2020 Spain Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
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The Case of Spain and Its Distinctive Demeanor Toward Its Immigrants
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) Spring 5-9-2020 Public Sentiment Toward Migration in a Globalizing World: The Case of Spain and its Distinctive Demeanor Toward its Immigrants Caroline Thompson Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the European History Commons, International Relations Commons, Migration Studies Commons, and the Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons Recommended Citation Thompson, Caroline, "Public Sentiment Toward Migration in a Globalizing World: The Case of Spain and its Distinctive Demeanor Toward its Immigrants" (2020). Honors Theses. 1548. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/1548 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PUBLIC SENTIMENT TOWARD MIGRATION IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD: THE CASE OF SPAIN AND ITS DISTINCTIVE DEMEANOR TOWARD ITS IMMIGRANTS by Caroline Elizabeth Thompson A thesis submitted by the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies at the Croft Institute for International Studies and the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. University, Mississippi May 2020 Approved by Advisor: Dr. Miguel Centellas Reader: Dr. Gang Guo Reader: Dr. Simone Delerme Abstract This thesis discusses Spain's overall public opinion around immigration, exploring factors that contribute to the development of a country's attitude toward its immigrants. Spain exemplifies a particularly distinctive attitude in relation to its European Mediterranean counterparts, displaying an increased receptiveness toward its immigrant population. -
Inside Spain Nr 105 (25 March - 21 April) William Chislett
Inside Spain Nr 105 (25 March - 21 April) William Chislett Summary Spain holds its 11th position in Elcano’s Global Presence Index. Parliament rejects Catalan independence referendum. Government narrowly misses budget deficit target, Bank of Spain upgrades GDP growth forecast. Ibex-35 companies generate 63% of their revenues abroad. Foreign Policy Spain holds its 11th position in Elcano’s Global Presence Index Spain was again ranked 11th in the Elcano Global Presence Index, which measures the positioning of countries outside their own borders (see Figure 1). The index is based on a broad array of economic, military and soft presence dimensions. Figure 1. Elcano global presence ranking and scores, 2013* Ranking Score 1. United States 10,417.0 2. Germany 386.1 3. United Kingdom 367.8 4. China 334.4 5. France 308.2 6. Russia 281.0 7. Japan 241.7 8. Netherlands 212.7 9. Canada 203.6 10. Italy 172.4 11. Spain 164.4 (*) Out of 70 countries. Source: Real Instituto Elcano. Over half of Spain’s global presence (54%) is due to its soft dimension (see Figure 2). 1 Figure 2. Spain’s global presence index absolute values and % share in the index of the economic, military and soft presence dimensions 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2011 2012 2013 Economic presence 11.4 18.3 25.2 46.4 63.8 68.0 76.4 76.7 % of global presence 27.2 34.4 36.8 43.8 44.2 44.0 46.0 46.7 Energy 1.0 0.6 1.5 3.1 3.7 4.6 4.7 7.7 Primary goods 2.4 5.1 5.6 9.9 12.9 14.4 17.5 17.7 Manufactures 2.8 4.6 5.8 9.7 10.8 11.8 14.4 12.6 Services 4.9 7.1 9.1 16.5 21.4 21.7 24.7 23.9 Investments -
2017 Spain Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Spain Report Ignacio Molina, Oriol Homs, César Colino (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2017 G etty Im ages/iStockphoto/ZC Liu Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2017 | 2 Spain Report Executive Summary After several years of recession, social unrest has eroded legitimacy and public trust in Spain’s political system. The shift from a traditional two-party into a multiparty system is a notable result of these developments. In addition to the traditional parties such as the Popular Party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE), this multiparty system now includes the leftist anti- establishment party Podemos and the liberal progressive Ciudadanos (C’s). An inconclusive election in late 2015 led to another inconclusive election only six months later, resulting in a state of impasse under a caretaker government that had neither the willingness nor the legitimacy to pursue reforms. Nevertheless, policy outcomes in most economic domains continued to bear the fruits of economic reforms previously implemented. At the same time, however, centrifugal tensions in Catalonia remained strong. Spain’s economic recovery continued through 2016, showing 3.2% growth, the same figure as the previous year. This figure was much higher than other large euro zone economies (e.g., Germany reached 1.8% and Italy 0.9% in 2016) and the euro zone as a whole (1.8%). Spain was hit hard by a deep double-dip recession (2008 – 2013), but adjusted more quickly than expected after implementing a radical austerity program and some structural reforms (e.g., labor-market reforms, monitoring public finances, banking-sector recapitalization). Exports, foreign investment and domestic demand fueled this growth, along with a productivity increase following a painful process of internal devaluation. -
