THE

REVEkENDA FABBRICA

DI SAN PIETRO DELL 'URBE

lN THE MALTESE ISLANDS

A l{ISTORICAL SURVEY

( 1626 - 1798)

PART I

REV. ALOYSIUS DEGUARA

Dissertation in fulfilment of the requirements for

M. Phil. Faculty of Theology University of Malta May 1997

Fig. 1 Coat of Arms of the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro dell'Urbe (Golden embroidery on a chasuble given by the Cimmissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica to the Collegiate Church of S. Lawrence, Vittoriosa) The Reverenda Fabbrica di S. Pietro in the Maltese Islands

The Office and Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta and Gozo were the fourth judicial power in the Maltese Archipelago for nearly two centuries (1626-1798). The Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica in the Vatican established its Tribunal in Malta with Nicola Mangione, a meticulous jurist and consultant of Grand Master Lascaris, as its Commissioner, in order to see that all pious legacies were fulfilled and to raise funds for the building and embellishment of the Vatican Basilica. It enjoyed full executive powers over all the inhabitants of Malta and Gozo, including the familiares of the Bishop and of the Inquisitor, the Religious Orders and all the members of the Order of Saint John, the Sovereign rulers of the islands. Its ministers and officials were exempt persons from all existing powers. At times great conflicts of power had to be decided by the Holy See. By means of the Brief of Alexander VII (19 May 1655), formerly Inquisitor of Malta as Fabio Chigi, the Tribunal was united to that of the Holy Inquisition, though the Fabbrica maintained its autonomy of judgement in two instances: it kept its own Chancery and Depositeria:the Inquisitor pro tempore became the Deputy of the Congregation and its Commissioner;. appeals from sentences pronounced in Malta were heard before the High Court of the Congregation. Its seat of judgement was transferred from the Banca Notarile of Michele Ralli in Valletta to the Apostolic Palace in Vittoriosa. Owing to the penury and poverty of the Maltese people a great amount of the Fabbrica's income was distributed as elemosina to the poor families and to the institutes or monasteries which cared for orphans, unmarried mothers, poor spinsters and to the nuns themselves. Even foreigners living in Malta were given help during their misfortunes. After the earthquake of 1693 and during the plagues, the social and charitable assistance of the Fabbrica reached its peak. At times places of worship were allowed contributions for the building, amongst which St Paul's parish church in Valletta. For a whole century no money was sent to the Vatican because it was badly needed for the social assistance of the Maltese people. However, when the Fabbrica was in great need, especially after the pontificate of Alexander VII, all income was sent immediately to the Vatican. Since no research in this area has ever been made by scholars of Maltese history, the correspondence of the Reverenda Fabbrica is still an untapped source for the social history of Malta and Gozo. The publication of all the Corri~pondenza held at the Vatican Archives and the Cathedral Museum in Mdina will, it is hoped, providing one and all with new insight into the many interesting aspects of the history of Malta and Gozo.

3 CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 12

PART I THE REVERENDA FABBRJCA DI SAN PIETRO

CHAPTER 1 THE BUILDING OF THE VATICAN BASILICA

1 The Old Saint Peter's 24 2 The New Basilica 31 3 Michelangelo's return to Rome 42 4 Decorations and Embellishments 51

CHAPTER 2 THE SACRED CONGREGATION OF THE REVERENDA FABBRJCA DI SAN PIETRO DELL'URBE 5 Origin of the Sacred Congregation 59 6 The Collegium Sexaginta Virorum 64 7 The Institution of the Sacred Congregation 67 8 Reform in the Constitution of the Congregation 76 9 The Office of Administration 79

CHAPTER 3 THE TRIBUNAL AND THE OFFICE OF THE REVERENDA FABBRICA IN MALTA 10 Early Beginnings 81 11 Nicola Mangione: the First Commissioner 89 12 Mangione's personality 92 13 Attempts by Cagliares to overthrow the decision 97 14 The Institution of the Tribunal 101 15 Proceedings at the Tribunal 112 16 Vigour recovered after fears 118 17 Decree for the Island of Gozo 120 18 The Involvement of the Religious Clergy 122 19 The Grand Master's benevolence and doubts 123

4 CHAPTER 4 REFORM AND DEVELOPEMENT WITHIN THE TRIBUNAL OF THE REVERENDA FABBRI CA 20 The Inquisitorship of Fabio Chigi 130 21 The Historical Decision 142 22 New Era 146 23 The Right of Exemption and the Patentees 154 24 The Last Days 161

CHAPTER 5 SOCIAL AND CHARITABLE ASSISTANCE

25 Urgent needs and Social services 166 26 Hospitals and Hospices 170 27 Social and Charitable Institutions 180 28 Other Medical and Charitable Initiatives 183 29 Poverty and Social needs 185 30 Hardships, Plagues and Devastations 188 31 Moral instability 195 32 The Role of the Reverenda Fabbrica 197 33 Monasteries and Religious Houses 206 34 Churches and Chapels 209 35 Contributions to poor Families 213 36 General view of various contributions 218

CONCLUSION 235

APPENDICES

1 Complete List of the Ms at St Peter' s Basilica, Vatican City, and at the Cathedral Museum Archives, Mdina, Malta. 248

2 Cardinal Prefects and Presidents of the Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica. 259

3 The Secretaries, the Bursars, The Secretary-Bursars General and the Delegates of the Sacred Congregation 261

4 The Inquisitors who were Commissioners 263

5 5 The Bishops of Malta 265

6 The Grand Masters of the Order of Saint John 266

7 The Officials and Ministers of the Reverenda Fabbrica 267

8 The Coinage of the Knights in Malta 274

9 Examples of Manuscripts 275

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1 Primary Sources 294 2 Secondary Sources 295 3 Other works 296

PART II THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE SACRED CONGREGATION 1 Introduction tothe Catalogue 303 2 Correspondence in the Archives of the Reverenda Fabbrica of Saint Peter's (AFSP) 312 3 Correspondence in the Archives of the Cathedral Museum (AIMRF)

Volume 40 (1628-1670) 354

Volume 41 (1670-1687) 416

Volume 42 (1687-1730) 472

Volume 43 (1731-1798) 526

Other Documents ( AlMRF) 595

6 ILLUSTRATIONS

1 Coat-of-Arms of the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro dellUrbe (Golden embroidery on a chasuble donated by the Reverenda Fabbrica to the Collegiate Church ofVittoriosa) 2

2 Marble statue of Saint Peter in the Grotte Vaticane 23

3 Reconstruction of the pre-Constantinian altar built over the tomb of Peter known as the Tropeum Gaii 26

4 A complete view of the Quadriga Mausoleum in the Crypts of S. Peter's 30

5 Raffaello, Julius II 35

6 Bramante, First proposed plan of Saint Peter's Basilica 38

7 Plan of Saint Peter's Basilica as it stands now 45

8 Michelangelo, The Dome of the Basilica 47

9 External view of the western side of the Basilica 49

10 Bernini, Project of the Piazza and Portico of Saint Peter's 53

11 Bernini, Altar with the Tabernacle of the Blessed Sacrament 55

12 Aerial view of the Piazza completed by Alexander VII 57

13 13th century fresco fragmnet of the Apostle Peter 63

14 l 6th century gilt bronze statue of Saint Peter 69

15 G. Zammit, Nicola Mangione 91

16 Bishop Balthassare Cagliares 99

17 Pope Alexander VII, Fabio Chigi 131

18 The Apostolic Palace of the Holy Inquisition, Vittoriosa 136

7 19 The Decree of Alexander VII 143

20 The Siculo-Norman courtyard of the Apostolic Palace 147

21 Coats-of-Arms of the Inquisitors in the hall of the Seat of Judgement148

22 Another series of Coat of Arms 149

23 The Monastery of S. Catherine in Valletta 176

24 A. Favray, Bishop Paolo Alpheran de Bussan 178

25 Chapel of Santa Maria Maddalena, Valletta 207

26 Chapel of the Monastery of S. Scolastica, Vittoriosa 217

27 Bernini, The Altar of Confession and the Gloria 302

28 Gerolamo Cardinal Casanate (1659-1663) 405

29 Angelo Cardinal Ranuccio ( 1666-1668) 408

30 Ranuccio Cardinal Pallavicini ( 1672-167 6) 429

31 Innico Cardinal Caracciolo (1683-1686) 464

32 Francesco Cardinal Aquaviva (1690-1694) 484

33 T ommaso Cardinal Ruffo ( 1694-1698) 488

34 Giorgio Cardinal Spinola (1703-1706) 508

35 Antonio Cardinal Ruffo (1720-1728) 521

36 Giovanni Ottavio Cardinal Manciforte Sperelli (1767-1771) 547

37 Gio Francesco Cardinal Stopppani (1731-173 5) 559

38 Carlo Francesco Cardinal Durini ( 173 5-1740) 561

39 Ludovico Gualterio Cardinal Gualtieri ( 17 40-17 43) 559

40 Angelo Maria Cardinal Durini (1760-1767) 569

8 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The Rev. Professor Joseph Bezzina, Dip. Arch., Dip. Bibl., B.A.(Hons.), H.E.D. The Rev. Professor Emeritus Mgr Vincent Borg, D.D., H.E.D.Arch.Chr.L. The Rev. Prof Edmond Caruana, O.C., SL.L.,SL.D., Dipl.Bibl. (Vat), Editorial Secretary of the Libreria Editrice Vaticana Rev. Anthony Ward, S.M., the Archivist of Saint Peter's Basilica Rev. Alexader Bonnici, O.F.M.Conv. Rev Can. J. Azzopardi, Lic.D., Curator of the Cathedral Museum. Mr J. Cassar Pullicino, Archivist and Librarian of the Archbishop's Seminary. Joseph Felice Pace, B.A.(Hons.), Lie. D. Gorg Mallia, M.A. Chev. George Said Zammit, M.A. Aaron Grech The Staff of the Cathedral Museum, Mdina Photo Credits: Marquis A Cassar Desain Stanley Spiteri.

9 ABBREVIATIONS

AAM ArchivumEpiscopaleMelitensis AAS ActaApostolicaeSedis ACM Archivum Cathedralis Metropolitanae ACY Archivum Collegiatae Victoriosa AFSP Archivum Fabricae Sancti Petri (Vaticanus) AIM Archivum Inquisitionis Melitae AIMRF Archivum Inquisitionis Melitae, Reverendae Fabricae S. Petri A M S C Archivum Monasterii Sanctae Catharinae Melitae A M S P Archivum Monasterii Sancti Petri Melitae A M S S Arcivum Monasterii Sanctae Scholasticae Melitae A 0 M Archivum Ordinis S. J oannis Melitae A P Archivum Paroeciale A P F Archivum Progandae Fidei A S M Archivum Seminarii Melitensis BA V Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana Brev.et Cost.Ap. Breves et Costitutiones Apostolicae C E M Curia Episcopalis Melitensis Cor. Corrispondenza F. Ch. Fabio Chigi lb./ Ibid, Ibidem Lib.Bapt. Liber Baptizatorum Lib.Mort. Liber Mortuorum Mem. Memorie degli Inquisitori Msc. Miscellanea Ms. Manuscript NAY National Archives Valletta n.p. no pagination P. Piano Reg. Act. Civ. Registrum (Liber) Actorum Civilium Reverendae Fabricae Reg. Del. Cap. Registrum Deliberationum Capitularium R M Registrum Mandatorum R 0 Registrum Ordinationum Reg. Pat. Registro di Patentati r. Recto Ser. Serie Ser.Arm. Serie Armadi V. Varia v Verso

l 1 INTRODUCTION

The Basilica of Saint Peter in the Vatican City has always enchanted scholars and historians who dedicated long years to illustrate the spiritual, cultural and historical richness that along the centuries enhanced the veneration of the tomb and the sacred remains of Peter, the Galilean fisherman who became disciple of

Jesus Christ and first head of the Church of Rome.

Since the seventeenth century, between 1628 and 1798, a lot of correspondence passed between Rome and Malta in relation to the building and the decoration of the new Basilica in Rome - it is the correspondence related to the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro nell'Urbe.

The catalogue of this valuable correspondence recalls the historical institution and the development of the Office of the Sacred Congregation in Malta.

The Sacred Congregation was purposely instituted by Urban VIII (6 Augl623-29

Jul 1644) for the construction and embellishment of the Basilica, and demonstrates that the Islands of Malta and Gozo were seriously involved in this magnificent project. The Sacred Congregation was a central and international organization in the Vatican City and had many branches and tribunals in all states under papal influence.

12 The dissertation opens with a brief history of the building of the Basilica that will add to the full understanding and appreciation of the continuous fatigues of the Congregation, which had a juridical seat in Malta, though one may not fully agree with all its executions. The enormous and magnificent temple needed thousands of golden ducati for its building and decorations; and the Holy See and the rich families of Rome could not afford to pay that huge sum of money.

The construction of the Basilica, as it now stands, follows historically as a continuation of the first old Constantinian Basilica, built with its focal point as the tomb of the Apostle Peter, the first Bishop of Rome. The flow of pilgrims from all over the Christian world throughout the first millenium and half way through the second, made it easier for the old Pope della Rovere, Julius II, (31 Oct 1503-21

Feb 1513) to put into action the idea, conceived by different predecessors, of constructing a new Basilica to see to the needs of the following centuries. He could not but hope that his decision would be applauded by one and all and that enough money would come easily to help re-building the church as the centre of all Christianity, cherished and devoutedly to be visited by millions of Catholics from all over the world.

Julius II's humanistic conception of the Church and his strong determination m planning and beginning the great enterprise of the Vatican

Basilica became a fitting background to the extension of privileges and rights with which he enriched and endowed the first administrative commission which later became the Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbhca of Saint Peter's.

13 Daniel Rops describes what might have been certainly the dream of Pope della Rovere with these words:

As it stands, Saint Peter's Basilica fully expresses that the Church of the immediately successive years after the Council of Trent, firm in its principles, strengthened through decrees and dogmas, that Church which had survived such hard battles and was then experiencing the pride of her triumph ...... it is truly the image of spiritual fortituide which the Catholics knew well how to defend and to sqfeguard By its strong structures and masses, it used to proclaim the faith fully strengthened by the Council, that faith whose smallest details were examined by the theologians; this was the resolution of the Catholic society not to leave itself to be separated because of heresy; but to be formed, through a reordered discipline, into one soul with one body. 1

For this belief and animated by this ideal, the foresight of Julius II wanted the Basilica and the means to attain to its building. He wanted his church to be elegant, spacious and modem, to keep up with the spirit of the Renaissance, one which would surpass all the buildings of antiquity in size, beauty, magnificence and harmony. He wanted a monumental church which may hold his superb sepulchral monument and immortalise his beliefs and his name. The gigantic plan of his tomb in Saint Peter's was never realised; before the pope's death

Michelangelo had only completed the statue of Moses in which he materialised perfectly the overwhelming personality of Julius della Rovere, destined afterwards to immortalise him in his former Titular Church of San Pietro in Vhzculis.

Although he was neither a theologian nor a man of letters, the Pope acquired an immortal fame as MECJENAS, patron and supporter of art and

1D. ROPS, Storia della Chiesa. II 2, Rome 1956, 342. 14 literature. The building of Saint Peter's and the tearing down of the Venerable

Constantinian Basilica, the paintings of the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel by

Michelangelo and the frescoes of Raffaello Sanzio must be recorded in a special manner.

It is doubtful whether Malta and Gozo, scarcely populated with poor people, could have ever contributed towards such an enormous international enterprise. This doubt becomes even more relevant since the Tribunal of the

Reverenda Fabbrica was constituted in Malta when the Basilica had already been consecrated. Yet the cross which surmounted the richly gilted globe and the consecration itself of the majestic temple did not in any way mean that funds were not still badly needed for the completion of ornaments planned for the church.

The cathedra was not yet placed, the main piers were not ornamented, and the big piazza was not even dreamt of by Alexander VII and Lorenzo Bernini.

The decoration of Saint Peter's provided Urban VIII, Barberini, with his greatest artistic challenge. Of the huge Basilica, begun more than a century earlier by Donato Bramante for Julius II, only the principal nave, the facade and the magnificent dome had been completed. The decoration of the church demanded the genius of Bernini. From 1623 until his death, fifty seven years later, he was rarely without some project for the embellishment of the Basilica. The most pressing need was a canopy over the site of Saint Peter's grave in the central point of the Basilica, just beneath the dome.

15 While work on the canopy was under way, Bernini was put in charge of the decoration of the four great piers that support the dome. He projected four colossal statues relating to the four important relics hallowed by the early

Christians in the old Basilica: Saint Helen with the true Cross, Saint Veronica w-ith the Sudarium, Saint Andrew's Crucifixion, and Saint Longinus with the spear.

Other contemporary artists were engaged in various other projects.2

Extant documents amply witness the efforts made in Malta to raise funds for the Vatican Basilica; funds that were greatly appreciated as they were needed for the marble embellishment of all the piers and walls, statues and other works of art, and the highly expensive maintenance of the Basilica. However, this does not imply that Malta's property and capital bequeathed for pious legacies were drained for the sumptuous embellishment of the Basilica in Rome. The poor, the pest- stricken, the needy orphans and the unmarried mothers, the monasteries and the poor churches were not deprived of their inheritance.

On the other hand, the Reverenda Fabbrica generously granted large sums of money to be distributed by the Commissioner as elemosina to all those who were in distress. The prayers and the celebration of masses for the souls in

Purgatory were first to be fulfilled according to the strict dispositions of the

Commissioner and of the Ministers of the Fabbrica under the superintendence or the direct orders of the Holy Roman Inquisitor in Malta.

2H. HIBBARD, Bernini, London 1965, 142. 16 The social and charitable assistance made by the Church authorities

relating to the social and pastoral needs of the country are brought up in this

dissertation; this puts on record the awareness of the Church's dignitaries of the

needs of the people of Malta and Gozo at a time of serious social and moral

problems. During the period under consideration, the Church's authorities helped

many poor families, institutions and pious places of worship to cope with the

problems and the difficulties created by many different circumstances. Thus, the

social and the charitable assistance of the Church is highlighted through the

correspondence that reached Malta from Rome covering the whole period from

the beginning of the Tribunal on 19 September 1626 up to its suppression by a

decree of the French Government Commission on 13 JUly 1798. 3

The Archives of the Reverenda Fabbrica, in an annex of the Vatican

Basilica, provide this dissertation with one of the main documentary sources for

the historical survey of the Fabbrica and its activities in the Islands of Malta and

Gozo.

This dissertation includes a complete catalogue of the manuscripts

contained in four volumes of correspondence kept at the Cathedral Museum in

3With the capture of Malta Napoleon. the Inquisitorial Tribunal (along with that of the Reverenda Fabbrica) was abolished. The French Government Commission at the end of its sitting held on 13 July 1798 issued the following proclamation to the people of Malta: The time has at last come. Citizens, of being honoured with the august name o(fi·ee men The invincible Bonaparte had wished it and it has been done. His presence was enough to demoralise and put to flight your tyrants. and to deliver you from the absurd and oppressive yoke of the treble jurisdiction (Inquisitor's, Bishop'.<> and Order's) under which you were groaning. H. P. SCICLUNA, Actes et Documents Relat~f'> a l'Histoire de !'Occupation Francaise de Malte 1798-1800, Malta 1979, 20; A. P. VELLA, The Tribunal of the Inquisition in ~Malta. Malta 1973, 42. 17 Malta and a summary, at times the complete text, of the letters and other relative documents; this correspondence reached the Malta Tribunal from the Sacred

Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Rome. After the early beginnings of the Tribunal's procedures, for a long time, the Commissioner and Deputy of the

Congregation was the Inquisitor pro tempore. References in this dissertation are also made to several other manuscripts. Along with the authentic writings, at times copies of petitions or Memoranda are included; notes regarding balance sheets and other useful information are bound together with the letters. These might have been copied by the Chancellor of the Malta Tribunal. The sequence followed in the catalogue is that followed by the insertion of the manuscripts in the four volumes with the new numeration of the folios. So far no explanation can be given for the long lapse of time which at times passed between one letter and another, but the numeration follows regularly. Some fragments in the Archives of the Cathedral Museum in Malta are not yet catalogued. Copies of petitions and

Memoranda are not included in the numbered folios. The four volumes and nearly all the manuscripts which belonged to the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta are kept in the Archives of the Metropolitan Cathedral Museum in Mdina. Some volumes of the Holy Roman Inquisition, or copies of them, which sometimes include letters addressed to the Reverenda Fabbrica, are kept in the Archives of the Chapter of the Vittoriosa Collegiate Church, Malta.

In this dissertation, all different writings are enumerated as Documents and given a progressive numeration throughout the four volumes. The last

18 volume is more of a Miscellanea than a correspondence file. It may have happened that the whole bulk of papers were bound with some carelessness, with all papers included. At times, the dates do not follow a chronological order.

Among the various documents in the catalogue, some letters, or parts of them, are in itahcs: these refer to a translation of the original; at times they are translated to highlight the importance of a particular document or part of it.

This dissertation intends to illustrate the importance of the study of the manuscripts which so far have been left in the dark, with only a few references to the existence of the Reverenda Fabbri ea in the Maltese Islands. The dissertation will try to help the evaluation of the Church's presence in the difficult circumstances of the Islands and her contribution to solve many social problems with continuous help to all classes from the funds of the Reverenda Fabbrica; the landlords thought that the Tribunal existed only to collect and export huge sums of money to the Vatican City; the wealthy misinterpreted the way in which this money was collected, but the documents prove that justice and charity always accompanied the acts of the Tribunal and the Office of the Fabbri ea. Documents show that the Church in Malta was aware of the need of a common effort to collaborate with the other Catholic states by contributing its share in the fund raising organised by the Vatican to build the Basilica of Saint Peter's as the central point of the pilgrimages from all over the world to the tomb of the Apostle.

To understand fully the importance of the correspondence and its milieu, some chapters have been included in Part One of the paper; Part Two contains the

19 Catalogue. These give a complete panorama of the situation in Rome and in Malta during the planning, construction and completion of Saint Peter's Basilica in the

Vatican and the huge efforts made by a long series of popes to procure the necessary funds for such an enormous project. Thus, a short history of the building and the raison d'etre of the Congregation itself are included.

The history of the institution of the Tribunal and Office of the Reverenda

Fabbrica in Malta completes the whole picture. The transfer of the Tribunal from

Valletta to Vittoriosa and its partial unification with the residence and office of the

Holy Inquisition in the palace in Vittoriosa happened a few years after its institution. This later change in the running of the Office and the Tribunal of the

Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta explains the reason why the Fabbricds manuscripts were included along with the Correspondence series of the Holy Inquisition.

However, the Tribunal and Office of the Reverenda Fabbrica always maintained their autonomy and they had different chanceries and different halls as seats of

Justice.

Other volumes and manuscripts of the Reverenda Fabbrica besides the

Corrispondenza are frequently quoted in this dissertation to complete the history of the institution and function of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta.

A complete list of all the manuscripts is given in the Appendix A number of volumes containing the ~fandati is included in the whole series; but unfortunately this series is not complete. Many volumes of the Processi and the volumes containing the information given by the notaries are included in the list of

20 volumes of the Reverenda Fabbrica. Unfortunately, these are not properly classified and enumerated though many attempts to do so were made during these last ten years. No research has so far been made on the Reverenda Fabbrica in

Malta.

I was encouraged to undertake this study and began researching in the

Basilica's Archives during my ten-year period in the Vatican helping in the liturgical service of the Basilica while the Italian personnel went on holiday. The

Archives of the Basilica, frequently quoted in this dissertation, contain a section on Malta with the correspondence which arrived in Rome from the Malta

Tribunal, from the Bishops and from the Grand Masters. There is also a huge number of appeals made by Maltese citizens from sentences pronounced in Malta.

So far nobody has ever made any research in this section.

The present dissertation does not give a comprehensive history of the

Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta. It gives a complete Catalogue of the four Volumes of the Correspondence of its Office and a summary of all the letters which will provide an interesting reading about the history of a particular period of nearly two centuries of the history of the Church in our country and reflects the social and political background of those times.

21 PART I

THE SACRED CONGREGATION

OF THE

REVERENDA FABBRIC4

DI SAN PIETRO DELL 'URBE

22 Fig. 2 Marble statue o,fSaint Peter in the Grotte Vaticane It has been attributed to Niccofo' de Longhi(l 565). Tough it is o,f a ve1y doub(fuf origin, it must have been one of the many )imagines 'placed on the facade up to 1605. of the old Basilica. (La Basilica di S. Pietro, ed. C. Pitrangeli, Firenze 1989) CHAPTER 1

THE BUILDING

OF THE VA TI CAN BASILICA

OF SAINT PETER IN ROME

1 The Old Saint Peter's

The memory of great men in history is always cherished by their followers and by those who benefitted from their deeds; they strive to immortalise their beloved personality by artistic works of art that represent their ages, their virtues and their beneficial and heroic deeds by building large marble and bronze monuments to their memory according to the tastes of their own age. Even the places where heroes lived or died, and their graves, are kept with veneration and emotional reverence; the followers guard their leaders' remains with pride.

It cost great endeavour and huge sums of money for theearly Christians to irmnortalise Peter's memo1 y and to hold his tomb in veneration. Constantine could afford to spend money and pay for the great expenses required for the building of a large Basilica on the slope of the Vatican hill; but long centuries passed by and new

24 artistic expressions replaced the models which fitted the old generations. The

Romans of the sixteenth century assisted painfully at the destruction of the old

Basilica, rich in historic and artistic values, that was replaced by the new

Renaissance Basilica to interpret the new motivations of the Popes. The Vatican funds and the Roman families could not afford to pay for the realisation of their plans. An organisation, spread all over the Christian world, had to be sought to make good for the completion of the project of immortalising Peter's venerable memory, while it needed to be sufficient to hold the enormous affluence of pilgrims and the highly elaborate ceremonies held in it.

Peter, the leader of the Christian community in Rome and the Head of all the Churches, the Princeps of the Apostles, after his long sojourn in Rome suffered martrydom under Nero in the Circus of Gaius and Nero1 in Rome, the capital city of the Roman Empire . He was buried outside the Circus, on the northern part of the slope of the Vatican hill. Since cemeteries were treated with the greatest respect in ancient Rome, despite all the persecutions that befell the Christian community during the first three centuries of Christianity, Peter's tomb remained intact for a considerable number of years. The graphic inscription on the red wall

Peter is here was recently interpreted by Margherita Guarducci, the famous archeologist who led the excavations beneath the Basilica.2

Soon after the end of the persecutions, Peter's tomb became the centre of

1 M. BUONOCORE, Circa Vaticano in Mondo Vaticano, Passato e Presente, edited by Niccolo' Del Re, Vatican City 1995, 270. 2 AM. DE NINO, Tomba di San Pietro, Ibid, 1043. 25 .•

. Fig. 3 Reconstruction of the pre-Constantinian altar built by a Roman priest Gaius on the tomb ofPeter, or commemorative monument known as the Tropaeum Gaii. Eusebius of Caesarea 2, 25,5) pilgrimages and a sacred place of devotion. Early Christians often asked to be buried near or around the Apostle's tomb. A series of humble sepulchres was erected; all of these converged in the direction towards a particular tomb. About the year A.D.160, a wall of bricks, painted in red, was built to separate the burial area from a series of pagan mausolea. Chapels and tombs were added to the Roman mausolea and in this way the necropolis gradually became larger and richer in mausolea and funerary buildings. A number of tombs and richly decorated mausolea dating from 124 to 150 AD. belonged to Roman patrician families, such as the Valerii and the Julii. These contain what are the earliest examples of

Christian art in Rome.

After the Rescript of Milan, Constantine3 wanted to honour the Apostle's grave and to preserve it from devastation. He welcomed the suggestion of Pope

Sylvester (31 Jan 314-31 Dec 335) to build two basilicas; and decided to build first the Basilica of the Saviour (San Giovanni in Laterano) and then the Basilica ad c01pus Sancti Petri. Great geographical and legal difficulties had to be overcome, the first due to the levelling of the basement of the huge building because of the terraced land at the slope of the hill where the great necropolis stood, and the second because of the regulatory dispositions to leave intact burial places and tombs. Respect had to be maintained for the sepulchres in the vicinity of the sacred tomb. Many of them had to be removed or covered with earth; the roofs of the

3 P. LIVERANI, Preesistenze Archeologiche: La Necropoli Vaticana e La Tomba dell'Apostolo, in La Basilica di San Pietro edited by Carlo Pietrangeli, Firenze 1989, 22ss. 27 mausolea and of other funerary chapels were to be brought to the same level of the shrine which contained the Apostle's remains.4

The tomb had been already described as a tropaion, or commemorativ monument, in a letter written sometime between 199 and 217 AD. as an answer to

Proculo by the renowned Roman priest Gaius; the historian Eusebius described the tomb as a christian memoria and the monument of victory. 5 The Emperor wanted the Basilica to be built with the tomb of the Apostle as its central point. The building of the Basilica probably began in 322 AD. and was completed by the year 361.

Only Constantine, as the Summus Pontifex, could abrogate the law, but his son Costantius enforced again the law of protecting the burial places as soon as he had the power to do so.

The Basilica, with five aisles and an apsed transept at the west end, had five doors opening on an atrium supported by forty eight columns which enclosed a garden with some fountains; here the pilgrims, after long journeys, could rest before proceeding to venerate the Apostle's tomb.

The main nave terminated in a triumphant arch leading into the transept.

The mosaic in the a1 eh i ep1 esented Constantine and Peter presenting a model of the Basilica to Christ. Frescoes representing the patriarchs and the prophets were painted on the walls. After the restoration by Gregory IV (827-Jan 844), some of them were replaced by Giotto.

4 0. FERRARI, Treasures of the Vatican, London 1971, 15. 5 EUSEBIO DI CESARE.A, Storia Ecclesiastica 2, 25, 5. 28 The shrine of Saint Peter stood in the apse of the transept. It was encased by Constantine in precious marble, and a baldachin, supported by four white spiral columns, was erected above it. A golden votive crown with fifty lamps in the form of dolphins hang on the shrine. Popes and emperors rallied to embellish the shrine.

Emperor Valentinian III donated a representation of Christ in the midst of the twelve apostles before the twelve gates of heavenly Jerusalem in gold and precious stones.

Gregory the Great (3 Sep 590-12 Mar 604) at the end of the sixth century

6 wanted masses to be celebrated on the tomb of Peter • He ordered the ground level of the transept to be raised and placed an altar above the Apostle's tomb. In order to leave this memoria accessible to the pilgrims, he inserted the crypt in the form of a semi-circle. A little window, called fenestrella confessionis, was opened giving enough access to the pilgrims to hang pieces of cloth to obtain relics ex contactu. 7 The shrine was pillaged by the Arabs when they sacked Rome in 846. In

847 Pope Leo IV (1 Apr 847-17 Jul 855) repaired the damage and Callixtus II (2

Feb 1119-28 Jan 1124) erected a new altar enclosing that of Gregory the Great.

Sixtus IV (9 Aug 1471-12 Aug 1484) erected a new baldachin which is preserved

in the confessio of Clement VIII (30 Jan 1592-3 Marl605) who erected the third

altar above the altar of Callixtus; this is the present high altar in the new Basilica.

High above the atrium on the outside, the facade was a mosaic of Christ, the Virgin

6 Liber Ponti.ficalis, I, 312. See also A.M. DE NINO, Tomba di San Pietro in Mondo Vaticano. Passato e Presente, ed. Niccolo' Del Re, Vatican City 1995, 1043. 7 Ibid, 1045. 29 Fig. 4 A complete view of the Quadriga Mausoleum in the Crypts of S. Peter 's. (Rev.da Fabbrica di S. Pietro, Sacre Grotte Vaticane, Serie VII,9) Mary, Mother of God, Saint Peter and the symbols of the four Evangelists with the twenty-four elders of the Book of Revelations.

As one century followed another, the appearance of this old Basilica became transformed by the addition of a large number of votive altars and side chapels. Furthermore, the Basilica was filled with statues, images of different saints; guilded furnishings; hangings and oriental tapestries were also added. The whole sacred edifice, which held the most precious relic in the Western world, the remains of Saint Peter, became the venue of devoted pilgrims from all over the world.

For the whole span of twelve centuries, the Basilica had to withstand the numerous attacks of the Barbarians, Saracens, imperial forces and even of factions from among the nobilities of the country. These pillages made the building unsafe from its very foundations, shifting even the walls that leaned far out of the

perpendicular. The prolonged sojourn of the Popes in Avignon (1305-1378) left the Basilica neglected for nearly a whole century.

2 The New Basilica

During the fifteenth century, Leon Battista Alberti ( 1404 -14 72), the Italian

humanist architect and poet, and the principal founder of Renaissance art theory,

pioneered the development of surveying and reputedly initiated the replanning of

Rome. The survey8 carried out by him in De Re Aedificatoria induced Nicholas V

8 S. D. SQUARZINA, La Basilica nel Quattrocento in La Basilica di San Pietro, ed. Carlo Pietrangeli, Florence 1989, 91; 0. FERRARI, Treasures of the Vatican, London 31 (6 Mar 1447-24 Mar 1455) to conceive the idea of building a new church to replace the old Constantinian Basilica in the Vatican, as it seemed extremely difficult to restore the old building. Consequently, the Pope decided to pull down the whole Basilica and have a more magnificent one built exactly on the same site.

Nicholas's plan met with severe criticism: the Constantine Basilica had immeasurable historic and symbolic significance for the Christian world owing to its survival for more than a millennium, and by that time it was full of a large

number of outstanding works of art.

9 The Pope asked Bernardo Rossellino ( 1409-1464 ), his Florentine architect

and sculptor, to draft a plan for a new Renaissance church which would have the

severe and measured spaciousness of the cathedral of Santa Maria de! Fiore at

Florence designed by architect and inventor Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446),

another Florentine personality of the Early Renaissance. The Pope did not like to

have a radical rethinking of the original basilica. In 1452, Rossellino planned the

construction of a new apse, but the foundations had hardly been laid when, three

years later, the Pope died. The whole project was shelved and the idea was soon

abandoned. However, Paride De Grassis, 10 who later became the Master of

Ceremonies of Julius II and Leo X, stated that the whole coro, which was included

in a new apse, was nearing completion. Paul II (30 Aug 1464-26 July 1471) took

up Nicholas' idea of rebuilding Saint Peter's, attempted the hard task again and 1971, 28. 9 E. FRANCIA, Storia della Costruzione del Nuovo San Pietro, Rome 1977, 16. 10 According to Mabillon (Museum 1talicum, 11, Lutetia Parisiorum 1724, 558), Paride de Grassis wrote to Leo X reminding him that he had been in the service of the Holy See for 17 years. He was appointed bishop of Pesaro in April 1513 and died in Rome in June 1528. He was buried in Saint Peter's Basilica. 32 commissioned Giuliano da Sangallo, the architect of the Tuscan Renaissance church of Santa Maria delle Carceri in Prato (1485-1492), to produce a plan for the whole building to replace that of Rossellino. The Pope died before the plan could be put into execution, though Sangallo was destined to return to the work at

a later date. This project was never realised.

Julius II della Rovere (31Oct1503-21Feb1513), dubbed the dreadful old

man, took the idea of a new basilica seriously. Soon after his election he decided to demolish completely the old Constantinian Basilica. He wanted a modem, spacious

and elegant church fit for the splendour of the solemn cult and to express the

humanistic spirit of his family and of the Holy See. 11 But it was the initiative of

several popes and the skill of many Renaissance and Baroque architects to create a

church building fit to be the most central pilgrimage shrine in the world and the

scene of papal liturgical ceremonies, perhaps far above the grandiose thinking of

Julius II himself.

He asked the sotto architetto of Alexander VI (11 Aug 1492-18 Aug

1503), Donato D'Angelo Bramante (1444-1514), 12 who together with Raffaello13

and Michelangelo14 represents the flowering of the Italian Renaissance, to take up

11 G. VASARI, Le Vite, IV, Firenze 1878, 345. 12 Bramante appears for the first time as a decorator in Bergamo. After his experience as a fresco painter in Urbino, Ferrara and Mantova, he went to Milan and continued his artistic works. But his true vocation was that of an architect. In 1488 he directed the works at Milan in San Satiro and restored the church of Santa Maria. He moved to Rome and inspired himself by the buildings of the Pantheon and the Minerva. In 1503 he worked on San Pietrv in Jvfvntvriv and prnjecte

previously built the famous Tempietto in the courtyard of the church of San Pietro in Montorio on the Janiculum. This tiny building heralded the new concept of architecture which was to come to fulfilment in the high Renaissance. Bramante's

Tempietto already held in it the germ of the new Saint Peter's and became its

model.

Bramante planned a grandiose and magnificent church the like of which

never been seen before; he wanted a gigantic completely hemispherical cupola on

the shape of the Pantheon, crowning the central part of four equal arms which

were to end in deep apses, thus forming a perfect Greek cross. He planned four

smaller domes to be placed over the four corners of the building between the arms

and the four towers at the sides; it included spacious corridors and colonnades, all

of which expressed the majestic classic style and re-created the effect of ancient

Roman architecture.

The whole building envisaged by Bramante was to appear symbolically as

the spiritual unity of the Catholic Church under the vault of heaven, with the power

went to Florence and after one year he moved to Bologna; everywhere he was appreciated as a good scupltor. hi 1496 he arrived in Rome where he achieved his highest degree of artistic eloquence in the marble statue of the Pteta '. In 1504 he returned to Florence where he finished his David, judged by a conunission including Leonardo da Vinci, Botticelli and Giuliano da San Gallo as the expression of Florentine artistic spirit. hi 1509 he was called to Rome by Julius II who commissioned him with the fimerary Mausoleo; after a quarrel with the Pope, he returned back to Florence. They were reconciled soon after through the efforts of Soderini and in 1508 he began his masterpiece in the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel. After n long series of commissiom, by

Apostle Peter and was obliged to build a temporary shrine, called tegurium,15 of volcanic stones with a blind arcade of Doric columns to protect it during the demolition. The old mosaics and the frescoes of Giotto went off together with the tombs of the popes and the martyrs, whose relics had to be transferred elsewhere.

The Pope himself blessed and laid the first stone on the 18 April 1506, an occasion which was minutely described by Paride de Grassis, his master of ceremonies. The pilaster against which the stone had been placed was the pilaster of the Holy Relics. 16

When Bramante died in 1514, he had already completed the main four pilasters and joined them with the respective arches. Because of the great hurry of the architect himself, these were badly built, but they still support the great cupola of Michelangelo. 17 Since the major part of the Constantinian Basilica had been demolished and the central part of the new Basilica was erected to support the cupola, there was no way back.

After the great difficulties in the layout of the early construction had been overcome, finance created new big problems. The sum of money decreed by Julius 15 G. ZANDER La Basilica nel Cinquecento in La Basilica di San Pietro, ed. Carlo Pietrangeli, Florence 1989, 135. 16 There has been placed the first stone o_f white marble ...... on one side there was a writing which read AEDEM PRINCIPIS APOST. IN VATJCANIS VETUSTATE ET SITU SQUALENTEM E FUNDATJONIS RESTITUIT JULIUS LJG. PONT. lv!AX. ANNO DNI MDVi. This stone has been placed in an upright position leaning to the wall. (Bibi. Vat. Arch. 637, 25v). J7 E. FRANCIA, Storia della costruzione de! nuavo San Pietro, Rome 1977, 29. 36 II up to that date reached a figure by far above seventy thousand ducati. Enormous sums of money, including five hundred ducati to Antonio Sangallo for the wooden forms of the arches of the ciborium and two hundred ducati for providing the beams for their construction, had been paid to the numerous masons, sculptors and all kind of labourers. 18

In 1510 the Pope promulgated the Bull Liquet Dominus and called all the faithful in the world to provide the necessary funds for the building of the Basilica

as the central church for the faithful of the whole world. The Pope granted particular favours and indulgences in return for the contributions made under

special circumstances.

This step created a serious reaction and, years later, gave grounds to the

Protestants to accuse the Roman Curia of simony. The Bull was badly interpreted

and badly preached by the German Dominican Jolm Tetzel (1465-1519)19 who

obtained the licence to preach in the jurisduction of Albrecht of Hohenzollem,

Archbishop of Magdeburg and Apostolic Administrator of Halberstadt. This young

bishop managed to acquire the greatest Church dignity in Germany, the archiepiscopal see of Mainz, which made him the titular primate of Germany. He

was in favour of the publication of the Bull on the Indulgences in his territories, which covered a vast part of Germany, on condition that half of the sum of alms

18 Cf. Bibl. Vat. Arch. Cap. S. Petri, Arm. 44, Ms 61, 74. 19 Qui infra annum a die publicationts ...... m cassa ad hoe m ipsa basilica collocanda, per seipsos mitterent vel per altos mitti et poni fecerunt in pecu.nia numerata aut rebus aliis ad opus ipsum convertendu.m idoneum, possent eligere confessorem qui eos a certis tune expressis casibus absolvere et..... et dispensare possent. (JULIUS II, Pope, Bull Liquet Dominus, 1510, V, 428).

37 •

\

Fig. 6 BRAMANTE, First proposed plan of S. Peter 's Basilica collected during the preaching would go to the funds of the Fabbrica of Saint

Peter's and the other half would serve him to pay the money borrowed from a private agency, which he needed to settle his account with the Roman Curia for obtaining his titles.

In April 1514 Leo X (9 Mar 1513-1 Dec 1521) elected a triumvirate of architects whose first objective was to reinforce by new spalle e barbacani the pilasters built by Bramante. Work on them had been totally abandoned for a long time, with herbs and weeds taking over. This new Pope was not interested any more in the preparation of the sepulchral tomb of Julius II, though Michelangelo had been already commissioned to prepare the magnificent Moses for this purpose.

Leo was terribly shocked by the expenses and salaries, and immediately ordered the whole plan to be reviewed and simplified.20 He accepted Albrecht's offer and gained some profitable contributions. 21 Abuses and extortions to collect money created great problems regarding the credibility of the collectors of the alms and

Tribunal commissioners in various states and countries. Severe protests against the whole system continued for a long time after the promulgation.22 Se vi ricordarete ch'el Tempio di San Pietro si ha ed(ficare et crescere con la carita' ed opere pie, e non con estorsioni e violenze et che el principale fine dell'opera e' la salute delle anime ...... farete quello che e' di vostro debito et a noi non darete causa d'usar termini straordinari con voi. 23

20 E. FRANCIA, Storia della Costruzione de! Nuovo San Pietro, Rome 1977, 19. 21 P. HUGHES, A History ofthe Church. III, London 1947, 502. 22 E. FRANCIA, Storia della costruzione de! Nuovo San Pietro, .Rome 1977, 59. 23 A F S P, P.2, Ser.I, 332r. 39 The triumvirate of the great architects - Giuliano da Sangallo, Raffaello and

Fra Giocondo da Verona, the 69-year-old Dominican mathematician and friend of

Leonardo da Vinci, who had great experience in construction techniques - is not known to have gone far with the work commenced by Bramante.24 By 1520, the triumvirate was disbanded owing to death or departure from Rome, and Antonio

Sangallo2~ took over as principal architect with Baldassare Peruzzi (1481-1536), a

Sienese architect, as his assistant.

After the death of Leo X (9 Feb 1522-14 Sep 1523) very little was contributed to the construction of the huge building. Adrian VI hardly had notice of the project:: during his short pontificate he preferred to concentrate his initiatives on the internal affairs of the Church. Meanwhile, strong decisions were taken by the College, which was responsible for the construction and the administration of the Basilica, against those who unlawfully kept for themselves property donated to the Fabbrica. 26 On the other hand, Francesco Guicciardini, a historian and a statesman who showed outstanding and administrative gifts during his governorship of the papal states, took simultaneous action together with

Ricasoli to raise funds in Italia et extra Italiam. 27 All this aroused new enthusiasm for the building project of the Basilica.

