Inside Spain Nr 105 (25 March - 21 April) William Chislett

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Inside Spain Nr 105 (25 March - 21 April) William Chislett Inside Spain Nr 105 (25 March - 21 April) William Chislett Summary Spain holds its 11th position in Elcano’s Global Presence Index. Parliament rejects Catalan independence referendum. Government narrowly misses budget deficit target, Bank of Spain upgrades GDP growth forecast. Ibex-35 companies generate 63% of their revenues abroad. Foreign Policy Spain holds its 11th position in Elcano’s Global Presence Index Spain was again ranked 11th in the Elcano Global Presence Index, which measures the positioning of countries outside their own borders (see Figure 1). The index is based on a broad array of economic, military and soft presence dimensions. Figure 1. Elcano global presence ranking and scores, 2013* Ranking Score 1. United States 10,417.0 2. Germany 386.1 3. United Kingdom 367.8 4. China 334.4 5. France 308.2 6. Russia 281.0 7. Japan 241.7 8. Netherlands 212.7 9. Canada 203.6 10. Italy 172.4 11. Spain 164.4 (*) Out of 70 countries. Source: Real Instituto Elcano. Over half of Spain’s global presence (54%) is due to its soft dimension (see Figure 2). 1 Figure 2. Spain’s global presence index absolute values and % share in the index of the economic, military and soft presence dimensions 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2011 2012 2013 Economic presence 11.4 18.3 25.2 46.4 63.8 68.0 76.4 76.7 % of global presence 27.2 34.4 36.8 43.8 44.2 44.0 46.0 46.7 Energy 1.0 0.6 1.5 3.1 3.7 4.6 4.7 7.7 Primary goods 2.4 5.1 5.6 9.9 12.9 14.4 17.5 17.7 Manufactures 2.8 4.6 5.8 9.7 10.8 11.8 14.4 12.6 Services 4.9 7.1 9.1 16.5 21.4 21.7 24.7 23.9 Investments 0.4 0.9 3.0 7.2 15.0 15.6 15.0 14.7 Military presence 2.4 2.5 2.7 3.1 3.4 3.5 3.5 3.5 % of global presence 5.8 4.7 3.9 2.9 2.4 2.3 2.1 2.1 Troops 0.0 0.3 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 Military equipment 2.4 2.2 2.0 2.4 2.8 2.9 2.9 3.0 Soft presence 27.9 32.4 40.7 56.9 78.1 84.1 87.3 85.5 % of global presence 66.8 61.1 59.5 53.7 54.0 54.4 52.6 52.0 Migrations 0.8 1.0 1.7 4.4 6.1 6.1 6.1 6.1 Tourism 20.0 18.7 24.8 29.8 27.9 28.1 30.0 30.8 Sports 1.5 5.0 2.8 5.8 8.2 8.2 7.9 7.7 Culture 1.2 0.5 1.0 2.3 4.0 3.6 4.8 5.3 Information 0.0 0.0 0.1 1.0 8.6 14.6 17.2 17.2 Technology 0.7 0.7 1.0 1.6 1.7 1.7 1.0 1.0 Science 1.6 2.7 3.8 5.3 7.4 7.8 8.5 9.0 Education 0.9 1.7 3.4 1.5 4.0 4.6 5.2 5.2 Development 3.2 1.5 2.1 2.1 5.2 10.3 9.4 6.6 cooperation Global presence index 164.4 42.1 53.0 68.4 106.0 144.6 154.6 166.2 value Position in the index 10 10 11 11 10 11 11 11 Source: Elcano Royal Institute. The index, calculated annually since 2010, measures the ability of states to project themselves beyond their borders. By comparing a state’s presence with its actual power (or influence), it is possible to measures the extent to which it is punching above or below its weight. Spain, along with Germany and Italy, is currently punching below its weight, on the basis of a comparative analysis of the global presence index and various studies that measure power, whereas emerging nations, such as China and India, appear to be successfully capitalising on their growing global presence and translating it into power. Although several EU countries lost weight in the global sphere over the last year, the leading position of the European Union as a whole has not decreased and, moreover, it has widened the gap with the United States. While the EU’s global presence increased by 78 points, that of the US only rose by 15.1 points. One reason for this apparent paradox is that the size of the individual decreases by EU states is small – changes are below two points in index value for 11 countries including Spain – while France, the UK and Sweden recorded increases. Spain remained in fifth place in the Elcano European Presence Index (see Figure 3). 