Election in Greece
CRS INSIGHT Election in Greece September 14, 2015 (IN10356) | | Paul Belkin, Analyst in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-0220) Fourth Election in Three Years Reflects Ongoing Political Instability Greece will hold a snap legislative election on September 20, only eight months after the country's last election. The new election comes as Greece continues to struggle with the negative repercussions of a sovereign debt and financial crisis that began in 2009. Over the past six years, Greece's economy has contracted by 25% and unemployment has tripled to above 25%. Economic challenges have in turn shaken the political system. This will be Greece's fourth parliamentary election since May 2012. Since 2009, the country has had six different governments (including two caretaker governments). Each has struggled—and three have collapsed—in the face of growing public and political pressure to halt the spending cuts, tax increases, and economic reforms that have been implemented in exchange for financial assistance from other European governments and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). For more information on the Greek debt crisis and the European response, see CRS Report R41167, Greece's Debt Crisis: Overview, Policy Responses, and Implications; and CRS Insight IN10303, Crisis in Greece: Political Implications. Why the Snap Election? Incumbent Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras took office in January 2015 following a campaign in which his far-left Syriza party pledged to reverse austerity measures and secure debt relief from creditors, but remain in the European Union's (EU) common currency, the Eurozone. This position ultimately proved untenable—Greece's creditors insisted that the government continue fiscal and structural reforms in exchange for the financial assistance Greece needed to stay in the Eurozone. -
Caretaker Cabinets in Belgium
This article from Politics of the Low Countries is published by Eleven international publishing and made available to anonieme bezoeker RESEARCH NOTE Caretaker Cabinets in Belgium A New Measurement and Typology Régis Dandoy & Lorenzo Terrière* Abstract Keywords: caretaker government, Belgium, cabinets, political crisis. Belgium is probably the world’s best known case of where caretaker gov‐ 1 Introduction ernments reside. Yet a clear scholarly definition and measurement of this Political scientists often use Belgium concept is missing. Based on a as an ideal case study for discussing detailed analysis of the Belgian fed‐ processes of government formation eral cabinets, this research note and of caretaker cabinets. Combined explores the main characteristics and with its complex multilevel institu‐ measures the length of the various tional architecture and its enduring caretaker periods. We find that Bel‐ regionalist tensions, these processes gium was governed for no less than have attracted much attention from 1,485 days by a caretaker govern‐ the international community. The var‐ ment between 2007 and 2020, which ious episodes of the lengthy federal equals more than four full calendar government formation even kept the years. This research note also pres‐ international media in suspense over ents a novel typology of caretaker the last decade. The fact that Belgium periods based on the institutional had a caretaker government through‐ and political practice within the Bel‐ out its successful EU presidency term gian legislative and executive in 2010 impressed many European branches. This typology can be used observers. to assess caretaker periods at other Caretaker periods mark the transi‐ levels of government as well as in tion between the termination of one other countries in order to improve government and the start of another. -
The Catalan Struggle for Independence
THE CATALAN STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE An analysis of the popular support for Catalonia’s secession from Spain Master Thesis Political Science Specialization: International Relations Date: 24.06.2019 Name: Miquel Caruezo (s1006330) Email: [email protected] Supervisor: Dr. Angela Wigger Image Source: Photo by NOTAVANDAL on Unsplash (Free for commercial or non-commercial use) Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 2 Chapter 1: Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................... 7 1.1 Resource Mobilization Theory ...................................................................................................... 7 1.1.1 Causal Mechanisms ................................................................................................................ 9 1.1.2 Hypotheses........................................................................................................................... 10 1.2 Norm Life Cycle Theory ............................................................................................................... 11 1.2.1 Causal Mechanisms ............................................................................................................. -