24 Cf Bibi. Vat. Ms Chigi, II, 22. 6. 25 Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, nephew of Giuliano, from his early years was a helper of Bramante and Ra:ffaello and became a technical expert in the rules of architecture; his first work was the church of Santa Maria di Loreto. After the death of Raffaello, whom he helped for four years, in 1520 took over the direction of the works in the Fabbrica of the Basilica. His outstanding works include the Palazzo Farnese and the church of Santo Spirito. 26 A F S P, P. I, Ser 1, 371, lr. 27 Ibid, 3r et 5v. 40 Clement VII (19 Nov 1523-25 Sep 1534) tried to adopt the austerity plans of his predecessor; by that time, bad news about the strong reaction to Julius's Bull

Liquet Dominus, published in 1510, began to arrive in Rome from Germany and from the northern countries.

Moreover, in May 1527 Rome and the Vatican suffered one of the worst devatations they had ever experienced. Italy had become the battlefield of fierce wars: Charles V against Francis I of France, and afterwards against the Pope. This ended with the great pillage of Rome in 1527. The destruction and sacrilege perpetrated by the Imperial forces surpassed even that of the Saracens. Of the innumerable venerated relics, only the tomb of Saint Peter was spared. The awful situation left no time for the continuation of the building of the massive structures of the Basilica.28 Up to the year 1536 little had been done; all efforts were concentrated on what was purely necessary to hold Bramante's beginnings in their place.

Antonio Sangallo, the nephew of Giuliano, with the help of Baldassare

Peruzzi, began to realize his project three years later in September 1539. He was assisted by Piero Ligorio (1519-15 83) and Giacomo Barozzi, better known as

Vignola (1507-1575), the architect of Villa Giulia for Pope Julius IV and of the church de! Gesu ', and the author of the Regale delle cinque ordini d'architettura.

Still, the space between the four main arches was not yet roofed by the cupola: the tomb of the Apostle, under the canopy created by Bramante, was still at the mercy

28 G. ZANDER, La Basilica de! Cinquecento, in La Basilica di San Pietro, ed. Carlo Pietrangeli, Florence 1989, 138. 41 of the Roman weather and the rain. Huge sums of money were spent, and it was found that work was proceeding very slowly, as testified by Vasari. 29 Soon after, the Pope died and was succeeded by Paul III (13 Oct 1534-10 Nov 1549).

3 Michelangelo returns to Rome

In 1534, Michelangelo returned to Rome and made his first appearance in Saint

Peter's with which he was to be closely connected till his death in 1564; many years before, he had already completed the large marble Pieta' (1499).

The new Pope's greatest preoccupation was the spiritual state of the

Church. He worked hard to take a stand vis-a-vis the Reformation by calling the

Council of Trent in 1545. Still, he was a lover of the arts and believed that the continuation of the building project of the Basilica in Rome would help to give to the Church elegance, enthusiasm and energy. A number of contacts were made to leave the building of the Basilica in new hands. Though very old, Michelangelo, called back from Florence to paint the Last Judgement, was asked to take over. He accepted, but insisted to have a free hand in everything, even by excluding the intrusion of the members of the College of Administration. Having assured himself of the approval of the Pope, he began to demolish a great part of the works accomplished during the previous eight years. He called a Spanish foreigner,

Giovan Battista de Alfonsis, and the faithful Francesco Amadore, better known as

29 Da questo e altro modo di fare si conobbe che quella fabbrica era una bottega ed un traffico da guadagnare, ii quale si andava prolungando, con intenzione di non finirlo 42 Urbino, his most faithful servant whom he loved as his son, to assist him. Work went on even by night, and the building material was provided by the rich families of Rome. By January 1549 Michelangelo had succeeded in moulding the great cornice above the main arches and soon began to insert the huge beam which would support the tamburo of the big dome. Within two years, expenses had increased to the astronomical figure of sixty-five thousand, four hundred and thirteen ducati,30 though the accounts could not be audited.

Through the subsequent years, hard measures were incumbent on the construction projects of the Basilica. Although Michelangelo was growing older, he never wanted to leave the supervision in other hands, as can be seen in a letter which he wrote to Cardinal de Carpi. 31

At the same time funds were getting scarcer day by day. In Germany the theological dispute related to the Reformation and to the question of the value of indulgences continued to create a negative response and no funds arrived in Rome.

In Spain and in France, the conflicts between the Catholics, the wars and the religious misunderstanding of the Pope's Bull on the contributions for the building of Saint Peter's forbade the collection of more money to be sent to the Vatican.

Moreover, in Italy the economic recession had bad effects on the Commune of

Rome which was prepared to help.

30 A F S P, P.1, Ser. Arm, 4, 70v-79r. 31 .. . partendo di qua, sarei causa di gran rovma de/la Fabbri ea dt San Pietro, e di una gran vergogna e di un gravissimo peccato; ma come gia' stabilita che non posse esser mutata, spero far quanta mi scrivete, se gia' non e' peccato a tenere a disagio parecchi ghiotti, che aspettano che mi parto presto. (13 settembre 1560). (E. FRANCIA, Storia della Costruzione del Nuovo San Pietro, Rome 1977, 86:).

43 New problems continuously cropped up in the Vatican: Pope Paul III himself became greatly concerned with the heretical questions and their consequences on the pastoral action of the Church in the north of Europe; he grew afraid of the calamaties of the war which threatened Europe. He realised that his leadership was far more needed as a pastor than as a lover of the arts and builder of churches. The first session of the Council of Trent coincided with this situation.

It was held on 13 December 1545, under the presidency of the Pope's three

Legates, Gian Maria del Monte, Marcello Cervini and Reginald Pole. Similarly

Julius III (7 Feb 1550-23 Mar 1555) and Paul IV (23 May 1555-18 Aug 1559) worked intensively for the restoration of the priority of the spiritual and pastoral motivation in the activities of their office, though the marks of the Renaissance papacy persisted in different ways.

However, the election of the new Pope, Pius IV (25 Dec 1559-9 Dec

1565) brought about new energy; new efforts to raise funds were made, and by the year 1561 the posts of the columns of the tamburo of the cupola were being placed.

The landing of the Turks in Ostia and Ardea during the same period brought home new fears; the city of Rome became an office of war and the Vatican was short of manual labourers. At the same time, work could not be stopped at that critical phase: the curving apses were being closed and the smaller chapels built. Michelangelo's death in 1564 coincided with the date when the cupola was ready for the first rows of its vault. However, the high hopes of Michelangelo were not to be deluded. His dream had to be fulfilled. 44 Fig. 7 Plan ofS. Peter 's Basilica as it now stands Pius V (2 Jan 1566-1 May 1572), the Pope of the victories over the Turks, did not show any enthusiasm for the construction of the material church, but

Vignola and his son Giacinto with great efforts succeeded in building and ornating the perimeter walls of the side naves after pulling down the little that remained of

Sangallo's works. Funds, again, were at their lowest and salaries very poor. Pope

Sixtus V (24 Apr 1685-27 Aug 1690) decided to bring to an end the long delayed works of the construction. Giacomo della Porta (1540-1602), an architect from

Lombardia, was commissioned to finish the work, and Domenico Fontana

(1543-1607), a Roman architect, was asked to assist him. Finally, the new architect concluded the huge headless building. He went further than Vignola himself and created the prototype of the sixteenth-century religious place of worship. He succeeded in giving to the cupola his personal touch which varied slightly from that of Michelangelo.32 This event was clamorously announced by Giacomo

Grimaldi33 who witnessed the successive modifications, through the destruction and the reconstruction of Saint Peter's.

Twenty-two more months and an amount of two hundred thousand golden scudi were needed to reach the last cornice of the cupola, while five hundred thousand gold scudi had been already spent in the previous construction works. On

14 May 1590 a solemn Te Deum was sung after a Mass of Thanksgiving while the

G. MAZZARIOL -T.PIGNATTI, Storia dcll'Artc ltaliana, III, Rome 1967, 227 33 Die .A'T Ju/ii, 1588, hara 16, inceptus fuit maximus tholus vaticanus iussu et impensa Sixti V Eodem et anna et mense, hara 19, die 30, fabricatares inceperunt trahere primu lapidem. Eodem anno, die 17 octobris, hora 24, perfecenmt ponere lapidem et vertere mense decembri die 22, 1588. (Bibi. Vat. Urbin. Lat. 1055, Awisi c.23. 170v).

46 Fig. 8 MrcHELANGELO, The Dome of the Basilica standing on the high tamburo as it is seen.from the Vatican Gardens

------~------last stone was being placed in the circulo testitudinem claudente. In 1593 the lanterna was ready to bear on its top the heavy metal pal/a weighing 2, 796 kg which was to be surmounted by the gilt cross weighing 425 kg.

In the following year the old ciborio of the old Basilica was demolished and

Clement VIII ordered the main altar, made of Corinthian marble, to be placed on the new level of the new Basilica. The Pope consecrated the altar on 1 July 1594.

Paul V (16 May 1605-28 Febr 1621) judged Michelangelo's design too small for a Counter-Reformation Church. The emphasis on grandeur and visible signs, as well as the new baroque age with its predilection for superb ceremonial long processions, called for a longer nave. Moreover, the whole floor area of the old Constantinian Basilica had to be covered since it had been the floor of the consecrated basilica. Besides, the form of a Latin cross in the principal church of

Rome prevailed in the mind of the Pope. So Carlo Maderno (1556-1629), a Roman architect, was given the task to make the church longer than the projected length at least by sixty meters. The remaining part of the old Basilica was ruthlessly destroyed. The Romans, witnessing this last act of destruction, could not but say that the ·last sacrificial mass was being offered in the old Basilica.34

34 II Grimaldi, terrorizzato dai vandalismi degli architetti di Paolo V, a/la data de./ 15 Novembre 1609 annota con tono sconsolato: Haec fuit ultima missa in veteri Basilica celebrata .... .! libri contabili diventano piu' nitidi e legibili, I mandati, a centinaia, portano la firma linda e pulita di Carlo Maderno. I! qua le non solo cerco' di acconciare lo scontro della · 'prolunga '', ma si preoccupo' che la nuvva cos truzione, come ha osservato ii suo recente studioso Hibbard Howard, fosse rispettosa dell 'idea a pianta centrica e apparisce come un organico sviluppo inferno dell 'archttettura de! Buonarroti. A ta! fine, adopero' non pochi accorgimenti per distinguere le parti che furono sue da quella dei grandi. (E. FRANCIA, Storia della costruzione de! Nuovo San Pietro, Rome 1977, 12). 48 Fig 9. External view ofthe fabbrica ofthe western side ofthe Vatican Basillca (Woodcut from the collection ofthe cathedral Museum) The fabbrica of the Basilica, conceived as a large space with the cupola as its central vaulted point, was brought nearer to the Vignola type of church. Though

Maderno could have elaborated such a facade, he succeeded in giving a full perspective of the dominating Vatican cupola as if it crowned the whole majestic building.

After the addition by Maderno of the large portico and the facade on which

Paul V put his name, Barberini Pope Urban VIII (6 Aug 1623-29 July 1644) could finally consecrate the new Basilica on 18 November 1626. Meanwhile, he had already asked Gian Lorenzo Bernini to assume the responsibility of the decoration of the interior of the Basilica. From 1623 until his death on 28 November 1680,

Bernini was rarely without some project for the embellishment of the Basilica. This endeavour demanded large contributions of money from the faithful of all countries. Salaries rose from eight scudi a month gained by Fontana and Maderno, to two hundred and fifty scudi per month. The first account signed by Bernini was paid for the ferrata of the Coro chapel and for the chapel on the opposite side.

The most pressing need was the canopy to be built over the tomb of Saint

Peter and the main altar under the huge dome. The decision to make a giant bronze version of the twisted early Christian columns required great energy and called for large funds. Not the least of many problems, was the acquisition of a huge quantity of metal; even the ancient portico of the Pantheon was robbed, giving rise to the

Latin idiom quad non fecerunt barbari, fecerunt Barberini.

The vine-covered twisted columns needed a crowning feature; the ultimate triumph of the great volutes joining over the centre to support the symbolic orb 50 and cross was the product of much thought and experimentation. The whole project took ten years to be completed. Hundreds of ducati went into the marvellous gigantic project.

4 Decorations and Embellishmnets

It was also at this time that Bernini was put in charge of the decoration of the four great piers that support the dome. He projected four colossal statues, each of which stood under a highly decorated balcony which contained the relics, and framed by the original old twisted columns of the old Basilica. Each of the statues was related to the early Christian relics: Saint Helen with the Cross was the work of Andrea Bolgi (1605-1656), Saint Veronica with the Sudarium of Francesco

Mochi (1580-1654), Saint Andrew's Crucifixion was by Francesco

Duquesnoy(1597-1643) and Longinus with the spear by Bernini himself The highly renowned artists made their biggest effort to create around the baldacchin a unique symbol of the triumphant Church presenting itself in the noblest attire.

The other parts of the Basilica were richly decorated with marble and statues all of which prepared the entire interior to be crowned with the magnificent finale, the Cathedra Petri, 35 the Throne of Peter, the Vicar of Christ. Bernini framed the old chair of Peter, enclosed in bronze, and thus created the focus and aspiration of the pilgrims' journey.

During the pontificate of Innocent X (15 Sep 1644-7 Jan 1655) Bernini added to the facade of the Basilica the great bell-tower whose foundations were 35 H. HIBBARD, Bernini, London 1965, 159 51 first laid by Carlo Maderno; this was found to be structurally faulty and had to be pulled down.36 However, he went on with the designs of the statues for the decoration of the piers along the nave and still more statues for the niches in the principal piers.

One of Bernini's last masterpieces in Saint Peter's was the altar of the

Cappella del Santissimo Sacramento. His last pair of ecstatic angels was designed for this monument, an old project revived by Alexander VII and finally realised under Clement X. During the course of the final planning Bernini tried out a more elaborate composition in which the tabernacle was mystically suspended within a ring of angels carrying candlesticks. The ring was actually reduced to two angels, one in an act of adoration of the Holy of Holies and the other inviting the faithful to adore the Blessed Sacrament at the rails.

Work on the ciborium began in 1673 and finished late in the following year. Bernini designed a Baroque version ofBramante's famous High Renaissance

Tempietto to stand between the two angels. Its architecture is ornamental with richer details fluted in unevenly spaced Corinthian columns, statues of the twelve apostles around the cornice and a high drum crowned by a dome. The reference is obviously to the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. A bass relief of the Crucifixion is seen on the tabernacle door and the gilt architecture is studded with lapislazuli37 while the ensemble 1s set on a richly veined marble base.

36 G. MORELLO, Campanili di San Pietro, in Mondo Vaticano, Passato e Presente, ed. Niccolo' Del Re, Vatican City 1995, 177. 37 One of the documents enlisted in the catalogue of the Correspondence refers to these lapislazuli and states that they had been shipped from Malta by the Inquisitor at the request ofthe Cardinal Prefect ofthe Sacred Congregation ofthe Reverenda Fabrica. 52 n . ~ ...... ) ...... P!.\ !L\ .; f't !ll!C:l D RLL.\ &.\.1·1LI1:.\ ·:.\ TI :.\. ·.\: . L" · ~ r :J.\ ~ ; i'.\P.\ . . ... , ...,.,., ,,..._ •. .. ,,4 ..... :\J.E.:.\.\'D P l) 1'!:JT:.\\l) ' r-~;. , _ _ '9 . ...·.- 1. _ _:. ,._ •: • . r i'

Fig 10. Project ofthe Piazza ofthe Vatican Basilica prepared by Bernini for Alexander VII (Collection ofthe Preseminario S.Pio X, Vatican City) The Basilica merited a solemn approach and consequently Bemini, under the same Chigi Pope, Alexander VII (7 Apr 1655-22 May 1667), achieved his most brilliant work in the Vatican by projecting and constructing the immense elliptical

Piazza. Alexander VII put his coat-of-arms repeatedly sculptured along the colonnade. It was in 1675 that Bernini finished the whole work by creating a second fountain to match the first one already constructed by Maderno.

The Baptistry Chapel, another example of architectural exquisite decoration, was built during the last years of the seventeenth century and is covered with rich polychrome marble. It has a good reproduction in mosaic, dating from 1722, of the Baptism of Christ by Carlo Maratta (1625-1713). . The baptismal font is a porphyry urn, formerly the burial sarcophagus of Ancius Sextus

Probus, Consul of Rome in the fourth century B.C. Carlo Fontana designed its base and added a bronze covering with the Paschal Lamb, all in exquisite Roman

Baroque.38

These marvellous works of art continuously called for other projects in architecture, sculpture and painting to complete the ensemble of the Basilica. More artists were commissioned and duly paid from the contributions which the

Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica continued to collect from the Tribunals of the Papal States: Guido Reni presented his Crucifixion of Peter, Alessandro

Algardi ( 1595-1654 ), who managed to remain relatively independent of Bernini's influence, created the dramatic marble figure of Leo the Great confronting Attila

38 0. FERRARI, Treasures of the Vatican, London 1971, 137.

54 Fig. I I BERNINI, Altar of the Blessed Sacrament. The Tabernacle is embellished with Lapislazuli broughtji·om Malta (A I Jvf RF, Car. 41 , 90r) (1646), clearly inspired by Raffaello's frescoes, and Bemini himself, after crowning the Piazza with the huge Egyptian Obelisque, built the Scala Regia and adorned it with the statue of Constantine who merited to be remembered for his creativity and generosity in constructing the first Basilica to venerate the sacred remains of the

Apostle Peter on the same place of his martyrdom on the Vatican Hill in Rome.

After Bernini, and generally under his artistic influence, other works of art continued to demand more contributions from the local Tribunals of the Reverenda

Fabbrica to embellish the Basilica with several monuments erected to immortalise the Popes who cared for the erection and completion of the Basilica .. Pietro Bracci

(born in 1770), Carnillo Rusconi (1658-1728), Filippo della Valle, Carlo Monaldi

(1690-1760), Bartolomeo Cavaceppi (1716-1799) and others sculptured the statues for the principal nave. Bernini's tombs of Urban VIII and Alexander VII served as models for other monuments erected during the eighteenth century.

Rusconi followed closely Bcrnini's design having the pope seated on a throne with two figures representing the personification of Religion and Wisdom.

In 1725, another sculpture of the equestrian statue of Charlemagne by

Agostino Cornacchini ( 1686-1754 }39 was placed in the narthex on the left to face

Constantine. Comacchini designed also the two large holy water stoups attached to the first two piers of the nave which were carved between 1724 and 1730 by

Francesco Moderari (born in 1680) and Giovanni Lirone ( 1689-17 49).

39 G. DELFIN! FILIPPI, La Basilica dal Seicento all'Ottocento in La Basilica di San Pietro ed. Carlo Pietrangeli, Firenze 1989,155. 56

Luigi Vanvitelli ( 1700-1779) added the gilded stuccoes in the semidomes of the apses and Valadier's clock and bell towers were added. The last addition of all was the sacristy; many projects by different artists were rejected owing to lack of funds. Finally Pius VI (22 Feb 1775-29 Aug 1799) decided to realise the dreams of many popes, cardinals and bishops and commissioned Carlo Marchionni, between 1776 and 1784, to build a simple building that harmonises well with

40 Michelangelo's tribune and apses . It stands on the same site of the early Christian suryivals, the Church of Santa lvfaria della Febbre.

The outstanding list of works of art which continued to prolong itself after the completion of the external building of the Basilica needed large sums of money which continued to flow from the Tribunals of the Reverenda Fabbrica from all the states and countries. The dates of the artistic works compare very well with the continuous procedures in the different Tribunals and the payments made the local

Depositarii to the Reverenda Fabbrica. Although different dispositions were given along the years by different Popes, still the Commissioners had to continue their task of collecting money from the same sources as hundreds of years before.

40 L. GIGLI, Sagrestia di San Pietro in Vaticano in Mondo Vaticano, Passato e Presente, ed. Niccolo' Del Re, Vatican City 1995, 910. 58 CHAPTER2

THE SACRED CONGREGATION

OF

LA REVERENDA FABBRICA DI SAN PIETRO

DELL'URBE

5. Origin of the Sacred Congregation

The Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro owes its early origin to the necessity of organising and funding the new Basilica of Saint Peter as projected and commenced by Julius II. Different stages and changes led to the conception and naming of the Congregation.

The chronological history of the building of the new Saint Peter's leads one to see the great enterprise undertaken by Julius II and which was to be completed by the succeeding Popes. Naturally, the whole project created difficulties in the financial administration and the running of the building enterprise. This increased with the continuous change of architects and their assistants, and subsequently by the change of plans proposed by each one of them respectively. Special difficulties 59 had to be solved when a new architect succeeded a former one and chnaged or even demolished what had been already constructed. Salaries had to be paid monthly independently of the number of working days and holidays, which even at those times were asked for and enjoyed. The salaries varied according to the number of the architects' assistants. Each architect would employ a number of persons according to the different expectations or dedication of the architect himself. The Pope, on launching the wonderful project as proposed by Bramante, could not but foresee the difficulties arising from similar works of art and magnitude.

He therefore outlined a policy of fund raising by means of the Constitution

Liquet omnibus of 11 January 1510, 1 and provided for the institution of a group of persons to be responsible for the administration of the funds required for the building of the Basilica.

This group had to oversee the whole project and to collect donations given by the faithful for such a pious and praiseworthy cause. 2 He conceded to this body the exclusive authority to promulgate, change or suppress indulgences, to change simple vows into works of piety; it could reduce obligations enforced by oaths and

to give dispensation from the impediments of age to receive the Holy Orders and

60other impediments in the marriage laws. It had the authority to accept any compromise both in matters of restitution of goods which had been unlawfully

1 Bullarium Romanum, V, Torino 1860, 481-488. 2 F. M. RENAZZI, Compendia di teorica e di pratica dalli decreti de/la Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro, Rome 1793, 1. 60 acquired and in matters which regarded goods bequeathed to churches or the restitution of property to persons precluded by law from possessing them. The same body could issue dispositions regarding property bequeathed for the poor and other pious benefits which had been previously violently usurped and in matters regarding the ransom of slaves and prisoners.

Leo X, his successor, confirmed the same policy by means of another two

Constitutions Postquam ad apostolatus of 3 May 1514 and 14 September 1517.3

F.X. Werns S.J. summarised the contents of both documents:

Julius II endeavored to encourage the faithfitl to help in the building of the Vatican Basilica by granting spiritual benefits to those who generously contributed for the necessa1y expenses; Leo X followed the example of his predecessor and added new dispositions by which he directed to the Basilica's fimds the goods of the undetermined pious legacies and those which were bequeathed to other various pious causes. 4

With the succession of Leo X to the Pontificate, things turned for the worse. He continued to live a splendid life - the most expensive of his time being a humanist of the Medici family; he grew enthusiastic of the fine arts and of sports.

He did not hesitate to squander money on the embellishments of the Apostolic

Palace.

Bramante, before dying on 11 March 1514, suggested to Leo that

Raffaello should be put in charge of Saint Peter's because he believed that

Privilegia, auctoritates, facultates, indulgentiaeque Fabricae Basilicae Principis Apostolorum Sancti Petri de Urbe,a quampluribus Rom. Pont.concessae et per Sanctissimum D. N. Dominum Paulum, Divina providentia Papae III conjirmatae, Roma 1548.(N.DEL RE, La Sacra Congregazione della Rev. Fab. di S. Pietro in Studi Romani, 17/3, Roma 1969, 289). 4 F. X. WERNZ S.J., Jus Decretalium, Tom. II, 421. 61 Raffaello would not modify his project. Raffaello was still a beginner in the field of architecture, having designed only the church of San Eligio degli Orejici where he had adopted Bramante's plan of the Greek Cross. Fra Giocondo worked together with Giuliano da Sangallo and Bramante or Raffaello, after Bramante's death, on the big project of the Vatican Basilica. However, the Pope had to pay simultaneously three architects, Giuliano da Sangallo, Fra Giocondo and Raffaello, and their assistants, Antonio il Giovane and Baldassare Peruzzi.

Raffaello did not keep to Bramante's recommendation: during the first years of his direction he demolished the remnants of the Constantine Basilica and, together with the Pope, decided to change Bramante's plan by adding a nave thus transforming the plan and making it resemble more the old Basilica. Expenses continued to rise steeply following Raffaello's strengthening of the previous piers.

The project required an experienced architect with a higher salary and a good name. The commission was given to the nephew of Giuliano, Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. All these changes called for more fund raising efforts and better organisation.

During the period preceeding the year 1529, within the Fabbrica circles the common expression used described the situation as expensarum nulla ratio reperitur. Disorder and hurry outlined the whole enterprise. Raffaele Casali, who afterwards became the Secretary of the Collegium, declined to compile a balance sheet owmg to the confusion of papers and figures.

62 Fig. 13 Saint Peter, a freso fragmnet of the second half of the thirteenth century representing the Apostle's sojourn in Rome together with the Apostle Paul.. It formed part of a series offigurative frescoes which adorned the Portico of the old Basilica. 6 The Collegium Sexaginta Virorum

It was Clement VII who provided a definite system of organising, financing and overseeing the whole Fabbrica. He instituted the Collegium Sexaginta Virorum by means of the Constitution Admonet nos suscepti of 12 December 1523.5 Another

Constitution followed on 1 June 1525 giving fuller details regarding the running of the College.6 This body exercised strict control over the income and expenditure and succeeded in uprooting many abuses both in technical works and in the administration. It had to oversee the procedure of the commissions and the development of the works. The persons who sat on this Collegium were chosen from among officials of the Curia and belonged to all nationalities, thus giving it the opportunity to oversee the artistic work on behalf of the whole world, as all the Catholics from all countries were interested in the progress and in the quality of the valuable project. 7

The College was subject to no magistrate or judge; it was directly accountable to the Holy See, having itself the highest authority of judicial administration. Thjs authority was extended to both civil and criminal suits. It could exercise its powers without any interruption even during the absence of the

Pope from Rome or during the period known as sede vacante. 8

Bullarium Romanum, VI, Torino 1860, 48 6 Dudum Admonente, Ibid, 76. 7 Attendentes autem hoe sacrnm et sublime Petri temp/um nostn1m, neque cuiusquam esse proprium, sed omnium christianarnm nationum commune. (Ibid.). 8 Id etiam nobis et successoribus nostris Romanis Pomtificibus a Romana Curia absentibus, ac etiam Sede Vacante. (Ibid,). 64 During his pontificate Clement VII had to see that the great debts were being paid while the works on new constructions had to continue. This forced him to move the well-organised Collegium Sexaginta Virorum to organise the Crusade for the Great Pardon of the marvellous Fabbrica of Saint Peter's. 9

Empowered to delegate its functions, the Collegium appointed various

Commissarii in the different Papal states to promulgate the same Jubilee or Time of Forgiveness. These Commissioners and Deputies of the College exercised their authority in the various states and applied the same privileges or punishments as in

Rome .. This raised greater funds an~ the Commissioners continued to fulfil their duties with even greater determination. They were even authorised to grant the forgiveness folio. The Commissioner empowered by the same authority as the

Collegium saw whether pious legacies were fulfilled and whether masses were celebrated according to the will of the founders.

All this gave rise to the contrast between Tetzel and Martin Luther which spread from Germany throughout Europe, creating new problems in matters of faith and obedience to the Holy See. 10

A circular letter of the Congregation, dated 27 April 1571, shows that abuses were committed and intolerable methods adopted by the delegates or commissioners in the different countries and states; these were condemned while a just and charitable attitude was suggested:

9 The text of the perdono was in Italian and it read as follows: Le limosine dei fedeli cristiani per finirla (la Fabbrica) li sono molto necessarie; per questo el dicto Beatissimo Clemente Vil, accio che tacti Ii cristiani piu volontieri li porgano le mani sue ..... gli ha concesso le infrascripte indulgenze et privilegi. 10 E. FRANCIA, Storia della Costntzione de! nuovo San Pietro, Rome 1977, 58 .. 65 You are reminded that the Church of Saint Peter is to be built and adorned by the charity and pious deeds, and not at all by extorsions and violence and that the principal motivation of the whole project is the salvation of souls...... you are asked to fulfil! your duties properly avoiding on our part the use of harsh words against you. 11

Meanwhile, other Popes joined in g1vmg greater importance to the

Collegium. Paul III continued to empower the Collegium with more authority and even granted to it the River Aniene to make easier the transport of the building material. He exempted the Collegium from paying to the Holy See the dues which accrued from civil lawsuits.

Further favourable dispositions were granted to the same body by Julius

III, by means of the Constitution Accepimus vos, dated 31 July 1551, which empowered the College to draw in favour of the construction funds the fifth part of all donations to pious entities made inter vivas. By means of the Constitution

Etsi per diversos of Pius IV of 18 December 1562, notaries, who were already obliged to denounce to the Commissioner of the Fabbrica all testaments, donations and any other kind of instruments in favour of the Fabbrica within one month from the death of the testator, were compelled to open the secret wills after one year from the death of the author and to give to the Commissioner an authentic copy. 12

Moreover, Pius V authorised the Collegium to appropriate one fifth of the value of all the legacies bequeathed to the Santa Casa di Loreto which had been

11 A F S P, P. 2, Ser. I, I, 332r. 12 Bullarium Romanum, VI and VII, Torino 1862, 241. 66 neglected and unfulfilled. 13 Another three Constitutions by the Pontiff decreed that two similar sentences in all lawsuits brought before the Tribunal of the Collegium were sufficient to prove its case and that the Collegium could execute, under the

usual conditions, the legacies which were not fulfilled within one year after the death of the testator. Still, by means of another Constitution Exigit incumbentis of

11 September 1570,14 the same Pope authorised the Collegium to take interest in

and judge all cases regarding the invalidity of the alienation of Church property sold without the previous authorisation of the Holy See ..

One cannot but notice the grave preoccupation of the Supreme Pontiffs to see the building of the Basilica completed and, on the other hand, to ensure that

all the procedures be carried out with decorum and justice.

Even in those difficult times, when there was urgent need of money and

the pressure of work overpowered the great team of the architect and his assistants

along with the leaders of the working force, the behaviour of the Vatican Chapter

and of the Collegium showed dignity and assumed the grave responsibility with

honourable gestures. 15

13 PIUS V, Constitution Ad Romani Ponti.ficis, 10 March 1568. 14Bullarium Romanum, VII, Torino 1860, 140. 15 Letter dated 27 April 1571: Se vi ricordate ch'el tempio di San Pietro si ha edificare et crescere con la carita' et opere pie, e non con estorsioni e violenze et che si principale fin dell'opera e' la salute delle anime ...... farete quello d'usar termini straordinari con voi. 67 7 The Institution of the Sacred Congregation

After more than half a century of experience, Sixtus V, by means of the

Constitution Cum ex debito of 4 March 1589, placed the Collegium under the direct jurisdiction of the Cardinal Archpriest of the Basilica who became its

Protector and Director. 16

Clement VIII judged that the newly reformed Commission, as it became to be known, could not perform its operations in a satisfactory way and assure the completion of the whole project which presented great difficulties. In the early beginnings of the seventeenth century, he substituted the Commission by instituting of the Sacred Congregation for the Fabbrica of Saint Peter's in Rome.

Though the particular document does not exist any more, Pope Benedict XIV testified to this substitution in his Constitution Quanta Curarum in 1751. 17

At first, all privileges and prerogatives which were proper of the Collegium

Sexaginta Virorum passed on automatically to the newly erected Congregation, but in the following years the pastoral zeal and care of the Popes were reflected in the revision of the previous characteristics of the Collegium. Some of the prerogatives were suppressed while others were revised and new ones added.

16 Collectionis Bullarum, brevium aliorumque diplomatum S. Basilicae Vaticanae, Tom. Ill, Roma 1752, 154 17 N. DEL RE, La Sacra Congregazione della Rev. Fabbrica di San Pietro, in Studi Romani, 17/3, Rome 1969, 291. 68 Fig. 14 A gilt bronze statue (87.6 cm) of Saint Peter, attributed to Sebastiano Torrigiani (c. 1596), kept in the Treasure of the Basilica Among the other faculties and prerogatives of the Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica, whose decisions had the power of law, one may note the following: the grant of abundant personal or real priviliges; the authority to reduce the obligations regarding the celebration of masses of the pious legacies and the authority to devolve in its favour doubtful pious legacies, and legacies which had not been fulfilled or which were tacitly or expressively repudiated and other legacies concerned with luxurious celebrations. The Congregation could draw in favour of its funds legacies which had been bequeathed to persons who were prohibited by Canon Law to possess any benefice. Finally, it could credit its funds by all the emoluments coming from vacant benefices or while the benefices were being contested in court. Similarly, the Congregation could requisite all the fines which according to the Lateran Council V were imposed on publishers who did not possess the necessary licence from the Holy See. 18

The Congregation was authorised to judge in the first instance all civil, criminal and mixed cases which could have interested the Fabbrica and the persons employed in its service. Since the Congregation had the same terms of reference as the Segnatura di Giustizia, 19 it could judge all the cases pending

18 Ib. 293. 19 Up to 1870 the Segnatura di Giustizia was the supreme tribunal of the Curia Romana whose first beginnings go far back to the thirteenth century; it had to examine all the petitions which arrived in Rome in great numbers asking for grants of privileges or for the administration of justice. lt has been called Segnatura because its members, called referendarii, had to obtain from the Pope the signature for the required approval. The tribunal had a great number of modifications by different popes and finally in 1870 it was dissolved together with the temporal power ofthe pontifical State. (N. DEL RE, Segnatura di Giustizia in Mondo Vaticano, Passato e Presente, ed. Niccolo' Del Re, Vatican City 1995, 965). 70 before other tribunals, including the Sacra Romana Rota, 20 if these were in its interest. It could judge all cases which were contested between other Tribunals and declare null and void already pronounced judgements and grant the right of appeal from judgements given by other tribunals.21

In order to raise more funds, the Sacred Congregation, as from 1629, had already taken the initiative to publish books with illustrations of the works of the

Basilica, upheld as the Cathedral of the whole Christianity. The first publication was the reprint of the plan of the ancient Basilica.22 Great achievement was made by two publications, namely the famous works of the Architect Carlo Fontana, published in 1694, and the collection of the works done by the humble sanpietrino

Nicola Zabaglia who, through meditation and natural talents, became famous for the operative machines of the building of the huge Basilica.23

20 The Tribunal of the Romana Rota is one of the courts of appeal. Its institution dates back to ancient times (twelfth century) when the popes authorised a number of cappellani papae to hear the cases of appeal and present them to the Pope for his judgement. Later on, the cappellani became judges in the cases of appeal and were called Auditores generales causarum Sacri Palatii Apostolici. It became over the years one of the most known tribunals and had many constitutional changes by different popes. Recently John Paul II approved and published the final Normae on 11 January 1982 Besides being a Tribunal, the Rota trains the judges for its own administration and the judges of the local tribunals.(N. DEL RE, Rota Romana, Ibid, 904). 21 ....potendo essa (Fabbrica) anche giudicare tra l'altro sui ricorsi per legittima suspicione, sull'avocazione sospetta, in questioni di competenza fra tribunali ed in via di annullamento di atti giudiziari, nonche' concedere appelli dalle sentenze riconosciute non giuste. In materia civile, in fine, le attribuzioni della Congregazione dellaFabbrica si estendevano a tutte le questioni che avessero implicato la risoluzione di qualche dubbio sollevato circa l'interpretazione dei suoi privilegi. (G. C. VESPIGNANI, Compendium privilegiorum Rev. Fabricae S. Petri .. locupletatum a Hieronymo Baldassero, Roma 1762, 66.) Cf N. DEL RE, La Sacra Congregazione della Rev. Fabbrica di S. Pietro in Studi Romani, 17/3, Rome 1969, 293. 22 A F S P, Libro delle Congregationi, Ser. III. 159. 21 N. DEL RE, La Sacra Congregazione della Rev. Fabbrica di San Pietro, in Studi Romani, 17/3, Rome 1969, 297. 71 The common purpose of the Reverenda Fabbrica Tribunals was to ensure up to the smallest detail the fulfilment of all pious legacies contained in all last wills and other donations. As regards the competence of the local Tribunals, the

Instructions given by the Sacred Congregation on 31 August 1650 for all the Papal

States laid down that the Reverenda Fabbrica was exclusively competent to judge all cases involving unfulfilled pious legacies whether certain or doubtful, burdened or not, perpetual or of simple fulfilment, and also marriage legacies which had not been fulfilled independently from the date of the opening of the last will and the lapse of time since the death of the founder of the legacy. The only exemption was that the Commissioner of the Fabbrica was not to insist on the fulfilment of legacies instituted more than thirty years before, unless they had permanent effects, such as the building of chapels or tombs, or of the endowment of churches with bells or pipe organs.24

To accomplish this great amount of responsibility in maintaining and fulfilling all its rights and duties and to raise the enormous funds needed for the maintenance of the Basilica and for its embellishment with works of art, the Sacred

Congregation was authorised to establish a delegate in all the Pontifical States.

In Rome, the jurisdiction of the Sacred Congregation was exercised by its

Judge Ordinary or by the members ad hoe of the Congregation or by one of its deputies. In the Ecclesiastical State and in Malta, the Congregation exercised its jurisdiction by means of its Commissioner. In Naples and its Kingdom jurisdiction

24 A. DEPASQUALE, Ecclesiastical Immunity and the Powers of the Inquisitor in Malta (1777-1785), Pastoral Dissertation, Pont. Univ. Lateranense 1968,156 .. 72 · CQM11ISSARIE. ..E C01\11\1ISSARJ >ELLA SAGRA CONGREGAZIONE DELLA REVE~NDA FABRJCA DIS. PIETRO DI ROMA NELLE CITT A' E DIOCESl

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Commisisoner General had always at his side the Tre Consiglieri Regi, deputies of the Vice Re, as it had been established by the acts of the erection of the Tribunal.

In Florence the jurisdiction of the Reverenda Fabbrica was deputised ad hoe to the Apostolic Nuncio by the Sacred Congregation.25

The newly elected deputy had to be in sacris and qualified as Doctor in

Utroque lure having all the authority of a Commissioner of the Reverenda

Fabbrica in that particular State. The Commissioner was bound to present himself to the local Bishop and to his respective Vicar General; he had to present his credentials to the highest civil authority of the province immediately on arriving in the region.

Commissioners were given Letters Patent signed by the Cardinal Prefect which lasted for the term of one year. Generally, the Letters Patent were always renewed for further periods of one year after the payment of a sum of money.26 Up to the year 1788, the Commissioners could delegate their authority to a

Pro-Commissioner. 27

The jurisdiction of the local Commissioner over cases of fulfilment of pious legacies was concurrent with that of the local bishop; this jurisdiction was exercised by the one who first had shown interest in the case. The general rule

25 Cf M. BASSO, I privilegi e le cnnsuetudini della Rev.da Fabbrica di S. Pietro in Vaticano, Rome 1987, 60. 26 N. DEL RE, La Sacra Congregatione della Rev. Fabbrica di S. Pietro. in Studi Romani, 17/3, Rome 1969, 294 27 F. M. RENAZZI, Compendia di teorica e di pratica, Ibid. 28. 74 outside the Papal States was that the Bishop, even after the lapse of one year from the testator's death, enjoyed cumulative or concurrent jurisdiction with the

Reverenda Fabbrica over these cases. 28

The Commissioners established their tribunals and had their officials empowered with special privileges; they were appointed for one year by the

Congregation, at times on the recommendation of the Commissioner. The

Assessors were competent to judge in the first instance all lawsuits. However, all appeals were permitted to be heard in Rome and the highest judicial authority was always the General Assembly of the Sacred Congregation. The Commissioners were not allowed to reach any compromise on unfulfilled obligations, since this was reserved to the Congregation itself 29

Various cardinals were called to form part of the Sacred Congregation.

The Prefect, according to an unbroken tradition, was the Cardinal Archpriest of the

Basilica. The list of the other members included the Auditor and a cleric of the

Apostolic Chamber and its Treasurer General, the Dean of the Sacra Romana

Rota, the Prefect of the Apostolic Palaces, the Bursar General of the Fabbrica, who was one of the Canons of the Basilica (normally, the Bursar acted as the

Secretary of the Congregation), another member of the Chapter of the Basilica who acted as ordinary Judge, the Fiscal Assessor chosen from the group of the concistorial assessors, the Procuratore Fiscale, the Chancellor, who was responsible for all the deeds of the Congregation, and the Accountant. 30 28 G. C. VESPIGNANI, Compendium Privilegiorum, op. cit. 28. 29 N. DEL RE, La Sacra Congregazione della Rev. Fabbrica di San Pietro, in Studt Romani, 173, Rome 1969, 295. 30 Ibid, 296 .. 75 8 Reform of the Sacred Congregation

Further developments occurred in the constitutional rules of the Sacred

Congregation and of its dependent Commissioners. Old privileges were suppressed while new ones were created; at times, restriction in the jurisdiction of the

Congregation was introduced.

A radical re-organization was made by Alexander VII, 31 who focussed his attention on the Congregation in the Constitution Decet Romanum Pontificem of

16 November 1660. As an Inquisitor General and Apostolic Delegate in Malta between 1634 and 1639, he was responsible for the high superintendency of the

Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica. He withdrew from the jurisdiction of the

Congregation the authority to acquire for itself all pious legacies bequeathed in aid of the poor in general. These had to be treated as legacies left to particular persons. Innocent XII, by means of the Constitution Cum sicut accepimus-'2 of 31

July 1691 and Benedict XIV, by means of the Constitution Quanta Curarum of

1751,33 made other changes and proposed severe and strict regulations to avoid abuses which might have run deep in previous years.

The Sacred Congregation had two different sections.34 The General

Assembly had as its members a large number of Cardinals and different prelates; it

31 Cf L. PASTOR, Storia det Papi, XIV, i, Rome 1932, 518. 32 Bullarium Romanum, :XX, Torino 1871, 217. 33 Benedicti XIV P.P. Bullarium, III, 1, Prato 1846, 326-329. 34 CfN. DEL RE, Storia della Sacra Congregazione della Rev. Fabbrica di S. Pietro, in 76 held its meetings at least twice a year and discussed contested lawsuits and appeals from sentences given in the lower instances. The other section, the Particular

Assembly of the Congregation was formed by the Cardinal Prefect and three other

Cardinals from the General Assembly together with the Secretary-Bursar and one of the ordinary judges, and dealt with the ordinary administration and the economic issues of the Fabbrica. This section was dissolved by Clement XIII (6 July 1758-2

Feb 1759) and the whole administration of justice and fund raising was left to the

General Assembly of the Congregation once again.

The juridical competence of the Sacred Congregation survived for many years, notwithstanding the publication of the Motu Proprio Quando per ammirabile disposizione35 of Pius VII (14 Mar 1800-20 Aug 1823) in 1816, which suppressed all particular and privileged tribunals in the Pontifical States. Nor was the Sacred Congregation hit by the two other Motu Proprio of Leo XII (28 Sep

1823-10 Feb 1829) in 182436 and Gregory XVI (2 Feb 1831-1 Jun.1846) in 1834'7 respectively. The Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica remained unaltered in its power to judge in all instances. This was declared by Anton

Domenico Cardinal Gamberini, the Secretary of State for Internal Affairs, on the

14 November 1835. 38

However, the Edict of Pius IX (16 Jun 1846-7 Feb 1878) on 28 November

1863 restricted the jurisdiction of the Sacred Congregation and its Tribunals in all Studi Romani, 17/3, Rome 1969, 296. 35 Bullarii Romani Continuatio, VII, Prato 1854, 140. 36 Ibid, VIII, 140. 37 Acta Gregorii Papae, IV, Rome 1904, 325. 38 Cf N. DEL RE, Storia della Sacra Congregazione della Rev. Fabbrica di S. Pietro, in Studi Romani, 17/3, Rome 1969, 298. 77 the Provinces and Pontifical States. Cases related to pious legacies became the exclusive right of the local bishops.39 These had to judge the contested cases in the first instance; any appeal had to be heard by the Sacred Congregation of the

Council. The role of the Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica was restricted to the administration of the property of the Basilica and its daily maintenance. It could graciously hear the cases relative to the legacies burdened with the celebration of masses; it maintained the power to substitute the number of masses applying to the same legacy the merits of the whole Church and could postpone or change certain conditions put by the testators; it could defer the date of the celebration of masses beyond the time limit prescribed by law when the stipend was given by the faithful if the date was not determined by the faithful themselves. The

Congregation retained the power to come to a compromise over past omissions and could delegate the same powers to the local bishops.

