official information and specifies the context of deforestation process of those regions. -
COLOMBIA the Ties That Bind: Colombia and Military-Paramilitary Links
February 2000 Vol. 12 No. 1 (B) COLOMBIA The Ties That Bind: Colombia and Military-Paramilitary Links TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS .............................................................................................................2 COLOMBIA AND MILITARY-PARAMILITARY LINKS .......................................................................................................................6 THIRD BRIGADE .....................................................................................................................................................6 FOURTH BRIGADE................................................................................................................................................10 THIRTEENTH BRIGADE.......................................................................................................................................19 SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS Human Rights Watch here presents detailed, abundant, and compelling evidence of continuing close ties between the Colombian Army and paramilitary groups responsible for gross human rights violations. This information was compiled by Colombian government investigators and Human Rights Watch. Several of our sources, including eyewitnesses, requested anonymity because their lives have been under threat as a result of their testimony. Far from moving decisively to sever ties to paramilitaries, Human Rights Watch=s evidence strongly suggests that Colombia=s military high command has yet to take the necessary steps to accomplish -
The Colombian Transitional Process
International Journal of Transitional Justice, 2017, 0, 1–18 doi: 10.1093/ijtj/ijx033 Article The Colombian Transitional Process: Comparative Perspectives on Violence against Indigenous Women Mo´nica Acosta,* Angela Castaneda,~ † Daniela Garcı´a,** Fallon Herna´ndez,†† Dunen Muelas*** and Angela Santamaria††† ABSTRACT1 Colombia has a comprehensive system of truth, justice and reparation stemming from its history with the justice and peace process and its most recent peace agreement. Although indigenous women are the most affected before, during and after conflict, their participa- tion is marginalized within this political context. This article discusses how Colombian transitional justice can be reconfigured when indigenous women’s practices and knowl- edge travel ‘from the margins’ to the center. We seek to demonstrate how these practices legitimize gender and other types of violence in the name of tradition and also how indig- enous women’s experiences go beyond the gendered perspective of violence as a ‘weapon of war.’ Working within the context of the peace process, we gathered data through learn- ing and teaching techniques with indigenous women in three indigenous contexts (Sierra, Pan-Amazon region and Choco´). Our focus is on the interaction between local transi- tional justice practices and the violence against indigenous women, their resistance practi- ces and the peacebuilding agendas used to implement transitional justice in Colombia. KEYWORDS: indigenous women, intersectionality, transitional justice ‘from below,’ Colombia * PhD Candidate in Sociology of Law, Basque Country University, Spain; Member, Intercultural School of Indigenous Diplomacy (EIDI). Email: [email protected] † A. Edward Myers Dolan Professor of Anthropology, Associate Professor of Anthropology and Chair of Sociology and Anthropology, DePauw University, Greencastle, IN, USA. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Ending Colombia's FARC Conflict: Dealing the Right Card
ENDING COLOMBIA’S FARC CONFLICT: DEALING THE RIGHT CARD Latin America Report N°30 – 26 March 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY............................................................................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. FARC STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES................................................................... 2 A. ADAPTIVE CAPACITY ...................................................................................................................4 B. AN ORGANISATION UNDER STRESS ..............................................................................................5 1. Strategy and tactics ......................................................................................................................5 2. Combatant strength and firepower...............................................................................................7 3. Politics, recruitment, indoctrination.............................................................................................8 4. Withdrawal and survival ..............................................................................................................9 5. Urban warfare ............................................................................................................................11 6. War economy .............................................................................................................................12 -
Colombia's Killer Networks
COLOMBIA'S KILLER NETWORKS The Military - Paramilitary Partnership and the United States The junior and mid-level officers who tolerated, planned, directed, and even took part in paramilitary violence in Colombia in the 1980s now occupy senior positions in the Colombian military. To be sure, a few, linked to well-publicized cases, have been forced into retirement or dismissed, but many more have been awarded medals for distinguished service and lead Colombia's troops. As commanders, they have not only promoted, encouraged, and protected paramilitary groups, but have used them to provide intelligence and assassinate and massacre Colombians suspected of being guerrilla allies. In fact, many victims - community and peasant leaders, trade unionists, and human rights monitors among them - have no ties to guerrillas, but have been trapped in a conflict where few wear uniforms or admit their rank. Human Rights Watch has obtained evidence, including the heretofore secret Colombian military intelligence reorganization plan called Order 200-05/91 and eyewitness testimony, that shows that in 1991, the military made civilians a key part of its intelligence-gathering apparatus. Working under the direct orders of the military high command, paramilitary forces incorporated into intelligence networks conducted surveillance of legal opposition political figures and groups, operated with military units, then executed attacks against targets chosen by their military commanders. Human Rights Watch has also documented the disturbing role played by the United States in support of the Colombian military. Despite Colombia's disastrous human rights record, a U.S. Defense Department and Central Intelligence Agency team worked with Colombian military officers on the 1991 intelligence reorganization that resulted in the creation of killer networks that identified and killed civilians suspected of supporting guerrillas. -
Colombia Page 1 of 23
Colombia Page 1 of 23 Facing the Threat Posed by Iranian Regime | Daily Press Briefing | Other News... Colombia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2005 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 8, 2006 Colombia is a constitutional, multiparty democracy with a population of approximately 44 million. In 2002 independent candidate Alvaro Uribe won the presidency in elections that were considered generally free and fair. The 41-year internal armed conflict continued between the government and Foreign Terrorist Organizations, particularly the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ELN), and certain blocs of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) that were not involved in demobilization negotiations with the government. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted in violation of state policy. Although serious problems remained, the government's respect for human rights continued to improve. All actors in the internal armed conflict committed human rights violations; the majority of violations were committed by illegal armed groups. There were improvements in certain human rights categories related to the government's concentrated military offensive and ongoing demobilization negotiations with the AUC. The following human rights categories and societal problems were reported: unlawful and extrajudicial killings insubordinate military collaboration -
Women, Conflict- Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Ben Keenan/Trocaire Contents
Colombia: Women, Conflict- Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Ben Keenan/Trocaire Contents Executive Summary 1 Recommendations 3 1.0 Background to the Conflict 5 1.1 The Prospect of Peace 1.2 Land and displacement 1.3 Poverty and inequality 2.0 Conflict Related Sexual Violence 7 2.1 Afro-Colombian and Indigenous Women 2.2 Children, sexual violence and the conflict 2.3 Sexual violence and economic interests 3.0 Modus Operandi of Sexual Violence in Conflict 10 3.1 Sexual and gender violence used for social control 3.2 Sexual violence and sexual slavery 3.3 Sexual violence within armed operations 3.4 Sexual violence and the Security Forces 4.0 Access to Justice and Reparation 13 4.1 Social stigmatisation 4.2 Patriarchal attitudes and re-victimisation in the administration of justice 4.3 Impunity and the Rule of Law 4.4 Policies and laws 4.5 Gender Equality Law 1257 4.6 Constitutional Court Auto 092 of 2008 4.7 Investigation and prosecution 4.8 The Victims and Land Restitution Law 1448 4.9 Health and psycho-social support 4.10 Marco Para La Paz (Legal Framework for Peace) 5.0 Women and the Construction of Peace 21 5.1 Women defenders and community leaders 5.2 Women as peace builders 5.3 International instruments 1 Colombia: Women, Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Executive Summary The magnitude of conflict-related sexual violence against women in Colombia is yet to be fully understood. It is a crime that is massively underreported. Where it is reported women encounter major obstacles to accessing the justice system including extremely high levels of impunity.