Caretaker Government and the Evolution of Caretaker
629 CARETAKER GOVERNMENT AND THE EVOLUTION OF CARETAKER CONVENTIONS IN NEW ZEALAND Jonathan Boston, Stephen Levine, Elizabeth McLeay, Nigel S Roberts and Hannah Schmidt * Since the financial crisis immediately following the 1984 general election, various efforts have been made to clarify the role and responsibilities of caretaker governments in New Zealand. The need to do so was given added urgency as a result of the referendum in 1993 in favour of proportional representation. This article examines the recent evolution of New Zealand's caretaker conventions and assesses their application following the first MMP election in late 1996. The article begins with a brief description of caretaker conventions in other parliamentary democracies. It then considers the operation of the caretaker conventions in New Zealand under the previous firstpastthepost electoral system, and discusses the measures taken in the earlyto mid 1990s to clarify these conventions in preparation for MMP. Having evaluated the conduct of government during the lengthy interregnum in late 1996, the article concludes with an analysis of some of the continuing policy issues generated by caretaker governments and outlines possible ways of reducing the frequency and duration of caretaker periods. I INTRODUCTION In all parliamentary democracies situations arise, either after a general election or when a government loses the confidence of the legislature, where the existing administration operates – even if very briefly – in a "caretaker" capacity until a new government is sworn in. While New Zealand has no statutes pertaining to the powers of caretaker governments, various constitutional conventions have developed over the past century or so which apply in such situations. -
The Future of Western Balkans
news REGION MAGAZINE OF THE INSTITUTE OF THE REGIONS OF EUROPE • 51 / DECEMBER 2018 Austrian‘s young people are very much interested in Save the date: 8th IRE-Expert Conference The future of Western ”Smart Regions“ 20 February 2019 Cultural Center Hallwang/ Balkans Salzburg, Austria 4 CoR-Working Group 6 Conference of the 7 Elections: Western Balkans: Austrian Presidency: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Territorial reform in Albania “Subsidiarity as a construction Hesse, South Tyrol, Poland principle of the European Union“ and Andalusia FOCUS 14th Conference of European Regions and Cities Oberösterreich. Land der Möglichkeiten. Manfred Weber Leading candidate of the EPP for the office of the EU Commission President 2019 Phoenix © MEHR WIRTSCHAFT. MEHR MÖGLICHKEITEN. Let us keep regions in the heart of Europe OÖ auf Innovationskurs When we talk about Europe, we talk a lot about identity. Re- economically advanced regions in Europe are on the national gions are the places where we take our first steps in the world, borders. Many regions like Rhône-Alps region, Lombardi, Lower where we grow up, where we define and shape our personali- Silesia, or my home region Bavaria, have only a real chance to Zukunftstechnologien, innovative Produkte und ties. Our identities are not simply based on national thinking develop thanks to Europe. and culture. European identity is much more than that. The Eu- Fourth, Europe means to live in safe regions. How else could in- Dienstleistungen sowie qualifizierte Fachkräfte sind ropean identity begins in our schools, during a chat at the usual dividual regions deal with the threats of terrorism or the exter- bar, passing the street in our hometown. -
Power Indices and Minimal Winning Coalitions in Simple Games in Partition Function Form
Power Indices and Minimal Winning Coalitions in Simple Games in Partition Function Form J.M. Alonso-Meijide1, M. Alvarez-Mozos´ ∗2, and M.G. Fiestras-Janeiro3 1Departamento de Estat´ıstica e Investigaci´on Operativa, Facultade de Ciencias, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela (Campus de Lugo). Avda. Alfonxo X O Sabio s/n, 27002, Lugo, Spain. 2Departament de Matem`atica Econ´omica, Financera i Actuarial, Facultat d’Economia i Empresa, Universitat de Barcelona. Avda. Diagonal 690, 08034, Barcelona, Spain. 3Departamento de Estat´ıstica e Investigaci´on Operativa, Facultade de Ciencias Econ´omicas e Empresariais, Universidade de Vigo. Campus Lagoas-Marcosende, 36310, Vigo (Pontevedra), Spain. Abstract We propose a generalization of simple games to partition function form games based on a monotonicity property that we define in this context. This property allows us to properly speak about minimal winning embedded coalitions. We propose and characterize two power indices based on this kind of coalitions. Finally, the new indices are used to study the distribution of power in the Parliament of Andalusia emerged after the elections of March 22, 2015. Keywords: Deegan-Packel index; Public Good index; Simple games; Partition function form; Monotonicity 1 Introduction Game theory provides valuable tools to study how power is distributed among the members of a decision making body. Most of the literature identifies the power of an agent with her ability to change the outcome of a ballot. The Shapley-Shubik index (Shapley and Shubik, 1954) is probably the most well known and widely accepted way to measure power. However, many different power indices have been proposed in the literature so far. -