When Pius X (4 Jul 1903-20 Aug 1914) reorganised the Roman Curia in

1908 the Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica had its jurisdiction restrained only to the maintenance of the Basilica. The Archpriest of the Basilica was still its President and a number of architects and technicians was added to the

39 F. M. CAPPELLO, Curia Romana, I, 13, Inde a tempore Pii IX haec Congregatio solis Cardinali bus constat, quibus additur Secretarius qui munere fangitur oeconomi, et plures officiales operam praestant. Fabricae S. Petri quaedam sectiones adiunguntur, seu:a) Sectio Administrntivn, pro reddendis rationibus expensamm, quae fiunt in bonum ce!eberrimi sanctuarii; et b) Sectio legalis pro quaestionibus iuris suae exhoriri possunt relate ad negotia gerenda; c) Sectio technica pro executione praesertim eorum quae necessaria sunt aut opportune videntur conservationi et ornatui Basilicae S. Petri; d) celebris Sectio, cut titulus Studio del Mosaico a Sixto V instituta. 78 number of Cardinals which formed the Sacred Congregation. Its Secretary was one of the canons of the Basilica. 40

It continued to direct the Studio de/ Mosaico Vaticano, established by

Sixtus V (24 Apr 1585-27 Aug 1590) and canonically erected by Benedict XIII

(29 May 1724-21 Feb 1730); the Studio was renowned for famous works of art in the Basilica itself and in other churches in Rome and around the world. The name of the Sacred Congregation continued to appear in the last place in the Annuario

Pontificio, but the Code of Canon Law ( 1918) did not make any mention of the

Congregation at all.

Although it is not mentioned in the Code of Canon Law, J. Creusen and A

Vermeersch refer to the Congregation as still existeing and having the authorisation, similarly as the Congregation of the Council, to reduce obligations in the celebration of masses or other pious legacies. 41

9 The Office of Administration

The Constitution Regimini Ecclesiae of Paul VI (21 Jun 1963-6 Aug 1978) suppressed the Congregation in 1967 and substituted it by an administartive office

4-0 A A S, I (1909), 18; .. .le attribuzioni della S. Congregazione de Ila Reverenda Fabbrica di S. Pietro erano state compresse entro ancor piu' angusti limiti, non avendovi dovuto essa per l'avvenire occupare di altro che dell'amministrazione dei bent e dei redditi della Basilica vaticana, e della conservazione e manutenzione de/la Fabbrica, come veniva tassativamente disposto nella costituzione Piana di riforma Sapienti Consilio de! 29 Giugno 1908.(f\J.. DEL RE, Storia della sacra Congregazione della Rev. Fabbrica di S. Pietro, in Studi Romani 17/3, Rome 1969, 299 .. 41 1. CREUSEN-A.VERMEERSCH, Epitome Juris Canonici, Rome 1915, I, 239 .. 79 called Consiglio di Amministrazione under the chairmanship of the Archpriest of the Basilica for its daily running of the Basilica.

The Cardinal Archpriest is assisted by a Delegate, appointed by the Pope, who is responsible for the ordinary administration. Both the Cardinal Archpriest and his Delegate become the Protettore and the Primicerio respectively of the

Arch confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament of the Vatican Basilica.

The Committee of Administration, made up of five members, forms part of the whole organism of the Fabbrica. Besides the Office of Administration, there exists also the Technical Office which is responsible for the whole edifice. A number of architects, called Architetti Regolari, appointed by the Pope, form an honorary committee of the Fabbrica. A small commission coordinates the decisions of the Vatican Chapter and the Fabbrica in all that regards the liturgical services. 42

John Paul II, by means of the Constitution Pastor Bonus of 28 June 1988, established that the Fabbrica di San Pietro, according to its proper laws, had to remain responsible for all that concerns the Vatican Basilica both in its maintenance and decorum and for the internal discipline of the guards and the pilgrims who visited the Basilica. 43

42 N. DEL RE, Fabbrica di San Pietro, in Mondo Vaticano. Passato e Presente. ed. Niccolo' Del Re, Vatican City 1995, 477. 43 Annuario Pontificio, 1993 80 CHAPTER 3

THE TRIBUNAL AND THE OFFICE

OF

LA REVERENDA FABBRICA

INMALTA

10 Early Beginnings

During the seventeenth century, the relations between Church and State _in Malta worsened more than ever since both the Bishop of Malta and the Grand Master of the Order of Saint John, as the Head of State in the Island, were continually infringing each other's rights and privileges. Their frequent correspondence with the Roman Curia shows clearly that even misinterpreted facts were given as true.

Grand Master De Paule (1623-1636), through his representative in

Rome, Knight Sanliger, brought to the knowledge of the Holy See various acts committed by Bishop Balthassar Cagliares (1615-163 3) which offended the

Knights of the Order,1 and asked the Holy See to bring such issues to an end; the

1 Sanliger to the Holy See, letter dated 20 July 1626, A 0 M, Ms 1,405 81 Bishop was even accused of indiscreet prejudices against the Order and the Grand

Master asked for dispositions from Rome2 In September 1626 the Grand Master

wrote directly to Cardinal Doria and asked him to insist upon Bishop Cagliares to

behave properly with the Grand Master himself and with the members of the

Order. 3

Sanliger obtained from the Holy See a proposed project which might bring better relations between the Grand Master and the Bishop, and which nright release the tension at least on some matters. In the correspondence, that passed between the Vatican and Malta, there was mention of a Commissioner, whose office would be to settle some problems. De Paule could never understand what the mission of the Commissioner might be, and repeatedly asked for further explanation. 4

Nothwithstanding the pronuses and the suggestions made by the

Secretariat of State, the Grand Master continued to protest strongly with Cardinal

Barberini against the attitude of Bishop Cagliares5 and his ministers of the Curia. 6

2 Letter dated 22 August 1626, Ibid. 3 Letter dated 10 September 1626, Ibid. 4 Letter dated 15 October 1626, Ibid. 5 Baithassar Cagliares was a Maltese Conventual chaplain admitted into the Priory of Portugal. In view of his learning and good qualities, he was presented by the Order to King Philip II (III of Spain) for the bishopric of Malta .. Paul V nominated him Bishop of Malta on 18 May 1615, thus becoming the only Maltese bishop during the sovreignity of the Order. He safeguarded the episcopal rights and privileges against the usurpatory attempts of the Grand Master. He opposed the transfer of the Conventual parish from Vittoriosa to the Victory Church :in Valletta to avoid a possible curtailment of his jurisdiction. In ::;pito of protests by Grand Masters de Vasconcellos and Antoine de Paule, he built his own palace in Valletta. Cagl:iares was renowned for his mtmificence towards the needy. he freed three Jesuit Fathers from slavery, he contributed to refit the Order's fleet damaged by the Turks. He summoned and celebrated three synods to comply with the Tridentine Council.He died on 4 August 1633. 6 Sanliger to the Holy See, letter dated 18 October 1626, A 0 M, Ms 1405 82 Furthermore, seeing that things were being prolonged too much, the Grand Master

said to his Ambassador Sanliger that he would prefer that, if any permanent

mission would be planned for Malta by means of a special Commissioner, this

should be entrusted to the Inquisitor General who acted also as an Apostolic

Delegate. Antoine de Paule continued to insist strongly that 'his suggestion should be accepted by the Holy See; he stated clearly that this would be more acceptable

to us, the more so that even His Holiness prefers such a settlement. 7

Rome insisted on sending a Commissioner with special terms of reference, but details never reached the knowledge of the Grand Master. The latter then

asked Sanliger to give witness in Rome against the letters sent by Bishop

Cagliares. 8 The Grand Master would still believe that new powers should have been given to the Inquisitor who was settled in Malta; a new Commissioner might not know fully well the real circumstances of the Island.9

These were the first references made by the Roman Curia of sending to

Malta a Commissioner who might have special powers and who would help to release the tension which continuosly increased in the Island between the Head of the Church and the Head of the State.

One of the points which upheld greatly this tension must have been the intrusion of the Bishop in the administration and fulfilment of pious legacies by the members of the Order of Saint John. The concern of the Bishop about the chapels of the Order, its hospitals and other property increased the tension between the

7 Antoine de Paule to Sanliger: Letter dated 3 November 1626, Ibid. 8 Letter dated 10 November 1626, Ibid. 9 Letter dated 30 November 1626, Ibid. 83 two leaders. Finally, harsh discord was created between the Bishop and the Grand

Master on the exemption from each other's jurisdiction of persons who were enrolled with them as clerics or members respectively and the members of their families.

The Commissioner who was to be sent to Malta would have full powers and jurisdiction on the fulfilment of all pious legacies, and consequently on the property annexed to them. This jurisdiction was to be exercised apart from the

Bishop's Curia and his officials. Thus it would greatly diminish the tension between the Bishop and the Grand Master. Later on, correspondence between the

Commissioner and the Holy See confirmed that the Grand Master was happy that the Commissioner and his new Tribunal, as suggested by the Holy See, would be curtailing the Bishop's authority. On other occasions, the Bishop and the Grand

Master became good friends against the Commissioner's Tribunal as a common intruder in their respective spheres.

Evidently enough, the institution of the Tribunal and the Office of the

Commissioner in Malta would not be welcomed by the Bishop as his former powers in the Diocese would be reduced and the bishop's relatives and the Curia officials would not remain sheltered under his patronage and protection.

Correspondence by the Bishop and by the Commissioner clearly showed the

Bishop's attitude against the institution of the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta, and even against the person himself who had been chosen by the Holy

See. 10

10 A IM RF, Cor., 40, 3r and A AM, Brev. et Cost. Apost., I, 455r. 84 On the other hand, the Popes showed great interest in the Maltese

Archipelago and hoped that help might be given generously to the projects of the embellishment of the Vatican Basilica, now that its building was ready. In earlier times, soon after the Great Siege of Malta, Pius V had called on the European kings to send their help to the Order of Saint John for, the building and the fortifying of the new city of Valletta. Immediately preceeding the years of the institution of the Fabbrica's Tribunal, Paul V showed keen interest in the island of

Malta, this being the winter abode of the Apostle Paul during his voyage to Rome; he generously granted to the Grotto and to the church of Saint Paul precious gifts, privileges and indulgences. Now it was the turn of Malta to help in the final developments of the Basilica of Saint Peter in Rome, the responsibility of which was heavily pressing on the Pope.

Moreover, though the Maltese Islands were not within the pontifical state, they were governed by a religious Order directly responsible to the Pope. Frequent correspondence passed between the Grand Master of Malta and the Secretariat of

State. The presence in Malta of renowned Roman prelates as Inquisitors General and Apostolic Delegates added to the interest of Rome in these Islands.

Along with these factors, the presence in Rome of a number of students to the priesthood and of a number of ordained priests who read for degrees in various seats, and who had created friendships with Curia Officials, should have rendered the Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica aware that some help might arrive from Malta for the needs of decorating and embellishing the

Vatican Basilica. 85 Bartolomeo Dal Pozzo11 confirms that such Office and the Tribunal of the

Reverenda Fabbrica had been established in Malta at the request of Grand Master

De Paule who thereby tried strongly to restrict the Bishop's jurisdiction. Attempts might have been made to appoint Bishop Balthassare Cagliares as the

Commissioner and Deputy of the Sacred Congregation but Grand Master De

Paule resisted strongly to the proposal and it was withdrawn immediately. n Nicola

Mangione, the Maltese priest from Naxxar, a great jurist, having suggested the initiative to the Sacred Congregation, obtained for himself the mandate from the

Congregation and instituted the Tribunal in spite of Bishop Cagliares from whose jurisdiction he succeeded to become an exempt person. According to the same historian, the Tribunal caused considerable trouble to the Bishop's Curia by implementing its rights of passing judgements on pious legacies which had not been fulfilled within the period of one year from the death of the testator.13

Achille Ferris14 went further on to state that the Sacred Congregation was rendered conscious of the possibility of the institution of the Tribunal in Malta and of deputising a local Commissioner in the Islands of Malta and Gozo by a Maltese priest who obtained for himself the prestigious post. The reference was clearly made to Nicola Mangione. 15

11 Bartolomeo Dal Pozzo was a Commendatore of the Order; he was a historian of thf': Orcfor 12 A BONNICI, Storja ta' 1-Inkizizzjoni ta' Malta, Malta 1990, I, 238. 13 B. DAL POZZO, Historia delta Sacra Religione, I, 766. 14 Achille Ferris, a scholar of Maltese history and a headmaster in the Scuola Primaria Normale of Valletta, published Storia Ecclesiastica di Malta - Raccontata in Compendia in 1877. 15 A. FERRIS, Storia Ecclesiastica di Malta, Maha 1877, 238. 86 Similarly, Andrew P. Vella, 0. P., a Maltese historian affirms that Nicola

Mangione succeeded in obtaining from the Sacred Congregation the authorisation to establish the Tribunal and the Office of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta in

1626 and to become its first Commissioner16

The Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro dell'Urbe on 19 September 1626, during the month which coincided with

Sanliger's communication to the Grand Master about the Commissario, issued the

Letters Patent to Nicola Mangione and appointed him the first Commissioner,

Judge General and Deputy of the Eminent Cardinal Prefect in the islands of Malta and Gozo. 17 The Eminent Lord Cardinals, members of the Sacred Congregation, authorised him to establish and erect the Office of the Reverenda Fabbrica and its Tribunal in Malta18

Both in his correspondence and in the protocol of the Tribunal, Nicola

Mangione referred always to the date of 19 September 1626 as the day of his appointment; he mentioned the same year as the date of his appointment to the high office in a letter to Pope Urban 'VIII on 25 January 1635. 19 The same date appeared on all documents, decrees and edicts published upon Nicola Mangione's authority. The Secretary of the Sacred Congregation in Rome informed Grand

Master Antoine de Paule and communicated to him: Doctor Nicola Mangione, a

16 A. P. VELLA, Storja ta' Malta II, Malta 1970, 79. 17 A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ. I, I; ACM, Reg. Del. Cap. VIII, 447r. 18 A F S P, P.2 , Ser. 2, 285, 74r. 19 Ibid, 74v. 87 Maltese citizen, has been appointed and deputised as Commissioner of the Sacred

Congregation in that city and island ofMalta. 20

Nicola Mangione could not accept the appointment given to him by the

Sacred Congregation and with great son-ow he declined the mandate. He asked repeatedly the Congregation to provide another person for this pious office. His first letter of refusal never reached Rome, and Nicola Mangione wrote a second letter to express his sorrowful decision. His brother Benedict had died on 20

March 162721 and left behind a wife and eight children, all under age; consequently, the reponsibility of the children's upbringing and education fell upon him. Moreover, many difficulties were foreseen for the erection of the Office and the Tribunal in Malta being a new initiative in such a distant country from the

Holy See. 22

Nicola Mangione's appointment had already been accepted graciously by the Grand Master. His Eminence expressed the hope that many pious legacies forgotten for a long time or hidden by capricious heirs would be fulfilled as a result of pressure by the new Commissioner.23

By means of a letter dated 29 September 1627 the Cardinals insisted again with Nicola Mangione to accept the Commission and to undertake the institution of the Tribunal. They referred to a memoriale addressed to the Sacred

Congregation by Notary Pietro Zamit,24 which insisted that the choice the 20 Ibid,152, 6v. 21 A P Naxxar, Lib. Mort. I, 37r. 22 A F S P, P.2, Ser . .10, 262, 46lr. 23 Ibid, Ser.10, 27, 222. 24 Pietro Zammit(l598-1638) was a Maltese Notary Public who held his offices at Cospicua and at Vittoriosa; his deeds are catalogued as 1142/502 and are kept by Paul 88 Cardinals made of Nicola Mangione was right and beneficial to the Sacred

Congregation. A copy of that communication was sent together with the letter of the Sacred Congregation to Nicola Mangione. The Cardinals stated also that:

A letter of recommendation is being sent to the Inquisitor and he is asked to assist the Tribunal and to give all help. so that the cases may be processed with authority and justice; it has been judged by these Illustrious Lords as just and convenient that you consult the Prelate in the process of many cases and that you might never proceed without his participation; you may proceed in this way and send news about you and about the interests of the Fabbrica, so that they (the Cardinals) may judge that you are a good deputy Commissioner not only in name, but also in deeds. Be ofgood health. (s) Cardinal Ginnasi. 25

11 Nicola Mangione, the First Commissioner Nicola Mangione's decision to accept the office assigned to him by the Sacred

Congregation was expressed in the following long letter which he addressed to

Their Eminence the Cardinals on 15 November 1627. The same letter gave the whole picture of Nicola Mangione's state of mind:

On the ninth day of the present month, I received the grateful letter dated 29 September, sent to me by Your Excellencies, IllustTisssimi Signori, which included also the memoriale and the documents presented to the Congregation by Pietro Sammut of this country; and hm1ing forsaken me for my letters, with which I stated that I could not accept to sen1e in the office given to me by Your Eminence, I waited with great anxiety to see the minds of Your Eminence, for which reason I delayed in my decision and did not refuse immediately in order to take care ~f my nephews; having seen clearly now what is your opinion and will, and knowing how much it is worth to hmie the jurisdiction and how much does it pay for the interests of the Reverenda Fabbrica the institution of this office, I have already refused the aforesaid care of the nephews so

Pullicino.(Index ofNotaries (1465-1894) compiled by Anthony Attard LLD.) .. 25 Letter dated 29 September 1627, A IM RF, Reg.Act. Ctv. I, 3. 89 that I may be able to serve Your Eminence in this pious office; which decision had greatly displeased the Bishop who believed it to be prejudicial to his tribunal; and, so far as it had been referred to me on my arrival here, it was not possible for me to accept the mandate without evidently endangering my own life, if Your Eminence did not send a recommendation about my person and my office to the Inquisitor, who has accepted it in a ve1y good spirit. Since this country is very far away from the Holy See, prl!ceedings are not held according to the law, but arbitrarily and tyrannically; so You can understand my position that before being recommended to the Inquisitor, I could not dare present myself as Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica not only by deeds but not even by name; and for this same reason, I did not dare to give the letter of the Sacred Congregation to the Grand Master before this time; the more so that recently, the Bishop has been reconciled with the Grand Master with the danger that the Bishop could have persuaded the Grand Master to oppose my election; but in these last few days, they have quarelled again and the danger of creating an opposition to my appointment disappeared The day before yesterday, I sent the letter to the Grand Master and having retumed to-day to have an answer, he granted me a gracious audience; he promised to protect me in all circumstances and to protect my office, now that these things have been asked by the Sacred Congregation. I believed that I should not undertake to institute my Office before having a clear answer from Your Eminence for two different reasons. This had been understood also by the Inquisitor, without whose counsel I dare not make any single step, according to the orders and dispositions of Your Eminence; first, I had to wait for a definite answer, which I had already asked Your Eminence; secondly, because in the "Capitoli et Istructioni" given to me by the Secretary, in Chapter IV, I am asked to have a bursar appointed by the local Bishop; ve1y probably he would have chosen one of his admirers and exempt him from the jurisdiction of the Grand Master; this would have offended greatly the Grand Master and cause harm to our Office; to avoid such an inconvenience, I humbly ask Your Eminence to ask the Inquisitor to appoint the Bursar, because if the Grand Master would not be favourable to the choice of the person - which I doubt greatly - then the Inquisitor would avoid the choice, mid that would make it impossible to establish the Tribunal and the Office; neither would any notary or any other official be pleased to serve in the new Office without the approval of the Grand Master ... 26

26 A F S P, P.2, Ser. Arm., 262, 316 r-v. 90 Fig. 15 Nicola Mangione, J. U.D. (Oil painting by G. Zammit. The Institute for International Studies, Valletta) Nicola Mangione was so meticulous and used to run deep into details that he immediately asked in the same letter the opinion of the Sacred Congregation whether the relatives of the Bishop and the familiares of the Holy Office of the

Inquisition were to be sought for not fulfilling the pious legacies, since many of them were rich and were obliged to fulfill many legacies of ·considerable amounts ofmoney.27

12 Mangione's Personality

Nicola Mangione, the son of Mariano and Agatha,28 read his thesis in Rome and obtained the degree of Juris Utriusque Doctor. He was described by the writers of his age as a man of great virtues and abilities; he succeeded in occupying posts of great responsibility and enjoyed the full confidence of civil and ecclesiatical

29 superiors. • It was only on the grounds of prejudice at the Bishop's Tribunal that he had been severely criticised and even persecuted by the Bishop and - at times for the same reason - by the Grand Master.

27 Ibid, 3 l 7r 28 NA V, Acts of Notary Mario Attard, dated 15 March 1624. Nicolaus Mangione J UD., Melitensis,Hic primo padroni munus exercuit ac Sedis Principem in Patronis locum obtinuit. Inerilli enim in respondendo celeritas, in inveniendo subtilitas, et maxime in his, quae firma essent eligendis prudenter. Hine auctus munere consultoris Tribunalis S. Offitii Inquisitionis et Magni Magistri Lascaris Castellar Auditoris, Vicarius Genera/is, qui prudentia et integritate dioecesim ndministmvit Anno 1626 a S. Congregatione Cardinalium Primus Rev.dae Fabricae S. Petri in Tribunali Commissarius sedit. Vir moribus altoquin integerrimus et mitissimus eum ad locum quo res omnes sortae tendunt iter arripuit plenus annis die 17 decembris 1656. (G. MIFSUD, Biblioteca Maltese, I, 195 ). 29 • Nicola Mangione has been appointed Vicar General of Bishop Cagliares for a short period; he was a consultant ofthe Holy Office and Auditor ofthe Grand Master.

92 Canon Costanzo Abbate,30 Doctor Giuseppe Zammit11 and Padre Pelagio32 describe Nicola Mangione as a man of great intelligence both in Canon and Civil

Legislation, endowed with an ability to defend all those who sought his advice and wanted him to assist them in their lawsuits.

He received his tonsure in the parish church of Saint Lawrence in

Vittoriosa on 7 March 1598;33 on 16 June 1601 he received his minor orders of

Ostiariatus and Lectoratus in the parish church of Our Lady of Porto Salvo in

Valletta. 34 On the eve of Passion Sunday, 4 April 1609, he received his minor orders of Exorcistatus and Accolytatus in the Cathedral Church.35 Soon after his studies in Rome, Nicola Mangione was ordained subdeacon with the title of

Patrimonio on 27 March 1610 in the parish church of Saint Lawrence m

Vittoriosa36 and in the same church he was ordained deacon on 19 March 1611. 37

Bishop T ommaso Gargallo ( 15 78-1614) ordained him priest in the chapel of Our

Lady of Monserrat in his palace in Valletta on 18 May 1611; amongst the three witnesses there was Filippo Borgia, the Vicar General.38 Nicola Mangione was

3° Canon Abbate Costanzo in the Ms Notizie Memorabili di Malta wrote the memory of the erection of the Public National Archives of Valletta. 31 Fra Giuseppe Zammit, a doctor of physics, was a zealous admirer of illustrious Maltese men, painted their portraits and donated them to the College of the Jesuits. He compiled a Manuscript with the title De Viris Melitensibus Sanctitate et Sapientia Jllustribus Elogia. He came from Zebbug and died in Balzan. 32 Padre Pelagio was a Capuchin friar, whose baptismal name was Bartolomeo Mifsud. He was a well known writer; in the Ms Catalogo Cronologico degli uomini maltesi he wrote La Vita di Fra Antonio Tabone, published in Rome in 1728. 33 C EM, R. 0., 1, 239r. 34 Ibid, l, 250r.. 35 Ibid, 19, 197v. 36 Ibid, 424r and 430v. 37 Ibid, 2 l 8v. 38 Ibid, 442r and 446r. 93 appointed as the first Commissioner of the Revere1ula Fabbrica and Deputy of the

Cardinal Prefect in Malta and Gozo.39 He established the Office and the Tribunal in the Notarial Office of Michele Ralli40 in Valletta and thence moved to the Palace of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Vittoriosa.41 He remained in that office till the year 1655; he was asked to leave his office as Comrnisioner by Alexander VII and soon after was appointed Judge of the first instance in the same Tribunal of the Revere1ula Fabbrica and in that of the Holy Inquisition.

He occupied the post of Vicar General of the Diocese during the first years of Bishop Cagliares' episcopacy and was appointed Consultant of the

Holy Office. His Eminence Grand Master Lascaris asked him to draw up and review the Regulations of the Government of the Island and was pleased to order their publication on 1 March 164042 under the title

Legum, sive Statutorum Municipalium nova Editio, veterumque Novatio, et moderatio compilata iussu Eminentissimi Domini Johannis Pauli Lascaris de Castellar MM /nsul. Melitae et Gauli Principis.

39 Melita Melitensium, Ms XIX, Lib.V, 238. 40 Michele Ralli worked as a notary public between the years 1615 and 1663; his original acts are registered under number 1031/ 412 and their keeper is Paul Pullicino 41 This is a seventeenth century building constructed around the old palace of the Castellania of the Order in 1530. The fonner had a Siculo-Nonnan courtyard arom1d which the two-storey palace was built when the Holy Office of the Inquisition was established in Malta. The fuqusitors kept adding and altering the building to suit their proper requirements. The palace suffered considereble damage during the earthquake of 1693. The main courtyard was enlarged and a big fountain was erected in it, for which the funds of the Reverenda Fabbrica contributed a good part. It has two rows and a small courtyard for the prisoners. 42 ACM, Misc. 69, 48r. 94 After the publication of this work, as from the year 1646, Sebastiano

Salelles S.J.43 and Bartolomeo Dai Pozzo refer to Nicola Mangione as an Auditor

of Grand Master Lascaris. 44 and Joseph Zammit, author of the De Viris

Melitensium Illustris, Memoria et Elogia described him with the following

paragraph

Dottor Mangione performed the above mentioned appointments with great ability and His Eminence Gio Paolo Lascaris de Castellar esteemed him to be greatly qualified Consequently His Eminence asked him to review and draw up the laws of the country. Dottor Mangione overcame great difficulties to complete his work and was honoured for his performance since His Eminence approved his valuable work and ordered its publication on l March 1640.

Nicola Mangione was a priest of great piety and zeal, praised for his

merits by all who knew him. His last will, published in the acts of Notary Mario

Attard45 on 15 March 1624, proved him to be a priest having great devotion to the

Blessed Virgin Mary under the title of Our Lady of Divine Grace; he bequeathed a long list of perpetual pious legacies to suffragate the souls in Purgatory, to help

priests who were related to him, and to spread the Divine Worship. Later on, by

the Acts of Notary Matteo Cauchi46 of Naxxar, on 31 August 1651, he made a

donation inter vivas of many furnishings to the Chapel and altar of Our Lady of

43 Sebastiano Salleles was a Spanish Jesuit; he occupied the post of consultore of the Holy Inquisition for sixty years; he wrote about Nicola Mangione in the Opera della Santa Inquisizione, in the series De Consultori del Santo Officio. He died on 21 January 1666; his funeral was held in the parish church of Saint Lawrence in Vittoriosa in the presence of the Inquisitor himself. 44 A F S P, Sez. Ann., 262, 362r-v. 45 Mario Attard, a notary public, held his office from 1613 to 1651 in Lija and in Mdina; his deeds are catalogued under number 539/28; they are kept by Joseph Gatt.(Index of Notaries compiled by Anthony Attard, Malta 1979). 46 Matteo Cauchi held his office in Mdina from 1629 to 1684; his deeds are catalogued under number 714/171 and are kept by the National Archivist. (Ibid). 95 Divine Grace erected as giuspatronato in the parish church ofNaxxar. He died in

Naxxar on 17 December 165647 and was buried in a tomb prepared by himself in the chapel of his giuspatronato in front of its altar; a beautiful marble tablet adorns his tomb. Dr Zammit concluded his elogio of Nicola Magione with the following words:

Vir moribus alioquin integerrimis, et mitissimis, eum ad locum, ad quem res onmes ortae tendunt, iter arripuit plenus annis, die xvii mensis decembris 1656. 24

The Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate, Nicolas Herrera (1627-1630)48 was pleased with Nicola Mangione as the new Commissioner of the Reverenda

Fabbrica and felt greatly honoured to have him at his side. The Inquisitor promised to employ all his powers, both personally and officially, so that the Office and the Tribunal erected by Mangione in the island might prosper and obtain good results and thus he offered all possible help to Nicola Mangione in those circumstances.49

Nicola Mangione took the opportunity of a visit to the Commendatore

Castellano of the Order to reaffirm his decision to undertake the running of the institution of the Tribunal and wrote to the Sacred Congregation addressing a letter to Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi; he offered himself again as an obedient and humble servant, now that the letters of recommendation had arrived in Malta and

47 A P Naxxar, Lib. Def, I, 6lr. 48 Pope Urban VIII appointed Nicolas Herrera, a prelate from Rome, Inquisitor General of Malta in February 1627, but Herrera arrived in Malta on 23 May 1627. On leaving Malta in June 1630, he left Filippo Borgia as Pro-fuquisitor. In the same month Nicolas Herrera was appointed Apostolic Nuncio in Naples, where he probably died after 1639. 49 A F S P, Sez Arm, 262, 613r. 96 had been received with due respect by the Inquisitor and by the Grand Master.

Still, he continued to emphasise the possibility of the Bishop's threatening to vindicate himself on him, he was afraid that the Bishop might ask the removal of

Nicola Mangione from the new institution so that he might be able to fulfil his plans in his regard.

In the same letter dated 18 November 1627 Nicola Mangione suggested to the Congregation that a commendatory letter might be addressed to the Bishop.

He insisted on having the Bursar appointed by the Inquisitor, lest the Bishop might choose one of the enemies of the Grand Master, which would prove to be harmful to the Office and to his work. 26

13 Attempts by Cagliares to overthrow the decision

The news of Nicola Mangione's appointment were officially brought to the knowledge of the Bishop of Malta by Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi, the Secretary

General of the Sacred Congregation, who referred to the incumbent as a dear person to the Illustrissimi Signori Cardinali.

The Cardinal informed the Bishop that

the Commissioner himself and his officials and those who serve him, through pnwleges granted to the Sacred Congregation, are e>..empt and immune from any other jurisdiction, being directly subject to the Pope and to the Sacred Congregation.

97 The Cardinal ordered the Bishop to help in all needs which the office might require: this would be a great pleasure to the Eminent Cardinal Lords; and this they recommend strongly. 50

The reaction of Bishop Cagliares at the news of the institution of the

Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta and of the appointment of Nicola

Mangione as first Commissioner was diametrically opposed to that of the Grand

Master and of the Inquisitor himself. The Bishop expressed his anger in a letter addressed to the Sacred Congregation, dated 22 November 1627.

He was hurt and reacted immediately stating that so far no Commissioner had been needed to take care of the fulfilment of pious legacies in the Diocese; the

Bishop accused Nicola Mangione of being scandalous in his behaviour and asked for his removal from the Office. 51

Bishop Cagliares and Nicola Mangione had long bad relations; the new appointment was moreover judged as intrusive in the Bishop's sphere of activities and jurisdiction.

In a previous correspondence between Cardinal Brandini and Balthassare

Cagliares, the Bishop of Malta, reference was made to Nicola Mangione as a cappellano and procurator of Saint Peter's Benedictine Monastery in Notabile.52In fact, Nicola Mangione had succeeded in drawing up an inventory and cabreo of all the immobile property of the monastery in 1622; he drew up an inventory of all the furniture and mobile belongings of the monastery in 1623 and a balance sheet

50 A AM, Brev. et Cost. Ap., L 447 51 A F S P, P. I, Ser. 2, 19, 515r-v. 52 AM S P, Giuliana, Cabrei, Contratti, Sez. Amm., II, A 2, 5r-127v. 98 Balthassare Cagliares Bishop ofMalta (1615-1635) (By courtesy of the Metropolitan Chapter) of all the income and expenditure of the repairs required in the chapel of the

Monastery covering the years 1620 and 1621.53

Nicola Mangione was allegedly accused of daring to enter the cloister and hear the confession of a sick nun in her own room without asking the Bishop's

permission and without being accompanied by another nun. The Bishop greatly resented this behaviour and summoned Nicola Mangione to his court; he ordered him never to return to the monastery for any reason whatsoever. 54 Mangione

brought the case and the Bishop's sentence before the Sacred Congregation and travelled to Rome to present and defend his position.55 The final judgen1ent was

communcated to the bishop by Cardinal Brandini on 22 May 1626, saying:

Under the chairmanship of Cardinal Rivarola, the Congregation heard the case brought forward by the Bishop's court in that country, against Don Nicola Mangione, cappellano and procurator of the Monastery of Saint Peter and it has beeen decided that until further orders to be given by this Sacred Congregation, you must not molest him in any wcry, nor to order others to molest him for the reasons put forward; if he dares in the future to go or to write to the nuns, personally or through a third person, you may punish him severely...... 56

In a second letter of the Congregation addressed to the Bishop, the

argument was taken up again and the Bishop was asked to inform the Abbess of

the monastery and Nicola Mangione himself about the final decision reached. 57

Later on the Bishop alleged that Nicola Mangione put pressure on the members of

the Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica while he was in Rome and 53 Ibid, A I, l 68r-l 73v. 54 A C M, Reg.Del.Cap.VIII,335r; Letter dated 4 Aug.1625, A C M, Ms 20, 60r-v; another letter dated 12 May 1626, Ibid, 6lr. 55 Ibid, 339r. 56 A F S P, P I, Ser. 2. 19, 515 r 57 A AM, Brev. et Cost. Ap., I, 335, 347, 359. 100 persuaded them to institute the Tribunal of the Fabbrica in Malta. 58 He also asked them to put it under his direction so that he, as Commissioner, would become exempt from the Bishop's jurisdiction. Nicola Mangione's fear lest he may ever become the Bishop's subject is frequently referred to in his own correspondence with the Sacred Congregation in Rome.

14 The Institution of the Tribunal

By the end of 1627, the proceedings in the Office of the Reverenda Fabbrica in

Valletta. had already begun and the Commissioner was congratulated by the

Secretary General for his achievement:

Jl.,fy Lords, the Cardinals, are greatly pleased that the service of the Fabbrica is proceeding in a good manner and that the Grand Master has approved this pious work with his usual goodness. They eamestf;y hope that in the near future good progress will continue to be achieved. 59

In this same letter the Cardinal Secretary of the Sacred Congregation informed the Commissioner that the Cardinals had exempted him from asking the approval of the Bishop for the appointment of the Bursar; it is enough to consult the Inquisitor on the appointment, to whom another letter had been sent to recommend your person and your office. Take his advice always in eve1ything that occurs and give witnesss of your charity as it behaves a good minister of a pious Trrmmrd . This letter over the signature of Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi was dated 15 December 1627.60

58 ACM, Reg. Del. Cap.,VIII, 447r. 59 A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ., I, 3r. 60 Ibid, 4r. 101 Two months later Nicola Mangione informed the Congregation that he had began proceedings for the election of the other officials of the Tribunal of the

Fabbrica. He gave the list of the candidates to the Inquisitor. 61 However, the

Inquisitor was very busy with other affairs and could not see the candidates' names. Consequently Nicola Mangione had to postpone the appointments.34

Mangione was still lamenting on the behaviour of the Bishop while he was full of praise for the Grand Master's attitude.

The Commissioner had already ordered the Procuratore Fiscale to summon some persons, especially those held responsible for the fulfilment of a particular legacy indicated by the Sacred Congregation itself and some other legacies, the whole amount of which was more than two thousand scudi. He was referring to the estates of Paolo Delia.

A point of juridical importance was raised by Nicola Mangione regarding the validity of his Letters Patent since the term given was for the duration of one year. He stated that he was acting in doubt since the words vel ad beneplacitum nostrum, inserted in the document, could also be taken refer to a prolonged period. Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi immediately answered that the Letters Patent had not been withdrawn and that they would not be withdrawn in the future. 62

However, it was judged wise that the Commissioner should wait for further instructions.

61 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 263, 206r. 62 Letter dated 2 March 1628, Ibid. 102 On his appointment as Commissioner and Deputy General of the Sacred

Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica Nicola Mangione was presented with a long set of rules, called ORDINI ET ISTRUCTIONI, for his guidance; they served

also as the official instrument which indicated his tenns of reference and which were to be handed to the Bishop, to his Vicar General and to the Head of the

country. 63

Nicola Mangione appointed Michele Ralli as Notary Magnificus of the

Tribunal and chose his banca notarile in Valletta as the official seat of judgement

and Head Office of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta. The name of the

Procuratore Fiscale, which first appeared on the first document, was Notary Gio

Battista Falsone; the names of Oliverius Seychell of the Holy Office and Angelo

De Bono of the Magna Curia appear as the first couriers. During March 1628,

both of them carried the letters of summons to Valerio Mizzi and to Nicola Saura.

Matteolo Delia was also summoned to court.

On 15 March 1628, Nicola Mangione published his first decree, called

editto, which called on all notaries and all persons concerned with testaments in

writing or by word of mouth, to report to the Commissioner and to present to him

a copy of the will, or a part of it, if in any way it interested the Reverenda

Fabbrica according to the rules and norms of the same Reverenda Fabbrica. A

two and one half percent of the sum of money perceived by the Fabbrica was

promised to the notary or person who had revealed the last will when the whole

negotio had been terminated.

63 The whole text of these guidelines appears in the Catalogue, Car. 40, .65 103 All persons concerned, including notaries, archivists, accountants, administrators, even parish priests, and all others were asked to obey and follow the rule within three months of the publication of the decree, under penalty of sixty scudi in gold and excommunication. 64 This and all similar decrees published by Nicola Mangione had a solemn protocol in Italian which read as follows:

''NOi DON NICOLA MANGIONE J U.D. AUDITOllli E GIUDICE GENERAL£ COSTJTUITO E DEPUTATO DAL COLLEGIO DEGLI ILLUSTRISSIMJ E llliVERENDISSIMI SIGNORI CARDINALI PllliFETTJ DELLA VENERANDA FABBRICA DELLA BASILICA DI SAN PIETRO DI ROMA, IN QUESTE !SOLE DI MALTA E DJ GOZO PER LE COSE INFRA IN VIRTU' DI LETTERE PATENT! SPEDJTJ DAL DETTO COLLEGJO A DI 19 DI SETTEMBllli ANNO DOMIN! 1626."

The publication of this first decree created a strong reaction on the part of the parish priests and of all those who were mentioned in the instructions given by the new Tribunal. On behalf of their parishoners, the parish priests presented themselves to His Eminence Grand Master De Paule who, in two different letters, protested on their behalf to the Sacred Congregation for the publication of this decree and for any similar one which might be published in the future. 65

Similar protests came from the Vicar General against whom the

Commissioner Nicola Mangione issued act of inhibition forbidding him and all

Curia Officials to interfere in matters which concerned the Reverenda Fabbrica. A copy of this act was sent to Rome along with a list of persons who were already

64 A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ., I, 3v. 65 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2,263, 495r. 104 summoned in court and whose cases were being processed in the Tribunal of the

Fabbrica in Valletta. 66

A subsequent letter dated 31 March 1628 was sent to Rome indicating the names of witnesses and their testimonials who accompanied Nicola Mangione when he presented his Letters Patent to the Bishop and to his Vicar General in due time. 67

Pietro Francesco Pontremoli,68 the Vicar General, received the

Commissioner but declined to read the. documents presented to him. These were given to him a few days before Christmas. The Commissioner Mangione referred this to the Inquisitor and the latter asked Nicola Mangione to present him again the

Letters Patent, the documents concerning the authorisation given by the Sacred

Congregation and all the documents of the privileges and the decrees given by the

Supreme Pontiffs to the Reverenda Fabbrica, in the presence of two witnesses.

Oliverius Seychell in the presence of two witnesses forwarded personally in manus the documents to the Vicar General, who was accompanied by Paolo

Pontremoli, the Curia's Notary. 69 Subsequently, the Inquisitor ordered the Notary

of the Fabbrica to draw up a declaration to that effect and to write down the

66Ibid, 495r. 67 Ibid, 497r. 68 Pietro Francesco Pontremoli (1588-1654) was a prelate and Canon of the Cathedral Chapter; he was appointed Synodal Judge. Fabio Chigi chose him as Pro-Inquisitor; he held the post of a Judge, consultore and assessor of the Holy Office. He was appointed Vicar General and Bishop Cagliares appointed him as his delegate in the Pastoral Visitation of 1621 when he could settle the fulfilment of a great number of pious legacies and joined them to the benefices of the Matrice of Gozo. He died at the age of 66 years on 17May1654. 69 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 264, 3r; A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ., I, 6r. 105 whole proceedings in the Actorum Civilium Liber. The Sacred Congregation was duly informed by the Commissioner about the whole affair.

Later on the Commissioner published another two decrees giving the same dispositions. He gave enough time for the presentation of the extracts and called again for the strict observation of the dispositions issued by him. 7° Copies of the decree were fixed to the main doors of the Matrice of Saint Lawrence in

Vittoriosa, of the Cathedral and of the churches in Valletta. 71

Nonetheless, the Commissioner saw that several persons were giving misleading information and were fraudulently trying to avoid the payments due to the fulfilment of the pious legacies. Nicola Mangione therefore published another edict dated 6 September 1628 to warn these persons and all others attempting to imitate them, threatening them with a specially reserved excommunication.

Similarly, he warned those persons who might have received, viva voce, any last will by a person in articulo mortis and whose witnesses had died by that time that they were obliged to give full information to the Tribunal under threat of the same penalties. 72

A letter which proved to be a strong protest against the institution of the

Tribunal and its Commissioner came on 10 May 1628, from Bishop Cagliares who declared that he was ready to welcome and respect the Commissioner appointed by the Eminent Cardinals, but then he continued:

70 Ibid 6v 71 ' Ibid ' 7r. 72 A.I.M R.F, Reg. Act. Ctv.. I. 24v. 106 I say just this one thing to the Eminent Cardinals: there are 60. OOO people living in Malta, out of whom there are not even one hundred who live on regular income; all the others live on rendering service to one another and the greater part live only on alms. Consequently, I cannot see that there can be anything to profit in this barren country. During my stay in the island, for these last thirteen years, I pe1fo1111ed eight General Apostolic Visitations and I saw that all pious legacies were fulfilled with due care; I have never met anything of importance to deal with, because the Maltese people tly to live to a high reputation and draw up interesting wills without having really any capital or immobile property. I could never make the legatees Ju/fill their pious legacies owing to lack of.fi.mds or capitals. I have learnt from Monsignor Herrera, the Inquisitor, that this negotio of the Reverenda Fabbrica is according to the order of the Pope and you insisted on me to fulfil! his desire. I will endeavour to do whatever You ask me. (s) Cagliares 73

Since the task of the Commissioner was as hurting the jealous personality and the egoism of Church dignitaries and civilians of high standing, and since rumours were circulated that the new Tribunal had to be eliminated, Nicola

Mangione informed the Sacred Congregation of the posssibility of more obstructions. He mentioned names such as Matteolo Delia, 74 Nicola Saura75 and

Valerio Mizzi to show that many were rich and were burdened with pious legacies which they had not yet fulfilled. Notwithstanding the reasons brought forward by the Bishop, the Commissioner would not stop from fulfilling his duties towards the Congregation. 76

73 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 264, 270r and 527r. 74 Matteolo Delia was known as a good merchant who provided the Order with all kinds of goods; he was involved also in the business of slaves. 75 Nicola Saura lived in the seventeenth century; he was a doctor of medicine and a great philantropist. He was a great benefactor of the hospital for the poor, being its superintendent. On 17 September 1639 he bequeathed all his estates to the same hospital and built its chapel dedicated to Saint Nicholas. He died in 1654. 76 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 264, 33r. 107 Mangione frequently asked the Sacred Congregation to intervene on particular subjects which he was afraid to tackle: he asked the Sacred

Congregation to persuade the Grand Master to keep all the ships bound for

Barbary from leaving the harbour, since he wanted to summon to court some persons enrolled on them. 77 He asked the Congregation's intervention to solve the case of Nicola Angelo Maccanuccio who had bequeathed the rent of five hundred scudi per annum for the building of a College in Gozo which the Bishop had appropriated after the refusal of the Jesuit and the Dominican Fathers. 78 Similarly, he referred to the Congregation the case of Michelangelo Delia who had inherited the estates of Paolo Delia and wanted his case to be heard by the Bishop's court knowing well that the Bishop would set him free from the fulfilment of the pious obligations. 79 Though the Commissioner had frequent correspondence with the

Sacred Congregation, the Bishop and the Curia Officials remained the great antagonists of the Fabbrica's Tribunal. The Bishop insisted on the Grand Master to change his mind about the Commissioner since neither of them wished to have any person living in Malta without being their immediate subject. 80

Nicola Mangione took a firm stand against all the difficulties by stating solemnly to the Sacred Congregation on 29 April 1628 that he would remain greatly obliged to the Eminent Cardinals for all the honours and favours that they had bestowed upon him; their benevolence makes me more determined to remain

77 Ibid, l 70r.. 78 Ibid ' l 74r . 79 Ibid, l 76r-l 77v. 80 Ibid, 186 r- v. 108 faithful to them to the end, even if I will have to shed my blood in the service of the Holy See and of this Sacred Congregation. 81 Later, on 6 May 1628, he informed the Congregation that the Curia Officials were ready to send him to the galera if he persisted in the execution of the Congregation's mandate.

Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi reacted strongly to this information by addressing a letter to Bishop Cagliares on 20 May 1628, reaffirming the Sacred

Congregation's recognition of Nicola Mangione as its Minister in Malta. The

Cardinal warned the Bishop not to interfere in the Commissioner's duties once the

Tribunal had taken interest in a pious legacy which had not been fulfilled within one year from the death of the testator. The Bishop had to leave the Commissioner to deal with doubtful legacies if these were not fulfilled within the same period of one year. The Cardinal reminded the Bishop that the Supreme Pontiff threatened all those who hindered the Reverenda Fabbrica from pursuing its objectives with the penalty of excommuniation. 82

Soon after, another letter from the Sacred Congregation explained clearly the objectives of the. Reverenda Fabbrica ar:id the relations between the local

Bishop and the Commissioner:

If the original testaments were not fulfilled, it is the intention of these Eminent Cardinals, full of zeal and charity, as it becomes their persons, and the intention of the Popes who were moved by true piety to institute the Sacred Congregation, that the pious wills of the testators, be looked after with great care, goodness and justice, in order to suffragate the souls of the testators themselves; judgPmPnts r:rm he given only by the Tribunal of the Fabbrica. Moreover, while owing to lack of

81 Ibid, 186v. 82 Ibid, Sez. Arm., 264, 242r-v.

109 funds, some may find it impossible to fulfil! any legacy, as You pointed out, Mangione is held responsible to proceed with care, not to enforce those who deem it impossible for them to pay, and kindly to help those who can pay, to do it immediately. This shows that the Tribunal means to edify and not to destruct and destroy. These Eminent Cardinals would be ve1y pleased to know, as the Commissioner himself gave them full information, that You show him respect and reverence, seeing in him Their worthy minister; You must help him in all that is required to cany on quietly the difficult exercise of his Office. In eve1y moment that You see him in need, You will back him and give him your counsels with care and love as You would do to all persons of this Holy See. May we all be obliged to You and ask the Lord to grant You all prosperity. From Rome, 24 July 1628 (s) Cardinal Ginnasi. 83

A striking note of persistent fear outlined all the letters of Nicola

Mangione to the Sacred Congregation; he declared himself faithful and obedient until death. Still, he would not stand the possibility of being dismissed from his

Office85

Nicola Mangione asked the Congregation several times to keep the

Grand Master well informed that he was working under the direction of the Sacred

Congregation,86 lest he would not be allowed to continue his ministry and consequently become the subject of the Bishop's jurisdiction. The Commissioner came to know that the Inquisitor met the Grand Master after the arrival of the dispositions from Rome. This made Mangione fear that the Bishop might succeed to make the Grand Master change his mind about the Tribunal.8 7

8'0 A.A.M, Brev. et Cost. Ap. I, 453r, 467r.

85 A F S P, P.I, Ser.2, 264, 496r. 86 Ibid, 498r. 87 Ibid, 599r. 110 According to the custom of the Congregation, letters were sent to a third person asking him to deliver the letter to the addressee; Nicola Mangione had to deliver the Congregation's letter to the Bishop who received him in a very bad mood. The Bishop accused Nicola Mangione of writing to the Congregation against him: It is evident from the way letters which are written to me by the

Sacred Congregation. 88 Though he tried to give all assurances that he was not afraid of the Bishop's threats, still he wrote to the Secretary of the Congregation asking him:

I ask only this favour: that your goodness, benignity and charity would never allow You to dismiss me from this office; I firmly hope that Divine Providence will be grateful to me and will not leave me to become the subject of the Bishop's jurisdiction, who would surely proceed against me and would make me die in his palace with harsh cruelty and unkindness. 89

Notary Andrea Allegritto,90 the notary at the Bishop's Court, together with Notary Ferdinando Zarb,91 had laboriously asked all the notaries of the island to subscribe to a protest against the Commissioner's Decree and to ask for their professinal fees. On getting to know this the Commissioner saw a connection with the attitude of the Curia and informed immediately the Congregation. Fortunately, only four notaries adhered to Allegritto's protest; all the others had forwarded their documents. 92 88 Ibid, 600r-v. 89 Ibid 600 90 Andrea Allegritto held his office in Notabile from 1597 to 1697;hls acts are catalogued under number 527/16 and are kept by the National Archivist.(Index of Notaries compiled by Anthony Attard, Malta, 1979) 91 Ferdinando Zarb held his office in Notabile from 1604 to 1640; his acts are catalogued under number 1145/505 and are kept by the National Archivist (Ibid) 92 A F S P, P. I, Ser.Arm., 265, 21 111 15 Proceedings in the Tribunal

During the months of July and August 1628, the couners were very busy delivering letters of summons to a long list of persons corning from all walks of life:

I Gia Battista Fa/sane, the Procuratore Fiscale, sent letters of summons to Valerio Mizzi as legal heir of Speranza Cassar. 93 2 Gia Battista Falsone sent letters of summons to Nicola Saura, who, together with Valerio Mizzi, inherited the estates of Speranza Cassar. 94 3 Gia Battista Falsone sent letters of summons to Matteo/a Delia, heir of Paolo Delia as per Acts ofNot. Peter Calleja of 24 March 1611. 95 4 Gia Battista Falsone sent letters of summons to Alonsico Bonnici as heir ofAlberto Bonnici, as per Acts of Not. Quintiliano Gangarii of 13 September 1612. 96 5 Gia Battista Falsone sent letters of summons to Angelo Mallia of Vittoriosa, heir of Agatuccia Xicluna as per Acts of Not. Petro Calleja of 18 July 1611 6 Gia Battista Fa/sane sent letters of summons to Angelo Mallia of Vittoriosa, as universal heir of Agatuccia Xicluna, as per Acts of Notary Peter Calleja published on 18 July 1611. 7 Gia Battista Falsone sent letters of summons to Ambrogio Calleja, as heir of Bartolomeo Lombardo, as per Acts of Peter Calleja of 26 February 1600. 8 Gia Battista Falsone gave four days time to Matteolo Delia to pay to the Bursar a debt amounting to the sum of two thousand, two hundred and twelve scudi according to a deliberation of Paul De Lia as per Acts of Notary Peter Calleja of 24 March 1611. 9 Gio Battista Falsone summoned to court Don Gia Domenico Galea to alienate a house which Imperia, widow of Giovanni Galea, bequeathed as a pious legacy, as per Acts ofNotmy Allegritto of 21August1604. JO Gia Battista Falsone sent letters of summons to Don Pietro Paolo Bonello of Notabile to declare whether he fulfilled the legacies bequeathed by Francesco and Vincenza Bonello and Isabella Cassia.

93 A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ. I, 3v 94 Ibid 3v 95 Ibid 4r. % Ibid 6r. 112 11 Gio Battista Falsone sent letters of summons to Vincenza Zahra to testify the fulfilment of the pious legacies bequeathed as per Acts published on 2 October 1609. 12 Gio Battista Falsone asked Nicola Saura of Notabile to fulfill the pious legacies bequeathed by D. Joannes Vassallo as per Acts of Andrea Allegritto on 3 Janua1y 1604. 13 Gio Battista Falsone summoned A1ichele Cumbo and Maria Falson to testify on the fulfilment of the pious legacies bequeathed by Vincenzo Cumbo as per Acts ofFerdinando Zarb of 9 August 1616. 14 Gio Battista Falsone asked Don Angelo Manduca to prove the fulfilment of the pious legacies bequeathed by his father Joannes Paulus Manduca as per Acts of Giuseppe Cassar of 30 April 1589. 15 Gio Battista Falsone sent letters of summons to Corranda la Petralita to appear in court to present a declaration about various pious legacies. 16 Gio Battista Falsone summoned Don Palmerino Montana, the Adsessor of Genovejfa widow of Genserico Montana, to declare the fulfilment of the pious legacies as per Acts of Ambrogio Xiberras of JO April 1621. 17 Gio Battista Falsone summoned Giovanni Camenzuli, the heir of Bernardo Camenzuli, to declare the fulfilment of the legacies as per Acts of Andrea Allegritto of 15 January 1605. 18 Gio Battista Flasone summoned to court Leonora Garibo de Guevara and Aloysietta to declare the fulfilment of the legacies as per Acts of Ambrogio Xiberras of 9 March 1619. 19 Gio Battista Falsone summoned to court Isabella Biscagna and Flaminio Mignan, as tutors, to declare the fulfilment of the pious legacies as per Acts dated 1614. 20 Gio Battista Falsone asked Salvatore Camilleri of Siggiewi, about the Acts dated 1598 and Joannes Balzan of Siggiewi was asked about Acts dated 1592. 21 Gio Battista Falsone asked Don Michele Cumbo to make declarations on Acts dated 1609 and Don Agostino Cumbo on Acts dated 1583. 22 Gia Battista Falsone summoned Gia Matteo Portelli and Giacomo A1ontalto to make declarations about Acts dated 1573 and 1624 respectively. 23 Gia Battista Falsone summoned to court Don Matteo Habela to declare the fulfilment of the pious legacies published in the Acts of 1621 and summoned Valerio Mizzi over and over again to make declarations to make declarations on pious legacies which were to be fulfilled over a period of many years. 24 Gio Battista Falsone summoned Pietro Cachia, Sebastiano Baldacchino and Finumena Bugardo of Valletta to make declarations on pious legacies as bequeathed to them in the Acts of 1608, 1616 and 1620 respectively. 25 Gia Battista Falsone asked Angelo Manduca to make the following payments to the Reverenda Fabbrica within fifteen days: one hundred scudi annually, seventy scudi for seven years and three hundred and twenty scudi for

113 28 years, fourteen scudi for 28 years and one hundred and three scudi for other legacies. 26 Gia Battista Falsone charged Matteolo Delia to build a chapel in the Matrice of Saint Lawrence in Vittoriosa accordh1g to Acts dated 1611. 27 Gio Battista Falsone asked Pietro Pullicino of Senglea to deposit the foundation of a marriage legacy as per Acts dated 1578. 28 Gio Battista Falsone summoned to court a long list of names as having been notified by the Cursori on 3 and 4 August 1628. 29 Gio Battista Falsone charged Isabella Biscagna to pay the contribution of three hundred scudi to the Reverenda Fabbrica and to the monasteries of Valletta 30 Gio Battista Falsone charged Vincenzo Zahra to pay three hundred and.fifty scudi to the Order and seventy scudi to the Reverenda Fabbrica. 97

Two consecutive notes addressed to the Congregation in August and

December 1628 respectively showed that a good number of persons were summoned to court and fined; some were condemned to execute the pious legacies. Other persons reacted positively to his editto and hurriedly audited their accounts and freed their property from the burdens of the legacies.

According to the revelations made by the notaries, several persons were found to be in fraudulent possession of immobile property that belonged to the

Fabbrica. Many officials of the Grand Master and plainfamiliares or the relatives of the Ministers of the Holy. Office of the Inquisition were found to be debtors to the Reverenda Fabbrica. The Commissioner asked whether such persons were to be summoned. 98

The Secretary of the Congregation asked the Commissioner to use charity and justice and to give to all persons the possibility to explain their arguments and

97 Ibid, 8r; 22r. 98 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2 265, 295r. 114 to appeal to Rome if they deemed it necessary. Great respect to the Grand Master was strongly insisted upon.99

The two notes carried these names and fines: 100

28 July Pietro Cachia of Valletta 400 Sc Veronica del fu Andrea 420 Sc Mimrna Naiardo 160 Sc Pietro Pullicino of Senglea 750 Sc Giovanni Fiteni of Senglea 400 Sc 3 August Pietro Cassar of Valletta 200 Sc Palmerino Montana of Valletta 500 Sc Catarina Xiriha of Valletta 500 Sc 11 August Dionisio Xerri ofNotabile 75 Sc Bartolomeo de Modica 500 Sc Laura Ivfontagnes of Senglea 100 Sc 18 August Nicola Cousin ofBorgo 610 Sc Ferrante Vassallo of Zebbug 120 Sc 19 August Leonardo e Giovanni Gurio 50 Sc Marietta Casha of Valletta 100 Sc Andreana Psaila of Valletta 360 Sc

The second list reads as follows 101

26 August Cinthio Xicluna ofBorgo 300 Sc 31 August Andrea Vella ofBalzan 500 Sc 2 September Catarinella Gaston of Borgo 40 Sc P.Giuseppe Hebejer ofBorgo 200 Sc

99 A IM RF, Cor. 40, 14r. 100 The table of Maltese money had these equivalents: twenty grani made one tari', twelve tari' made one scudo. l11e stipend for one mass, in the seventeenth century, was two tari. A skilled labourer earned 3 tari' a day. Approximately, a skilled labourer earned eighty scudi a year. Other tables of Maltese money were the following: three dinieri made one habba(equivalent to one grano); five habbiet made one cinkwina; two cinkwina or ten habbiet made one karlin; twenty four karlini made one scudo; two and one half scudi made 1 uqija. 101 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 265, 35r et 295r. 115 16 September ill.mo Franc. Mallia ofBorgo 350 Sc Margherita e Clemente Tabuni 260 Sc Filippo Casha 30 Sc 26 September N. Ottavio e Giovanna 200 Sc P. Giacinto Cassia 130 Sc 28 September F.ca e Benedetto Mallia 350 Sc

Because of the heavy pressure of work at the Tribunal, Gio Battista

Falsone, the Procuratore Fiscale, as authorised by the Commissioner by means of a Decree under the signature of Michele Ralli on 12 August 1628, appointed

Domenico Mangione,102 the brother of Nicola Mangione as an Assistant

Procuratore Fiscale, to look after the legacies existing in the country or rural places in the Island103

The Inquisitor reported immediately to Rome the huge success of the

Tribunal and Nicola Mangione felt proud that he had always kept to the

Inquisitor's counsels. The Grand Master showed himself very satisfied. Poor people were not summoned and small amounts of money bequeathed to chapels or poor confraternities were not sought after. Relations with the Bishop and the Curia grew better. Domenico Cardinal Ginnasio had only words of praise for Nicola

Mangione. 104

On his part Mangione continued to write long letters to the Sacred

Congregation fearing calumnies and the envy on the part of the wealthy and the powerful leaders of the island. On his priestly honour, he promised faithfulness

102 A IM RF, Reg .Pat., 3v. 103 Ibid, Reg. Act Civ., I, 20r. 104 Ibid, Cor.40, 14r. 116 and loyalty. He asked insistently the Cardinals not to believe whatever what was being written against him. 105

Clarifications from the Sacred Congregation often made clear the position of the Commissioner when pious legacies were bequeathed to the poor vita durante, or when profane and pious legacies in the same testament had not enough property to cover both of them. 106 Dowries or marriage legacies were to be left untouched if a promise had been previously made to the spinster. The officers of the Grand Master were to be summoned with great attention and sought with great love in order to avoid contrasts; the Grand Master could be consulted before summons were issued. Charity and love were repeatedly recommended as the guidelines of the procedures. 107

The Inquisitor pro tempore had been appointed as the superintendent of the Tribunal and was deputised as a judge of the second instance as from the first day of the institution of the Tribunal in 1626. He undersigned all accounts and authorised all the grants of elemosina distributed from the funds of the Reverenda

Fabbrica. He was frequently called upon to settle contrasts between the ministers of the Fabbrica. Certain cases were referred to Rome for appeal, though procrastination could not be avoided and further problems were created between the contendants themselves.

105 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 265, 239r-v. 106 Ibid, 266, 33r.. 107 A IM RF, Cor. 40, 16r. 117 16 Vigour recovered after fears

The assassination of Nicola Mangione's brother, Domenico, who had been appointed Assistant Procuratore Fiscale for the rural area, was judged as a tremendous assault on the Reverenda Fabbrica. Domenico was assassinated late in the evening of 9 January 1629 while returning home from his farms; he was 55 years old. 108 The Commissioner had previously spoken of threats of death which, for once came also from the Curia's officials. A priest from Notabile,109 and another person named Pietro Paolo Bonello, were mentioned. Nicola Mangione alleged that the murderer was Pietro Paolo Bonello who had been summoned to give witness in a case of appeal on 22 September 1628.110 It has been the aftermath of a quarrel between Bonello and Domenico Mangione during the hearing of the case in court. Still, the Commissioner attributed the assasination to the fact that his brother had been appointed Assistant Procuratore Fiscale. 111

Less than two years later, Nicola Mangione referred to the Sacred

Congregation another assault on one of the Fabbrica's officials, the Attuario. He insisted very strongly with the Sacred Congregation and asked that the Inquisitor should be authorised to proceed in these two cases with his authority in criminal judgement. No final decision was ever reached. 112

To overcome all these difficulties and fears, Nicola Mangione published another edict on 3 March 1629, prohibiting any payment to be made if not to the

108 A P Naxxar, Lib. Mort., I, 32v. 109 A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ., I, 9r. 110 Ibid, 13r-19v. m A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 267, 167r-v. m Ibid Ser.2, 273, 694 r-v .. 118 Bursar of the Reverenda Fabbrica. All unfulfilled pious legacies up to that date became ipso facto the property of the Revere1ula Fabbrica. m

Another event upset the Commissioner when two Knights Grand Cross, close friends of the Bishop, tried to oust Nicola Mangione from his Office. They could not communicate directly with the Sacred Congregation but, on the intervention of Matteolo Delia, a very rich person befriended to the Order, they acceeded to the Grand Master humbly asking him to take up their case. The

Bishop's Secretary was also involved. Nicola Mangione, greatly frightened that he might be undermined, immediately asked Domenico Cardinal Ginnasio to intervene and to publish the sentence passed against Delia by the Tribunal in Malta. 114

The Cardinal Secretary assured Nicola Mangione of the Cardinals' faith in him and promised all support in all needs. The Inquisitor was asked to hear and conclude all appeals brought before him; this would greatly help the steady progress of the Tribunal. 115 Other cases of appeal from the second instance were being heard in Rome. Meanwhile, in order to accellerate proceedings, new appointments were made in Malta for the posts of the Bursar and of the Promotore

Fiscale in the persons of Pietro Mompalao, Giacomo Muscat and later on

Leonardo Xara. Consultations with the Inquisitor were always held before any appointments were made. n 6

113 A IM RF Reg. Act. Civ., I, 58r. 114 A F S P, P.2, Sez. Arm., 267, 498r-v. 115 Ibid, 500r. 116 Ibid, 520r. 119 17 Decree for the Island of Gozo

The island of Gozo formed part of the diocese of Malta and consequently the affairs of the Reverenda F'abbrica were administered by the same Tribunal in Malta. However, it seems that the island of Gozo created some difficulties for the administration of justice. In order to avoid abuses, Nicola Mangione and his · successors appointed special couriers for Gozo: Pietro Pac~ was given his Letters Patent on 8 October 1631. 117 Another Gozitan, Andrea Cassar received his Letters Patent on 5 July 1661;118 while Giuseppe Falzon was called to be a courier for Gozo on 8 July 1672. u9 Gio Batta Gauci, a canon of the Matrice, was appointed as the person responsible for the whole island with the name of commissario by means of the Letters Patent of 24 December 1691. 120 Another two couriers, Giovanni Zammit and Tommaso Xiberras, were given their Letters Patent on 5 September 1698 and 15 September 1698 respectively. 121 The last one who appears on the list is Isidoro Azzopardi with his Letters Patent of 23 November 1702, in which he is called commissario. 122 Nicola Mangione, under the usual solemn protocol, issued on 8 May 1630123 his first special edict for the island of Gozo , whereby: 1 Within one month of the publication of the decree, all notaries, archivists and priests had to forward to the office of the Reverenda Fabbrica all deeds and instruments which concerned pious legacies;

2 An authentic copy of all deeds concerning the alienation or detention of property and goods belonging to churches, monasteries, benefices, pious houses or other places of worship which had been drawn up without the authorisation of the Holy See or without the canonical forms had to be presented to the Office of the Fabbrica; a payment of two and one half per cent of the capital perceived by the Fabbrica therefrom was to be paid to every person who cooperated on those terms;

117 A IM FR, Reg. Act. Civ., I, 129v. 118 Ibid, Reg. Pat. 12v.. 119 Ibid , 33r 120 Ibid, 47r. 121 Ibid, 55r-56v. 122 Ibid, 60v. 123 Ibid, Reg. Act. Ctv.,I, 58v-6lr. 120 3 Parish Priests, in whose presence last wills had been made in articulo mortis without legal witnesses had to reveal those testaments to the Office within one month from the death of the testator;

4 Fraudulents were to be punished with a major excommunication whose absolution was reserved to the Supreme Pontiff and to those having a special authorisation by the Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda ~abbrica;

5 Payments for pious legacies having no determined particulars had to be made only to the Bursar of the Fabbrica under the penalty of paying again all dues therefrom.

The document was read and published by Salvatore Pontremoli, Rector of the Matrice, and it was fixed to the main door of the church in his presence.

Copies of the same were fixed to the doors of Saint George's in Rabat in the presence of Joseph Fiteni and Matteolo Falsone; another copy was fixed to the door of Saint Augustine's Convent. 124 The Commissioner published another edict stressing the correctness of the revelations on 8 April 1634 12~ for the benefit of those who, through ignorance or any other inconvenience, might have ignored the contents of the first edict. A penalty of thirty scudi was set, along with the penalty of excommunication on those who did not correspond within fifteen days from the second publication. However, all edicts issued by the Commissioner for both islands were valid also for Gozo. 126

124 Ibid, 59r-v. 125 Ibid, 24r-v. 126 Ibid,92rand2llr. 121 18 The involvement of the Religious Clergy

Inspired by Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi, Nicola Mangione issued an important decree on 10 March 1633 to enforce the rights and privileges of the Reverenda

Fabbrica over the Regular clergy and their dependencies because

an infinite number ofperpetual mass legacies were bequeathed to the Religious Orders, whose obligations they could not fulfil! because the number of the regualar priests was not enough to cope with the numerous mass obligations...... some of the religious prefered to scry votive masses. 127

The decree stated: As far as it is the concern of my office in order to avoid any possible fraud regarding the pious legacies of the dead, it appeared convenient to us to publish this present decree by which notification is hereby given to all the superiors and officials of the Convents of the Regular Clergy of Malta and Goza, and similarly to all the Rectors and Procurators of Corifraternities and other pious houses, that under the penalty of forty scudi to be paid to the Reverenda Fabbrica and the penalty of excommunication, they should reveal to this Office all mass legacies and their fulfilment ......

Notwithsatnding the publication of the Commissioner's decree, no information was given to the Office of the Reverenda Fabbrica within the prescribed time limit. This induced the Commissioner to publish a second edict on

23 November of the same year128 to enforce the previous orders and to remind the

Regular Clergy of the prescriptions given by the Sacred Congregation. The

Superiors insisted that they were not bound by the Commissioner's edict owing to the exemption that had been granted to them. The Dominican Fathers were asked to send to Rome all the money recovered from their mass legacies. The Carmelites

127 Ibid, 59r-v. 128 Ibid, l 77r-l 79v. 122 were not to be prosecuted. However, they had to pay their obligations of marriage dowries. All prescriptions given by the Sacred Congregation since 1626 were to be observed by all. 129 This was communicated to the Inquisitor and to the

Commissioner according to a decree given by the Congregation on 3 January 1637 by which all privileges and exemptions granted to the Religious Orders were abrogated. Nicola Mangione published the third decree on 14 March 1637 to prevent absolutely the Superiors from ignoring the Fabbrica's orders. 130 Still another similar decree was published on 1Febrauary1640.rn

19 The Grandmaster's Benevolence and Doubts

The Sacred Congregation always believed that Nicola Mangione had great virtues and gave him full credit for his sterling work. The Grand Master himself, from the very beginning, accepted the appointment of Nicola Magione with pleasure and showed him great respect; he protected him and gave full support to the

Commissioner and to the Tribunal. 132 However, the rich and the wealthy people, whom the Reverenda Fabbrica was after, succeeded to exercise their influence on the Grand Master and bring him to their side. Similarly, the Bishop, grieved because the Tribunal limited his sphere of jurisdiction and exempted the

Commissioner from his authority, might have influenced the Grand Master's opinion. Moreover, some of the Knights were not happy to be prosecuted by the

129 A.F.S.P, P.2, Ser.2, 264, 496r. 130 A.I.M R.F, Reg. Act. Ctv.. I, 283r. 131 Ibid., 397r. 132 A.F.S.P., P.2, Ser.2, 10, 27r and 222r.. 123 Tribunal. All these circumstances provided a hostile and antagonistic attitude which began to prevail in the Magisterial Palace. Incidentally, Gio Batta Falsone, the Promotore Fiscale of the Reverenda Fabbrica, was summoned to appear before the secular court. He tried to defend himself by accusing the Magistrates of incompetence, a statement which offended the Court greatly. The day after Nicola

Mangione was called to give witness about the exemption of Falsone, which he did willingly; but he availed himself of the opportunity to accuse the Court of its previous bad administration of justice quoting the case of his brother Domenico's assasination. The presumed killer was condemned to house arrest but he was seen going around in the streets of the city only a few months later. Moreover, Nicola

Mangione did not accept to punish Gio Batta Falsone for his misbehaviour, a deed which was considered as a further contempt of the Court. The account of the insult hurled against the Court and Nicola Mangione's contempt of the Judge's administration were referred to the Castellano who, on his part, dictated a letter which the Grand Master addressed to the Sacred Congregation. Grand Master Fra

Antonio De Paule sent the letter to the Cardinal Prefect of the Sacred

Congregation through his Ambassador Altoblandino, on 27 March 1630 asking him to remove Nicola Mangione from his post as Commissioner of the Reverenda

Fabbrica in Malta. 133

The Ambassador delivered the letter to the Cardinal Prefect and confirmed personally all that had been written. He emphasised that the only envisaged solution would be the removal of Nicola Mangione from his office.

!"" ~~ A F S P, P .2 , Ser.2, 272, 685r. 124 A separate No ta is kept in the Archives of the Reverenda F abbrica of Saint

Peter's in Rome; this had been handed personally to the Secretary, Domenico

Cardinal Ginnasi, by a special emissary of the Grand Master. This communication reminded the Congregation that the Grand Master had previously protested against having a Commissioner authorised to institute the Tribunal of the Reverenda

Fabbrica in Malta.

Nicola Mangione abusively added a superfluous number of officials to the

Tribunal's personnel, thus exempting a good number of men from military service; this created a prejudice against the defence of the Island. The Commissioner tried also to inspect the running of the Hospital of the old city, which was of royal origin and which had never been subject to similar inquiries by the Church Authorities.

The emissary proposed to the Congregation to place the running of the

Tribunal of the Fabbrica in the hands of the Inquisitor who would run the Office with the same personnel of the Holy Office of the Inquisition. 134

At that time Filippo Borgia,135 who was the Pro-Inquisitor in Malta.was not authorised to discuss any extraordinary proposals put forward by the Sacred

Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica. Evidently enough, Nicola Mangione explained the facts which happened in the Civil Courts: he used a fierceful manner in attacking the abuses of the Civil Courts. He recalled the case of his brother's assassination which had been treated very lightly by the Court. He hurled accuses

134 Nota to His Eminence Cardinal Ginnasi, Ibid, 687r 135 Filippo Borgia (1567-1649), a former Vicar General of Bishop Gargallo, was appointed Pro fuquisitor by Nicolas Herrera before leaving Malta during the first three days of Jillle 1630. Filippo Borgia occupied this Office up to November when Ludovico Serristori, the new Inquisitor; arrived in Malta. (A IM, Cor. 5, 184r.). 125 against Matteolo Imbroll, who presided the Court, and brought to light the sacrilegous infringement of the Church's privileges when some clerics and family members of the ministers of the Holy Office had been summoned and judged by the secular court. 136 Later o~ the misbehaviour of the Civil Court was severely condemned also by Cardinal Saint Onofrio in letter to Ludovico Serristori. Nicola

Mangione proved that his behaviour in the Civil Court had been in conformity with his dignity of a Commissioner of the Sacred Congregation and Judge of the

Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica. He felt duty bound to defend the Promotore

Fiscale Gio Batta F alsone with prudence and charity as it behove a good

Conmrissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica. No mention was made of the superfluous number of officials employed with the Tribunal. He treated the matter in a later communication dated 17 September 1630.

The Cardinal Secretary acknowledged the receipt of the Grand Master's communication and disapproved the behaviour of both the Commissioner and the

Promotore Fiscale. He asked them to submit an apology and reminded the

Commissioner that charity and high esteem should be the prerogatives of the

Tribunal to the subjects of His Eminence the Grand Master. In the meantime, the

Inquisitor was asked to refer to the Sacred Congregation whether the Grand

Master was satisfied with the new attitude of all the Ministers of the Tribunal. 137

Nicola Mangione humbly submitted with deep regret a communication to the Cardinal Prefect wherein he showed that the arguments brought against him

136 Ibid 222r-v 137 A IM RF, Cor. 40. 42r. 126 by the Grand Master were weak and inconclusive. To prove his prudent attitude towards the Officials of the Order, he disclosed that many of them had never been sought by the Tribunal of the Fabbrica and concluded that to reveal all the truth to Your Eminence, there are many frauds and underhand dealings here in Malta, in the administration of the pious legacies. 138

A few months later, on 11 January 1631, Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi asked Nicola Mangione to avoid all possible contrasts with the civil authority; he reminded him that charity should be the continuous guide of his proceedings. 139

The appointment of Ludovico Serristori as Inquisitor General in Malta brought the negotio of the Fabbrica to normality. However, Nicola Mangione asked the Sacred Congregation to urge the Inquisitor to conclude the proceedings of pending appeals. On the other hand Mangione was urged to help the Inquisitor

1 in his new duties as superintendent of the Reverenda Fabbrica. 4-0 On his part

Nicola Mangione praised the assistance of the Inquisitor who helped his nephew to be exempted from the military service since his nephew lived with him and frequently substituted the Promotore Fiscale. At that time Mangione's nephew was preparing to leave for Messina to enter the Jesuit Novitiate. 141 By the end of 1631

Ludovico Serristori had heard and judged all the pending cases which had been brought before the Court of Appeal. He succeeded to conclude the cases of

Valerio Mizzi and Nicola Saura, two rich doctors whose appeals to the Second

138 A F S P, P.2, Ser. Arm, 273, 329r. 139 A IM RF, Car .. 40, 43r. 1 4-0 A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 273, 329r; A IM RF, Car. 40, 54r. 141 Ibid, Ser.2, 275, 377v. 127 Instance had been left dragging for years. 142 Before leaving Malta Ludovico

Serristori had audited all the accounts of the Fabbrica and reported to Rome the progress made during the previous years. 143

Martin Alfieri ( 1631-1634 ), the successor of Inquisitor Ludovico Serristori, acquainted himself very quickly with the difficult situation of the Tribunal where the couriers were busy reporting to the Chancellor about their duties. Good amounts of money were collected at that time. In the small poor Banca Notarile of Michele Ralli in Valletta files were piling. Cases of Appeal increased daily and the Procuratore Fiscale had to work hard to produce documents and make the necessary research.

Few years later Fabio Chigi (1634-1639) described the place as a poor room, at the mercy of a notary, subject to all possible insults of nervous businessmen, a place in Valletta where one could suffer any possible extravagant assault. 144 Nicola Mangione, heavily burdened with the situation, asked the Sacred

Congregation to authorise him to buy a house in the city on its behalf. 145 The

Inquisitor was favourable to the project. A house just under the church of Saint

Vincent. was confiscated by the Reverenda Fabbrica because the proprietor,

Domenico Meccanuccio, was found guilty of unfulfilling some marriage legacies which were a burden on the house Meccanuccio appealed from the sentence and

Mangione tried to persuade the Congregation to keep at least a part of the house

142 Ibid, 400r. 143 Ibid, 402r. 144 F. Ch., A. I. 3, 437 r-v. 145A F S P, P.2, Ser.2, 279, 259r. 128 for the Tribunal. Since by that time Chigi was discussing the possibility of transfering the Tribunal to Vittoriosa, no answer was given to Mangione's plea. 146

Nicola Mangione had to add add more people to his retinue as couriers and mandatarii;147 and by means of several edicts enforced both the Religious

Orders and the parish priests to acceed to their duties in favour of the Reverenda

Fabbrica. He ordered the decrees to be published and read in the churches on three consecutive Sundays. 148

146 Ibid, Ser.2, 288, 342 v. 147 A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ. I, 166r-245v. 148 Ibid, 179 r-v; 272r-v. 129 CHAPTER 4

REFORM AND DEVELOPEMENT WITHIN

THE REVERENDA FABBRICA

20 The Inquisitorship of Fabio Chigi

The corning to Malta of Fabio Chigi, the successor of Martino Alfieri (1631-1634),

1brought new ideas for the running of the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica in

Malta. He expected to find greater achievement in its service to the Fabbrica of the Vatican Basilica. Great hopes were expressed in the correspondence of the

Sacred Congregation to the new Inquisitor. 2 Francesco Cardinal Barberini,

1 Martino Altieri, son of the jurist Giacomo, was born in Milan in November 1590. He has been appointed Vicar of S. Maria Maggiore and Consultant of the Holy Officein 1627. Urban VIII appointed him as Inquisitor of Malta on 10 October 1631.For two years (1631- 1633, he acted as Administrator of the Diocese of Malta. On 22 April 1634 he was appointed Bishop of Isola and Apostolic Nuncio in Cologne. He left Malta for Rome leaving as Pro-Inquisitor Pietro Francesco Pontremoli, the Capitular Vicar. Simultaneously Altien occupied the office of Pro Nuncio for the Flanders. In 1639 he was appointed Archbishop of Cosenza where he died in August 1641. 2 V. BORG, Fabio Chigi Apostolic Delegate in Malta, Vatican City 1967,249. Fabio Chigi, the son of Flavius and Laura Marsilli, was born in Siena in 1599. In 1629 he was appointed Vicar to the Legate of Ferrara. Fabio Chigi was transferred to the Office of the Inquisition in Malta on the 22 April 1634; on 2 July 1634 he was ordained to the 130 Fig. 17 Pope Alexander VII, Inquisitor in 1\da!ta as Fabio Chigi(J 63-1-1 639) Oil painting attributed by J, Spike to Pier leone Ghezzi (Private collection) (1633-1679), the Cardinal Prefect of the Sacred Congregation, informed Fabio

Chigi that the Reverenda Fabbrica had the authority to exercise its jurisdiction in

Malta and Gozo through the person of its Commissioner Nicola Mangione. Fabio

Chigi, as the Superintendent of the Tribunal, had been authorised to hear and judge in the second instance all appeals from the sentences given in the first instance by the Tribunal.3 Infonnation about the exemption of the patentati of the Fabbrica was given later on the request of the Inquisitor himself. Chigi was satisfied with the frequent visits of the Commissioner; these strengthened the ties of cooperation and understanding. A special nota on the characteristics of the Tribunal was supplied to

Chigi. 4 Though the question of the exemption created some difficulties with the

Grand Master, Fabio Chigi found the right solution. 5 priesthood in Rome and on 10 June he was appointed Apostolic Delegate for Malta by Urban VIII; he arrived at his new destination on 19 October 1634 In a public Concistory held on 8 January 1635, Urban VIII appointed Fabio Chigi as Titular Bishop of Nardo. His consecration by the new Bishop of Malta, Balaguer, took place in the church of the Jesuits in Valletta. After leaving Maha on 11 June 1639 he became Apostolic Nuncio in Cologne. In 1644 he was the papal legate in Munster to negotiate peace between the Catholics and the Lutherans. On 30 November 1651 he was appointed Secretary of State and Im1ocent X created him a Cardinal. After a prolonged conclave, he was elected Pope and took the name of Alexander VII. He died at the age of 68 on 22 May 166 7.

3 A IM RF, Cor. 40, 68r 4 A A M , Brev. et Cost. Ap, II, 452. Restano gli Rm.mi et Ill.mi miei Signori molto tenuti a T< S. nel!'amorevolezza che mostra verso di lor Tribunale et ministri c'han costi', et havranno molto caso, che Lei vada continuando se si vuol mettere in dubbio, che ii detto Tribunale et Ii suoi ministri et officiali non siano immediatamente soggetti alla giurisdizione di questa Congregatione, et non d'altri Tribu.nali tanto active qu.anto passive, et in ogni for causa, et interrotto tanto civile quanta criminale et in questa estensione procu.rera' contentarli, accio' ne alli privilegi c'ha la Fabbrica ne ai su.oi ministri si faccia pregiudizio; c'han con questa oltre quello, che gli Em. i miei Signori in simili materia gli han scritto gli ne concedano piena autorita' adoperando in cio'la solita su.a prudenza...... Et in qu.ello che se ne incamerato se ne faccia consegnare la meta' a quei luoghi et opere pie, come e' stato sin da principio ordinato, et l'atra meta' ...... mandi qu.i con la maggior sicurezza et minor interesse. (';) Ginnasi. 5 A F S P, P. 2, Ser. Arm 284, 636r 132 Seeing these favourable circumstances and the due respect from the

Inquisitor, the Commissioner Nicola Mangione began to seek a way to have his name mentioned to the Pope for any possible conferment of an ecclesiastical benefice upon him. He could not travel frequently to Rome while others might have been more fortunate enough because they could travel abroad for holidays. 6

Nicola Mangione decided to write to the Sacred Congregation asking the Cardinal

Prefect a particular favour: the presentation of his letter to the Pope. He addressed his letter to Urban VIII on 25 January 1635 presenting himself as a faithful minister of this Holy Tribunal, being the first Commissioner who instituted this pious office in the countJy. 7

Some time later Nicola Mangione sent a gift to the Cardinal Prefect; this consisting of a jar of Maltese honey and a wooden box containing a number of small stone tongues cut from the grotto of the glorious Apostle Saint Paul.

Unfortunately he had to repeat the gesture because the first despatch did not arrive at its destination. 8

Fabio Chigi fulfilled his task of Inquisitor General and Apostolic Nuncio with great ability and prudence; his counsels were sought by the Sacred

Congregation when disputes arose between Bishop Michael Joannes Balaguer

6 Ibid, Ser. Arm. 285, 69 r-v. 7Nicola Mangione. sacerdote maltese. devotissimo oratore di V Santita · humilmente espone come egh nell'anno 1626 e' stato deputato dalla Sacra Congregativne della Fabbrica di San Pietro quale Commissario nell'Isola di Malta dove poi nell'anno 1628 ha introdotto ii Tribunale di detta Fabbrica, e da quel tempo sin qui al presente sempre ha servito in detto officio con la debita diligenza senza haver havuto mai alcun beneficio ecclesiastico ...... Ibid, 74r 8A F S P P. 2, Ser. Arm. 286, 76r 133 (1635-1663) and the Commissioner, the first contrast being a controversy about a house bequeathed to the Bishop for a particular purpose. Alessandro Manduca, in the Acts of Gio Domenico Debono,9 in 1619 bequeathed a house to the Bishop to be converted into a safe home for umnarried mothers and for women who lived in a difficult situaition. 10 The Bishop thought it to be more fit for a monastery and obtained the necessary Brief from Urban VIII to alter the whole project. The

Bishop's project did not materialise and the house did not become neither a safe home for unmarried mothers nor a monastery for nuns.

The Commissioner judged the case as a refused pious legacy and consequently requisitioned the property on behalf of the Reverenda Fabbrica. n

Nicola Mangione was urged to observe the rules of charity, respect and equity with all those who insisted on appealing to Rome for a better judgement.

Fabio Chigi, after examining the overall situation of the Tribunal and the

Office of the Reverenda Fabbrica, launched his own idea of reform. He outlined his judgement on the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta in a letter addressed to

Francesco Cardinal Barberini on 27 December 1635. He remarked that, as the

Inquisitor General in Malta, he was appointed by the Sacred Congregation as

Superintendent of the Fabbrica having the Commissioner, the notary, the

Promotore Fiscale and the other officials under his supervision. According to

Fabio Chigi, the Grand Master suggested two points for the prosperity of the

9 Gio Domenico Debona had his office in Valletta (1600-1629); his acts are catalogued under number 759/221 and they are kept by the National Archivist.(1ndex of Notaries compiled by Anthony Attard, Sliema, Malta, 197. 10 A F S P, P. 1, Ser. Arm 285, 503r-v. 11 A IM RF, Cor. 40, 97r. 134 theTribunal and for the satisfaction of the Grand Master himself and of the Order: first, that the Tribunal should not interfere in the fulfilment of the pious legacies the hospital of the Old City and, secondly, that the whole Tribunal would be annexed to the Holy Office of the Inquisition. 12

As regards the first point, Fabio Chigi left the judgement to the Sacred

Congregation itself; as to the second, Chigi believed that it was absolutely necessary to be accepted because it would render things more plausible for the

12 Fabio Chigi wrote the following letter to Francesco Cardinal Barberini: Come io volentieri servo all'em.o sig. G. M in quelle case particolarmente che concernono il servitio di Dio e de/la giustitia: cost volentieri ancora ardisco di rappresentarle a VEm.a, e supplicarla dei suoi favori come faccio nella presente lettera. If Commissario de/la Fabbrica di San Pietro in questa isola, un buon sacerdote che tiene alla Valletta i processi, ii notaro,il .fiscale, e gli altri offitiali, a questi tutti, da quella Sagra Congregatione vien fatto Sopraintendente l1nquisitore di Malta col quale in ogni occorrenza di queste faccende tratta ii sig. G. M et al quale ricorrono quelli offitiali per essere protetti, come e' seguito sempre .fin'ora quietamente, con ogni mezzo di consideratione. Desidererebbe l'em.o G.M due case concernenti la conservatione di quel tribunale e la sua contentezza propria di S. Em.a e delta Religione. Prima, che non s'ingerisce a far adempire certi legati pii dell'hospedale della Citta' Vecchia sottoposto a S. Em.a, come asserisce. L'altra che tutto quel tribunale s'incorporasse a questo della S. lnquisitione. Della prima, io lasso totalmente libero il campo alla benignita' di V Em.a, e di quella della Sacra Congregatione; della seconda, ardisco bene supplicarla resolutamente come di cosa necessaria non che utile a quel tribunale, poiche stando esso in una misera stanza, a mano di un notaro esposto al/a licenza altrui, et all'ingiurie, nella Valletta puo' patire un giorno qualche stravagante percossa; e gli Inquisitori non hanno commodo di sopraintendere come haverebbero se si trasportasse qua al Bargo in una stanza di questo palazzo, e se quelli medesimi che servvnv alla S. lnquisitivne se1 vissero a quello e fossero totalmente soggetti all'lnquisitore, che questo ancora preme assai a S. Em.a per iscemare il numero di tanti esenti dalla sua jurisditione. Gia' io ho cominciato per la mia parte a mettere in esecutione questa buona opera con far consultore ii detto Commissario, e gia' i rei di quel tribunale, non havendo altresi servono di questi carceri. Res ta che, approvando V Em.a questo pensireo con la sua benignita' e protettione appressso la Sacra Congregatione della Fabbrica, impetri alla medesima decreto per dar luogo in questa casa a suoi ministri accio' sotto gli occhi degli Inquisitori si segue bene il servitio di Dio e si accrescano le carceri, che non bastando per la medesima Santa Inquisitione con danno de/le cause che non si possono proseguire si puntualmente, sono talvoilta occupate anco da quei carcerati come segue di presente. (F. Ch. A. I. 19, 65r-66r; Cf V. BORG, Fabio Chigi, Apostolic Delegate in Malta, Vatican City 1967, 182-183). 135 Fig. 18 The Apostolic Palace of the Holy Inquisition at Vittoriosa and the seat of the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica after 1655 Inquisitor to oversee the Tribunal's proceedings were the Tribunal to have its seat in one of the rooms of the Palace in Vittoriosa. Moreover, if the persons serving the Fabbrica were the same as those who served the Inquisition, the number of exempted persons would be diminished. Chigi admitted that he had already began the process by appointing the Commissioner as one of the Consultants of the

Inquisition, and the criminals of that Tribunal were kept in the same Inquisition prisons, which would need to be enlarged. Fabio Chigi asked the approval of the

Prefect and of the Sacred Congregation for the implementation of the project so that the supervision by the Inquisitor would be easier and long delays in hearing appeals would be avoided. 13

Writing to Onorato Honorati, Fabio Chigi gave some further details about the incorporation of this Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica into that of the Holy

Office:

Non puo confidarsi de' processi, ne' di que' notari. Ne vi ha la to tale autorita 'per tenerli in fede e recti tu dine. Il maggior rispetto che vi habbia qui si ha all'Jnquisitore perche' non e' un povero prete de! paese come il Commissario dell Fabbrica, ma peraltro un prelato di N S. e di Roma, perche ' si fa stimare e se ne sia apparato a questa sua residenza ......