2 Figure 3. Ranking and scores of the Elcano European Presence Index, 2013* Ranking Score 1. Germany 756.2 2. United Kingdom 728.7 3. France 560.9 4. Netherlands 473.2 5. Spain 349.5 6. Italy 319.5 (*) Out of 28 countries. Source: Real Instituto Elcano. Spain’s official development assistance among the lowest in the world Spain’s net official development assistance (ODA), one of the components in the Elcano Global Presence Index, remained at 0.16% of gross national income (GNI) in 2013, the sixth lowest among OECD countries and far from the United Nations’ goal of 0.7% (see Figure 4). Total ODA reached an all-time high of $134.8 billion thanks to substantial increases by the UK, Sweden, Japan and Germany. Five countries have already reached 0.7% -Denmark, Luxembourg, Norway, Sweden and the UK. José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, the previous Socialist prime minister (2004- 11), had set 0.7% as the target for 2012, but this was before Spain went into recession and several years of spending cuts. Figure 4. Net Official Development Assistance, 2011-2013 (% of GNI) 2013 2012 2011 France 0.41 0.45 0.53 Germany 0.38 0.37 0.39 Ireland 0.45 0.47 0.51 Italy 0.16 0.14 0.20 Portugal 0.23 0.28 0.31 Spain 0.16 0.16 0.29 UK 0.72 0.56 0.56 OECD average 0.30 0.43 0.47 Source: OECD. The programmes that did receive ODA were mainly those that Spain has to support because it is a member of the EU. Domestic Scene Parliament rejects Catalan independence referendum The Spanish parliament, as expected, overwhelmingly rejected the request of the Catalan regional government to hold a referendum on independence on 9 November. The ruling Popular Party and the Socialists, the main opposition, joined forces with other smaller parties and rejected the move by 229 votes, with 47 votes in favour and one abstention. Catalan and Basque nationalist parties and a left-wing coalition voted in favour. 3 The referendum is unconstitutional, as such votes must be held nationally and not regionally. The government ruled out a national referendum long ago. After the vote, Artur Mas, the Catalan president, vowed to press ahead. Voters would be asked if they wanted Catalonia to be a state and, in a separate question, if they wanted it to be an independent state. Mas is under increasing pressure to call an early election in Catalonia on or after 9 November and use it as a vote for a referendum on independence. The Constitutional Court earlier ruled that it was illegal for Catalonia to call itself a ‘political and legal sovereign entity’ with the right to secede if a majority of its citizens decided to do so through democratic means. This declaration was approved by 85 of the 135 members of the region’s parliament in January 2013. The Court, however, admitted the ‘right to decide’ but only if the constitution was reformed to make this possible. Catalonia’s National Transition Advisory Council, a pro-independence body, issued a report after the vote by the Spanish parliament saying it would be ‘logical’ for an independent Catalonia to be readmitted into the EU as it would be difficult to imagine Catalonia ‘as a sort of island, between France and Spain, outside the Union.’ ‘The hypothetical veto by the Spanish state could obstruct and delay the incorporation of the new state in the EU, but it would not cause a very significant delay, because the disadvantages for the EU and the other member states of a slow or postponed entry would be much more significant than the meager benefits it might mean for them,’ the report stated. The EU Commission was quick to reaffirm its position that Catalonia would be ejected from the EU if it broke away from Spain. ‘The Commission’s position regarding this issue is established in the Treaties of the European Union which apply to all of the member states: if a region of a member state ceases to be a part of this territory and declares independence, the Treaties no longer apply,’ said a spokesperson from the Commission. The first Catalan civic movement against independence was launched this month. The Societat Civil Catalana (SCC) hoped to gain support by rebuffing inside and outside of the region the arguments in favour of independence, an aspiration that is gaining strength. Anti-independence views are hardly heard in Catalonia where most of the media toes the government’s line, particularly TV3, the Catalan language TV channel, and Catalunya Rádio, owned by the regional government.