1 Devolution (Further Powers) Committee
Devolution (Further Powers) Committee Report on Fact Finding Visit to Madrid and Seville: 10-11 December 2015 Purpose 1. This report summarises the key findings from a recent fact finding visit to the Parliament of Seville and the Cortes Generales in Madrid. The purpose of the visit was to gain an improved understanding of the operation of inter- governmental relations within Spain, from a ‘federal’ level parliament and a ‘regional’ parliament, with a particular emphasis upon the means via which legislatures within Spain scrutinise these relationships. 2. We wish to express our thanks and gratitude to the people whom we met in Madrid and Seville. In particular, we wish to express our thanks to Maria Roso from the Parliament of Andalusia and Fernando Galindo Elola-Olaso of the Congress of Deputies who organized the visit. 3. We are also grateful to our adviser, Professor Nicola McEwen of the University of Edinburgh and to Dr Sandra León of the University of York for this assistance in the preparation of briefing material in advance of the visit. Spanish Constitutional Structure 4. The 1978 Spanish Constitution details the territorial organisation of the Spanish State. Section Two of the Constitution states- “The Constitution is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards; it recognises and guarantees the right to self-government of the nationalities and regions of which it is composed and the solidarity among them all”. 5. The territorial organisation of the State and in particular the competences of autonomous communities are set out in Part 7 of the Constitution. -
He Catalan Sovereignty Process and the Spanish Constitutional Court. an Analysis of Reciprocal Impacts *
THE CATALAN SOVEREIGNTY PROCESS AND THE SPANISH CONSTITUTIONAL COURT. AN ANALYSIS OF RECIPROCAL IMPACTS * Eduard Roig i Molés** Abstract Since 2013 the Catalan sovereignty process and the Spanish Constitutional Court have increasingly been at odds with one another. This situation has altered the course of the Catalan sovereignty process, with the interventions of the Court notable for having a major bearing on sovereignty initiatives. The aim of this study is to analyse not just the constitutional jurisprudence, but also the transformation of the Catalan sovereignty process based on the decisions of the Constitutional Court, how these decisions have affected the course of action taken by Catalan institutions, and the effects and efficacy of the Court’s judgments, court orders and rulings in curbing the intentions of Catalan institutions. Conversely, the Catalan sovereignty process has had a major impact on the position of the Constitutional Court and its functions, relating to the Court’s jurisprudence and the political choices of regional and state institutions, and this impact is likewise analysed. Lastly, attention is given to the ‘collateral’ effects the Constitutional Court’s intervention in the Catalan sovereignty process has had on a number of other areas of Spain’s constitutional system. Keywords: Spanish Constitutional Court; constitutional law; sovereignty; Catalan sovereignty process Resum Des de l’any 2013, el procés sobiranista s’ha enfrontat progressivament amb el Tribunal Constitucional i ha provocat una mutació del procés -
Volume 5 Issue 2 2013
VOLUME 5 ISSUE 2 2013 ISSN: 2036-5438 VOL. 5, ISSUE 2, 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS SPECIAL ISSUE Regional Parliaments in the European Union: A comparison between Italy and Spain Edited by Josep M. Castellà Andreu, Eduardo Gianfrancesco, Nicola Lupo and Anna Mastromarino ESSAYS National and Regional Parliaments in the EU decision-making process, after the The Relationship between State and Treaty of Lisbon and the Euro-crisis Regional Legislatures, Starting from the NICOLA LUPO E- 1-28 Early Warning Mechanism CRISTINA FASONE E-122-155 Spanish Autonomous Communities and EU policies State accountability for violations of EU law AGUSTÍN RUIZ ROBLEDO E- 29-50 by Regions: infringement proceedings and the right of recourse The scrutiny of the principle of subsidiarity CRISTINA BERTOLINO E-156-177 by autonomous regional parliaments with particular reference to the participation of the Parliament of Catalonia in the early warning system ESTHER MARTÍN NÚÑEZ E- 51-73 Early warning and regional parliaments: in search of a new model. Suggestions from the Basque experience JOSU OSÉS ABANDO E- 74-88 The evolving role of the Italian Conference system in representing regional interest in EU decision-making ELENA GRIGLIO E- 89-121 ISSN: 2036-5438 National and Regional Parliaments in the EU decision-making process, after the Treaty of Lisbon and the Euro-crisis by Nicola Lupo Perspectives on Federalism, Vol. 5, issue 2, 2013 Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E - 1 Abstract The Treaty of Lisbon increased the role of National and Regional Parliaments in the EU decision-making process, in order to compensate for some of the weaknesses of the European institutional architecture.