Chigi then explained to Honorati how the plan could work. 14

The Sacred Congregation took considerable time to arrive at a decision regarding Chigi's plan. In a letter dated 22 February 1637 Chigi was informed by the Sacred Congregation that the Congregation arrived at the conclusion that the

13 F. Ch. A, I, 19, 65r-66r. 14 Ibid, I, 3, 437. Cf V.BORG, Fabio Chigi Apostolic Delegate and Inquisitor General, Vatican City 1967, 183. 137 Inquisitor pro tempore should become the Commissioner of the Fabbrica and asked him to assume the office of Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbr;ca in the

Islands of Malta and Gozo. The Maltese priest was to be dismissed. But

Chigi,15held that he did not think it fit to accept the proposal of the Sacred

Congregation. He never dreamt of such a radical reform and found no grounds why Nicola Mangione should be dismissed from the office of Commissioner of the

Tribunal which he himself had instituted. 16 Fabio Chigi refused the difficult task of becoming the Commissioner because he did not deem it for a Roman Prelate to spend his time collecting small sums of money. Without knowing it, he had shelved the whole project for better times. He gave no answer to the Cardinal Prefect of the Sacred Congregation.

On 23 February 1637 the Secretary of the Sacred Congregation explained fully to Chigi the duties and the conditions of the remuneration and enclosed a copy of the Ordini et /structioni.

Their Eminence the Cardinals are fully cot?fident of your personal best qualities; they entrust to you the administration ...... T71is Sacred Congregation is corifident that His Eminence the Grand Master will honour his promise and add greater favours to the Tribunal. Their Eminence eamestf;y hope that Your Lordship will.favourably accept this office .... 11

The Cardinal Secretary on 20 January 163 8, having received no answer from the Inquisitor, addressed a copy of the previous letter, adding:

15 Letter addressed to Ugolini on 15 April 1637 16 Ibid,. 4, 201. 17 A IM RF, Cor. 40, 130r. 138 Since no answer to the above letter ever reached the Congregation, Their Eminence my Lords entreat Your Lordship to accept and undertake this service. They will be happy to know which are the reasons for which Your Lordship is delaying to accept their offer...... 18

This time Chigi answered plainly that he had serious objections to the project. Even the Grand Master himself did not like the radical reform proposed by the Sacred Congregation. He feared that all the money coming from the hearing of appeals, in which case all of them had to be heard by the Congregation, Would go directly to Rome. 19 The Inquisitor could not accept to execute the reform proposed by the Congregation to transfer the tribunal from Valletta to Vittoriosa,20 because he had no available space in the palace. Moreover, the Grand Master did not approve the purchase of a house belonging to Talavera to be joined to the

Apostolic Palace of the Inquisition. Fabio Chigi had to shelve the project which he himself had formerly planned. Nicola Mangione was then asked to continue with his duties. 21

Fabio Chigi was succeeded by the Inquisitors Giovanni Battista Gori

22 2 Pannellini and by Antonio Pignatelli, ' both of whom lamented that 18 Ibid, 139r-v. 19 Letter to the Ambassador in Rome, dated 4 May 1638: perche' dalle sentenze che egli (the Inquisitor) da, si puo appellare soltanto a Roma con esito di denaro fuori dell'Isola. (A 0 M, 1417). 20 Letter of the Congregation addressed to Chigi on 20 July 1638 21 A IM RF, Cor 40,.140r 22 Giovan Battista, son of the noble Fabio Gori and Portia Pannellini, was born in 1604 in Siena. He was ordained priest and graduated as Doctor in Canon and Civil Law. In 1634 he was chosen to attend Cardmal Baldeschi in his mission in Bologna. He was appointed Inquisitor of Malta by Urban VIII and arrived in Malta on 6 June 1739. He left Malta in October 1646. Innocent X appointed him diocesan bishop of Grosseto where he died in 1664. 23 Antonio Pignatelli was born of a noble family of Naples on 13 March 1615. Though he joined the papal court as Vice-Legate to Urbino, he did not become a priest very early. He 139 correspondence was not running smoothly from Malta to Rome.24 On the other hand judgements in the second instance in Malta were delayed or took too long to be taken, but this was attributed by Marcello Cardinal Lante, the Prefect of the

Congregation (1639-1652),25 to the carelessness or otherwise of the ministers of the Fabbrica in Malta. Nicola Mangione was offended by this remark and reluctantly urged the Sacred Congregation to advise in anticipation future

Inquisitors to hear with urgency all pending cases, otherwise the revenues of the

Tribunal would fall and this would drop the transfer of capitals to the Sacred

Congregation and would effect his income. 26 Delay in the Tribunal affected also the poor spinsters who could not pass on to their marriage being deprived of what was their due as marriage dowries. According to Nicola Mangione, Federico Borromeo

(1653-1654),27 the Inquisitor was in part responsible for the bad administration of justice.28 was appointed Inquisitor of Malta by Innocent X and arrived in Malta on 17 December 1646. Though his work in Malta, and especially for his charity, was greatly appreciated by the Grand Master and by all, he asked several times to be transferred from Malta owing to the hot weather which he could not suffer. He left Malta on 23 April 1649. He held high positions as Governor of Viterbo and Apostolic Nuncio in Tuscany. Titular Archbishop of Larissa in Greece (14 October 1652) and Apostolic Nuncio to Poland in 1660. On 4 May 1671 he be(,ame Archbishop of Lcccc and on 1Soptomber1681 and later, Archbishop of Naples. Innocent XI created him a Cardinal. On 12 July 1691 he was unanimously elected Pope as Clement XII. He died on 27 September 1700. 24 Ibid, 228r. 2~ Cf M. Basso, I privilegi e le consuetudini della Rev.da Fabbrica di San Pietro in Vaticano, Roma 1987, 71. 26 A F S P, P. 2, Ser. Arm., 321, 49lr-v. 17 Fedenco Borromeo, the son of Giulio Cesare Borromeo, Count of Aiona, anJ Giovanna Cesi, was born in Milan on 29 May 1617. He studied Literature and Theology in Siena. Immediately after obtaining a doctorate in both Canon and Civil Law, he entered the diplomatic service and became governor of Ascoli in 1643. He was appointed Apostolic Nm1cio and Inquisitor General in Malta and arrived in the island on 20 February 1653 to replace Pier Francesco Pontremoli who had acted as Pro Inquisitor since 16 May 1652. 140 By this time, Nicola Mangione, the good old Maltese priest, was becoming aware that his reputation in Rome was on the decline. He asked Carlo

Ghetti of the Sacred Congregation to remind Fabio Cardinal Chigi of Nicola

Mangione's total dedication to the service of the Reverenda Fabbrica and of his scrupulous obedience to the Congregation's orders. Nicola Mangione was afraid that Fabio Cardinal Chigi might be projecting a bad image on Mangione's administration of the Tribunal in Malta. 29 He was worried also about his dues as

Commissioner and Head of the Tribunal. Further laments on the part of Nicola

Mangione were made to the Sacred Congregation about the Inquisitors and asked

Francesco Cardinal Barberini to urge Giulio degli Oddi (1655-1658)30 to hear the appeals from the judgements given in the first instance to avoid any prejudice against the Reverenda Fabbriccr',] and so increase the collection of the dues of the

Fabbrica.

After his short inquisitorship in Malta, he was appointed Patriarch of Alexandria and immediately afterwards was appointed Nlillcio in Switzerland. On his return to Rome in 1665, he was elected governor of the city. and on 14 January 1668 Clement IX appointed him Nlillcio in Spain. Clement X created him a Cardinal on 22 December 1670 and appointed him Secretary of the Pontifical State. He died in 1673. 28 Ibid, Ser. Arm., 324, 57r. 29 Ibid, Ser. Arm., 323, 77r-v. 30 Giulio degli Oddi, son of Diomedes and Angela degh Oddi, came from one of the noble families of Perugia. He spent 28 years in the service of the Roman Curia. Ho was appointed Inquisitor of Malta in 1655 where he arrived on 13 Jlille. During his stay in Malta he received the Minor Orders. His diplomatic career in Malta was judged as a failure. He left Malta in May 1658 and was appointed Governor of Norcia. After a serious illness he returned to his family in Perugia where he died towards the end of the year 1660. 31 Ibid, 299r. 141 21 The Historical Decision

In March 1655 Nicola Mangione was seriously afraid that his dismissal from the

Office of Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabrica had been decided. He immediately asked his friend Carlo Ghetti to provide him with all the remaining dues since he had laboured honestly in the service of the Fabbrica with sollicitude and dedication. 32

Later Nicola Mangione learnt the news that the office of Commissioner would be taken by Inquisitor Giulio Degli Oddi and the Tribunal would be transfered to the Inquisitor's Palace in Vittoriosa. On 29 May 1655 His Holiness

Alexander VII, Fabio Chigi. formerly Inquisitor General in Malta,33 instructed

Francesco Cardinal Barberini to send to Giulio degli Oddi the new Brief and to ask him to take over all the responsibilities of the Tribunal of the Reverenda

Fabbrica. He had tostand in for one of the officials as Judge of the first instance in the Tribunal. The Pope ordered the Tribunal and the Office of the Reverenda

Fabbrica to move immediately to the Apostolic Palace of the Inquisition in

Vittoriosa. This news really broke the heart of Nicola Mangione and made him terribly sick. As from there on, the Inquisitor pro tempore would hold the office and act as Judge of the second instance with all the authority given to him by the

Letters Patent. 34

17 Unde havendo io 0ompletato detti processi e con molti miei travagli, non mi pan: esser giustizia che dovessi esser privo nelli miei emolumenti, cum nemo debet locupletari cum aliena iactura, tanto piu che io non ho goduto l'emolumenti d'altri miei antecessori. Percio' supplico ..... (A F S P, P. 2, Ser. Arm. 325, 248r): 33 Ibid, Ser. Arm. 326, 60r. 34 A IM RF, Cor. 40, 23 lr-v. 142 . ~ -· - - - .._ . . --·- . ... - •.'·-~-- --.-~ - "·..:·;.- -...: .. -- ~~:.,. .. -·· -- :s..i.a D. N. D. ALEXANDRI-'DlVI'N!\. PROVfDE.NTIA 1PAP.A£.'.'.:.V 11 ·. I · . . I '. · · · l ·• -~; - Coctfiirnti>mocl=toria f.&aili:uurn R.ca. f;r.bricz~lica: Princip~ .Apollolo=um ~ Vrbe cirQ : '' -: - ~Pzupcn!:wi~cn=~· ; -

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Fig. 19 Decree o.f Pope Alexander Vil (Fabio Chigi. Inquisitor in Malta in l 634-1639) bv which he reformed the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica - . 22August 1655 Francesco Cardinal Barberini informed Nicola Mangione that the Sacred

Congregation, according to orders given by His Holiness by the Brief of 21 May, was withdrawing his Letters Patent as the Commissioner, and those of the officials and the ministers of the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta.

Letters Patent were being sent to Giulio degli Oddi adding to his duties the

office of Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica and Deputy of Their Eminence

35 the Cardinals . The Eminent Lords ordered the Inquisitor to delegate Nicola

Mangione as Judge of the first instance, thus they expressed their gratitude to

Nicola Mangione and showed their respectful appreciation for his service. They hoped that, as a good and affectionate minister, Nicola Mangione would obey the

Pope's orders that were given for the greater decoro of the Tribunal itself 36 The

Brief, which incorporated the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica to the Holy

35 CfLetter dated 18 August 1657, A IM, Lettere ab anno 1655-1657, 154r. Thus the Inquisitors had from now onwards, a threefold mission to fulfill 1) As Inquisitor, became the representative of the Holy Office having his main duty to guard and preserve the Catholic faith and doctrine from any heresy. His jurisdiction extended to all the inhabitants who lived in the Islands of Malta, including the members of the Order of Saint John. He had his own tribunal and his prisons to deal with all those accused of any crime. The allowance given to the Inquisitor amounted to fifty Roman scudi per month; nonnally he was also given the sum of one hundred scudi to cover the expenses incurred in his voyage to Malta. The Congregation ofthe Holy Office decided to double the monthly salary to the amount of one hundred Roman scudi. 2) As the official representative of the Holy See in Malta, he was also the Apostolic Delegate. He had to deal with all matters commissioned to him by the Pope or by any member ofthe Sacred Congregations. 3) As from this date, the Inquisitor became also the Commissioner and Deputy of Their Eminence the Cardinals of the Sacred Congregation of the Reverernda Fabbrica. To fulfill this mission he had to control thA AxP.r.11tion of ::ill pi011s legacies founded in the Maltese Islands.( Cf V. BORG, Fabio Chigi Apostolic Delegate in Malta, Vatican City 1967, 2).

36 A IM RF, Car. 40, 232r 144 Office of the Inquisition, was published on 21 May 1655.37 However, the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica maintained its full autonomy, having different

Chanceries and a different Depositeria.

Nicola Mangione, humbly and respectfully, thanked the Cardinal Prefect for his appointment as Judge of the same Tribunal in whose services he had spent his life and suffered to death. He expressed his feelings saying:

I humbly prostrate and thank it~finitely the Eminent Lord Cardinals offering myself to continue to observe the least wishes and commandments; I profess my humble obedience animated by the teaching of the glorious Apostle, as an exercise in virtue to obtain 38 greater holiness and to SJ~fjragate the souls in Purgat01y. .

Nicola Mangione was sincerely thankful to Andrea Ghetti39 for his friendship and described his dull moments in writing to him:

On the Galleys of the Pope arrived the Inquisitor who handed to me the letter of the Sacred Congregation. 40

Though he felt really sick, he asked him about some pending cases and reminded him that he had not yet received his dues in the case of Testaferrata. 41 In a second letter to Andrea Ghetti, he inquired about the cases of Matteo lo Delia and

Cassar, both of which had remained unsettled for many years. 42

37 B. DAL POZZO, Historia della Sacra Religione di Malta, I, Venice 1703, 767 38 Letter dated 11 July 1655;A F S P, P.2, Ser. Arm. 326, 58r-v.. 39 Andrea Ghetti was appointed Bursar of the Sacred Congregation in 1637; he had in add1t1011 the office of Secretary General on l August 1655 and held both officc3 up to 1660. Cf M. BASSO, I privilegi e le consuetudini delta Rev.da Pabbrica di San Pietro, Rome 1987, 77. 40 A F S P, P.2, Ser.Arm.326, 60r. 41 Ibid, 134r. 42 Ibid, 349r. 145 The Tribunal, at first, had serious problems similar to those it had met in the beginning. 43 The Order continued to protest against the activities of the new ministers.44 The ministers asked for new provisions against the envy fostered against the ministers of the Reverenda Fabbrica 45 in these islands.

Nicola Mangione's last letter to Andrea Ghetti renewed heartfelt thanks for Andrea Ghetti's friendship and goodness which he promised to remember always for the forthcoming years.4<> Later correspondence, after the death of

Nicola Mangione, reached the Sacred Congregation from different sources and spoke about the inconveniences which were created by this union of both Tribunals by Alexander VII. 47

22 New Era

There are no documents do not show what happened at the Office and at the

Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica between the 22 May 1655 and 7 August

1655. All the relevant papers which belonged to the Reverenda Fabbrica had to be transferred from the old notarial office of Michele Ralli in Valletta to the Apostolic

Palace in Vittoriosa. Not enough spcae was available and no preparations for the new chancery and hall could have been made in anticipation. During this short

43 Ibid, P. 1, Ser. Arm.2. 47, 447r. 44 Ibid. 51, 350r, 372r, 398r, 409r, 429r, 487r, 45 Ibid. 54, 245r. 46 Ibid. P.2, 326, 667r. 47 Ibid, P. l, Ser.2, 47, 447r. 146 Fig. 20 The Siculo Norman Courtyard of the Palace of the Holy Inquisition Fig 21. The Hall ofthe Seat ofJudgement in the Palace of the Holy Inquisition Coats ofArms ofthe various Inquisitors Fig 22. The Hall ofthe Seat ofJudgement in the Palace ofthe Holy Inquisition Coats ofArms ofthe various Inquisitors period no correspondence was recorded and the Registrum Actorum Civilium did not record any acts. Giulio degli Oddi had to take his time to settle the problem of space and the choice of the new officials and ministers of the Reverenda

Fabbrica.

Nothwithstanding all difficulties, His Eminence Grand Master Jean Paul de Lascaris reacted very positively to the decision taken by His Holiness and applauded the transfer of the direction and the responsibilities of the Office and the

Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica from Nicola Mangione to the Inquisitor pro tempore. He felt thankful to His Holiness for the decision because the number of the exempted persons would be reduced thus giving greater opportunities to the government of the islands to protect and defend strongly Malta and Gozo. The

Grand Master offered to Giulio degli Oddi all necessary support and help. 48 Grand

Master Jean Paule de Lascaris promised to send a special envoy to Rome to thank the Pope personally for his decision.

However, Achille Ferris, the Maltese historian, states that there were other reasons which motivated the gratitude of the Grand Master, namely that the

Pope, by means of a secret despatch from Rome, ordered the Inquisitor not to interefere in any wcry in the fulfilment of the pious legades which have interested the Order. 49

On his part Giulio degli Oddi felt honoured with the Letters Patent which created him Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica during his office as

48 Ibid, P .2, Ser.11, 326, 106r-v.. 49 A. FERRIS, Storia Ecclesiastica di Malta, Maha 1877, 238. 150 Apostolic Nuncio and Inquisitor General in the islands of Malta and Gozo.50 On

the same day in which he received the Letters Patent, he informed the Sacred

Congregation in an official way that the Office and the Tribunal were united with

those of the Inquisitor and that he had already chosen his new ministers, apart from

those who would continue to serve both Tribunals at the same time as the

Promotore Fiscale, the Bursar and the Chancellor who also became the Notary of

the Reverenda Fabbrica. Nicola Mangione was appointed Judge of the first

instance.51 Elemosina continued to be granted to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica

along with the grants of elemosina given to the same nuns by the Order.52

Giulio degli Oddi thanked the Eminent Lord Cardinals of the Sacred

Congregation for their kind letter dated 28 August 1655 and promised to continue

to hear the appeals in the second instance as his predecessors used to do. 53 On 22

December 1655 he informed the Sacred Congregation of the death of Nicola

Mangione. To make sure that the hearing of lawsuits would continue regularly in

the Tribunal, he appointed Salvatore Pontremoli as Judge in the first instance.54

Now that the Apostolic Palace at Vittoriosa was housing both tribunals,

Galeazzo Marescotti, the immediate successor of Giulio degli Oddi, asked the

Sacred Congregation to provide him with sufficient money required to restore the

palace. He enforced his petition arguing that similar grants of money had

50 A F S P, P.2, Ser. 11, 326r. 51 Ibid, l 14r. 52 Ibid, 552r. 53 Ibid, 554r. 54 Ibid, 675r. 151 previously been givenfor the restoration of various pious places.55 Moreover, since the time when Alexander VII, being Inquisitor in Malta, had restored and enlarged the Palace, many years had elapsed. The Inquisitor continued to insist that money should be provided by the Reverenda Fabbrica. 56

To assure the continuity of good relations with the Order in the further development of the Tribunal, Inquisitor Marescotti asked the Sacred Congregation whether he had to accept the assertion of the ministers of the Order that the

Order's pious legacies were exempt from the jurisdiction of the Reverenda

Fabbrica. Previous commissioners had accepted this position pro bona pacis.57

The Inquisitor explained to the Cardinals that the Order used to help greatly the

Cumulo della Carita' from the begiiming of its existence in 1626. Since the

Cumulo della Carita' was exempt from the jurisdiction of the bishop, the Knights argued that they had the same exemption from the Ecclesiastical Tribunal of the

Reverenda Fabbrica. 58 To affirm its exemption from the Reverenda Fabbrica in this matter, two different petitions were presented by the Order to the Sacred

Congregation in the Melevitana Territorii on 28 May 164 7 and in the Melevitana

Pecuniaria on 19 November 1649 respectively, hut no definite reply was ever given. 59

Before giving an appropriate answer, the Cardinals asked the Inquisitor to inquire and report on the principles which guided the Order in affirming their right

55 Ibid, 342, 96r-v. 56 Ibid, 30lr. 57 Ibid, 225r. 58 Ibid, 430r-432r. 59 fb"d 1 ' 152 of exemption so that the Cardinals' judgement might be acceptable to both parties.60 Gerolamo Casanate, the previous Inquisitor, had never tried to verify the fulfilment of the Order's pious legacies and had never investigated the Order's exemption on the matter. 61

In their answer to the Inquisitor,62 the Cardinals expressed their opinion that they would not dare infringe the rights claimed by the Order, since it was the

Grand Master himself who had asked for the institution of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta and Gozo owing to the controversies which existed between him and the bishop. The Cardinals' opinion on the subject seemed to be more acceptable since no precedent of intrusion in the Order's administration of their legacies had ever existed; in the time of Nicola Mangione, the first Commissioner, who had been the

Auditor of the Grand Master, the question was never raised. He had never dared to discuss the matter with Lascaris. The Pope was favourable to the Cardinals' position.63 Grand Master Nicolas Cottoner raised again the question of the intrusion of the Inquisitor in the fulfilment of the pious legaciex by the Order.

According to the Grand Master that was a problem of confidence in the Order's administration. The bishop never tried to inquire about the charity donated by the

Order, but the Inquisitor, being the Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica, insisted that he had the right to do it.

60 A I MR F, Cor. 40, 275r. 61 A F S P, P.2, Ser.11, 342, 289r. 62 Letter to Galeazzo Marescotti dated 22 September 1664 63 A IM RF, Cor. 40, 278r-v. A F S P, P.2, Ser.10, 27, 240 and 257. 153 23 The Right of Exemption and the Patentees

The problem of exemption of the ministers of the Fabbrica from the jurisdiction of the Grand Master followed the question of the exemption of the

Order from inquiring into the fulfilment of its pious legacies. It was raised by

Grand Master Martin de Redin (1657-1660) who, during the inquisitorship of

Giacomo Casanate, brought his protest to Rome affirming that the number of the patentees of the Holy Office and of the Fabbrica were very numerous. In 1659

Casanate sent the whole list of the patentees to Rome: it included those engaged with the Reverenda Fabbrica: who were seven in all: the judge of the first instance, the Promotore Fiscale, a substitute to the Promotore, the chancellor, the bursar and two comiers. The list was accepted by the Sacred Congregation a.s sufficient; one remark was underlined, i. e. the patentees had to be of good moral character, having the fear of God as their guide, and skilled for their work. 64

The same problem was brought up again by Grand Master Nicolas

Cottoner (1663-1680). 65 He protested strongly to Cardinal Barberini66 that the

64 Ibid, Car. 10, 246r.. 65 Greatly linked to the ecclesiatical Tribunals were the ecclesiastical immunities. These became a source ofrecurring trouble between the Order and the Church The Order wished to maintain security and peace in the island by centralising all powers in the city of Valletta, known as the Convent. The Maltese people resented this policy of centralisation of power and began to place themselves under the protection of the bishop and the inquisitor. This gave rise to more frequent friction between the government of the Order and all the ecclesiastical authorities.Those who placed themselves m1der the protection of the Inquisitor, together with their families, came under the immediate protection of the Holy See. These patentetees enjoyed several privileges and exemptions from civil obligations. The Inquisitors were vroud to increase the number of their subjects in order to enhance their power. Still more numerous were those who placed themselves under the bishop's protection by receiving either Minor Orders or simply the first Tonsure, whereby they fell within the competence of the Bishop's Tribunal. Clerics were exempt from taxation, 154 m1~1h2r ~f persons subject to the jurisdiction of the Reverenda Fabbrica was by no means decreased. The more so that every mean courier was covering his family r-=b.fr.''='.' :h~'. H~ '.2ffi.rn1ed that the number of the exempt persons increased at such a rate that not even their number could be counted. This fact ·xas creating great difficulties for the security and the defence of the country because so many ministers of the Fabbrica were not regi"tp:;,-,~ th"""'"""h'"'" fo,- "fhp 1ni!itirr ~nd fo,- the ;:nilitJ.ry s:.:rvicc. The G-rand Master asked the Cardinal Prefect to order that both the Office of the Inquisitio;; and the Office of the Fahhrfca should employ the S

Rome; it was found that it was similar to that sent hy Casanate six years earlier.

However, Marescotti had added another twelve ministers in the two offices, some

of whom filled vacancies created during the previous years. The list of the

Fabbrica included the advocate.fiscale, a clerk and another courier. 68

military service and guard duties, and enjoyed several concessions. Along with the celibate clerics there were also the so-called married clerics whose motive in joining the the clergy was not that of following ecclesiatical careers. It was said that during the bishopric of Balaguer (1635-1664) there was hardly any vassal left in Malta who was not a cleric. All these fonned a fonnidable host of persons exempt from the Grand Master's jurisdiction even in temporal powers. This made it very natural that the Grand Master should protest against the increase in the number of ministers of the Fabbrica and the Inqusition, noting also the unworthiness of most of them, their arrogance and even their violence. In 1636 the number of priests rose to 1OOO against 200 in the previous years, besides all the other laymen employed in ecclesiastical offices. In 1759 there were 263 clerics in Valletta of whom 159 were priests. In Vittoriosa there were 48 clerics over a population of 3,700. Various protests were made by the Grand Masters and Gregory XIV, Benedict XIII and Clement XII issued different decrees to exclude crimes and crises in church-state affairs. 66 Letter to Cardinal Barberini dated 23 July 1670 67 A F S P, P.2, Ser.11, 350, 13 lr-v. 68 AS V, ss Malta, 186, 38lr-382r. 155 Following this correspondence, the Lord Cardinals judged that the office of the Conprocuratore Fiscale was superfluous and that the number of couriers had to be reduced to two, one of whom would serve in the island of Gozo.

Moreover, the Inquisitor of Malta was kindly reminded that he had to choose the most suitable persons for the service of the Tribunal and that should be of good moral customs. 69

Even Giovanni Tempi was accused by Nicolas Cottoner that he had continued to add to the number of the exempt persons both in the office of the

Holy Office and in that of the Fabbrica because he had two bursars, two

Promotori Fiscali and three procurators. 70 This continued to create difficulties in

enumerating the exact number of the commensales of all those patentees.

In July of the same year, another strong protest to the Sacred

Congregation came from the Diocesan and the Regular clergy of Malta in a joint

letter. 71 The protest was mainly made against Alessandro Bologna, Judge of the

first instance, Giovanni Dimech, the ProFiscale, and Notary Alessio Apap. The

clergy quoted twenty cases of corruption or unjust treatment decreed and upheld

by the· three ministers. The cases mentioned in the protest included, amongst

others, those of Giovan Battista Pisano, Paolina Pace, a poor wretched widow,

Agatuccia d'Alagna, Grazia, wife of Michele Tabone; payments for lawsuits before

the hearing were asked for, information which did not regard the Fabbrica was

asked from the notaries by the Procuratore Fiscale, undue payments were asked

69 A IM RF, Cor. 41, 15r. 70 Letter addressed to Verospi on 13 Aug 1670.(N L M, Arch. 1444) 71 Letter dated 19 July 1670 156 for and Giovanni Dimech was accused of drawing for himself the sum of eight hundred scudi. 72 According to the same letter of protest, this state of affarrs created sentiments of no confidence in the Office and the Tribunal of the Fabbrica and many wealthy persons were not bequeathing to the churches any other legacies and properties. Both the Pro Fiscale and the Notary were dismissed from their office. 73

Alessandro Bologna was removed from his office, Salvatore Famucelli taking his place. 74

Tension with the Order seem to have been released as years passed by; but on 12 August 1703, when the Inquisitor Giorgio Spinola took the oath of faithfulness to his duty, he had to face the problem again. It had been agreed earlier that the patentees of the Fabbrica had to be chosen from those of the Holy

Office. A special Brief, issued by the Cardinals of Saint Peter's Basilica on 20 June

1703, was presented to Giorgio Spinola. The Cardinals declared that a total fusion of the two Tribunals into one had been decreed. 75 In the list of patentees which

Spinola sent to the Sacred Congregation, he included six ministers who worked for the Fabbrica.

The Sacred Congregation insisted with the Inquisitors, smce they represented the Reverenda Fabbrica, to maintain the best possible relations with the Grand Masters. The Sacred Congregation acknowledged the continuous help and support given to the Fabbrica by the Order. Cardinal Salviati was eager to

72 A F S P, P.2, Ser.11, 350, 22lr-v. 73 Ibid, 125r. 74 Ibid, 2 l 9r. 75 AS V, S.S .. Malta, 151, 13r. 157 send his blessing and best wishes to Grand Master Antonio Manuel de Vilhena on his election to the office of Grand Master of the Order. The Grand Master reciprocated his best wishes to the Cardinal with great emotion and promised his humble prayers; the Grand Master promised to support the Fabbrica in all its proceedings. 76

The same climate of tension between the Grand Masters and the

Reverenda Fabbrica was felt also in the relations between the bishops and the

Inquisitors as heads of the Fabbrica. As from the very first beginning, the bishops were not happy with the establishment and the progress of the Tribunal of the

Reverenda Fabbrica. Obstacles were met with and many time these were overcome through the intervention of the Cardinal Prefects. Balthassare Cagliares was the first to object to the establishemnt of the Tribunal; along the years, many other occasions arose in which the Bishop's Curia and the ministers of the Tribunal were greatly in contrast.

It was clearly pointed out in the terms of reference of the Commissioner that up to a year of the testator's death the Bishop enjoyed exclusive competence over certain unfulfilled legacies. At the lapse of this period, it was traditional for the Commissioner of the Fabbrica to exert exclusive jurisdiction in similar matters.

During the tenure of office of Antonio Felice Zondadari, 77 the Bishop's Curia

76 Ibid, 392, l 8r. 77 Antonio Felice Zorn.ladari, son of the Marquis of San Quirino and nephew of Marc Antonio Zondadari, the Grand Master of the Order, was born in Siena on 14 January 1740. He was a relative of the Chigi family, this second name appears in some documents. Clement XIII appointed him Governor of Rieti and Benevento. After his academic studies at the University La Sapienza, Pius VI appointed him Inquisitor General and Apostolic Nuncio in Malta. After a difficult voyage, he arrived in Malta on 9 July 1777. He was 158 started acting in these cases, claiming that it enjoyed concurrent jurisdiction with the Commissioner and therefore it could exclude the authority of the latter simply by starting to treat a case before him, or so long as the pious legacy was not more than thirty years old. To no avail did Zondadari seek to persuade the Bishop that, as Commissioner, he enjoyed with him jurisdiction over uncertain legacies even within the year of the testator's death, and that after one year he alone could enforce the fulfilment of legacies, whether certain or uncertain. Zondadari presented several documents and letters addressed to his predecessors which upheld his position; he threatened the Bishop with ecclesiastical censures if the

Bishop impeded the Tribunal of the Fabbrica. The Bishop continued to hold to his position. 78

Antonio Felice Zondadari had another opportunity to show his power and jurisdiction when a certain Dorell appealed directly to Rome through the Grand

Prior of the Order, as Administartor of the Bulla Cruciatae, against a sentence of the assessor of the F abbrica, as judge of the first instance, which condemned him to pay the Mass stipends which he had failed to fulfil; Zondadari immediately protested against the Prior, who immediately withdraw the appeal. Zondadari also rebuked Dorell who refused to appeal to him as judge of Appeal of the Fabbrica. ordained deacon and then received the priesthood in Malta at the hands of Bishop Labini on 16 March 1782. He worked hard to establish order in the Order during the time of Grand Master Emmanuel De Rohan. For a time there was no bishop residing in Malta because Giovanni Pellerano lived abroad and finally he had to leave his office. Vincenzo Labini succeeded him in 1780. Zondadari discoverd that Malta was going to be sold by the King of Naples to the Queen of Russia and informed the Pope about the whole matter. He left Malta on 5 October 1785. He became Archbishop of his native city, Siena, in 1795. Pius VIII created him Cardinal. He died on 23 April 1823. 78 A I M, Memorie di Mons. Zondadari II, 676r. 159 Rome too refused to accept the appeal per saltum79 and ordered Dorell to follow the ordinary procedures. Zondadari, on his part, ordered the execution of the first sentence.

This kind of tension appeared agam later on when Bishop Vincenzo

Labini (1780-1807) asked the Pope for authorisation to distribute to the poor all the income derived from the unfulfilled legacies. 80 Giulio Carpegna, 81 revealed that

Bishop Labini was urging the Maltese people to implore the Pope the grant of money from the funds of the Fabbrica for the ransom of their relatives from

slavery. Carpegna feared that the Bishop would continue his campaign to use the

money of the Fabbrica for further projects. This would have ruined totally the

Reverenda Fabbri ea. 82

79 Letter of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Rome to Zondadari, 18 June 1782, Ibid, 486r:Per facilitare le spedizioni delle cause, nelle quali s'appellano le parti dalle sentenze del primo Giudice de/la Reverenda Fabbrica di Malta, sono dalla Suprema Congregazione deputati gli Inquisitori pro temporeGiudici di seconda istanza de! primo Giudicato. Ibid., 49lr: Non dovendosi alterare ii sistema sempre osservato, che dalle sentenze in ajfare delta Reverenda Fabbrica pronunziate dall'Assessore di cotesto S Officio come Giudice di prima istanza, debba la causa in grado di Appellazione devolversi all'lnquisitore pro tempore come deputato Giudice di seconda istanza, senza attendersi altra appellazione interposta per saltum, et omisso media alla Santa Sede Apostolica e questa S Congregazione. 80 A I M, Cor. 102, 172r. 81 Giulio Carpegna, son of Antonio, Count of Carpegna, was born in Rome on 6 October 1760. At the age of 32 years he was appointed Inquisitor General and Apostolic Nuncio in Malta after serving in the Congregation of the Buon Governo. He was given the Letters Patent as Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica. He arrived in Malta before his predecessor Gio Gallaiati S(,otti had left the igland; in fact his arrival is described in detail by Scotti himself. Carpegna had to face Grand Master Emanuel de Rohan in many problems. His departure from Malta was dramatic, since he had to leave the island on orders given by the Republic of Rome. He subnitted his decision to be relieved ofthe office of Inquisitor after his decision to leave for his country. He left Malta on 26 May 1798. 82 Letter dated 19 January 1797; Ibid, l 75r-v. 160 Developments in the financial position of the Tribunal at times happened to be serious. On one hand the Sacred Congregation wanted large amounts of money to cover its expences and on the other the Commissioners of the Reverenda

Fabbrica in Malta were urged to grant elemosina to different poor institutions in the islands of Malta and Gozo. During the period 1719-1720, the Fabbrica could help to solve moral and social problems out of its own funds. But by the time of

Carlo Francesco Durini ( 173 5-17 40), the funds became very low owing to the refund of two thousand Roman scudi which the Fabbrica had to make for a lost case in the Roman Tribunal. 83 Durini, however, had solved the problem by obtaining the permission of Cardinal Ottoboni of the Holy Office to refund from the Inquisition the sum of two thousand and seven hundred scudi which Francesco

Stoppani had borrowed earlier from the Fabbrica to enlarge the Apostolic Palace.

Thus the Reverenda Fabbrica could restore its financial position. 84 The Fabbrica, during the inquisitorship of Antonio Lante ( l 771-1777), could provide also a monthly contribution of five scudi to Ignazio Debono, a faithful deputy chancellor for the previous twenty-four years. 8 ~

24 The Last Days

After so many troubled years, the end of the Reverenda Fabbrica in

Malta appeared to be near. Since all the authority and power of the Fabbrica in

83 Ibid, 95,39r. 84 Ibid, Cor. ,27, l 7r. 85 Ibid, Cor.100, 463r. 161 Malta and Gozo was deputised by the Sacred Congregation in Rome when Pius VI

(15 Feb 1775-29 Aug 1779) was taken into exile to Florence, all Congregations of the Holy See were suppressed, and consequently the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta

lost its reference: appeals could not be heard any more in Rome. Giulio Carpegna wrote to the Cardinals who accompanied the Pope in exile and asked them to intervene with the Pope to grant the Commissioner fuller powers allowing him to accept certain legacies or change their obligations; he needed authorisation to pennit the fulfilment of other legacies from one church to another. 86 He imagined that his office could still be functioning although the Roman Congregations were suppressed as soon as the forces of Napoleon invaded Rome. 87

By the time that Giulio Carpegna wrote the letter, the Republic of Rome had already addressed to him a letter asking him to leave Malta and to return to his native country as soon as possible. He was asked to communicate the same orders to the persons who accompanied him. Moreover, he had to give a detailed report on all that concerned the Republic of Rome.

Conflicts between the Knights of differnt Langues, plots by the Maltese people against the Order, interference by the Czar of Russia in Malta, the exile of the Pope and many other factors compelled the Inquisitor to quit his office and return to Rome. Before leaving Malta he wrote the following letter to Pius VT:

86 Letter by Carpegna to Odescalchi, 5 April 1798, A I M, Cor. l 02, 207r. 87 Ibid, 207v. 162 26 Aprile 1798. Santissimo Padre, coll'ultima pasta ho ricevuto dal Consolato della Republica per mezzo di quel Ministro degli Ajfari Esteri il mio richiamo in Patria ne termini che Vostra Santita' rilevera' nell'annesso foglio di copia. La circostanza d'esser io Romano, la volonta' de' miei genitori avanzati in eta' e che altro non desiderano se non rivedermi in jamiglia, oltre che l'impossibilita' di supplire nelle attuali circostanze a questa mia situazione benche' ridotta nel piu' privato aspetto, sono altrettanto ragioni che mi obbligano ad obbedire; onde mi dispongo a partire alla prima occasione. Vostra Santita' che conosce lo zelo e l'attaccamento con cui mi son prestato finora al se111izio delta Santa Sede mi lusingo trovera' non ingiusti i rifiessi che mi determinano, e sf degnera' accogliere di buon grado la mia dimissione, che umilmente le domando. Prego poi instantemente il Signore, perche' si conservi a lungo e protegga la Sacra Persona della Santita' Vostra, al di cui veneratissimo piede prostrato, imploro l'Apostolica Benedizione. Giulio Cmpegna. 88

On 26 May 1798 Giulio Carpegna, the last Commssioner of the

Reverenda Fabbrica, left Malta. Though the Office and the Tribunal were not suppressed by any order of the Pope, they were left without anyone to lead them.

At that time they were not illegal, because the French Command had not yet arrived in Malta.

The Office and the Tribunal of the Inquisition together with that of the

Reverenda Fabbrica were henceforth under the supervision of Giovan Battista

Gatt, the Assessor of the Inquisitor, and of Ignatius Debona, the Chancellor. On

13 July 1798 the French Government Commission, at the end of its sitting, issued the following proclamation to the people of Malta:

The time has at last come, Citizens, of being honoured with the august name offree men. T7ie invincible Bonaparte had wished it and it

88 A.P.VELLA, The Tribunal ofthe Inquisition inMalta,Malta 1973,40. 163 has been done. His presence was enough to demoralise and put to flight your tyrants, and to deliver you from the absurd and oppressive yoke of the treble jurisdiction (Inquisitor's, Bishop's and Order's) under which you were groaning. 89

After the proclamation by the Commission of the Government of abolishing the Ecclesiastical Tribunals in Malta, the Seminary continued to pay its dues to the Reverenda Fabbrica in Rome. The Rector of the Seminary had taken from the Cassa Messe of the Cathedral the sum of ten thousand and eighteen scudi for the benefit of the Seminary itself The Rector was authorised to keep the sum of one thousand and two hundred Roman scudi for the Seminary by a Rescript given by Pius VI on 28 Februaray 1795. These were equivalent to two thousand, six hundred and eighty five Maltese scudi. The Rector was bound to pay the sum of one hundred and twenty scudi to the Reverenda Fabbrica. Thus the remaining sum to be paid by the Seminary amounted to seven thousand, three hundred and thirty three Maltese scudi. The sum of four thousand, six hundred and seventeen scudi was returned by the Rector up to 31 December 1796. Thus, the remaining sum to be returned by the Rector up to December 1801 amounted to two thousand, seven hundred and fifteen Maltese scudi.

The rate of interests was established as ten per cent per annum, all of which had to be paid to the Reverenda Fabbrica. On 13 November 1805 the

Procurator of the Seminary, Galizia, paid to the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

89 H.P.SCICLUNA, Actes et Documents, Malta 1979,54. Translation by A.P. Vella in The Tribunal ofthe Inquisition in Malta, Malta 1973,42. 164 di Roma the sum of nine hundred scudi covering the whole period of ten years up to December 1805. 90

The supervision on the fulfilment of the burdens of the people of Malta and Gozo on their pious legacies, after the abolishmnet of the Tribunal of the

Reverenda Fabbrica, was taken over by the Ordinary. The people were freed from the intransigent Commissioners' orders to fulfill their pious legacies. The direct help to the maintenance of the Vatican Basilica and the contributions to the

Vatican were then absorbed in the Obolo di San Pietro which, later on, gave place to the collections made in the churches of the two dioceses of Malta and Gozo.