Recommended publications
  • The Catalan Struggle for Independence
    THE CATALAN STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE An analysis of the popular support for Catalonia’s secession from Spain Master Thesis Political Science Specialization: International Relations Date: 24.06.2019 Name: Miquel Caruezo (s1006330) Email: [email protected] Supervisor: Dr. Angela Wigger Image Source: Photo by NOTAVANDAL on Unsplash (Free for commercial or non-commercial use) Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 2 Chapter 1: Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................... 7 1.1 Resource Mobilization Theory ...................................................................................................... 7 1.1.1 Causal Mechanisms ................................................................................................................ 9 1.1.2 Hypotheses........................................................................................................................... 10 1.2 Norm Life Cycle Theory ............................................................................................................... 11 1.2.1 Causal Mechanisms .............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain • Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain
    New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain in Nationalism on Perspectives New • Carsten Humlebæk Jacob and Antonia María Jiménez Ruiz New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Edited by Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez Printed Edition of the Special Issue Published in Genealogy www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıaRuiz Jim´enez MDPI • Basel • Beijing • Wuhan • Barcelona • Belgrade • Manchester • Tokyo • Cluj • Tianjin Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıa Ruiz Jimenez´ Copenhagen Business School Universidad Pablo de Olavide Denmark Spain Editorial Office MDPI St. Alban-Anlage 66 4052 Basel, Switzerland This is a reprint of articles from the Special Issue published online in the open access journal Genealogy (ISSN 2313-5778) (available at: https://www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy/special issues/perspective). For citation purposes, cite each article independently as indicated on the article page online and as indicated below: LastName, A.A.; LastName, B.B.; LastName, C.C. Article Title. Journal Name Year, Article Number, Page Range. ISBN 978-3-03943-082-6 (Hbk) ISBN 978-3-03943-083-3 (PDF) c 2020 by the authors. Articles in this book are Open Access and distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license, which allows users to download, copy and build upon published articles, as long as the author and publisher are properly credited, which ensures maximum dissemination and a wider impact of our publications. The book as a whole is distributed by MDPI under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND.
    [Show full text]
  • In Spain's Name
    In Spain’s Name Jordi Borràs In three months, anti-independence activists have been behind 139 violent incidents in Catalonia, 86 of them physical aggressions. Photo: Jordi Borràs 6 MÈDIA.CAT YEARBOOK Vandalism, insults, threats and beatings are just some of the Spanish unionist-inspired attacks that were seen in autumn 2017, especially after 1 October. Although the perpetrators are a small minority among all the people who have come out in favour of Spanish unity, the violence cuts across boundaries and has set the tone in a great many of the mobilisations by anti- independentists. Far-right militants have been behind a great many incidents, but by no means all of them: in many cases, the only common denominator among the aggressors is the display of pro-Spain symbols or slogans. The majority of the Madrid-based media have ignored these aggressions and fed an anti-Catalanist narrative that has made them even more immune from punishment. To complement this