90 Le seguenti notizie.furonofatte dopo la morte del.fu 'Rev.ma Sig. Can. Rizzo, gia' Rettore del Ven. Seminario sino ii .fine de/ suo rettorato dalle casse della Diocesi a canto di scudi 900 maltesi all'anno. A SEM M, Varia 4, 82r-83v. 165 CHAPTER 5

SOCIAL AND CHARITABLE ASSISTANCE

BY THE REVERENDA FABBRICA

IN THE MALTESE ISLANDS

25 Urgent Needs and Social Services

When the Maltese islands were ceded as fief to the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem by Emperor Charles V in 1530, there was no form of any organised system of social assistance to the poor and to the needy people of Malta and Gozo. Help was given by ethnic groups to their own neighbours who professed the same beliefs. The Jews practised charity and fulfilled works of mercy only to their Jewish fellows. The

Mohamedans committed themselves to help only families who shared who shared their beleif and did not dare give any help to fellow countrymen who happened to profess a different religion.. The Maltese people, spread in many small hamlets,

166 villages and towns suffered greatly of lack of provision of food and money. Many

lived in poor caves outside the inhabited areas.

The Christian rulers who governed Malta before the Order weresolely

interested in increasing their wealth and power or in defending the country against

invaders and aggressors; they rarely cared for the suffering lower class and hardly

ever thought of organising a system of social aid. The few wealthy families living in

Malta, mindful that the gabbelle were being paid regularly by the poor farmers, were

absorbed in their aristocratic chivalry and endeavoured to obtain more noble titles

from the Sovereign kings.

The slaves were kept under severe custody by the rich families who originally

had bought them from foreign or local markets. The adminitration had its own slaves

and cared only for the poor food and hard work rendered to the rulers. For a long

time, Malta became one of the the biggest slave markets in Europe. 1 Both the corso

and the galley squadronprocured large numbers of captives in the course of their

activities. The Order used slaves together with convicts and buopnavoglia to row the

galleys, to work on the fortifications and to act as servants. In 1590 slaves numbered

around 3,000.2 It has been astimated that there were about 2,000 slaves in Malta for

most of the eighteenth century.

With the coming of the Order of Saint John to Malta, a flow of young and

energetic Knights coming from different European countries dreamt of great victories

1 B. BLUET, The Story ofMalta, Malta 1992 (7th Edition), 120 2 Cf G. WETTINGER, Some aspects of slavery in Malta, 1530-1800. Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1971; CASSAR C. Popular perceptions and values in Hospitaller Malta, in Hospitaller Malta, Ed. V. MALLIA MILANES, Malta, 1993,429. 167 and became enthusiastic to increase their family power. They arrived in Malta in a great number at the same time, thus creating a new style of living. They began to dedicate themselves to help the poor and the sick according to the charism of a hospitaller order purposely instituted to help pilgrims and defend the Holy Land. They came from the elite families and noble castes of Europe, and carried with them the cultures, habits and ideas of northern Europe where the Church was deadly tom by the schism of Luther and Calvin. Not all the Catholics were prepared to hold fast to their beliefs; neither were they strong enough to live according to Catholic teaching.

The celebration of the Council of Trent (1545-1563) was just over and a strong effort

. . was being made by the Inquisition to oppose energetically heresy and the Protestant ideas of the Reformation. Thus, the foreigners, amongst whom some of the Knights, who lived in Malta created an atmosphere of confused religious ideas and would have become very dangerous had the deep concern of the Holy Inquisition not prevented the diffusion of heresy and suppression of any possible schism. This factor created an atmosphere of uncertainty in Malta with the consequence of adding greater hardship to the already problematic situation ..

Along with the rich Knights of the Order, many immigrants, mainly of Greek origin from Rhodes, settled in Malta and made it their second home. Fortunately enough, these were technicians and good artisans and craftsmen who taught their craftsmanship to the Maltese workmen. A huge number of slaves owned by the Order itself added to the cosmopolitan atmosphere of the islands.

168 Like the rest of Europe, late medieval Maltese society was partitioned into three main categories. The first consisted of the gentilhomini or homini facultusi, who owned enough property that permitted them to lead a comfortable life. The second social category consisted of artisans and craftsmen. These practically owned no land and were distinguished from the previous class by their place of residence; in Malta they generally lived in the suburbs of Rabat and Birgu. Along with these lived the paupers and the prostitutes. 3

The slaves formed the third category of the inhabitants of the two islands. In

1630, 3,000 infidel slaves lived in Malta and served the Order on the galleys and in other occupations according to the particular needs of the Order and the Knights who owned them. The numher of Jews increased and strenghtened the already numerous community in Malta. Turks frequently visited Malta on their way to Europe for commercial and business affairs. 4

The Maltese poor population was scattered in small villages and constituted the majority which, up to 1590, consisted only of 32,000 persons in both islands, including the members of the Order. In 163 2, a few years after the institution of the

Commissariat and Tribunal of the Reverend.a Fabbrica in Malta and Gozo, the population rose vertically to 51,750. This sudden rise began to create new problems.

In 1676 it reached the round figure of 60,000 followed by a sudden fall to 49,000 by

1680. By 1798, the last year of the Order in Malta, which coincided with the

3 Cf. S. FIORINI,. Malta in 1530 in Hospitaller Malta ed. V.MALLIA MILANES, Malta 1993, 142. 4 Cf. A. BONNICI, Aspetti de/la vita cristiana nell'isola di Malta verso la meta' de! Seicento, Malta 1974, 9-11. 169 suppression of the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica, the population had reached

114,000.5

During the last years of the sixteenth century the Order and the Maltese people were faced with a battery of economic problems; the population of the two

islands was growing rapidly, local food production became insufficient and the external sources of grain, mainly from Sicily, became unreliable. Though Charles V had, a long time before, ordered the increase of grain rights of Malta to meet the needs of the Order and of the Maltese people, after some years, Sicily had to import for itself much quantity of the grain it needed and no surplus grain was availabe for the

Maltese islands.

26 Hospitals and Hospices

The poor and the sick received temporary help from a hospital erected in

Malta by Frederick III of Aragon as far back as the middle of the fourteenth century.

It was situated in Rabat, outside the main city, and was called after Saint Francis; a

Franciscan friar was its rector. In the fifteenth century it changed its name to Santo

Spirito Hospital. Some other small houses for the poor were already existent in Malta and Gozo Besides treating the sick, the hospital gave support to some twenty paupers who were given food, alms and lodging. It also began to receive an always increasing number of unwanted babies or foundlings, and cared for their upbringing. The babies

Cf C. CASSAR, Popular perceptions and values in Hospitaller Malta in Hospitaller Malta, ed. V.MALLIA MILANES, Malta 1993, 433. 170 were delivered by anonymous persons who placed them in a wooden cot which stood in a revolving ruota in a small window through which the babies found themselves into one of the rooms of the hospital. This same system was later on introduced in the

Sacra !nfirmeria. Prostitutes were mainly found in the harbour area at Birgu, but many others lived in Rabat and in Gozo. 6

At a later period, the hospital passed into the hands of the Municipality of

Notabile. In 1614, Grand Master Alofius de Wignacourt attempted to impose his own commissioners to audit the accounts of the hospital. His move was bitterly opposed by the Municipality. The matter was r~ferred to Rome and the old procedure was upheld.

One hundred years later Grand Master Ramon Perellos succeeded where Wignacourt had failed. In fact by a decree of 1 June 1708 it was laid down that the Seneschal of the Grand Master was to preside over the Jurats and that their meetings were to be attended by one of the auditors of the Grand Master. 7 In this manner the administration of the hospital did not remain the exclusive province of the municipality and of the bishop but came within the ambit of control of the Order. 8 The Grand

Master acquired the right to appoint its protector who was responsible for the running of the hospital though the Bishop's right remained unchallenged as it had been during the first years of its foundation .. The diocesan bishops Martin Royas (1572-1578),

Tommaso Gargallo (1578-1615), Gaspare Gori Mancini (1721-1728) and others used

6 S. FIORINI, Santo Spirito Hospital at Rabat, The Early Years up to 1578, Malta 1989, 27 -44. 7 P. DEBONO. Sommario della storia della legislazione in Malta, Malta 1897, 190. 8 P. CASSAR. Medical History ofMalta, London 1965, 29. 171 to pay visits to see to its good management. according Pietro Duzina9 drew up a short

and wise statute of rules for its proper administration. 10

A smaller hospital, dedicated to Saint Julian,. was founded at the Castello in

Gozo. G. Ciantar wrote of another hospital for men in Gozo founded by Giammaria

Gamilleri, a canon of the Matrice; it was placed under the patronage of Saint John the

Baptist. A third hospital, this time for wome~ existed in Gozo; it was restored in 1732

at the bidding of Bishop Paolo Alpheran de Bussa~ whose uncle Melchior, was a great benefactor of the same hospital. 11

Hospitality and social aid were a hallmark of the Order of Saint John. Soon after their arrival in Malta, the Knights established the great hospital in Vittoriosa, known as the Sacra lnfimzeria, and other small hospices, orphanages and houses for the poor. They brought along with them the experience of the works of mercy and charity they had performed in Jerusalem, Margat, Acre, Cyprus and Rhodes, in accordance with their monastic rule. After the Convent's transfer to Valletta in 1571, they built a new and larger Sacra lnfirmeria in the city

. This became the best known hospital of the Order: the most famous, noble and charitable institution in the world 12 It was praised for its spacious halls and for

9 Pietro Duzina was sent to Malta by Pope Gregory XIII on 1 December 1574 naming him Apostolic Delegate and Visitor General after a petition addressed to the Pope by Grand Master Jean de la Cassiere to settle problems between Bishop Martin Royas and the Grand Master himself. He was appointed the first Inquisitor General in Malta. 10 G. F.ABELA - G. CIANT AR, Malta Illustrata, Malta 1772, II 312. 11 Cf. A. BONNICI, History of the Church in Malta, Malta 1968, II, 127. 12 E. HUME, Medical works of the Knights Hospitallers ofSaint John, London 3 172 the hospitality it provided. Single beds, canopies and service in silver plates were services to be found only in this hospital.

Very close to the Sacred Infirmary, a smaller hospital for incurable women, called casetta, was opened in 1642 by Catarina Scappi of Siena. She bequeathed an annual revenue of four hundred scudi for its running, while the Order supplied victuals, medicines and other needs for seventy women. The house was protected by two Knights from Siena, nominated by the Order. The hospitality of the Order extended itself to looking after the foundlings who were received in the Sacred

Infirmary and handed over to the casetta' s attendants. A governess or matron was maintained at the Order's expenses and supervised the women attendants.

Later on, in 1717, Flaminia Valenti bequeathed other interests and profits to the same hospital. An inscription placed beneath her portrait kept in the house read:

Flaminia Valenti, mother of the late Margherita Valenti, born Pittardi, beqeathed a small dowry to the Hospital for women, situated in the city of Valletta, described in the Acts ofNotary Gaspare Domenico Chircop of 12 February 1717. 13

In 1594 Grand Master Hughes Loubenx de Verdalle (1581-1595) established another house called La Maddalena for unmarried mothers known as Repentite or

Convertite. Originally these girls were looked after by the nuns of Saint Ursola after their transfer from Vittoriosa to Valletta in 1595. They were housed in a separate wing of the monastery and brought up as aspirants to join the religious life or to prepare themselves properly for marriage. The asylum was later on transferred from

13 A. FERRIS, Memorie dell'inclito Ordine Gerosolimitano esistenti nell'isola di Malta, Malta 1881, 204. 173 Saint Ursola's monastery to the house of Santa Maddalena and was handed over to the Franciscan nuns, wearing the habit of Saint Claire, who ran the house under the patronage of Saint Mary Magdalene. The house was canonically recognised as a

Church asylum by a Brief of Gregory XV on 14 February 1621. 14

The Treasurer of the Order allotted the annual sum of two hundred scudi for the maintenance of the inmates while the fifth part of the property of the women, was added to the annual entries after their death; the customs duty of four tari' on every barrel of wine imported into the island was given to this institution.

Under the auspices of the Order more charitable institutions were founded.

The bequest of Girolama Ciantar (1618), consisting of an annual sum of five hundred scudi, for the endowment of eight girls who wished to join the Augustinian

Monastery, was transferred as an annual contribution to the Institute of the

Maddalena as approved by Gregory XV in 1621. 15 Another contribution was made by

Fra Ippolito Malaspina, Bailiff of Naples, who left one fifth of his spoils for the endowment of the inmates who desired to join the religious life. 16

In 1606 another house for poor daughters of the women who led a bad life had already been established. At first the children were sheltered in the premises given for the purpose by the Conventual Chaplain Francesco Condulli. Paul V (29 May

1605-28 Jan 1621) granted them a new residence attached to the Church of Saint

14 A. BONNICI,. History of the Church in Malta, Malta 1968, 129 15 A. FERRIS, Storia Ecclesiastica di Malta, Malta 1881, 129. 16 Ibid, 213-214. 174 Catherine. Thiswas soon turned into the Monastery of the Augustinian nuns and was endowed with a benefice founded by Oliviero and Caterina Vasco17

Paolo Alpheran de Bussa~ a Conventual Chaplain, Prior of Aix and future

Bishop of Malta (1728-1757), had already opened a house in Floriana under the auspices of Grand Master Manoel de Vilhena ( 1722-173 6). It was called II

Conservatorio, but later on he name was changed to Casa d1ndustria, since it began to serve for the training of poor girls preparing themselves to earn an honest living and to save a part of their income for their marriage dowry. It was later endowed with the properties of the Cumulo della Carita' of Notabile and of the house of the

Maddalena. Towards the middle of the nineteenth century the building was transformed into the Central Hospital. 18

Grand Master Manoel de Vilhena also founded another Ospizio near the bastions of Floriana in 1734. It kept both male and female invalids in two different large halls on different floors. It had a special branch for women condemned to imprisonment by the Courts of Justice.

The Church was always aware of the needs of these poor categories of the

Maltese people and the Bishop, as the Head of the Church in Malta and Gozo, interested himself in the institution of these new orphanages or hospices. A writing19 of a later period confirms that the Bishop exercised his jurisdiction in the spiritual matters of the orphanages and hospices even if they were run by the Grand Master. A

17 G. F. ABELA -G. CIANTAR, Malta lllustrata,Malta 1772, I, 53 18 A. FERRIS, Memorie dell'inclito Ordine Gerosolimitano esistenti nell'isola di Malta, Malta 1881, 220 19 A I M, Mem., V, 94r-v. 175 new problem presented itself when new hospices was going to be established and placed under the jurisdiction of the Inquisitor.20

Luigia and Margherita Sagnani, who inherited rich properties from their parents, together with Rosa Dimitilla and Maria Maddalena De Lucca, in the Acts of

Gioacchino Griscti published on 12 June 1726, bequeathed all their property for the establishment of a new Conservatorio in Senglea. They instituted the Consen,atorio for spinsters with the express intention that it might develop into a convent for

Dominican nuns. They wanted the Consen,atorio to be placed under the jurisdiction of the Inquisitor to make sure that their intentions would be respected in the future. 21 The

Inquisitor Antonio Ruffo (1718-1720) was in favour and they requested the Sacred

Congregation of the Holy Office to approve their intent. The petition, after a long deliberation, was sent to the Inquisitor for his comments. By that time Francesco

Stoppani ( 1731-173 5) had become the Inquisitor of Malta. He was asked whether there was already any Conservatorio in Malta under the jurisdiction of the Inquisitor and exempt from the jurisdiction of the Bishop.

Francesco Stoppani, in his Memorie, left a copy of his communication to the

Sacred Congregation dated 21 April 1731 in which he agreed to the intent of the

Sagnani-De Lucca petition. Moreover, he added that it would be profitable for the

Consen1atorio itself because the Inquisitor, as Commisisoner of the Reverenda

Fabbrica, would be able to help the Conservatorio from the funds of the Fabbrica.

20 A AM, Visit. XXXIV, 777v-778r. 21 Cf. A. BONNICI, L-Isla, Malta 1986, II 253-255. 177 Fig 24 A. F 1WRAY, Fra Paolo Aipheran de Bussan Bishop o. f" Malta 1733-1744 (Priva1e Collection) He numbered six different charitable institutions that housed spinsters and orphans established and run by the Order and by the Church in Malta

The Monastery of the Prior of the (Conventual) Church that housed a number of spinsters; they maintain themselves with one carlino, equivalent to ten Maltese grani, as a contribution by different persons. The conservatorio is governed by the Prior for its temporal needs; spiritually, they are subjects of the Bishop. The second conservatorio was founded by Laura Hagius under the patronage of the Immaculate Conception; for its temporal needs it is governed by the Grand Master according to the dispositions shown in the Acts offoundation; they receive the Sacraments from the Bishop and other ministers, his dependents; the Conservatorio was never visited by the Bishop. The third conservatorio houses the women called penitenti; it was erected in 1719 on the occasion of the Mission held by the Jesuit Fathers Costanzo and Cancellotti it is subject to the Giurati for its temporal needs; the Universita' contributes twenty scudi per month and the rest is provided from the elemosina given by the Knights; it is governed by one of the Conventual Chaplains. The fourth conservatorio was established by the late Grand Master Marc Antonio Zondadari who maintained it at his own expense; after his death it was always maintained by the present Grand Master under the supervision of the Procurator for Orphanages; it is under the responsibility of the Grand Master for its temporal needs and of the Bishop for its spiritual needs. The fifth conservatorio was established by the present Grand Master; it houses spinsters who are exposed to moral problems; it is . governed like the fourth one. The sixth, under the patronage of Jesus and Mary, was built as a cloistered monastery; this is governed for all its needc; by the Bishop. 22

Since the Sacred Congregation did not answer in due time, Francesco

Stoppani wrote again on 1 December 1731 23 lest he would be suspected of negligence in fulfilling his duties. The final decision was communicated to the Inquisitor during the year 1742 when Ludovico Gualtieri (1740-1742) was the Inquisitor of Malta.

22 A IM, Mem., V, 94r-v; Cor. 94, 260r-v. 23 Ibid, 283r-v. 179 Bishop Paolo Alpheran de Bussan and Ludovico Gualtieri agreed with the decision and signed an agreement to the effect that the Bishop became responsible for the running of the Conservatorio though the Inquisitor retained for himself the right to visit the Conservatorio without intruding upon the Bishop's right of jurisdiction. Thus the petition was accepted by the Sacred Congregation and the Church authorities in

Malta. 24

27 Social and Charitable Institutions

Besides the above mentioned institutions which had already taken root in the life of the Maltese people, there was another form of social assistance greatly providential for those times. This was the Monte di Redenzione degli schiavi, a foundation for the ransom of the slaves. It was established after an exhortation made by a Capuchin preacher, Fra Raffaele from Dingli, during one of the lenten sermons,.in the

Conventual Church in 1606. A good number of the members of the Order and other laymen planned to set up a new institution for the ransom of men and women who had fallen slaves in Muslim countries bordering the Mediterranean. These prisoners could have been taken slaves when the galleys of the Order or other Maltese vessels were captured by the Muslin vessels; others could have been taken into slavery during one of the frequent incursions effected by the Turks. When these men remained for a long time in slavery, they could have heen converted to the Muslim religion while their

24 A AM, Visit. XXXIV, 777v-778r. 180 wives or families in Malta could face serious moral and economic problems. Thus the help for ransom was providential and was greatly needed and appreciated.

The Monte di Redenzione was juridically founded on 13 June 1607 having

Grand Master Alof de Wignacourt (1601-1622) as its protector. The choice of the slaves to be ransomed was made on Easter. Two hundred scudi were offered for the ransom of each Knight, who was bound to refund that sum to the Monte, and seventy scudi were paid for the ransom of each christian. Contributions towards the fund of the foundation were made by the Knights and by the Maltese people until 1619,

Caterina Vitale, known as La Speziale, bequeathed to the foundation all her property at Selmun and Mistra. 25 Other legacies were then bequeathed by several Knights and laymen. 26

The Monte di Redenzione was merged by Grand Master Emanuel de Rohan

(1775-1797) with the Monte di Pieta' which had been set up in 1597 with the object of lending money at moderate rates of interest on pledges, consisting usually of personal gold and silver ornaments of persons who were faced with some sudden financial crisis. The illegal practice of usury was rampant in those days all over

Europe. In Malta, the annual rate of interest charged by usurors amounted to a greater amount than the capital sum itself because interests were charged at the rate of 105%.

The establishment of the Monte di Pieta' was originally a private initiative of Fra

25 The lam: will of Caterina Vitale was puhlishA

(1595-1601). The Treasurer of the Order contributed the sum of one thousand scudi per annum for five years and Grand Masters Ramon Perellos ((1697-1720) and Marc

Antonio Zondadari (1720-1722) gradually continued to increase the fund while another sum of twenty two thousand scudi was advanced by the Universita' in 1782 to increase the capital of fifty thousand scudi. The Monte di Pieta' has been always run by the State since its foundation. 27

Another form of social assistance to poor spinsters was the foundation of the

Cumulo de/la Carita. During the Great Siege of 1565 some Maltese gentlemen made a vow to contribute an annual sum of money to raise a fund for the help of poor orphan girls who desired to get married honestly and with an endowment of a marriage legacy. Having their vow fulfilled, they entrusted two jurats of Notabile to collect the funds and to select the girls to be endowed. The foundation was approved by Grand Master Martin Garzes and by Pope Clement VIII (9 Feb 1592-3 Mar 1605).

Other bequests were later on added to the original fund. The Bishops of Malta took the responsibility to superintend the project and issued various decrees and Prosynodal

Constitutions to ensure the achievement of the aim of the foundation.

27 P. CASSAR, The Medical and Social services under the Knights in Hospitaller Malta, ed. V. Mallia Milanes, Malta 1993, 479. 182 28 Other Medical and Charitable Initiatives

Since the establishment of the Sacred Infirmary, other initiaves, though not in the form of newly organised institutions, were taken: food and medicines were distributed to the poor sick in their homes and the lame, lepers and other invalids received grants in kind and in money. Two Knights, called Commissioners, drew up a list of the sick in the four towns around the harbour and in other places to be visited by the physicians of the Infirmary. In 1725 there were as many as 150 such invalids in the Island who suffered from incurable deseases; between them they received a considerable sum of money.

This service was extended to some religious houses: the Capuchins and the

Discalced Carmelites were given all they needed in the way of medicines and food during their sickness. 1hey were visited by the Order's physicians and surgeons. The nuns of Saint Ursola of Valletta received similar treatment. 28

Other houses for poor aged persons existed in Malta. Nicola Saura, a rich medical doctor, founded a hospice at Rabat in 1654 to house old persons of both sexes and those affected by chronic deseases. The founder named the hospice after himself and bequeathed all his property and that of his daughter Isabella Castelletti if she would die childless. In 1762 the parish priest of Zebbug, Giuseppe Mario

Azzoppardi, bequeathed his property in favour of the sick and needy priests who chose to get shelter in thl'lt hospic,P.

28 Cf A. BONNICI, History ofthe Church in Malta, II, Malta 1968, 126. 183 In 1788 another institute for old and sick people was established at Haz

Zebbug. It consisted of some houses with their adjoining gardens, belonging to

Giovanni Battista Caruana, a priest from Haz Zebbug; they were connected to each other and the whole building was transformed into a hospice. Bishop Vincenzo Labini approved its erection and placed it under the patronage of Saint Joseph. Other benefactor priests joined the first priest: they were Giuseppe Mamo, Filippo Calleja and Antonio Saliba. 29

On 30 March 1794 Nicola and Maddalena Dingli left their house in Senglea for the same purpose. It was turned into a small hospice and was run by the

Confraternity of the Holy Crucifix of the same city. The interests on the capital accming from the selling of mobile and immobile property, together with the rents of some fields at Siggiewi, bequeathed for that purpose by the Dingli couple, helped the running of the hospice. The annexed church, which was built instead of two small houses they owned property was dedicated to Saint Anne30

All these institutions were the outcome of humanitarian and philantropic ideals or administrative arrangements in answer to a great need at a particular moment. All of them were animated by the Church authorities or by individual priests or laymen. Charity was the driving force behind all these forms of social aid extended both by the State and by the Church. Still, all these efforts could never afford to abolish the poor situation of the people of both islands. These initiatives were not

29 ANNUARIO, La Diocesi di Malta 1933, 107 30 Ibid, 110 184 enough to eradicate the economic problems which gave rise to the miserable situation which the population had to face.

29 Poverty and Moral needs

Notwithstanding the long list of all these institutions established in Malta and Gozo, there still remained great problems for the people to lead a decent living. Many heads of families were left to bear on their own the burden of bringing up their numerous families. Many beggars living on alms continued to stray along the streets of the towns. Some religious communities starved of hunger and lived in great distress in their convents and monasteries. This created an atmosphere of poverty in the Maltese islands.

The Church, led by the teaching of the Gospel and having as its guide the need to support and help the Maltese community according to Christian values, laboured to maintain these institutions of charitable and social nature and to provide them with the necessary means to continue their mission to lift up to the dignity of human beings the persons they housed. The authorities of the Church strove to provide ways and means from different sources to help lonely aged widows, unmarried mothers, orphans and sick people in both islands.

The religiosity of the Maltese people, who were miserably poor, and their trust in the Church made them prefer erect and enlarge their old churches, but financial difficulties prevented them, at times, from building decent places of worship and furnish them with liturgical needs. They offered their voluntary labour on feast days 185 and succeeded, during the seventeenth and the early eighteenth centuries to enrich the community with splendid baroque churches. They bequeathed pious legacies for the souls in Purgatory and in favour of these pious places, but many times neither capital nor property were found available for their fulfilment. A vast majority of last wills published by contemporary notaries who revealed to the Tribunal of the Reverenda

Fabbrica the extracts which interested the Fabbrica itself according to the dispositions of the Commisisoners, show the efforts made by many people to bequeath their clothes and their possessions to the poor.31 This does not exclude the existence of some rich persons, who belonged to the noble families, and other businessmen who bequeathed sumptuous pious legacies and left abundant property to their heirs. Great difference in the social status existed between the two classes of people in Malta and Gozo. But the poor families outnumbered greatly the richer ones.

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, slavery continued to create moral tension among many families; second marriages of women left for a long time without knowing the fate of their husbands, grew in number; step fathers had not enough income to bring up larger families; cheap labour prevailed among all sections of society and forced many families to lead a poor life in poor dwellings.

The Order failed to live up to its high reputation of providinga good religious government for the islands during the last half of the eighteenth century. Manoel Pinto de Fonceca (17 41-1773) can be quoted as a Grand Master who lost his interest m the financial, moral and social order of the country. The hospitals and the charitable

31 A IM RF, Registrum Revelationum, passim. 186 institutions had to find out a way of balancing their budgets; the defence of the country and the fortifications were left to care for themselves. On his part, Manoel

Pinto borrowed large amounts of money from the Massa Frumentaria32 or the Wheat

Bank of the country where the Maltese people had deposited their money. The

Knights, the conventual chaplains and the other clerics of the Order followed the

Grand Master's way of borrowing; thus debts increased to great proportions. Even the

Treasury became bankrupt and could not pay its debts.

The moral way of living of the Order and consequently that of the population lost its level of religiosity and prosperity; both the knights and the people did not share

the responsibility of their positions at work; theft became common amongst many.

Prostitution increased everywhere.

Sociologically there was a decrease in reciprocal esteem and factions opened

widely the differences between social classes. Clerics increased in number and

acquired a superiority complex which cut them off from the common people and their

sufferings. People sought the patronage of the Church and took refuge under its

protection since the Order was not giving them any security and tranquillity. The

privilege of immunity and the exemption from paying taxes encouraged many others to 32 In Malta foreign wheat was monopolised by the Universita' dei Giurati. Its main function was to administer the massa frumentaria, or public bank, which gave an annual interest of 3% on savings deposits These investments would go for the purchase of the necessary foodstuffs, particularly wheat. The Universita' regulated and controlled prices according to quality and harvest.(V.MALLIA MILANES, Venice and Hospitaller Malta, Malta 1992, 247). In 1798 the pious Institutions and Ecclesiastical Bodies of Malta had a capital of 1, 121, 402 scudi deposited in the A1assa Frumentaria ;:it thE'l interest of 3%. With Napoleon's occupation of our Island, the corn in the granaries and the hard cash in the chests of the Universita', together with the enterprise itself passed into the hands of the French and were never returned to the Church.- RM L, Collezione di Bandi 1784-1813, 175.(A. BONNICI, History of the Church in Malta, Malta 1975,III,239). 187 flock under the bishop's leadership. The poor workers grew poorer everyday and had nothing else to eat but mischiato and carobs. 33

Pinto's successor, Grand Master Francisco Ximenes (1773-1775) tried in vain to project a new lifestyle for the Maltese people. He was misunderstood and many of his dispositions led to greater poverty. He created bitter rifts between the clergy and the Knights, between the people and himself and between the Bishop and the Order.

The sociological situation grew worse than ever. The whole reform intended by

Ximenes led to an ill-fated revolt by some priests on 8 September 1775. Fear and insecurity reigned and the poor suffered to the extreme.

30 Hardships, Plagues and Devastations

The Maltese people strived to live decently but it had to face numerous hardships.

Dwellings in Malta and Gozo grew very poor in the country. Many families lived in naturally hewn caves within which they used to build a room or two; agricultural profit was constantly on the decline.

Since the middle of the seventeenth century, the Maltese had suffered from serious problems of poverty. Out of 60,000 inhabitants, only 10,000 earned an average salary of six hundred scudi per annum. Apart from those who could live honestly on their salary, the rest lived in dire poverty which at times touched the extreme level because the land was sterile. The inhabitants were ncousod of not being industrious. 34

33 Cf. A. P. VELLA . Storja ta' Malta, Malta 1979, II, 179. 34 AS V, Arm.XV, 53, 161r-v. 188 Provisions from Sicily had always been badly needed and gave rise to the measures in this regard taken by the King of Spain, Charles V(1519-1556), had earlier established. 35 Whenever such help did not reach Malta in time, the grip of famine was felt throughout the islands. 36 During normal seasons, Malta used to receive a large quantity of wines, fresh and preserved meat, vegetables, firewood, oil, silk, woolen goods, wax, sugar and spices. While the small island served as a guardian and a fortress for Sicily, the larger island saved Malta from misery.37

Due to natural mishaps either because of lack of rain or because of excessive rainfall, the fields went barren because the soil drifted down the vallyes to the sea. The government could not compensate farmers for the hardships. This made them leave their lands and settle in the harbour area since the Order was greatly involved in navigation. Two dingy small rooms in the city area were preferred to the old farmhouse. Population in the harbour area continued to increase rapidly and added to the several moral, economic and health problems.

The expansion of Valletta went on incessantly. The land around Fort S. Elmo was soon taken up, the new hospital was surrounded by street houses, even the abandoned Valletta quarry which had been planned as a shipyard was filled with shacks or one-roomed houses. By 1614 over 10,000 people were already living in

Valletta. The pressure created a number of slum houses built on unsuitable land that lacked all necessary sanitary needs. This boost in the population was the result of

35 F. BORROMEO, Relazione di Malta, 249. 36 A S V, Arm. XV, 53, l 70r. 37 Ibid, 170v-17lr. 189 various factors: there was a shift of people from established urban areas such as

Mdina and the three cities. Immigration from abroad, as evidenced by several foreign surnames found in the parish records of Porto Salvo38 added to the already dense population; there was also an increasing drift from the smaller towns, and even from

Gozo.

The influx peoplecreated an acute problem for the government; poor people started setting up their abode in an uncontrolled zone. The Manderaggio in Valletta soon developed into an insalubrious slum of overcrowded, unhygienic tenements flanking a maze of four-foot wide lanes and stairs. By 1666 the situation had already got out of hand to the extent of forcing the government to issue strict dispositions forbidding country people from settling in Valletta and the Three Cities.

These measures were only partially effective and the population already living in the towns continued to increase. This overcrowded area in the island created serious problems for public health. It is not surprising that in 1676 Malta experienced one of the worst plague epidemics which carried away more than 11,000 lives of whom 9,000 died in Valletta, Birgu, Bormla and L-Isla.

Malta ha always been looked upon as a port of call for sailors manning the oar-driven galleys and, later, the sail-rigged ships that crossed the Mediterrenean Sea linking East and North Africa with Western Europe. This route constituted a life-line for the Maltese islands and brought foodstuffs, merchandise and visitors. But, unfortunately, ships, crews, travellers and cargoes were regarded as potential and

38 S. FIORINI, Demographic growth and urbanisation in Hospitaller Malta, ed V. Mallia Milanes, Malta 1993, 305. 190 dangerous carriers of contagious deseases, mainly plague which is believed to have hit

Malta for the first time in 1270. It certainly did so many times later as in 1348, 1427,

1453, 1523, 1575, 1592, 1623, 1655 and 1675.39 This long list of plague epidemics left its mark on the people of Malta who suffered of poor ailments and housing.

Decline of business and commerce could not but add to the ·insecure life style of the population. During the 1676 plague, Inquisitor Ranuccio Pallavicino (1672-1676) proved to be a generous and kind- hearted man. He kept the door of his house - he had to move to Valletta owing to the danger of the plague - widely open so that all those in need could call for help. Many did so during the night, because it was strictly forbidden to go along the streets by day. The Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica suspended all its activity and even the churches were out of bounds for al1.

The health measures enforced against the introduction and spread of the plague gave rise to the quarantine in Malta; this was based essentially on the isolation of crews and passengers in the lazzaretto and of ships in prescribed areas of the harbours for a period of some days. This procedure applied especially to ships and men arriving from the East and North Africa where plague was endemic. At times, even towns and villages were closed to ingoing or outgoing people in order to prevent any doubtful cases of the plague.from spreading throughout the whole island.

In his above quoted letter to Francesco Cardinal Barberini, Bishop

Balthassare Cagliares, though he might have been writing under stress or prejudice, described the situation of the people of Malta as

39 Cf P. CASSAR, Medical History ofMalta, London 1965, 164-175. 191 ... not even one hundred live on a regular income; all the others

live on rendering service to one another. The greater part live only on alms.

... the Maltese people try to live to a high reputation and draw up

interesting wills without having really any capital or immobile property... 40

During the inquisitorship of Antonio Pignatelli (1646-1648) the Maltese people suffered famine. Sicily could not provide foodstuffs in the year 1647. Water was running short. Though the records of the Order do not refer to this fact, Inquisitor

Antonio Pignatelli repeatedly asked the Sacred Congregation to insist on the Treasurer of the Pontifical State to provide help to the island. Seeing the gravity of the situation, and without waiting for the Congregation's approval, he made use of the funds of the

Reverenda Fabbrica and forwarded the necessary money to the Knights on condition that, when the catastrophe was over, they would refund, according to the decisions taken by the Congregation, the amount of money lent to them. 41

The same was confirmed by Inquisitor Ranuccio Pallavicino in his Memorie.

He stated that, since he had to act as the Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica, he found out that the Maltese people bequeathed great legacies to the churches and to poor spinsters as marriage dowries, but at the same time they were so poor that it was not worth summoning them to court for the fulfilment of the pious legacies, since the legacies were quite worthless and very little could be taken for the Basilica of Saint

Peter. At times, the Ministers hang on to similar cases for their own profit. However,

40 A F S P, Ser.264,270, 527r-v.(See page 85). 41 Cf. A. BONNICI, Storja tal-Inkisizzjoni ta' Malta, Malta 1990, I, 301. 192 charity had to be the first guide together with the generosity of the Sacred

Congregation which prefered to grant elemosina to the poor convents and monasteries or to poor people.42

Another factor which increased the hardship mentioned by Bishop

Balthassare Cagliares and refered to by the Inquisitor, was famine. The lower classes had to be content with a little portion of meat, cheap fish and a poor quality of locally produced cheese. Bread was always the main staple food. Crop failure, the high prices which this inevitably generated, and the island's dangerous dependence on regular food provisions from Sicily, rendered conditions on Malta all the more debilitating.

Malta's food resources, limited to the extreme, were hardly expected to meet the pressures of its slow steady demographic upward trend. and the fast increasing demands of its military comrnitment. 43 The catastrophic dimensions of the last years of the sixteenth century were visible in every street of Valletta and of the other towns and villages. It was a sorrowful spectacle to see everywhere a great number of destitute women with their nurslings languishing on their arms in abject hunger.

The first letter of Inquisitor Giorgio Spinola (1703-1706), dated 4 August

1703, was addressed to Meola in the Vatican City. He expressed his hope that elemosina would be authorised by the Sacred Congregation because in Malta there was great poverty and Sicily could not provide any food for the island of Malta. There was also a scarsity of rainfall and the Inquisitor asked the Secretary to see whether the

Pope could authorise him to distribute the usual amount of one fourth of the income

42 A IM, Mem. I, 58v. 43 V. MALLIA MILANES, Valletta 1566-1798, Malta 1988, 21-24. 193 of the Fabbrica as elemosina to the poor. There was a great fear that plague might attack the sick who were increasing rapidly in number.44

Similarly, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, Grand Master Ramon

Perellos (1697-1720) witnessed the miserable state of the Maltese islands and could not permit the Carmelite Fathers to re-erect their Convent in Vittoriosa owing to the poor state the country was in. 45 The Grand Master objected even to the proposal of the buonavoglia who wanted to bind themselves to help the Carmelite Fathers with a regular contribution; according to the Grand Master; this would be an extra stress on the new recruits who might be discouraged from joining the buonavoglia and have their pay diminished, an act which would harm the garrison of the Order'galleys.46

hi the countryside many poor people died of hunger. It was not possible to find either barley or other kinds of food, except at excessive prices. The people of

Malta were so distressed that they were left with no other option but to run away from the island. 47 All efforts were made by the Order's galleys and by other private vessels to search of wheat. Very few attempts were successful during the winter season.

Moreover, as far back in May 1592, fears from Turkish assaults continued to spread and created widespread national discontent and helpessness. 48 In Malta, there was no danger of any rebellion against the government was as had happened in other

European countries. The Hospitaller Order kept the whole situation under control.

44 A IM, Cor. 94, 72r. 45 Letter by Ramon Perellos to Cardinal Paulucci, 10 Jun 1705, N L M. Arch. 1466. 46 Letter by Ramon Perellos to Sacchetti, 10 Jun 1705, Ibid. 47 Letter offuquisitor Pallavicino to funocent XI dated 13 November 1676,A IM, Mem.I,58v 48 A 0 M, 447, 252. 194 There was still another factor which contributed greatly to the poverty of the inhabitants of the two islands. All historians and many witnesses speak of the frequent incursions by the Turks. These landed in various places on the island, generally hidden to the guards, and carried away with them crops and people alike. The danger of being carried away to Barbary made many farmers hide in the caves or rush to the city for security. Consequently, they left their fields and cattle behind them. The crops were stolen and the fields were set on fire; the cattle were carried away.

During those incursions, many families lost their breadwinners when the husbands were taken prisoners to be sold as slaves. Others were forced to join the

Order's navy as sailors or men-at-war but they never returned home after engaging pirate galleys; many of them died and others were captured by the enemy. Many who returned home after long intervals found their own wives married to a second husband. Similar cases brought never-ending struggles and new pressures on family life.

31 Moral Instability

The decay in the moral attitude of the people49 and the degradation in the way of governing the islands by the Order by enormous debts accrued on the Treasure of the

Order owing to the luxurious way of living,50 could not but help to increase the poor situation of the Maltese people. In his IYfemorie, Ranuccio Pallavicino (1672 1676)

49 Letter of Inquisitor Pallavicino to Innocent XI dated 13 Nov.1676,A IM, Mem.I,55v-56r; S. MIZZI, Women in Seng/ea, Malta 1989, 56 50 A S V, S S Malta, 53, 54r 195 left a copy of a letter which he had addressed to Pope Clement X (11 May 1670-22

Jul 1676). He informed the Pope that

the city of Valletta is full of women who are patronised by some Knights and live a public scandalous life; some of them gave birth to children for whom they had to provide a decent living; they look very imprudent and dared to live luxuriously bearing greater debts. They are used to go along the streets of the city covered with long cloaks hiding their heads and leaving only one eye uncovered. They try to attract people's attention with their modesty but their licentiousness, even in the churches, is more evident. I felt duty bound to inform the Grand Master who accepted my word and, on his part, asked his Mastro Scudiere to pay frequent visits and in the name of the sacred obedience exercise his powers to foster modesty and justice among all the members of the Order. The Maltese ladies, on their part, are proud and have bad tongues, they are shrewd, double-Jaced and quarrelsome with the Knights; they prefer to make friends with the Tribunal of the Holy Office without standing devotion to the Holy See under whose patronage they strive to live decently and as a prize for their zeal to Rome, they try to obtain favours from the Holy See for their children to be admitted to the colleges and the Seminaries in Rome or to obtain any other public or private office. 51

The moral behaviour of the Knights during the last decades of the

seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteeenth century was a symptom of

the decay of the Order and contributed to the instability of the island; this created fear

and insecurity both among businessmen and in people with the consequent lack of

commerce and lack of work for the breadwinners of many families.

Grand Master Manoel Pinto may be quoted as an example when studying the

last decades of the Order in Malta. He succeeded in obtaining glories for himself and

for the crown, while he drove Malta and Gozo into financial, moral and sociological

decay. The hospitals and the charitable hospices had to fend for themselves in trying to

balance their budgets. The Grand Master abandoned the care of the defence of the

51 A I M, Mem. I, 55v-56r. 196 island, the militia and the fortresses. He continued to borrow large sums of money from the Massa Frumentaria. The Knights, the Conventual Chaplains and other clerics of the Order followed his example in their way of living and did not hesitate to borrow extensively to live luxuriously without even foreseeing how they could ever pay the interests and return the capitals to their lenders. The Treasury of the Order declared itself bankrupt since it was not able to pay its debts.

Morally, the Knights and the rich families lost their level of religious sentiments and some even their faith. Many were not sensible any more to the sense of responsibility of their position. Work and enthusiasm for large projects was not encouraged. Theft became common. Prostitution extended itself from the inner parts of the city to the larger urbanised centres and even to the farther parts of the country.

32 The Role of the Reverenda Fabbrica

The long list of Various Contributions added to this chapter has been gathered from different sources and records of the Reverenda Fabbrica. It shows the keen interest the Church authorities took in the people of these islands. A vast area of the miserable situation of the country is covered and contributions arrived at the extreme ends of villages and hamlets without forgetting the institutions and orphanages which were running short of provisions. Such a list hardly needs any comment for illustration. On thf': other hanci it speaks for the poor population and at the other for the great generosity of the Reverendas F abbrica. The local Commissioners in Malta and the

Cardinals at the Vatican were fully aware that the population of the isalnds was living 197 under difficult circumstances. It is true that the continuous rivalry between the

Bishops and the Grand Masters worsened the situation for a long time and provided hard times for the people to live decently, but the same Eminent Lord Cardinals and their deputies in Malta and Gozo exercised equity, charity and justice with the utmost scrupolosity in their dealings. Though pious legacies had to be fulfilled according to the last wills of the testators for the benefit of the souls in Purgatory and for the benefit of the poor to whom they were addressed, and though the Basilica of Saint

Peter still needed large amounts of funds for its embellishment, still, the poor were never foregotten.

With the establishment of the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta fears were spread that money was going to be sent to the Vatican despite the precarious situation of the islands of Malta and Gozo. This fear was expressed by the

Grand Master himself and, in a way, by the Bishop. But correspondence reveals that the Sacred Congregation was so much fully aware of the situation in the country that

Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi, immediately after the date of the establishment of the

Tribunal, instructed the Commissioner Nicola Mangione not to ask the poor people to fulfil their obligations and not to enforce any law upon them. The Cardinal appreciated the information given to him about the situation in Malta and told him:

In tanto perche' si scrive da costa' la poverta' dei popoli esser grande, che percio' o non possono o con grande di.fficolta' pagare Ii legati, vi si ordina che quelli che sono tali non Ii astringere a pagare, ma quelli che commodamente possono farlo, et ad questi usiate ogni equita' e charita' dandoli ogni honesta di carita' et commodita' a poterlo fare, guardandovi da quanta stimate la grave et commandamenti di questi Ill.mi miei Signori di non fare ii contrario, portandovi in questo ogni altra attione in maniera

198 che ognuno habbia da lodar della pieta' et benignita' di questo S. to Officio et della vostra persona. 52

Moreover, the same disposition was included in Paragraph 12 of the Ordini et Instructioni that were ordinarily sent to all local Commissioners: They (the

Commisioners) cannot proceed against those who earn a livelihood by their own work or against other poor persons by increasing their expenses. 53 The Commissioner was warned to leave untouched the small pious legacies which favoured poor institutions. The same warning was repeated adding that these should not in any way devolve to the Reverenda Fabbrica. 54

As early as July 1628, a few months after the establishemnet of the Tribunal in Malta, Urban VIII decreed that one half of the money received by the Reverenda

Fabbrica had to be distributed among the poor people of the islands. This decree was valid for five years. 55 The same authorisation of granting one half of the entries to the poor was renewed for another five years and the Commissioner was duly informed on

21 December 1633. 56 Later on,.after a petition addressed to the Congregation by

Fabio Chigi, Marcello Cardinal Lante informed the Inquisitor that another renewal for two years had been granted by the Pope. 57

The Grand Master was greatly pleased on being informed of the decree issued by His Holiness. Clearer dispositions were given from the Vatican on 31 March

52 A IM RF, Cor.40, 6r. 53 Jhirl 110r ' 54 Ibid, 15r and 24r. 55 Ibid, 43r. 56 Ibid, 65r. 57 Ibid, 163r. 199 1631 that the sum of one hundred and fifty scudi, one half of the sum due by Giovanni

Mizzi, had to be given to the poor monastery of the Convertite.

A long list of twenty three donations to various entities and poor persons was recorded in the books of the Reverenda Fabbrica during the inquisitorships of

Ludovico Serristori (1630) and Martino Alfieri (1631-1634).Amongst these entities and persons, the following are enumerated: the Monastery of the Converted Mothers, and those of Santa Caterina and Santa Scolastica, the orphanage of the Divina

Misericordia, the Discalced Carmelites, the Greek Bishop of Corone, a number of marriage dowries and several persons amongst whom Sebastiano Salelles on behalf of a poor spinster for her marriage dowry. 58

Fabio Chigi was reminded by the Sacred Congregation that one half of the amount of all the entries of the Reverenda fabbrica was to be distributed to the poor as it had always been done since the establishment of the Tribunal. 59 In the meantime, on 5 May 1636, Nicola Mangione was reminded that all doubtful pious legacies which interested the poor were to be given totally in cash or in kind to the poor without retaining any part of the capital involved for the Reverenda F abbrica. 60 The same warning was repeated to Fabio Chigi. 61

The Balance Sheet audited by Fabio Chigi on 18 March 1637 shows the amount of money distributed as elemosina to the poor. All the entries of the

Reverenda Fabbrica between 28 December 1631, after the previous audit made by

58 Ibid. Reg. Act. Civ. II, 63 lr-v.; Cor.,40, 77r-85r. 59 Ibid, Cor. 40, 93r-v. 60 Ibid, I 06r. 61 Ibid, I 08r. 200 Ludovico Serristori on 24 December 1631, and 18 March 1637, the day of Fabio

Chigi's audit, amounted to four thousand, four hundred and seventy two scudi. The sum of eight hundred and thirty four scudi was deducted as twenty per cent for the

Commissioner and one hundred scudi were given to Notary Mattheolo Delia according to an order of the Sacred Congregation communicated in a letter dated 29

July 1634; the remaining amount was three thousand, five hundred and eighty eight.

Half of this sum, that is one thousand, seven hundred and ninety four scudi, was distributed to the poor and to needy pious places; the rest was sent to the Sacred

Congregation. A sum of sixty seven scudi that remained deposited in Rome for the distribution of elemosina was added to the amount already mentioned, thus making the total sum to be distributed in elemosina one thousand, eight hundred and sixty one.

Fabio Chigi examined in detail all the amounts given to the different pious entities and to many poor families living in the various villages of the island. 62 Fabio Chigi was praised by Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi for his diligence and zealous generosity in distributing elemosina to the poor people since the Cardinal knew that the needs of the people were so great in the island 63

A further extension of the period during which elemosina could be granted was given in 1651. Inquisitor Giulio degli Oddi (1655-1658) distributed elemosina to the people of Vittoriosa who were confined within the city walls due to a suspicion that there was a plague in the city. The Monastery of Santa Scolastica received more

62 A I M RF Reg. Act. Civ.I, 327r-334r. 63 Ibid, Cor. 40, 108r. 201 contributions from the Inquisitors Girolamo Casanate (1658-1663) and Galeazzo

Marescotti (1663-1666). 64

In two consecutive years, 1672 and 1673, Ranuccio Pallavicino claimed more grants of elemosina from the funds of the Reverenda Fabbrica to be distributed to the poor and needy people in Malta .. He was became very worried when he received a communiaction from the Sacred Congregation forbidding him to distribute elemosina to the bocche fameliche di questi poveri. 65 In the same letter to Francesco Cardinal

Barberini he complained that he was being greatly molested by hungry people who asked for help. In a letter addressed to the Sacred Congregation on 5 July 1674,

Pallavicino stressed again the urgency to receive authorisation to distribute elemosina to the needy. 66

In 1675, Ranuccio Pallavicino expressed his discontent at having been refused authorised to distribute elemosina to the poor and needy in the country. In a letter addressed to the Cardinal Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda

Fide he wrote:

I am living in a country with great needs. There are Turks and Jews who ask for elemosina everyday. I meet persons who after losing their faith, come back to reconcile themselves with the Church. I meet also heretics who ask for forgiveness. When these do not earn a decent living, they join the corsairs on the galleys. Soon they fail to honour their firm decisions and fall back to the Muslim beliefs. I may assure you that I give all the help I can. I give them some money from my own, but there are so many in need. I would like that under these circumstances the Inquisitor be allowed to grant up to three hundred scudi a year out of the funds destined for thP Rrrsilir.a. T do not dare ask this favour because since my coming to

64 Ibid, 13r. 65 A F S P, P.2, Ser.I I, 355, 56Ir. 66 Ibid, 354, 13r. 202 Malta I have received a great number of petitions from poor women and from others who were in danger of turning to a bad wcry of living. Usually these used to be given help from the Reverenda Fabbrica amounting to four hundred scudi. I asked Domenico Giannuzzi the same authorisation, but it was refused I gave all I had from my own, but it was so little. I shall help. out of my own, a poor Turkish mother who desires to be converted after the conversion of her two daughters. I shall give as elemosina all the rest which I possess to a man who fled from Tunis to be converted to the Catholic Church. 67 .

In 1678 Inquisitor Giacomo Cantelmo, knowing very well the situation of the

Maltese people, asked for authorisation to distribute badly needed elemosina to the people around him. It would be a benefit to the Tribunal because charity would help give a better image of the Reverenda Fabbrica. The Inquisitor continued to ask the

Congregation for elemosina during the following two years, that is 1679 and 1680, because the people were suffering owing to the lack of fodder and wheat. 68

On 13 September 1680 Gio Carlo Vespignani informed Giacomo Cantelmo that the Reverenda Fabbrica in Rome was in great debts owing to the expenses incurred earlier by Alexander VII to build the Portico and the Piazza of the Basilica.

Moreover, the Sacred Congregation was helping the Maltese Tribunal by paying the board and lodging of the Maltese student at the Clementine College. 69

The Sacred Congregation kept an eye on the distribution of elemosina and used to ask, at intervals, about the matter. 70 It also reminded also the Commissioner to give to the poor entities of the island what was their due according to the Papal

67 Cf. A. BONNICI, Storja ta' l lnkisizzjoni ta' A1alta, Malta 1990, II, 13~; A P F, SC, Il8r-v. 68 A IM RF, Cor.41, 208r; 215r-216r. 69 Ibid, 2l 9r-220v. 70 Ibid, 67r. and 76r 203 Brief71 But it was only in 1684 that the Sacred Congregation pennitted the Inquisitor to distribute one fourth of the entries of the Fabbrica to the poor. 72

In 1688 there was still the need to distribute elemosina to the poor people of the islands. In fact, Tommaso Vidoni, the Inquisitor, again asked permission to give elemosina to the poor. It was suggested to him to give it according to the needs of those who asked for it; the amount would be deducted later on from the allowance permitted by the Sacred Congregation. 73

The earthquake of 1693 created new problems for the Reverenda Fabbrica: more people suffered damages and grew poorer; Notabile was greatly damaged; damages were also noticed in Vittoriosa and in the Convent of the Discalced

Carmelites at Bormla. On 8 August 1694 the Pope granted the necessary authorisation to distribute one fourth of all the entries of the Fabbrica first to the Discalced

Carmelites and the rest to the poorest in the country. 74 In 1698 Pope Innocent XII (15

Jul 1691-27 Sep 1700) renewed the authorisation to distribute one fourth of all the entries of the F abbrica after the last distribution made by T ommaso Ruffo to the poor and needy. 75

Pope Clement XI (8 Dec 1700-19 Mar 1721) was informed by Inquisitor

Giacomo Caracciolo about the poor situation of the people of Malta and Gozo, and the Pope granted that three hundred Maltese scudi be added to the one fourth of the

71 Ibid, 69r. 72 Ibid, 265r. 73 Ibid, Cor.42, 34r-35r. 74 Ibid, 77r-78r. 75 Ibid, 125r-126v; 133r. 204 entries of the Fabbrica to be distributed to the poor. The Sacred Congregation could not afford to grant more money Owing to its own difficult finanacial position, the

Sacred Congregation could not afford to grant more money. 76

For some time it was customary for the Tribunal to give clothes and food to poor families instead of money. The custom was retained when the Inquisitor contributed amounts of wheat or mischiato fom the funds of the Fabbrica, instead of money. A list of donations made by Nicola Mangione to Naxxar families is recorded on 3 June 1637:

A black coat was given to Costantino Portelli A pair of trousers was given to Mario Sciberras A suit offustano turchino was give to the sons ofNatale Castellano A dress of woven cloth was given to Maria Sammut ofAndrea A pair of breghi ofwoven cloth was given to Simone Mifsud of Giuseppe A suit of woven dobleto to Gio Paulo Borg A pair ofbraggi of black fustano to Maria Perretta A woven shirt to Giulia, daughter ofthe late Pietro A cap and a pair of braghi to the son of Giulio Hebeier A shirt of cotton to Domenica Paulina ofDomenico Bonello A pair of black cotton trousers was given to Filippo Fenech A pair ofwhite stockings and a papalina cap with a stripe in black was given to Marino Sammut A black cotton jacket was given to Blasio Attard A pair ofwoven stockings and a Turkish cap was given to Mattheolo Attard, an orphan A black suit and a cope ofwoven cloth were given to Leonardo Azzopardi to be sold 77

76 Ibid, 208r-v. 77 Ibid, Act. Civ. Liber I, 336r-337v. 205 33 Monasteries and Religious Houses.

The names of various monasteries and religious houses appear very frequently on the list of those who received contributions regularly from the funds of the Reverenda Fabbrica. At regular intervals, petitions were made by religious houses to the Sacred Congregation for the grant of elemosina; the Monastery of Santa

Scolastica in Vittoriosa frequently asked for help and this was always granted. Urban

VIII acceeded to the petition of the Monastery on 7 February 1643 and granted them one half of the entries of that year, while two thirds of the other half was to be sent to

Rome and the other one third was to be given as elemosina to the poor. 78 According to Giulio degli Oddi, (11 November 1655) the monastery was extremely poor. There were 62 nuns; but they had no money to buy food and were living on the elemosina given to them by the Order. The Inquisitor asked the Cardinals to grant one half of the entries of the Fabbrica to the monastery and to poor families. 79 Another grant of one half of all the entries for one year was granted to the same Monastery on 7 February

1657 by Francesco Cardinal Barberini. 80

When the Inquisitors became wholly responsible for the direction of the

Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta and Gozo owing to the so-called unification of the Tribunal to the Office of the Holy Inquisition by Alexander VII on

25 May 1655,81 the Inquisitors themselves used to ask the Sacred Congregation

78 Ibid, Cor.40, 196r. 79 A F S P, P.2, Ser.11, 326, 552r. 80 A IM RF, Cor.40, 25lr. 81 A F S P, P.l, Ser.2, 47, 447r. 206 Fig. 25 Chapel dedicated to Saint Mary Magdalene in Valetta belonging to the monastery for unmarried mothers authorisation to distribute more elemosina to the poor and the needy of the islands.

Galeazzo Marescotti on 12 December 1663 two hundred Roman scudi were given to

Francesco Zammit for the Monastery of Santa Scolastica. 82 Angelo Ranuzzi was granted permission to distribute to the poor one third of the capital kept by the Bursar in Malta. 83 Carlo Bichi was authorised to give an elemosina of two hundred scudi to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica for the building of their dormitory and to distribute the other part of the Fabbrica's credit to the poor. 84 One year later, he was authorised again to grant one hundred scudi as elemosina. 85

In the same year, 1669, a petition of the Monastery of Santa Scolastica was addressed directly to Clement IX (26 Jun 1667-9 Dec 1669), and the Sacred

Congregation asked the Inquisitor to give another sum of two hundred scudi to the same Monastery so that they could finish the building of a new wing. 86

The Monastery of Santa Caterina in Valletta was another institute which needed help continuously. The Commissioner Nicola Mangione, and later the

Inquisitors, often asked the Sacred Congregation to grant special authorisation to help the Monastery. Giovanni Tempi asked the Congregation that more help might be given from the funds of the Reverenda Fabbrica. 87

The Monastery of the Convertite was still another ecclesiatical entity which needed elemosina and asked the Congregation for help; in 1681 a petition was sent to

82 A IM RF, Cor.40, 13r. 83 Jhirl, l.or 40, 7.80r 84 Ibid, 287r. 85 Ibid, 290r. 86 Ibid, 299r. 87 A F S P , P.2, Ser. 11, 350, 125r. 208 Rome asking for elemosina. 88 One month later, another petition was addressed to

Rome by the Orphanage of Valletta. 89 Help in the form of grants of elemosina was

requested• from the Secretary General in Rome by the Abbess and the nuns of the

Monastery of the Convertite in 1709 because they found themselves in a difficult

situation. They substantiated their petition by quoting, as a reference, Pope Alexander

VIII (16 Oct 1689-1Feb1691) who had granted them huge sums of money from the

funds of the Reverenda Fabbrica and Pope Clement VIII (9 Feb 1593-3 Mar 1605)

who transferred to their monastery all the property of the public prostitutes of those

times. They quoted also the Prior of the Conventual Church and the Treasurer of the

Order who gave them one hundred scudi every six months. They earnestly hoped that help would be granted to them. 90

34 Churches and Chapels

A particular factor noted throughout the correspondence is the interest shown in the fulfilment of legacies to build new or restore churches and chapels where people flocked for the liturgy. The Tribunal saw that the legacies were fulfilled and added several contributions from the funds of the Reverenda Fabbrica for the same purpose.

The Tribunal saw that the legacy in favour of the Church of San Paolo fuori le mura

88 A IM RF, Cor.41, 230r-v. 89 Ibid, 233r. 90 Ibid, Cor.42, 213r; 22lr-223v. 209 be fulfilled according to the will of Gian Paolo Manduca, the testator; Angelo, his son, was ordered by the Tribunal to put into effect the testator's will. 91

The Tribunal ordered that the Church of the Annunciation of Vittoriosa should be repaired after the great damage suffered by the earthquake of 1638. The legacy of Gio Antonio Habela had to be fulfilled in due time. 92

Grazio Debona was condemned by the First Judge of the Tribunal to transfer to the procurator of the church of Santa Maria Damascena the building in quarter number 27 in the city of Valletta over which presently the church of Saint Nicholas is built, since the property had been given by the Sacred Religion to build a parish church for the Greeks and a house for the parish priest and curate living in the parish .. On this site a building has been erected with rooms, and flats, with a garden and an entrance, all of which had been in the possession of Gaetano's son and universal heir, Gratio

Debono, who had been asked to give back all the building to the church of Our Lady of Damascena. The Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica interested itself also when property was transferred without the necessary Apostolic approval. 93

To confirm this statement and to bring its contents to the knowledge of all those who might have been concerned, the Commissioner published the following official Monitorium issued under the authority of the Tribunal of the Reverenda

Fabbrica::

91 Ibid, Cor.40, 40r-v. 92 Ibid, 40, 152r. 93 A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ. I, 417r 210 D. Nicolaus Mangion J U.D. Commissarius Genera/is R. Fabricae S. Petri de Urbe in his Insulis Melit. et Gaudisii omnibus et singulis Rectoribus. Da parte della R.da Fab.ca di San Pietro di Roma, o sia suo Procur.re ftscale l'ammonire a qualsivoglia persona di qualunque stato, grado, sesso e conditione si sia, la quale sapesse, havesse vista, et inteso, che ii sito, o sia quartiere integro, dove sono fabricate diverse case e la Chiesa sotto titolo di Santo Nicola de Greci silo in questa citta' Valletta, quale viene tra la strada di San Pantaleone per mezzodi' e tra la strada della fortuna per tramontana: quale e' ii vigesimo settimo quartiere per ordine di questa citta' Vall.a quello e' stato et e' ii medesimo sito, e quartiere, quale nelle concessioni delli siti fatte da questa Sac. R. Ha diversi, q.le concessa alli R.di Parochi della nat.ne greca per amor di Dia, per fabricare ivi la Chiesa Par.le sud.ta di Santo Nicola, e per habitatione de Capp.ni e Parochi did.a Chiesa all'hora p.nti er .futuri, in cambio et in luogho de! sito sive quartiere terzo, dove e' f abricata hoggi la Chiesa maggiore di San Giovanni, che prima havea essa Sac. R.ne concesso alli medesimi Parochi della natione greca per ii d.o effetto. Item chi sapesse, havesse inteso, e vista, che la maggior parte delle case, et edifttii fatti e fabricati in d.o quartiere vigesimo settimo, siano stati fatti et fabricati in vivenza delli R.di Parochi Papa Angeli et Manoli Metaxi o che de! su narrato in tutto o in parte havesse sua conscienza informata, debba jra ii termine di giorni quindici, delli quali gli assegniamo cinque per ii p.o cinque per ii 2o, et altri cinque per ii terzo ultimo, e pereptorio termine debba rive/are nell'Offitio di D.a R.da Fabrica al tramonto passato d.o termine servatis servandis si procedera' alla s.enza della Excommunicatione, in unius rei rest.m. Dato Die xiii) Martii 1643. 94

Papas Francesco Chetta Schiro' quoted the Archives of Santa Maria

Damascena to prove that the Greeks legally possessed the mentioned site. After the foundation of the new city of Valletta, the Greeks, through their Papas Angelino and

Emanuele Metaxi, were invited by Grand Master Jean Parisot de la V alette

(1557-1568) to choose a site to build a church to be dedicated to Saint Nicholas. The third quartiere was chosen for this purpose by Grand Master Pietro Del Monte

94 A I M R F, Reg. Act. Civ. II, 506r-v. 211 (1568-1572) on 25 October 1569. On second thoughts, this site was reserved for the building of the Conventual Church of Saint John, and the Greeks were given the site known as quartiere 27. Notary Placido Abel described the quarter as

situm in Valletta notatum numero vigesimo septimo latitudinis in Strada S. Jacobi cannorum viginti duarum et aliarum totidem in Strada Sancti Pauli, et longitudinis in Strada Sancti Pantaleonis cannoprum viginti quatuor et alias totidem in Strada Fortunae facientes cannas giometricas quingenta et triginta novem, contiguarum ex omni late cum stratis publicis praedictis francorum cum omnibus et singulis suis iuribus. 95

Similarly in 1642, the Sacred Congregation granted the necessary funds for the rebuilding of the parish church of Saint Paul Shipwrecked of Valletta which accidentally threatened to collapse. Marcello Cardinal Lante to Bishop Balaguer

Camarasa the contribution requested from the Congregation. 96

The Eminent Lord Cardinals sympathise with Your Lordship, by their usual goodness, on the urgent need to build again the parish church of Saint Paul in Valletta which was razed to the ground owing to an accident, since it already threatened to collapse, as Your Lordship has informed them. They have already authorised the Inquisitor to give to the poor and to pious places a part of the amount of money which would accrue to the Fabbrica. Their Eminence the Lord Cardinals kindly ask Your Lordship to contact the Inquisitor in whom they have full confidence. 97

During the early years of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta and Gozo, Fabio

Chigi noticed in the Balance Sheet audited by himself on 18 March 163 7, that small contributions were made to the parish churches of Mosta, Gharghur Naxxar. Far

95 F. CHETTA SCHIRO',Memorie sulle Chiese e il Rita Greco in Malta. Valletta 1930, 23 96 Letter addressed to Bishop Balaguer, dated 10 May 1642 97 A IM RF, Cor.40, 194r. 212 larger contributions were made to the parish church of Saint Lawrence in Vittoriosa and again to Saint Paul's parish church in Valletta. 98

35 Contributions to poor families

Places of worship interested the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro and vanous generous contributions were made from the income which it lawfully received from various persons who for long years had not taken care to fulfil their ancestors' last wills. However, the Tribunal succeeded along the years to urge many heirs to fulfil in due time and through the proper ways many pious legacies without punishing them in any way. It is clearly proved from the existing documents that the Tribunal helped, on various occasions, the legatees to distribute grants in money or in kind the legacies which were a burden on the property they had inherited. The efforts of the Tribunal of the Fabbrica helped the foundations of many legacies concerning marriage dowries and the distribution of fodder, wheat and mischiato to poor families. The names of people from Tarxien, Bisbut and Pasqualino (Zejtun) and Naxxa, as well as inhabitants of other areas appear on several documents as having received in kind amounts of food and clothes bequeathed by wealthier families.

A number of lists of persons from many villages of Malta are kept in the records of the Reverenda Fabbrica. They were presented to the Tribunal by the local parish priests or by the Contestabili of the areas to show that the contributions of the

Fabbrica had been distributed to really needy persons.

98 Ibid, Reg. Act. Civ. I, 327r-334r. 213 The survey annexed to this chapter shows a number of marriage dowries

granted by the Fabbrica itself to poor spinsters so that they could marry decently.

Other marriage dowries were given to the right persons through the efforts of the

Fabbrica which prevented the fulfilment from being forgotten altogether by the lawful

heirs. Other dowries were given to spinsters who wanted to become nuns. Special

attention was given to a converted spinster, who on becoming a catholic, had to live in

need and could not afford a dowry to become a nun.

The poor people of the islands were insistently asking Galeazzo Marescotti

more grants of elemosina, but the credits of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta at that

time were running short.

Other problems were solved by the contribution of large sums of money. On

12 July 1664 the Inquisitor informed the Secretary and Bursar General of the Sacred

Congregation, Antonio Carlo Dondini, that the Apostolic Palace at Vittoriosa, which

housed both the Holy Inquisition and the Reverenda Fabbrica, needed restoration

badly; since the time when Alexander VII was still in Malta as Inquisitor, many years

had passed. Moreover, the works of restoration and of the extension of the palace by

Gerolamo Casanate needed to be completed. 99 The same Palace needed to have the roof of the main hall be restored after the earthquake of 1693.

Benedict XIII (4 Jun 1724-21 Feb 1730) preferred to give good monthly

pensions to a number of people who had worked for the Reverenda Fabbrica or for the Holy See and the Church or the Order for a long period of time rather than the

99 A F S P, P.2, Ser.11, 342, 298r-299r. 214 occasional grants of contributions to a number of ministers of the Fabbrica itself

Fabrizio Sinibaldi communicated this order of the Pope to Antonio Ruffo on 5 March

1727. 100 A list of pensions ordered by various Popes already existed: Knight Gio

Gastone Lapparelli was granted a pension of twelve Roman scudi a month and Knight

Guido Ubaldo Bonarelli received a monthly pension of fifteen Roman scudi. A

Maronite priest, Neofito Giuber, was granted six Roman scudi per month for hearing confessions and acting as interpreter, and Gabriele Muscat, who served the Fabbrica for fifty years, received a monthly pension of five Maltese scudi. The priests of

Vittoriosa, as from 29 July 1725, received the amount of one hundred and twelve scudi every two months from the funds of the Reverenda Fabbrica for their liturgical service in the parish church of Saint Lawrence. The Beneficiati di San Pietro, as they were called, bound themselves to sing the Liturgical Hours daily. Their appointment was made by the Inquisitor or by the founders who added new foundations. This foundation was made since the Bolla Apostolica for a new Collegiate church could not be issued owing to difficulties encountered in building up the necessary capital from the heritage of Gio Maria Habela.

A striking figure that appears m the long list of needy persons was

Pachomino, Bishop of Corone, who was given a small monthly contribution while residing in Malta. A missionary from Ragusa, Fra Fulgentio, and Bishop Carabit of

Kaghija were also given monthly contributions. The Greek group of priests together with their Archpriest were listed among those persons paid by the Fabbrica for their

100 A IM RF, Cor 42, 252r. 215 service in the Antiochene Church of Vittoriosa. A Maronite Prince, Andrea Habichi, was given a regular contribution during his stay in Malta. The Greek Papas Gusmano and his deacon, Antonio Simone, received contributions from the Fabbrica. The

Discalced Carmelites were given a contribution in order to shelter foreign people who were stranded in Malta.

It is noteworthy that the Reverenda Fabbrica showed great interest in the pastoral work performed among people, prisoners, slaves and foreign people who were interested in the Catholic Religion: a monthy contribution was paid to priests who were in charge of hearing confessions or teaching catechism to infidels and prisoners. The teaching of catechism by the Societa' delta Dottrina in Vittoriosa and

Senglea was encouraged by donations and prizes provided by the Fabbrica for the children who attended regularly. Gifts of vestments were made to the church of

Vittoriosa and Lija.. The Religious Mendicants, as the Capuchins, the Franciscan

Zoccolanti and the contemplative Order of the Discalced Carmelites, were given elemosina according to their needs. Assistance to poor spinsters while preparing dowries to enter a monastery, especially if they had converted to the Catholic faith, were given special attention. Two young students, Francesco Pennisi and Francesco

Reverst, were granted scholarships to continue their theological studies in Rome.

The long list of donations, bearing details of dates and places, which follows this section is a witness to the wide range of the social and charitable assistance of the

Reverenda Fabbrica in all the parishes of Malta during many years ..

216 Fig. 26 Chapel of the Monastery of S. Scholastica in Vittoriosa formerly the Sacra Tnfirmeria of the ()rder 36 Various Contributions and Donations

A long list of donations, even if it not complete, was kept in the Libro Computa of the

Reverenda Fabbrica; the list of donations is found together with the other payments effected by the different bursars according to the Mandati issued by the Commissioner and by the Procuratore Fiscale. The Inquisitor authorised and undersigned these mandati even when he was the Superintendent of the Fabbrica during the time when

Nicola Mangione was the Commissioner. Fortunately, some other fragments of this register were discovered recently, but the register is not yet catalogued and the pages are not numerated. The existing parts helped to build up a cross section of the donations and the contributions granted by the Reverenda Fabbrica as authorised by the Sacred Congregation and, at times, by the Pope himself

The first known Mandati for donations and contributions to poor people and to institutions of a religious or social nature, as audited by the Inquisitor Ludovico

Serristori, are listed on 23 December 1631. 1 Some of the following donations are found in the Liber Actorum Civilium and in the Correspondenza which passed between the Sacred Congregation and the Office of the Reverenda Fabbrica in

1631 BURSAR GIAcoMNo MuscAT Scudi 2 June to the convent of the converted mothers 100 1 Aug to the convent of the converted mothers 3 0 10 Aug to a poor spinster (through Sebastiano. Salelles S .J.) 21 21 Aug to the orphan girls of theMisericordia Orphanage, Valletta 30 17 Sep to the converted mothers of Valletta 25 23 Oct to the sick women of the converted mothers' Convent 10 28 Nov to the Convent of the converted mothers of Valletta 100 4 Dec to theMisericordia Orphanage of Valletta 100

1 A IM RF, Reg. Act. Civ. III, 63 lss 218 a marriage dowry to Domenica Seychel 20 a marriage dowry to Norica Agius 20 20 Dec to the Discalced Carmelites of Santa Teresa 50 22 Dec to the Convent of the converted mothers 1002

According to the Audit of the balance sheet covering the period 24 December 1631 to 18 March 1637 under the supervision of Fabio Chigi, the sum of Scudi 1861.4 was distributed in the following contributions of elemosina: 3

1632 Bursar LEONARDO XARA Scudi 20 Jan. to the Convent of the converted mothers 100 8 May to the Convent of the converted mothers 100 20 Aug elemosina to Caterinuzza Bonnici 20 6 Sep. to the Convent of the converted mothers 100 23 Oct. to the Convent of the converted mothers 98.44 lONov. Per la volonta' del Papa, la meta' va ai poveri per 5 anni5 30 Dec to the Convent of the Orphans (procurator Garribo) 50.5

1633 8 Jan to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica 50 22 Jan elemosina to Maddalena Xuereb 5 3 Mar elemosina to the Bishop of Corone (up to 4 July) 20 23 Jul to the Convent of the converted mothers 250 6 Oct elemosina to the Bishop of Corone 12

1634 3 Jan to the Convent of the converted mothers 50 6 May to the parish church of Saint Lawrence, Vittoriosa 256

2 Ibid Introito della Rev. Fabbrica 1629-1655, 126ss Ibid. Reg. Act. Civ. I, 133ss 3 Noi Fabio Chigi per la grazia di Dio e della Sede Apostolica Vescovo di Nardo, Inquisitore et Apostolico De legato contra l'eret7ca pravita' et Giudice delle seconde cause d'appellazione della Rev.da Fabbrica di San Pietro di Roma in quest'isole di Malta e Gazo, et a questo specialmente delegato per ordine della S. Congregatione in vigor d'una lettera della med.ma Congregatione data in Roma Ii 5 luglio 1636. Havendo vista im conti delli denari esatti e depositati gia' parte in pater de! Signor Dottor Leonardo Xara, nuovo Depositario di detta Rev.da Fabbrica come appare per loro ricevute in piede delli mandati expediti dal Rev.do Sign. Don Nicola Mangione, Commissario di detta Rev.da fabbrica cominciati dalli 28 dicembre 1631 dopa !'ultimo canto reso a Mons. Serristori snttn Ii 74 dr>l dPttn mese dee. l 631 quali mandati sono l'infra: . .Ibid. 327r-33 l v 4 For these last four contributions to the Convent of the converted mothers, Cf Ibid, Reg.Act.Civ.II, 63lr-v. and Ibid, Cor. 40, 77r-85v. 5 AF S P, P.I, Ser.2, 73, 197r. 6 A IM RF, Computa n.p.; Ibid., Reg. Act. Civ. Ill, 632r. 219 to the Convent of the converted mothers 28 11 May elemosina to Alfonso from Vittoriosa 12.6 19 June to the Orphanage (procurator Garribo) 25 20 July elemosina to Filippo Sammut and Blasio Vella 12 7 Nov to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica 50

1635 Scudi 17March to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica 25 26 Apr elemosina to the Bishop of Corene (up to 3 September) 24 5 July elemosina to Maria Vella 25 3 Aug elemosinato the sisters of the Bursar 50 2 Oct to the Convent of the converted mothers 60 3 Oct to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica 60 20 Oct to the Monastery of Santa Teresa 60 22 Oct to the parish church of Musta 20 23 Oct to the parish church of S. Paul Shipwrecked 20 to the parish church of Gharghur 20 1 Nov elemosina to Salvatore 6 7 Nov to the Convent of the orphans 40 to Angeletta and Rosanna Zammit 20 8 Nov to the Capuchin Friars 25 29 Nov to Fra Tommaso Taliana (2 payments) 12 30Nov to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica 40

1636 12 Feb to the Convent of the converted mothers 15 to the almoniere of Saint Peter's, Notabile 15 20 Feb elemosina to Paolo Calleja 10 4 Mar. to the sisters of Can.Simone Pace,kept as a slave 80 26 Mar to the Dominican Friars ofVittoriosa 20 27 Mar elemosina to the Bishop of Corene (up to 22 Sep.) 30 29 Mar elemosina to Blasio Vella 5 7 May elemosian to different persons during the previous month 58 30 June elemosian to other persons 149 3 Sep During this month contributions were given to many parishes according to the following list; the monies were given to the parish priest who distributed the elemosina with the help of the Contestabile or the Capo Popolo. Subsequently these presented to the Inquisitor the list of persons to whom elemosina was given. Zurrico 17 Attard 10

220 Must a 2 Naxxar 25 Micabbiba 6 Safi (2 contributions) 12 Pasqualino 13 Zabbar 6 Gu di a 8 Qrendi 6 Zebbug 20 Chircop 6 Tarxien 10 Curmi 20 Luca 6 22 Sep elemosina to the poor people of Valletta 20 Casale Gregorio 10 Siggiewi 20 Haxiac 6 Birchircara 14 Balzan 6 Lia 8 Vittoriosa 20 Burmula 10 other contribution 20

1637 3 Jan elemosina to the poor people of Rabat 5 elemosina to other persons 30

There are other long lists of persons to whom charitable donations were given in the different parishes, the parishes of Bisbut, Pasqualino and Tarxien are frequently mentioned. Frumento, orzo and mischiato were given instead of money in fulfilment of different legacies. A list of the persons to whom the donations were made was always given to the Commissioner as a witness of the fulfilment of the obligations. 7

1642 lOMay a contribution was granted to Bishop Balaguer for the rebuilding of Saint Paul's parish church in Valletta8

1643 Scudi l) Feb. to the Monastery of S. Scolastica (Matteolo Staftag) 153 9

7 Ibid, Reg. Act. Civ. II, 633r -772r 8 Ibid, Cor. 40, l 94r 9 Ibid, Reg. Act. Civ. II, 524r. 221 1648 BURSAR PAOLO TABONE Feb. Notabile and Rabat 40 8 Apr Tarxien and Paola 115 9 Apr Vittoriosa 15 29 Apr Pasqualino and Bisbut 65

1649 2 Nov. same villages Salmi 11

1652 1 Sep. Zebbug 1 2 Nov Pasqualino and Bisbut 2 14 Apr Notabile and Rabato Scudi 50

1653 14 Apr. Rabat and Notabile Scudi 50 30Nov Pasqualino and Bisbut Salmi 2 (in fulfilment of the legacy by Venera Sammut)

1654 6 Apr Notabile and Rabato Scudi 64

Abbate Federico Borromeo, the Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate, as a Judge of the Reverenda Fabbrica, deputised by the Sacred Congregation by the Letters Patent of 3 August 1653, audited the accounts of Leonardo Xara and Paolo Tabone, two successive bursars, when Nicola Mangione was the Commissioner. The balance sheet covers the period 6 October 1646 to 28 Febryary 1654 ..

On 13 August 1651, a special concession of half of the entries of the Fabbrica had already been made for five years by the Sacred Congregation to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica which amounted to the sum of Scudi 341 .4 . 6. 10 Other income from doubtful legacies was distributed to the poor as follows:

1646 Scudi 11 Jun. Manastery of S.Scolastica 153 (letter dated 15 Feb 1643)11 1648 Bursar p AOLO TABONE 20 Feb. Notabile and Rabato 40

10 Ibid, 781r. 11 Ibid, 524r. 222 9 Apr. to the poor people ofVittoriosa 155 12 29 Apr. Pasqualino and Bisbut 53

1649 2 Feb. Pasqualino and Bisbut Salmi 2 these were granted through Gregorio Bonnici 1653 14 Apr. Notabile and Rabato 50

1654 6 Apr. to the same city and village 6413

Other contributions of elemosina followed: 2 Nov. Pasqualino e Bisbut Salmo 1

1655 28 Feb. to the same Salmi 3 8 Aug. Naxxar 1.5

1658 Scudi S.Dominic's Convent, Vittoriosa 15014 Tarxien Salmi 7

Galeazzo Marescotti declared that he distributed in elemosina all his profit from the income of the Fabbrica between 1663 and 1665. Elemosina and donations were given as follows: to the Convent of Santa teresa in Cospicua 222 for furnishings for the Fabbrica 120 to the Convent of the annunciation, Vittoriosa 86 to the Sanctuary of Lady of Grace, Zabbar 20 for the souls in purgatory 10 to Don Eugenio for a marriage dowry 25 to Don Andrea for Sister Sinforosa 2.6 to Don Eugenio for poor people 1015 More distribution of elemosina is found to have been made as follows:

1668 to the Monastery of Santa Scolastica 200 to poor people 200

12 Ibid, 683r. 13 Ibid, 783ss. 14 Ibid, 790r-838r. 15 AS V, S.S. Malta, 186, 409r. 223 1669 10 Jul. to the poor nuns 100 to poor people 200 1670 20 Feb. elemosina to Carmelo Vella 10 12May elemosina to the the poor-parish priest of Senglea 40 parish priest of S .Paul, Valletta 40 parish priest of Porto Salvo, Valletta 60 to the Monastery of the Verginelle, Valletta 40 to the capitano, Gio Vincenzo Ciantar 40 to Fra Policarpo, Discalced Carmelite 20 to Fra Giacomino,Dominican Friary, Vittoriosa 20 to the Capuchin Friars 15 21 May to Don Carlo Farrugia as elemosina to the poor 10 to the parish priest of Vittoriosa as elemosina to the poor 40 to Fra Tommaso 10 to G. Mifsud for the Convent of the converted mothers 40 to Don Giovanni Barbara as elemosina to the poor 20 to Don G. Zammit for St Philip's Oratory, Senglea 10 to Salvatore Seychel as elemosina to the poor 5 to Don Giovanni Dimech as elemosina to the poor 60 to Don Angelo Bonnici as elemosina to the poor of Rabat 40 to the Vice Parroco ofNotabile- elemosina to the poor 20 to Don Giovanni Bonnici as elemosina to the poor 10 23 Aug. to the monasteries of S.Scolastica and S.Catarina 500 16 (proportion to be decided by the Inquisitor)

1671 5 Jan. to the Capuchins 4 7 elemosina to Don Carbone 1 to Don Lorenzo Vassallo as elemosina to the poor 12 2 Feb. to the Monastery of S. Catarina for the orphans of Valletta 60017 17 Feb. to a Monsignor for elemosina 4 6 May to the Superior of the Capuchins - elemosina 1.6 3 Jun to Don Lorenzo Vassallo - elemosina 4 8 Jul to the Convent of the Annunciation ofBorgo 4 23 Aug. to the Monastery of S. Caterina, Valletta 80

16 A I MRF, Cor. 41,4 17 This sum of money was given to the monastery of S. Catarina of Valletta to buy a house from Marco Antonio Fiteni to enlarge the Misericordia Convent; this was authorised by the Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica by means of a letter addressed to the Inquisitor dated 1 October 1670 .. (Ibid, 41, 14) 224 28 Aug to the Convent of the converted mothers 40 1 Sep. to the Monastery of S. Scolastica , Vittoriosa 60 elemosina to different persons 16 to Giovanni Tempi, the Inquisitor, for elemosina 30 to the Convent of the Annunciation, Borgo 5 to the Superior of the Capuchins 4 to Don Lorenzo Vassallo as elemosina 14 4 Nov. to Fra Filiberto 4 14 to Fra Nicolo', a French Dominican 1.6 Dec. elemosina to Angela 4 to different persons 12.618

1672 Bursar PAOLO XARA Scudi 6 Mar. Notabile 30 29 Mar. Tarx:ien 28 2 Nov. Rabato 30 to poor prisoners and the needy in the hospitals 20 1675 Bursa STANISLAO XARA Scudi Oct. to poor children 8 Zejtun Salmi 6

1673 elemosina to Xano Xerri as ordered by the Pope on request of the Inquisitor 200

1674 to a Jewish Spanish lady converted to the Christian faith 200

1675 10 Aug .to the parish priest of San Nicola dei Greci 19

1676 5 Apr. On a direct order of the Sacred Congregation all the money of the Fabrica was given to the poor stricken by the plague

1677 Seu di 7 Jul. to the poor stricken by the plague 10020 27 Aug .. to the Monastery of S. Scolastica, Vittoriosa 2021

18 Ibid, Computa ofFabritio Testaferrata, the Bursar, dated 13 Apr.1672. n.p .. 19 Ibid, Car. 41, l 44r. 20 A F S P, P.2, Ser.10, 27, 1-184. 21 Authorised by a special concession given by means of a letter of the Sacred Congregation, 225 1678 28 Aug. to be ditributed as elemosina to the poor 6622 31 to Aloisio Fanale for the Convent of S. Maddalena 40 2 Sep to Giovanni Felice for the Monastery of S. Catarina 40

1680 Feb. Tarxien Salmi 1.5 Aug. Tarxien 5

1681 7 Apr. to the poor was distributed along the whole year 20023 21 Nov. Pasqualino and Bisbut Salmi 5

1683 Scudi 16 Oct. to Antonio Vassallo for the Monastery of S. Scolastica 22024

1686 Mar. to the poor people of Gudia 12.6 May to Ludovico Famucelli, Assessor elemosina to the poor 630

1689 Mar. to Ludovico Famucelli, Assessor elemosina to the poor 550 16 Oct. to Knight Falconieri - pension given by the Pope 60025

1692 19 Dec. to the Monastery of S. Caterina, Valletta 600

1693 2 Feb. elemosina distributed to the poor 636 22 Jun. to Paolo Testaferrata for the restoration of the palace hall of the Holy Office 40026

1696 dated 7 July 1677. Ibid, Computa, n.p. 22 Stanislao Xara became the new Bursar. Ibid., Computa of Stanislao Xara, n.p. 23 Authorised by a letter addressed to Giacomo Cantelmi on 13 Nov. 1680. Ibid Computa of Stanislao Xara, n.p. 21 ' Authorised by a letter of Alderano Cardinal Cibo on 11 Septembe1 1684. Ibid, n.p. 25 To make sure that this pension had been duly given, Gio Carlo Vespignani wrote three letters to the Inquisitor on 18 Jul 1687, 12 Dec 1687 and 13 Nov 1688. Ibid. n.p. 26 The Pope authorised this contribution by means of a letter to the Sacred Congregation on 16 Mar 1692. Ibid,. n.p. 226 14 Feb. expenses for building a wall in the civil prisons 3227

1697 7 Aug. for the building extension of the Apostolic Palace 1959 30 Dec. to the Convent of S. Teresa and the church of S. Lawrence 936 (in aid of their fabbrica) marrieage dowries to different spinsters of the villages 550 clothes given to the poor 146 distributed to the poor 54228 a scholarship to Francesco Reverst, a student in Rome 1699 6 May distributed to the poor throughout the year 889

1703 29 Apr. the fourth part of the income of the F abbrica as elemosina 1004

1705 20 Aug. for the building of a chapel in the prisons 240

1706 elemosina distributed to the poor (various mandati) 1255 1709 (the part of the book of the expenditure is missing)

1714 DOMENICO XARA 3 Aug. to Inquisitor Raniero D'Elci as elemosina to the poor 69529

1717 26 Oct. paid to the Inquisitor by Domenico Xara for elemosina 787 (one fourth of the income oftheFabbrica)

1724 Bursar Gro BATIA DoREL 22 Aug. Gio Battista Dorel distributed to the poor 22030 to Fulgentio Zarb for the Convent of S. Augustine,Rabat 150 to Don Lorenzo ofVittoriosa 15931 five payments to the Beneficiati of the church of S. Lawrence

27 Ibid, n.p. 28 Stnlislao Xara, the Bursar, distributed these sunu; of money ail one fourth of all the inmmfl of the Fabbrica; the decree was issued by Giacinto Filiberto Ferreri, the Inquisitor. 29 Domenico Xara became Bursar in 1713. Ibid,, n.p. 30 Gio Batta Dorel became Bursar in 1724. IbidComputa of Gio Batta Dorel, n.p. 31 These payments were made during the period 1724-1728 227 for the Liturgical celebrations (every two months) 43.732 9 Nov. to Knight Gastone Lapparelli for his pension 109

1725 16 Jan. to Knight Gastone Lapparelli for his pension 63.4 28 Jan. to Guido Ubaldo Bonarelli for arears of his pension 243.3 18 Jun. to Knight Gastone Lapparelli 43.7 18 Aug. to Gastone Lapparelli 43.7 22 Dec. to Neo:fito Giuber Rame, Melchite priest, 21.9

1726-1728 the monthly pension of Scudi 10 .10 was paid regularly to Neo:fita Giuber Rame Similarly the monthly pensions were paid regularly to Guido Ubaldo Bonarelli and to Gastone Lapparelli the contribution of Scudi 43. 7 was given every two months to the Beneficiati of the parish church of S. Lawrence33 1743 Bursar SALVATORE DoREL 18 Dec. totheBeneficiatiforoneyear(7Sep1740-31Aug1741) 322.34

1744 3 Jan. for the liturgical celebrations ( 1 Sep 1640-31 Aug 17 41) 107.4 18 Apr. marriage dowry to Anna Maria, a Georgian spinster 20 10 Jul. arears for the Liturgical celebrations 803.6 6 Oct. elemosina to Msgr Carabit, Armenian bishop of Kaghia 15 21 Nov. to Don Ignazio Picinotti, elemosina to a Georgian woman 7

1745 4 Jan. elemosina to Gio Maria Zammit 6 20 Feb. for the Liturgical celebrations(July-August 1744 53.8 16 Apr. for the Liturgical celebrations (four bi-monthly payments) 214 28 Apr. elemosina to the Conservatorio Segnani of Senglea 25 elemosina to the Bishop ofKaghia 8 31 May elemosina to Maglione ladies 15 30 Sep. for the Liturgical celebrations(3 l August) 107 20 Oct. to Papas Gusmano di Teodoro and other armenians 8 11 Dec. to a number of poor Armenians 4

32 Ibid, Computa of Gio Battista Dorel, n.p. 33 Ibid, n.p. 34 Salvatore Dorel became the Bursar; Ibid., Computa of Salvatore Dorel, 1743, n.p. 228 1746 11 Feb. to Don Antonio Simone and his brother Deacon Pietro, Armenians of the Order of S.Antonio in Rome 8 6 Apr. to Abramo, a converted Jew 10 19 July to Andrea Habichi, Prince of Mount Libano, a Maronite Catholic 10 13 Aug. elemosina to some Jews after their baptism 3 30 Aug. elemosina to the Maronites 11.6

1747 11 Mar. elemosina to the poor 4 29 Mar. to Costanzo, the Assessor, to distribute in elemosina 10 7 Oct. elemosina distributed during the last months 29 other donations of elemosina 69.7 more donations of elemosina 80.4

1752 4 Dec. to Don Pio Xuereb to distribute in elemosina 11235

1759 3 Jan. elemosina to the prisoners 12.2 a long list of small donations 93 other small donations (the names are not mentioned) 13536

1767 Bursar PIETROPAOLO DOREL a long list of donations to unknown persons 2537 monthly elemosina to a small number of persons 2.6 31 Oct. elemosina to the Archpriest of the Antiochene Church 30 donations to a number of unknown persons 51

1768 22 Dec. to Don Agostino Psaila of Senglea, for the cure of an Armenian in the Oratory of S. Philip 44,10 to the Conservatorio Segnani for the cure of a Jewish lady 10.10

1769 2 Mar. to the Sindaco of the Capuchins for food

35 These payments as from 16 Nov 1743, when the Bursar presented his balance sheet to Gunltcrio Gualtieri, up to t1 Fob 167'1, wore made by Salvatore Dorel, Bursar oftho Rovorenda Fabbrica. Ibid, Computa of Salvatore Dorel, n.p. 36 Ibid, Computa of Salvatore Dorel, who died on 4 Apr 1762, and Computa of his son, Pietro Paolo Dorel, n.p. 37 Pietro Paolo Dorel, the son of Salvatore was the Bursar; Ibid,, 1762. n.p. 229 provided to Pietro Paolo de Dominicis 30 3 Mar. to the same for food provided to a Jew 20

1773 Bursar DIEGO MuscAT 27 Apr. monthly elemosina to some persons 2.638 small donations of elemosina to the poor 46 to the Inquisitor for elemosina 120 food to the prisoners 500

1788 30 Jan. to Don Salvatore Abela for the Operarii of the Societa della Dotrina Cristiana ofVittoriosa 15 elemosina to some persons known to the Inqusitor 120 to Paolo Axiac for the food o:fthe prisoners 100 30 Apr. for the liturgical celebrations in Vittoriosa 112.3 31 May elemosina to the poor for the previous five months 125 another donation to the poor 24 30 Sep. elemosina to the poor for the previous four months 100 29 Dec. to the poor during October, November, December 75 Every three months, the Inqusitor ordered the payment of Scudi 112.3.4 to the Bene.ficiati for the Liturgical celebrations held in the parish church of S. Lawrence.