report: Appendix. Chronology of incidents. Page 136 7 Between 8 September and 11 December, at least 139 violent in- cidents took place in Catalonia that were politically motivated in defence of the unity of Spain (without including the actions of the Spanish police on and around 1 October to prevent the referendum from going ahead). Of these — you can consult the complete list of incidents in the appendix at the end of this Yearbook — the majority (86) were physical aggressions, which caused a total of 101 victims with injuries of varying degrees of consideration. The remaining of- fences were of a range of types, although primarily we find threats, intimidation, vandalism, damage to private property and at least two cases of sexual violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Anàlisi De La Conversa Digital Sobre Catalunya Al Món Versió 1.0
    Anàlisi de la conversa digital sobre Catalunya al món Versió 1.0 Client: DIPLOCAT Data: 09/12/2019 Índex 1. | INTRODUCCIÓ: QUÈ ES PRESENTA EN AQUEST ESTUDI 4 2. | LES XIFRES CLAU 5 2.1 | DADES GENERALS: 66.907.778 MISSATGES, 9.107.929 AUTORS. 5 3. | CONVERSA GENERAL 6 3.1 | EVOLUCIÓ TEMPORAL DE MENCIONS 6 3.2 | PARAULES MÉS REPETIDES 8 3.3 | UBICACIÓ DE LA CONVERSA 9 3.4 | IDIOMA DE LA CONVERSA 9 3.5 | PUBLICACIONS MÉS POPULARS 10 3.6 | AUTORS DE LA CONVERSA 13 3.7 | SENTIMENT DE LA CONVERSA 14 | 2 3.8 | ENLLAÇOS MÉS COMPARTITS 19 4. | ANÀLISI PER TEMES 20 4.1 | SOCIETAT 20 4.2 | SECTOR EMPRESARIAL 28 4.3 | L’ÀMBIT ESPORTIU 34 4.4 | LLENGUA I CULTURA 40 4.5 | POLÍTICA 48 4.6 | TURISME I GASTRONOMIA 54 4.7 | EDUCACIÓ 60 4.8 | INNOVACIÓ 67 5. | ANÀLISI PER CLÚSTERS 74 5.1 | CLUSTER1: ENTORN PUIGDEMONT 75 5.2 | CLUSTER 2: LA CONVERSA DE L’UNIONISME 82 5.3 | CLUSTER 3: ENTORN ASSANGE 88 5.4 | CLUSTER 4: ESQUERRA ESPANYOLA 94 5.5 | CLUSTER 5: CONVERSA SOBRE EL BARÇA 100 6. | ANÀLISI QUANTITATIU PER PAÏSOS 106 C/ Tuset 21, Entl 2. 08006 Barcelona | 932 506 930 | www.sibilare.com | [email protected] | @sibilarecom 6.1 | FRANÇA 107 6.2 | REGNE UNIT 109 6.3 | ALEMANYA 111 6.4 | ESTATS UNITS 113 6.5 | ITÀLIA 115 6.6 | ESLOVÈNIA 117 6.7 | LETÒNIA 119 6.8 | ESTÒNIA 121 6.9 | SUÏSSA 123 6.10 | SUÈCIA 125 7. | ANÀLISI QUALITATIU PER PAÏSOS 127 7.1 | FRANÇA 127 7.2 | REGNE UNIT 135 7.3 | ALEMANYA 142 7.4 | ESTATS UNITS 148 7.5 | ITÀLIA 155 | 3 8.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside Spain Nr 129 23 May 2016-20 June
    Inside Spain nr 129 23 May 2016-20 June William Chislett Summary Rajoy warns of consequences of Brexit. Divided left ‘close’ to absolute majority in upcoming election. Registered jobless drops below 4 million for first time in six years. Spain moves up the Soft Power 30 ranking. Telefónica teams up with Facebook and Microsoft in fibre-optic cable venture under Atlantic. Foreign Policy Rajoy warns of consequences of Brexit The Spain-UK relationship would suffer if Britain votes on 23 June to leave the EU, acting Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy warned. More than 400,000 British citizens live in Spain, the largest such group in the EU, and their status would change if Brexit happens as they would lose their automatic right to live, work and own property in the country. At present, UK citizens are entitled, for example, to healthcare via the European health insurance card or free health insurance from the Spanish government under EU law, but Spain would not be obliged to continue to offer free healthcare to non-EU citizens. ‘I have no doubt whatsoever, as I have repeatedly stated, that it would be very negative if the United Kingdom left the European Union’, Rajoy told Spanish news agency EFE. ‘Above all, it would be very negative for British citizens: the European Union is based, ever since its foundation, on the principles of freedom of movement of people, goods, services and capital’. The UK is the main destination for Spanish investment abroad (with a stock of £58.7 billion in 2014) and the UK is the fifth-largest investor in Spain (€1.7 billion).
    [Show full text]
  • CATALUÑA COMO CAMPO DE BATALLA Jordi Borràs 5 LA DERECHA RADICAL EN EL ESTADO ESPAÑOL 5
    CAPÍTUL0 CINCO CATALUÑA COMO CAMPO DE BATALLA Jordi Borràs 5 LA DERECHA RADICAL EN EL ESTADO ESPAÑOL 5. CATALUÑA COMO CAMPO DE BATALLA Difícilmente se puede abordar la cuestión de la extrema derecha en el Estado español sin tener en cuenta el papel que ha jugado Cataluña en este terreno. Primero, desde el punto de vista ideológico como centro importador y fábrica de ideas de extrema derecha; una extrema derecha que, excepto en contadas excepciones, ha venido asociada al españolismo radical. Y segundo, con el rol que le ha tocado vivir, como un campo de batalla convertido en la amenaza latente del desmembramiento del Estado. Y es que las reivindicaciones catalanistas históricamente han significado una amenaza para toda la transversalidad del nacionalismo español. No es nada casual, entonces, que encontremos en Cataluña los primeros grupúsculos del Estado español que podemos clasificar como ultraderechistas, ligados precisamente al combate contra las reivindicaciones catalanistas desde un españolismo militante. Este sería el caso, por ejemplo, de la Liga Patriótica Española (LPE), una organización de corta trayectoria, nacida en 1918 en Barcelona y formada por nacionalistas intransigentes donde confluían carlistas urbanos, republicanos lerrouxistas, policías, militares y funcionarios del Estado. Con el recuerdo reciente de la pérdida de Cuba dos décadas antes, veían las reivindicaciones catalanistas como un enemigo a abatir con urgencia y, si era necesario, con grandes dosis de violencia. 5.1 INTRODUCCIÓN Y CONTEXTO1 El reaccionarismo ante el catalanismo y la confluencia y convivencia de diferentes sectores ideológicos ante la amenaza de la «antiespaña» es un hilo conductor a 1 Este capítulo 5 se finalizó antes de la celebración de las elecciones catalanas el 14 de febrero de 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Secession Or Solidarity. Catalonia Will Not Get Both Simultaneously
    NO. 22 MAY 2018 Introduction Secession or Solidarity Catalonia Will Not Get Both Simultaneously Sabine Riedel Since the arrest of the former head of the Catalan government, Carles Puigdemont, a solidarity movement has emerged that paints him as a victim of the justice sys- tem. However, even if the German government prevents his extradition this is hardly likely to influence the trials against his colleagues remanded in custody in Madrid. The Spanish public prosecutor’s office accuses them not only of rebellion, but also of embezzling money from the autonomous communities’ liquidity fund (FLA) for their independence campaign. Since the 2012 financial crisis, Madrid has had to subsidise heavily indebted regions, including Catalonia, with loans. Barce- lona annually receives between 6.7 billion (2012) and 11.1 billion euros (2015). This financial dependence motivates Catalans to bid for independence, in the expecta- tion that it will lead to direct access to the European Central Bank (ECB). Europeans need to reflect on who should be given their solidarity. A Catalan state would be born with a mountain of debt, which the other Spanish regions and the European taxpayer would ultimately have to shoulder. On 27 October 2017, the Spanish central also wish for more financial self-administra- government suspended Catalonia’s autono- tion. my under article 155 of the Spanish consti- Madrid’s offer may have come relatively tution. Even Madrid knew that the conflict late, but it was an olive branch nonetheless. over secession would not be resolved via Carles Puigdemont and his deposed regional this measure. Instead, new elections were government have still not grasped it.
    [Show full text]
  • 2020 Spain Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
    Spain Report Mario Kölling, Ignacio Molina, César Colino (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2020 | 2 Spain Report Executive Summary The social and economic crisis (2008 – 2013), which included several corruption scandals, eroded public trust in Spain’s political system. This has had a remarkable impact on the party system since 2015. In addition to the two traditional forces, the conservative Popular Party (PP) and the Socialist Party (PSOE), the left-wing Podemos, the liberal Ciudadanos and the far-right party Vox have emerged, and are now crucial for the formation of majorities in the parliament. Since a grand coalition between the two traditional parties is still unlikely, the new parties are key potential partners in coalition or (possibly via confidence and supply agreements) for minority governments. A wider choice of political alternatives may represent a positive development, but it has come at the cost of reformist momentum and government stability. After the no-confidence vote against Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy in May 2018, the Socialist government – drawing on the support of less than 25% of deputies –conveyed a picture of political change, but lacked the authority to implement deep policy changes. Nevertheless, the PSOE minority government announced ambitious policy reforms and focused on symbolic measures aimed at appealing to progressive voters. However, in February 2019, Spain’s parliament failed to approve the annual budget for 2019, underlining the instability of the PSOE government. As a result, Prime Minister Sánchez decided to call for early elections on 28 April 2019. PSOE’s victory in the elections, with 29% of the vote, seemed to be a sign of democratic resilience.
    [Show full text]
  • Icip Activity Report 2020 Icip Activity Report 2020 Presentation 4 Icip at a Glance 8 1
    ICIP ACTIVITY REPORT 2020 ICIP ACTIVITY REPORT 2020 PRESENTATION 4 ICIP AT A GLANCE 8 1. The institution 9 2. Activities 10 3. Publications 11 4. Internal organization 11 INSTITUTIONAL ACTIVITY 12 1. The Board of Governors 13 2. Presidency and management 16 AREAS OF WORK 18 1. Memory, coexistence and reconciliation 20 2. Violences in non-war settings 27 3. Social and political dialogue 31 4. Security alternatives 38 AWARDS AND GRANTS 44 1. ICIP Peace in Progress Award 45 2. ICIP Alfons Banda Award 46 3. ICIP Hip Hop for Peace Contest 46 4. Grants 48 EXHIBITIONS AND AUDIOVISUAL PRODUCTIONS 50 BOOK SERIES 56 LIBRARY AND DOCUMENTATION CENTER 58 SYNERGIES WITH OTHER ACTORS AND INTERNATIONALIZATION 62 EXTERNAL DISSEMINATION 74 1. ICIP website 75 2. ICIP e-Bulletins 75 3. Social media 76 RESOURCES AND ORGANIZATION 78 Tapineria 10, 3ra planta · 08002 Barcelona (Spain) T. +34 93 554 42 70 1. Resources 79 [email protected] 2. Organization 79 www.icip.cat Graphic Design: Talking ANNEX 81 Printing: La Gran Impressió ANNEX I: List of publications 82 D.L.: B 11044-2021 ANNEX II: ICIP in the media 86 © 2021 International Catalan Institute for Peace All rights reserved ANNEX III: Budget implementation 88 2 3 Our lives changed on 14 March 2020. Our institutional life also changed then, as PRESENTATION happened to everyone else. We had to reinvent many things, while locked up at home, to keep the Institute running and to meet the main objectives and goals in our annual action plan. And we can modestly say that we have done so with high marks.
    [Show full text]
  • Desmuntant Societat Civil Catalana
    DESMUNTANT SOCIETAT CIVIL CATALANA JORDI BORRÀS desmuntant societat civil catalana_2a VERSIO.indd 5 13/2/18 10:02 Desmuntant Societat Civil Catalana © del text: Jordi Borràs i Abelló, 2017 © del pròleg: David Bassa, 2017 © d’aquesta edició: Edicions Saldonar, 2017 Primera edició: desembre del 2017 Publicat per Edicions Saldonar Alfambra, 16, 5è 2a 08034 Barcelona [email protected] www.saldonar.com Edició i producció: Francesc Gil-Lluch Línia gràfica de la coberta: Enric Muñoz Coberta i maquetació de l’interior: Octavi Gil Pujol Impressió: BookPrint Distribució: UDL IBIC: BG, BGBA ISBN: 978-84-946753-5-5 Dipòsit legal: B-29964-2017 Imprès a Catalunya · Printed in Catalonia Edicions Saldonar és membre de l’associació d’editorials independents Llegir en Català, juntament amb Alrevés/Crims.cat, L’Avenç, BiraBiro Editorial, El Gall Editor, Edicions del Periscopi, Raig Verd Editorial, Sembra Llibres i Tigre de Paper. Tots els drets reservats. No es pot reproduir cap part d’aquest llibre, per qualsevol mitjà, sense el permís d’Edicions Saldonar. desmuntant societat civil catalana_2a VERSIO.indd 6 13/2/18 10:02 Aquest llibre hauria estat impossible sense tu. T’estimo, Laia. desmuntant societat civil catalana_2a VERSIO.indd 7 13/2/18 10:02 desmuntant societat civil catalana_2a VERSIO.indd 8 13/2/18 10:02 TAULA DESMUNTANT LA MENTIDA, per David Bassa 13 INTRODUCCIÓ 19 ANTECEDENTS 25 Fent bullir l’olla de l’espanyolisme civil 29 Moviment Cívic d’Espanya i Catalans 34 Somatemps 37 Federalistes d’Esquerres 41 GESTACIÓ, ESTRUCTURA I SOCIS FUNDADORS
    [Show full text]
  • Boletin-Triarius-0052-En.Pdf
    1 EDITORIAL We started the edition number 52, sending warm greetings to our readers, in all the countries we arrived. Triarius for the team is an honor and pride this work of spreading the safety-oriented thinking, defense, intelligence and counterterrorism. We are firmly convinced that we help make the world a safer place. The first article in this issue is our friend and collaborator Argentine Guadi Calvo, it presents the complicated situation in Burkina Faso. Country located in West Africa, in the region known as the Sahel, and ISSN: 2538-9610 (Online) where they are taking increasingly radical forces and groups, with Medellin Colombia serious consequences for civilians. Volume 3 - Issue 52 Followed by an article that explores the issue of the validity of the June 15, 2019 information collection instrument in academic research. We reiterate that Triarius intended to be a scientific journal in its field of interest, which in fact is already used as a bibliographic reference in different universities Editor and institutions of higher education. Douglas Hernández A step followed, Guadi Calvo describes recent developments in the troubled Sudan. Featuring the actors who struggle for political power, and where the military has a leading role today. Triarius Analysts In his article "Barabbas," the Colonel (r) Blasco Francisco Javier Guadi Calvo, Douglas Hernandez, Robledo, critically analyzes the results of the last elections held in Spain, Francisco Javier Blasco. where the winner was Mr. Pedro Sanchez. The prolific Guadi Calvo, provides another article that follows the latest developments in Sudan. Highlighting the external support they are getting the military to cling to power.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Go and Get'em!': Authoritarianism, Elitism and Media in the Catalan Crisis
    The Political Economy of Communication 6(2), 39–73 © The Author 2018 http://www.polecom.org ‘Go and get’em!’: Authoritarianism, Elitism and Media in the Catalan crisis Núria Almiron, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona Keywords: Catalonia, freedom of expression, authoritarianism, elites, mainstream media, hate speech Abstract The Catalan independence movement has already attracted a great deal of scholarly attention, mostly in the political science and law fields and, to a lesser extent, in cultural studies. However, there has not yet been a political economy of communication approach to one of Europe’s most serious territorial crises. Amongst the most salient characteristics of this conflict is the belligerent role taken by the Spanish media elite. They have aligned with the state’s position, and even reinforced it (rather than acting as a watchdog). In some respects, the media elite have become an arm of the state as proponents of a ‘Go and get’em’ stance towards political dissidents. This article considers the links between this compromised news media reporting and state authoritarianism in Spain. I also assess the unity of Spain’s power elite, as described by C. Wright Mills (1956). In this context, mainstream media helps to shape authoritarian capitalism. On February 12, 2018, the evening news of Spanish state television (TVE) reported on the Catalan National Assembly (ANC), one of the civic associations seeking independence for Catalonia. The ANC leader was announcing that the organization was mobilizing to support “brave actions”. As he was speaking in Catalan, on-screen text captions with the Spanish translation were displayed. The Spanish-speaking audience was offered, however, a creative translation of his words: instead of ‘brave actions’, the captions said that the ANC was preparing mobilizations to support “violent actions” (Vilaweb, 2018a).
    [Show full text]