1789 28 Feb. a contribution to the Societa' della Dotrina Cristiana 15 a contribution of Scudi 25 to the poor was made regularly every month up to August; the contribution was then raised to Scudi 35. 340 30 Aug. to the parish church of Vittoriosa for liturgical vestments ( 1 cope, 3 chasubles and veil) all in raso paonazzo 240

The usual amount of money was contributed regularly to the parish church of Vittoriosa for the liturgical celebrations.

1790 31 Mar. elemosina to the poor during January, February, March 106 30 Apr. elemosina to the poor 42.9 31 May elemosina to the poor 42.9 a contribution to the parish church of Lija for pious entities 66 30 Jun. elemosina to the poor 42.9 27 Jul. a contribution to the parish church of Vittoriosa for liturgical vestments in Rosa cremesi 3 84. 5

38 Diego Muscat was appointed Bursar in 1771; Ibid, Computa of Diego Muscat, n.p. 230 30 Aug. elemosina to the poor 42.9 30 Sep. elemosina to the poor 42.9 30 Oct. elemosina to the poor 41 23 Dec. elemosina to the poor during November-December 84 elemosina granted to some persons known to the Inquisitor 130

1791 8 Jan. contribution of elemosina to the poor 15 a contribution to the parish church of Vittoriosa for a violet liturgical vestment 75.6 28 Feb. elemosina to the poor during January and February 80 to the Sociata' della Dotrina Cristiana 15 29 Jun. elemosina for the months of March-June 160 elemosina to a Greek priest to travel to Rome 39.6 23 Dec. elemosina during the months July-December 240 to the Bishop's Conservatorio in Bormula 50 elemosina to some persons known to the Inquisitor 130

1792 24 Jan. elemosina to the poor 8.2 elemosina during the month of January 43.9 28 Feb. elemosina during the month 43.9 29 Jun. elemosian during the months March-June 180 16 Jui. other contributions of elemosina 30 30 Jui. elemosina during the month of July 45 30 Aug. elemosina during the month 46.3 27 Sep. elemosian to a pious place known to the Inquisitor 108 30 Sep. usual contributions of elemosina 46.3 30 Oct. usual contribution of elemosina 46.3 other contributions 73 29 Dec. contributions of elemosina during November and December 92 contribution for the food of the prisoners 100 elemosina to some persons known to the Inquisitor 7 5

1793 28 Feb. monthly contributions of elemosina:January-February 92 contribution to the Conservatorio Segnani 34.8 contribution to the Societa della Dotrina Cristiana 15 31 Mar. monthly contributions of elemossina 46 30 Apr. monthly contributions of elemosina t15 31 May monthly contributions of elemosina 51.10 to the Chancellor to distribute in elemosina 555 30 Oct. monthly contributions for five months 234.2

231 30Nov. contributions for the food of the prisoners 100 29Dec monthly contributions of charity: November, December 93.8 contribution to the Prior of S. Teresa for food given to an Englishman 38.639

1794 15 Feb. to the Societa della Dotrina Cristiana 15 15 Mar. contribution to the Consul of the Maronites as an elemosina to Rosa Bellich 20 30May. monthly contribution of elemosina for five months 256.8 18 Jun. elemosina to Vincenzo Anastasio of Ragusa, a missionary of the Third Order of the Capuchins 10 other contributions of elemosina 17 29 Jun. monthly contributions of elemosina 51.4 other contributions 20 20 Jul. contributions of elemosina 7 15 Aug. other contributions 15 13 Oct. contributions to different persons 40 30Nov. monthly contributions for five months 256.8 29 Dec. monthly contribution of elemosina 60

1795 30 Jan. monthly contribution 60 28 Feb. monthly contribution of elemosina 51.4 30 Mar. Monthly contributions 48.10 29 Apr. monthly contributions of elemosina 51.4 30May monthly contributions of charity 51.4 29 Jun. monthly contributions of elemosina 47.4 to the Conservatorio Sagnani 150 30 Jul. monthly contributions of elemosina 47 28 Aug. montrhly contributions of elemosina 51 contribution. for the food of an Englishman 7.6 28 Sep. monthly contributions of elemosina 51.4 30 Oct. monthly contributions of elemosina 51.4 30 Nov. monthly contributions of elemosina 51.10 29 Dec. monthly contributions of elemosina 56.10 to the prisoners( 1794-1795) 200

1796 10 .fan pl'lirl to Ml'lstro rTiovanni Attl'!rci for carved woociwork to be placed around the altar of the church of Saint lawrence, Vittoriosa 100

39 This elemosina was given by Gio Filippo Gallarati Scotti, the Inquisitor (1785-1793) 232 30 Apr. monthly contributions for the previous four months 207.4 31 May monthly contributions of elemosina 34.10 29 Jun. monthly contributions of elemosina 34.10 contribution to the Conservatorio Segnani 22 23 Dec. monthly contributions for six months 209.0

1797 25 Jan. contribution to the Conservatorio Segnani and to the poor 66940 29 Apr. monthly contributions to the poor during four months 160 31 May monthly contribution to the poor 42.5 12 Jun. contribution to the Conservatorio Segnani 363.8 30 Jun. monthly contribution to the poor 37.3 31 July monthly contribution to the poor 44.6 17 Aug. payment for the works in the choir of Saint Lawrence's 90 31 Aug. contribution for the liturgical celebrations 112.3 payment for the renewal of the decree of the same 22.4 30 Sep. monthly contribution to the poor (2 months) 72 6 Oct. contribution to the Conservatorio Sagnani 100 16 Oct. payment of woodworks in the choir of Vittoriosa 41 25 Oct. elemosina to a person known to the Inquisitor 10 27 Oct elemosina to Maria Sciriha 15 31 Oct elemosina to persons known to the Inquisitor 36.4 28 Nov. elemosina to Margherita Munsenia 2.6 30Nov. monthly contributions to the poor 35.4 7 Dec. for liturgical vestments for Vittoriosa 174 elemosina to two persons 3.6 22 Dec. monthly contributions to persons known to the Inquisitor 35.4 contribution by Giulio Carpegna to the Conservatorio Sagnani55 paid to Gaetano Bertis for the food given to the prisonrs 100 for the liturgical celebrations held up to 31 December in the church of Saint Lawrence 112.3 1798 9 Jan. elemosina to Antonia Tabone 10 30 Jan. payment to Aloisio Damato for furnishing a bed to a spinster of the Sagnani Conservatorio 9.2 31 Jan. contribution of elemosina to known persons 35.8 8 Feb. payment of rent to Gaetana Inglott for a house rented to Don Francesco Tomba 8

40 Vincenzo Depiro became the new Bursar; Ibid, Computa, n. p. 233 28 Feb. monthly contributions to poor persons 35.8 30 Apr. monthly contributions for two months 72 31 May elemosina to a spinster of the Consen,atorio ofFloriana 2.6 for food served to an Englishman 2'6 elemosina to a spinster of the Consen,atorio of Floriana 10.641

41 Giulio Carpegna, the last Inquisitor, left Malta on 26 May 1798. Gio Battista Gatt became the Pro Inquisitor and remained in office up to the date of the suppression of the Tribunal. 234 CONCLUSION

When the archipelago of the Maltese Islands was given to the Knights of the Order of

Saint John as a feud by Charles V of Spain in 1530, they became the feudal lords of the Islands;. This marked the beginning of jurisdictional disputes between the Order and the Universita' and its Jurats, and between the Order and the Bishops of Malta.

The Inquisitor, in view of his authority, was greatly involved in these disputes. A fourth jurisdictional right cropped up with the institution of the Tribunal of the

Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta and Gozo.

Charles V had guaranteed the interests and the ancient privileges of the

Maltese, which the Grand Master was in duty bound to safeguard. The Order was bound to allow its Maltese subjects a certain amount of local self-government embodied in the ancient Universita' and its tribunals. This jurisdiction extended to all cases, both civil and criminal, concerning the native inhabitants of the islands.

However, by the time the Order's rule in Malta was suppressed by the French

Government, the Tribunal's jurisdiction of the Universita' had been limited to criminal cases in the first instance only. The Order had gradually taken over the administration of justice into its own han

235 The question of the competent tribunal in each case became very confused.

This difficult situation became more complicated as one contend with the number of tribunals instituted by the Order and the ecclesiastical tribunals in the island. The oldest tribunal in the diocese was that of the Bishop; it had extensive jurisdiction over a large number of persons, mostly clerics, in ecclesiastical and in civil matters even of a criminal nature.

Moreover, on 15 July 1562, a Brief of Paul IV gave special delegated inquisitorial powers to Bishop Cubelles in addition to his ordinary powers as Bishop of

Malta. This meant that the Tribunal of the Holy Office was introduced in Malta; this

Tribunal was known the Sacred Inquisition. Thus, a third power of jurisdiction was created. The power of the Inquisitor covered all persons exempt from the ordinary jurisdiction of the bishop. It was his duty to judge cases of heresy even where members of the Order were implicated; it covered also all members of Religious

Orders, including the Knights themselves.

A fourth power of jurisdiction was added in the islands of Malta and Gozo during the reign of the Order. Notwithstanding the Bishop's opposition, the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro was instituted by the Sacred Congregation of the Reverenda Fabbrica on 19 September 1626 appointing Nicola Mangione, a

Maltese priest of Naxxar, as its first Commissioner. Appeals from the second instance of this court were to be heard in Rome. A radical reform in this tribunal was effected by Alexander VII on 21 May 1655. The reform however maintained intact its power of jurisdiction which was universal: No body was exempt. Many privileges were

236 granted along the years to this Office and Tribunal by vanous popes. It could

requisition property and capitals; it had the right to inflict penalties of

excommunication, it was enriched with power in all fora; it had its prisons, though

these were jointly kept with those of the Holy Inquisition. After the reform effected by

Alexander VII it had its Office in the Apostolic Palace of the Inquisition though it

always maintained its autonomy.

The Maltese people were consequently subjects to four different powers of

jurisdiction.

The correspondence which passed between the Sacred Congregation of the

Reverenda Fabbrica in the Vatican City and its Office and Tribunal in Malta reveals

many truths bedies providing an account of the 170 years long negotiatis (1628-1798);

which gave fruitful results for both parties involved. Both the contributions from all

the papal states for the building and finishing of the great Vatican Basilica and the

relatively small amounts provided from such a small country as the archipelago of

Malta contributed to the development of the awareness of the universal Catholic

community that the whole gigantic project created one central point of reference and

not simply for the numerous pilgrimages from all over the world.

It may be stated that it is not the number of pilgrims who arrive in Rome that

build the Church of Christ, but the idea that lies behind the whole effort of visiting the

sacred place creates a sensibility that all nations are looking towards one and the same fulcrum of truth which becomes the light that shines wherever people live and hear the

message it communicats to the whole world. for all those who want to embark on its

237 salvific venture. Malta and Gozo helped create this effect of universality within the

Catholic community by means of their modest contribution to the funds required for the building and embellishment of the Vatican Basilica

Actually, when the Commissariat of the Reverenda Fabbrica was established in Malta and Gozo, the building of the Basilica was already crowned with the shining cross; on the other hand, the contribution of the Maltese islands, scarcely populated and with poor people, was a valid help and supported the great works and expenses of the embellishment of the Basilica. At the same time the efforts carried out in Malta by the Fabbrica Tribunal succeeded to bring to light hidden legacies and to give effect to the dispositions and last wills of many generous testators. Besides the suffrage offered for the souls in Purgatory, which from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century dominated the christian idea of salvation; numerous acts of charity and social assistance to the poor and to the needy were performed either directly through the funds of the Fabbrica itself or through the efforts of the Tribunal which made latent possessors latent possessors of lands and capital to fulfill their obligations they had neglected for a long time. The Tribunal of the Fabbrica in Malta was, for the first thirty years, directed very scrupulously and meticulously by Nicola Mangione, who adopted equity, justice and, above all, charity.as the guidelines of its performance.

The superintendency of the Inquisitors of Malta on the local Tribunal changed to an overall direction by the Inquisitors as decreed by the former Inquisitor of Malta

Pope Alexander VII; this historical reform of the Reverenda Fabbrica in Malta brought the institution to a state of a quasi-unification of the Tribunal and the Holy

238 Inquisition and henceforth the performance of the Fabbrica became more accepted by the Order of Saint John and by the Church Authorities,.and its orders were more wilfully adhered to.

In the sixteenth century various charitable institutions of the Order of Saint

John had been set up to help needy and poor sections of the population of Malta and

Gozo who lived in hardship, famine and fear. The Turks kept the island in a state of continuous stress and fear over many years; the populatioon increased by thousands; the rural part of the island became deserted leaving the islanders to starve without agricultural products; foodstuffs did not arrive regularly from Sicily; the harbour area became densely populated and created dangers of pest and plagues owing to lack of hygiene; towards the final period of the Order's stay in Malta, the same Order went into moral and organisational decay and abbandoned the care of the poorer section of the population. With all these social problems pressing hardly on the Maltese islands, the Reverenda Fabbrica as from its very first years had to distribute half of its entries to alleviate the starving population. The Popes decreed, and frequently renewed their decision, that half of the money received by the Reverenda Fabbrica was to be distributed among the poor families of the islands. Though there was a long period of restraint of this flow of elemosina owing to the great debts that the Reverenda

Fabbrica in Rome had to pay, Gian Filippo Gallarati Scotti, Inquisitor of Malta for seven years ( 1785-1793 ), testifies that there was a whole century during which no money was sent to Rome because the needs in Malta were terribly pressing. 1 Great

1A IM, Mem. 28, 63r-68. 239 figures, who could be decsribed by the modem form social workers, could be numbered among the inquisitors who lived in Malta, amongst whom one should mention Ranuccio Cardinal Pallavicino, Francesco Cardinal Acquaviva and Innico

Cardinal Caracciolo who distributed not only all that they had in the Reverenda

Fabbrica but also their own personal possessions. During the plagues, even when there were only suspect cases in Vittoriosa, and after the earthquake that mainly hit

Notabile, Rabat and Vittoriosa and some villages ( 11 January 1693), people flocked to the Inquisitorial Palace for help. Distribution of elemosina was made nearly in all existing parishes through the parish priests or the local contestabile; it consisted in money, foodstuffs or clothes.

Gio Ottavio Cardinal Manciforte, before leaving Malta, stated that there was a deficit in the Depositeria of the Fabbrica which hindered the distribution of more generous elemosina between 1767 and 1771; he quoted Angelo Cardinal Durini who referred to the Sacred Congregation this same state of affairs. 2

Along the different stages of its existence in Malta and Gazo, the Reverenda

Fabbrica helped in the maintenance of orphanages and hospices. It did not neglect the building of various churches, amongst which those of Saint Paul in Valletta, and of

Saint Lawrence and of the Annunciation in Vittoriosa. The Commissioner was greatly involved in helping the Greek community and its priests in Vittoriosa and in the building of their church in Valletta. Even the Society for the teaching of Catechism is listed as one of the beneficiaries of the Fabbrica. The Liturgy was greatly at heart of

2Ibid, 16, 115r; and 20, IV, 17r-19r. 240 many inquisitors: Antonio Cardinal Ruffo instituted the temporary foundation of the

Beneficiati di San Pietro in Vittoriosa. Religious Orders benefited as well from the

Fabbrica's generosity.

Gio Filippo Cardinal Gallarati Scotti refers in his Memorie that the Inquisitor, as Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica, used to exempt poor churches and other institutions from paying their dues for the pious legacies which they had not fulfilled. 3

In a letter to Cardinal De Zelada, he informed the Cardinal that he did not keep imprisoned a young man who hit one of the Fabbrica's servants but released him after a few hours. 4 Prisoners were also given a monthly sum of money to buy food.

Poor spinsters are known to have benefited greatly from the funds of the

Reverenda Fabbrica and the provisions of legacies which concerned them were strictly adhered to. 5

All these cases confirm the Church's presence in the difficult circumstances of the Islands during the period covered by this dissertation and Her contribution to solve social and pastoral problems. One may thus judge the benefit of bringing to public knowledge all the contents of the correspondence which passed between the Sacred

Congregation in the Vatican City and the Malta Tribunal. Part of this correspondence came from the Archives of the Vatican Basilica and a larger part from the Archives of the Metropolitan Cathedral in Malta. Though sources are not always available so that every single year could be covered, still, a wide overall picture was sufficiently

3 A I M, Mem. 28, 66r-67v. 4lbid, Cor. 101, 215r. 5Ibid, 99, 345r. 241 obtained to illustrate the truth that during those centuries the Church in the Maltese

Islands played its part to look after the islands' social needs and to help erect the central and universal Church in the Vatican City.

242 APPENDIX I

COMPLETE LIST

OF MANUSCRIPTS BELONGING TO

THE REVERENDA FABRICA DI SAN PIETRO DELL' URBE

ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN BASILICA (AF S P)

BROLIARDUS The proper name of this section is Broliardus Actorum coram omnibus iudicibus. The Chancellor of the Tribunal took notice of all acts that were being heard.

COMPOSIZIONI All the petitions made to the Pope by individuals who were burdened with Pious Legacies and had difficulties to pay their burden. These asked for a compromise or an overall absolution after having offered an elemosina to the Reverenda Fabbrica.

DUPLICATA This section holds a copy of all the original petitions made to the Reverenda Fabbrica to obtain complete absolution from burdens of pious legacies or a favour regarding their fulfilment.

FILZA This is the collection of all the Documents which referred to the operations and the relative various orders regarding the administration of the complex structure of the Reverenda Fabbrica.

GIORNALE The journal of all the entries and the expenses of the Archconfraternity of Saint Benedict and Saint Scholastica of Rome. It also contained a day by day list of the letters addressed to Spain, Valenza, Catalogna and Aragona, and to Portugal from the bankers of C. G.R.L. Quarantotti.

243 LJ..STE MESTRUE E LISTE BIMESTRALl This section holds also the Giusti.ficazioni, all of which contain the accounts of the Auditor regarding the works and the expenses of the Reverenda Fabbrica.

RAM/ The whole section contains all the collections of engravings on red copperof the architectural structures and engineering of the Fabbri ea.

RISCONTRO This part contains the full daily and yearly comparison of the funds lodged with the bankers of the Reverenda Fabbrica. Here are the libri mastri of the Opera of the Christian Schools, and the active and passive situation of the deposited capitals.

RISTRETTI These are documents containing summaries of all the petitions made to the Pope with the relative comments of the Fabbri ea and the relative Rescripts.

DIFFERENT SECTIONS OF THE ARCHIVES

1. ADMINISTRATION: the books of the Bursars, the land agents, auditors and the overseers recorded the daily works of demolition and construction, the changes and the restoration of the Basilica, and the salaries of the workers.

2. JurncIAI..: the relations of the Reverenda Fabbrica with the Representatives and the Commissioners in the different Dioceses, and with the Nuncios.

3. CoNTENTious: the hearings of the lawsuits, controversies, execution of wills and pious legacies from the time of the institution of the Tribunal.

4. SERIE AR.MADI: an important collection of 749 volumes containing the daily notes and the correspondence.

DESCRIPTION OF THE ARCHIVES

PIANO I All documents are divided into 8 Series; 2,187 Pacchi Serie 1 606 Pacchi Serie 5 75 Pacchi Serie 2 78 Pacchi Serie 6 101 Pacchi Serie 3 279 Pacchi Serie 7 215 Pacchi Serie 4 48 Pacchi Serie 8 785 Pacchi This is called also Serie Armadi

244 PIANO 2 All the documents are divided into 12 Series: 1,693 Pacchi The Anticamera 199 Pacchi Serie 1 156 Pacchi Serie 6 65 Pacchi Serie 2 256 Pacchi Serie 7 13 Pqacchi Serie 3 106 Pacchi Serie 8 24 Pacchi Serie 4 129 Pacchi Serie 9 62 Pacchi Serie 5 69 Pacchi Serie JO 34 Pacchi Serie 11 580 Pacchi This is called also Serie Annadi PIANO 3 The large hall or the Piano 3 holds the material of the Archives divided into 60 Series with a total of 1,842 Pacchi. All the documents concern the complex correspondence of the Roman bankers accredited to the Reverenda Fabbrica, namely Giulio Cesare, Carlo Felice, Salvatore, P. Nicola, Aurora e Silvia Quarantotti. N ames o f o ther b ank s an d b a nkers appear m many o ther d"ffi1 eren t sec f ions. Serie 1 90 volumes Serie 21 13 pacchi Serie 41 18 pacchi Serie 2 51 volumes Serie 22 6 pacchi Serie 42 7 pacchi Serie 3 39 pacchi Serie 23 7 pacchi Serie 43 19 pacchi Serie 4 22 pacchi Serie 24 6 pacchi Serie 44 73 pacchi Serie 5 11 pacchi Serie 25 80 pacchi Serie 45 3 pacchi Serie 6 8 pacchi Serie 26 7 pacchi Serie 46 93 pacchi Serie 7 19 pacchi Serie 27 3 pacchi Serie 47 2 pacchi Serie 8 38 pacchi Serie 28 3 pacchi Serie 48 2 pacchi Serie 9 38 pacchi Serie 29 6 pacchi Serie 49 8 pacchi Serie 10 41 pacchi Serie 30 10 pacchi Serie 50 2 pacchi Serie 11 41 pacchi Serie 31 2 pacchi Serie 51 170 pacchi Serie 12 9 pacchi Serie 32 4 pacchi Serie 52 75 pacchi Serie 13 3 pacchi Serie 33 2 pacchi Serie 53 6 pacchi Serie 14 5 pacchi Serie 34 2 puoohi Serie Stl 37 pace.hi Serie 15 13 pacchi Serie 35 2 pacchi Serie 55 27 pacchi Serie 16 24 pacchi Serie 36 2 pacchi Serie 56 35 pacchi Serie 17 42 pacchi Serie 37 37 pacchi Serie 57 12 pacchi

245 Serie 18 47 pacchi Serie 38 23 pacchi Serie 58 17 pacchi Seril 19 13 pacchi Serie 39 3 pacchi Serie 59 62 pacchi Seril 20 11 pacchi Serie 40 14 pacchi Serie 60 315 pacchi

PIANO OTTAGONI

Besides a collection of wooden models of works commissioned to different artists, in the Ottagoni hall there is a good amount of the Library books and a section of the Archives catalogued as Scafjali or Cassette. The Pacchi in this Piano are 530.

Sacfjale 1 378 Volumes Scafjale 9 70 Pacchi Scaffale 2 153 Pacchi Scaffale 10 26 Pacchi Scaffale 3 56 Pacchi Scafjale 11 24 Pacchi Scafjale 4 48 Pacchi Scafjale 12 22 Pacchi Sacfjale 5 25 Pacchi Scajjale 13 32 Pacchi Scajfale 6 94Pacchi Scafjale 14 30 Pacchi Scafjale 7 80 Pacchi Scafjale 15 3 Pacchi Scafjale 8 26Pacchi Scafjale 16 5 Pacchi Scafjale 17 41 Pacchi

OTHER SOURCES KEPT IN THE VATICAN ARCHIVES

PRINTED MATTER FONTANA C. II Tempio Vaticano e sua origine con gli edifitii piu' cospicui antichi e moderni fatti dentro e fuori di esso, Roma 1694. ZABAGLIA N. Castelli e Ponti, Roma 1824 FERRABoscm M. Architettura della basilica di S. Pietro in Vaticano, Roma 1812. PoLENI G. Memorie Istoriche della Gran Cupola del Tempio Vaticano, Padova 1748. DYONISIUS PH. L. Sacrarum Vaticanae Basilicae Cryptarum Monumenta Aeris Tabulis Incisa, Roma 1828.

FONDO DI STORIA ECONOMICA IT ALIANA II Fondo Quarantotti

FONDO DI ARTE ARCHITETTONICA 1 II Modello di S. Pietro, Opera di Antonio Sangallo 2 II Modello della Cupola, Opera di Michelangelo 3 II Modello della Nuova Sacrestia di S. Pietro, Opera di Filippo Iuvarra 4 II Modello della Nuova Sacrestia di S. Pietro, Opera di Nicola Michetti 5 II Modello della Nuova Sacrestia di S. Pietro, Opera di Antonio Canevari 246 6 I Modelli delle fabbriche e delle case contigue a S. Stefano de' Mori, Opera di Antonio Valeri 7 Modello della Nuova Sacrestia di S. Pietro, Opera di Antonio Valeri

BULLS AND BRIEFS OF SAINT PIUS V N. B. The term PACCHI is used because the documents are not bound in volumes but they are kept unbound in pachets and numerated accordingly.

247 ARCHIVES OF THE CATHEDRAL MUSEUM, MDINA (AIMRF)

REPERTORIUM REGISTRORUM ACTORUM CIVIL/UM REVERENDAE FABRICAE SANCTI PETRI DE URBE: 1628 - 1782 Vol. I 1628 - 1642 Vol. IX 1748 - 1768 Vol. II 1642 - 1665 (missing) Vol. X 1769 - 1776 Vol. III 1666 - 1685 Vol. XI 1777 - 1782 Vol. IV 1685 - 1704 Vol. XII 1783 - 1786 Vol. V 1705-1716 Vol. XIII 1787-1789 Vol. VI 1716 - 1725 Vol. XI 1790 - 1793 Vol. VII 1725 - 1734 Vol. XV 1794 - 1796 Vol. VIII 1734-1747 Vol. XVI 1797-1798(missing)

REPERTORIA REGISTRORUM DISPOSITIONUM LEGATORUM PIORUM REVERENDAE FABRICAE S. PETRI DE URBE 1579 - 1796 Vol. I - XXI Original Titles: Repertotium Legatorum Piorum (Vol.5) 1579 - 1796 Note delli Notarii (Vol.12) Repertorium Voluminis Dispositionum (Vol.20 and 21)

A list of the notaries is found in Vol. l f.5l(fragment Vol.2 f. 1 Vol.3 ff. iv, 20v Vol.7. f 1 Vol.13 f. 1 Vol. 1 ff. 53 Vol. 12 ff 38 Vol. 2 f. 2(fragment only) Vol. 13 ff. 48 Vol. 3 ff. 20 Vol. 14 ff. 3 Vol. 4 ff. 48 Vol. 15 ff 3 Vol. 5 ff 34 Vol. 16 ff 32 Vol. 6 ff 52 Vol. 17 ff 38 Vol. 7 ff. 30 Vol. 18 ff 36 Vol. 8, 9 ff 62 Vol. 19 (missing) Vol. 10 ff. 48 Vol. 20 ff. 40 Vol. 11 ff. 50 Vol. 21 ff 38.

REG/STRUM ACTORUM CVIVILIUM REVERENDAE FABRICAE S. PETRI Liber I (1628 - 1642) Liber IX (1748 - 1780) Liber II (1642 - 1665) Liber X (1769 - 1777)

248 Liber III (1666 - 1685) Liber XI (1777 - 1782) Liber IV (1685 - 1704) Liber XII (1783 - 1786) Liber V (1705 - 1716) Liber XIII ( 1786 - 1789) Liber VI (1716 - 1725) Liber XIV (1790 - 1793) Liber VII (1725 - 1734) Liber XV (1794 - 1796) Liber VIII (1734 - 1747) Liber XVI (1797 - 1798)

REG/STRUM DISPOSITIONUM REVERENDAE FABRICAE S. PETRI DE URBE 21 Volumes (1560 - 1796) A series of 21 Volumes dating c.1560 - c.1796 containing wills and pious legacies made before Notaries and Parish Priests.

Volume 1. 'Dispositiones et legata et opera pia in testamentis causa mortis, fundationibus cappellarum et aliis actis rogatis per notarios.' Volume 2. 'Notamenti da il curato ...... delli legati pii e disposizioni di diversi suoi parrocchiani.' Volume 14 is missing Repertories for Volumes 14, 17, and 19 are missing

REG/STRUM REVELATIONUM 4 Volumes Vol. 1 ff. 729 (first entry 1679) Vol. 2 ff. 476 Vol. 3 ff. 531 Vol. 4 ff. 486

REG/STRUM MANDATORUM Vol. I (1654 - 1689) (ff250) Depositarii: Paolo Tabone Fabritio Testaferrata Paolo Testaferrata Stanislao Xara

Vol. II(l689-1697) (ff 195) Barone Stanislao Xara Vol. III (1697-1709) (ff342) Barone Stanislao Xara Vol. IV(1707-1724) (ff394) Barone Stanislao Xara Domenico Xara GioacchinoGrixti, Cancelliere Don Filippo Pellegrini Giovanni Battista Dorel Vol V(l 725-1744) (ff 377) Gio Batta Dorel Gioacchino Grixti Salvatore Dorel Vol VI(l 744-1775) ( ff281) Salvatore Dorel 249 Pietro Paolo Dorel Diego Muscat Vol VII (1775-1782) (ff 206) Diego Muscat March. Vincenzo De Piro Vol VIII (1783-1792) (ff 452) March. Vincenzo De Piro Vol IX (1793-1798) (ff 208) Ricevere March. Vincenzo De Piro Vol X A-B (1795-1798) Pagare Marc. Vincenzo De Piro Forrnulario Si compiacera' pagare. Documents up to 31March1798 are signed by C. Carpegna Documents up to 31 May are signed by Gio Battista Gatt, Pro Inquisitor A separate Repertory isavailable Vol XI Fragments Pagare

EGISTRURM DEPOSJTORUM REV,DAE FABRICAE S. PETRI URBIS Vol. A 1 (1668 - 1679) Vol. A 2 (1680 - 1689) Vol. A 3 (1690 - 1697) Vol. A 4 (1697 - 1702) Vol. A 5 (1702 - 1708) Vol. A 6 (1708 - 1711) Vol. A 7 (1711 - 1715) Vol. A 8 (1715 - 1719) Vol. B 1 (1719-1724) Vol. B 2 (1725-1730) Vol. B 3 (1731-1740) Vol. B 4 (1741-1763) Vol. B 5 (1763-1682) Vol. B 6 (1783-1791) F orrnerly held at the Curia Eiscopalis Separate Repertory is available for Vol. A.4; A.5; A.8; B.5

REGISTRO DOVE GIORNALMENTE SI NOTANO LI DENARI CHE SI ESIGONO PER LA REV.DA FABRICA DI SAN PJETRO (1629 - 1655) Separate Repertory available

REGISTRO DI TASSE DI SPESE (I 629 - 1660)

REGISTRO DI SENTENZE (1628 - 1668) su pesi di messe

REG/STRUM SENTENTIARUM PII OFFICII REV. FABRICAE S. PETRI (1753-1792)

REGISTRO DI PATENT! DELLI OFFITIALI (1626 - 1696) The Volume is preceeded by a 6 page repertory compiled in 1985

LIBRO DI COMPUTA (1631-1798) Fragments

REVERENDA FABRICA SANCTI PETRI - ACTA Vol. 1 (1628 -1630) Fascicolo 1 and II I ff I - 428; II ff 429 - 615 (2 boxes) Vol 2 (1630 - 1631) Fascicolo III ff 472 250 Vol 3 (1629 - 1634) Fascicolo V, VI, VII, VIII ff 395 Vol 4 (1628 - 1641) Fascicolo IX, X, XI,XII,XIII ff 417 Vol 5 (1628 - 1629) ff 623 Vol 6 (1630) ff 351 Vol. 7 (1631 - 1632) ff 551 Vol. 8 (1633 - 1625) ff 625 Vol 9 (1636 - 1637) ff 800 Vol. 10 (1638 - 1640) ff 609 (2 boxes) Vol 11 (1641) ff 561 Vol 12 (1642) ff 497 Vol 13 (1642) ff 417 Vol 14 (1643 - 1644) ff 65 Vol 15 (1645) ff 280 Vol 16 (1646) ff 525 Vol 17 (1647 - 1649) ff 553 Vol 18 (1650 - 1652) ff 457 Vol 19 (1653 - 1654) ff 303 Vol 20 (1655 - 1656) ff 557 Vol 21 (1657 - 1658) ff 517 Vol 22 (1659) ff 424 Vol 23 (1660) ff 484 Vol 24 (1661 - 1663) ff 627 (2 boxes) Vol 25 (1664) ff 619, printed matter:ff.423-426; 454, 455 Vol. 26 (1665) ff 330 Vol 27 (1665) ff 447 Vol 28 (1665) ff 392 Vol 29 (1665) ff 458 Vol 30 (1666) ff 461 Vol 31 (1666) ff 427 Vol 32 (1667) ff 372 Vol 33 (1667) ff 407 Vol 34 (1667) ff 329 Vol 35 (1667) ff 248 Vol 36 (1668) ff 377 Vol 37 (1668) ff 466 Vol 38 (1669) ff 523 Vol 39 (1669) ff 657 (2 boxes) Vol 40 (1670) ff 350 Vol 41 (1670) ff 320 Vol 42 (1671) ff 551 Vol 43 (1671) ff 504 (not suitable for reading) Vol 44 (1672) ff 549 Vol 45 (1672) ff 688 (2 boxes) Vol 46 (1673) ff 44 7 ( booklet) Vol 47 (1674) ff 514 251 Vol 48 (1674) ff 511 Vol 49 (1676) ff 389 Vol 49 (1676) ff 389 Vol 50 (1677) ff 504 Vol 51 (1677) ff 592 Vol 52 (1678) ff 589 (2 boxes)

Vol 53 (1678) ff 685 ~ Vol 54 (1678) ff 449 Vol 55 (1679) ff 482 Register for the celebration of masses in Greek Vol 56 (1679) ff 443 Fascicolo 16 dated 1679-1681 Vol 57 (1680) ff 732 (2 boxes) l.ff 1-451; 2 ff.452 - 732 Vol 58 (1681) ff 584 (2 boxes:) 1 ff 1-321;2 ff 322 - 584 Vol 59 (1682) ff 584 Vol 60 ff 445 (1683) ff 300 printed matter Vol 61 (1683) ff 680 Vol 62 (1683) ff fascicolo 2 Vol 63 (1684) ff 403 Vol 64 (1684) ff 5 Vol 65 (1685) ff 479 Vol 66 (1685) ff 691 (2 boxes) Vol 67 (1686) ff 730 (2 boxes) Vol 68 (1687) ff 462 Vol 69 (1688) ff 601 (2 boxes) Vol 70 (1688) ff 506 (2 boxes) Vol 71 (1689) ff 526 Vol 72 (1689) ff 489 Vol 73 (1689) ff 319 Vol 74 (1690) ff 611 (2 boxes) Vol 75 (1691) ff 472 Vol 76 (1692) ff 467 Vol 77 (1692) ff 544 Vol 78 (1693) ff 460 Vol 79 (1693) ff 325 Vol 80 (1694) ff 557 (2 boxes) Vo! 81 (1694) ff 55 Vo! 82 (1695) ff 510 Vo! 83 (1695) ff 402 Vol 84 (1696) ff 350 Vol 85 (1696) ff 346 Vol 86 (1696) ff 487, £408 colour plan Vo! 87 (1696) ff 479 Vo! 88 (1696) ff 391 Vo! 89 (1696) ff 321 Vol 90 (1696) ff 471 252 Vol 91 (1696) ff 54 Vol 92 (1697) ff 450 Vol 93 (1697) ff 506 Vol 94 (1697) ff 393 Vol 95 (1697) ff 516 Vol 96 (1697) ff 484 Vol 97 (1698) ff 493 Vol 98 ( 1698) ff 490 Vol 99 (1699) ff 369 Vol 100 (1699) ff 392 Vol 101 (1699) ff 389 Vol 102 (1699) ff 384 Vol 103 (1699) ff 454 Vol 104 (1700) ff 470 Vol 105 (1700) ff 435 Vol 106 (1701) ff 456 Vol 107 (1701) ff 488 Vol 108 (1702) ff 350 Vol 109 (1702) ff 419 Vol 110 (1703) ff 561 Vol 111 (1703) ff 583 (2 boxes) Vol 112 (1703) ff 369 Vol 113 (1704) ff 446 Vol 114 (1704) ff 206 Vol 115 (1704) ff 362 Vol 116 (1705) ff 549 (2 boxes) Vol 117 (1705) ff 275 Vol 118 (1706) ff 548 (2 boxes) Vol 119 (1706) ff 355 Vol 120 (1706) ff 35 Vol.121 (1707) ff 482 Vol 122 (1707) ff 406) Vol 123 (1707) ff 360 Vol 124 (1707) ff 324 Vol 125 (1708) ff 614 (2 boxes) Vol 126 (1709) ff 468 Vol 127 (1709) ff 429 Vol 128 (1709) ff 436 Vol 129 (1709) ff 657 (2 boxes) Vol 130 (1710) ff 650 Vol 131 (1710) ff 450 Vol 132 (1711) ff 485 Vol 133 (1711) ff 279 Vol 134 (1712) ff 374 Vol 135 (1712) ff 462 253 Vol 136 (1712) ff 515 Vol 137 (1713) ff 368 Vol 138 (1713) ff 441 Vol 139 (1713) ff 482 Vol 140 (1713) ff 406 V ol 141 ( 1714) ff 434 Vol 142 (1714) ff 401 Vol 143 (1714) ff 523 receipt booklet Vol 144 (1715) ff 451 Vol 145 (1715) ff 475 V ol 146 ( 1715) Vol 147 (1716) ff 291 Vol 148 (1717) ff 341 Vol 149 (1717) ff 372ff70,71 plans Vol 150 (1718) ff 437 Vol 151 (1718) ff 379 Vol 152 (1719) ff 479 (2 boxes) Vol 153 (1719) ff 384 Vol 154 (1720) ff509 Vol 155 (1721 ff 536 Vol 156 (1722) ff 322 Vol 157 (1722) ft' 432 Vol 158 (1722) ff 314 Vol 159 (1723) ff 441 Vol 160 (1723) ff 419 Vol 161 (1723) ff Vol 162 (1724) ff 424 Vol 163 (1724) ff 398 Vol 164 (1724) ff 629 (2 boxes) Vol 165 (1726) ff 507 Vol 166 (1726) ff 323 Vol 167 (1727) ff 280 Vol 168 (1727) ff 444 Vol 169 (1728) ff 322 Vol 170 (1728) ff 468 Vol 171 (1729) ff 438 Vol 172 (1729) ff 415 Vol 173 (1729) ff 393 Vol 174 (1730) ff 518 (2 boxes) Vol175 (1730) ff481 Vol 176 (1731) ff 529 (2 boxes) Vol 177 (1731) ff 654 (2 boxes) Vol 178 (1732) ff596 f 38 printed circular-Messina 1728 Vol 179 (1732) ff 482 254 Vol 180 (1732) ff 447 Vol 181 (1732) ff 503 Vol 182 (1733) ff 465 Fasc.55 Vol 183 (1733) ff 381 Fasc.55 Vol 184 (1733) ff 282 Vol 185 (1734) ff 544 Fasc.55, 56 Vol 186 (1734) ff 310 Vol 187 (1735) ff 310 Vol 188 (1736) ff 554 Fasc. 66, (2 boxes) Vol 189 (1736) ff 383 Vol 190 (1737) ff 366 Vol 191 (1738) ff 414 Vol 192 (1739) ff 513 f 52 document issued by the Holy Office (Giovanni Giacomo Cavallerino) to the Grand Master; f 3 21 printed and engraved certificate referring to the minor orders of M .. A. Micallef Vol 193 (1740) ff 454 Vol 194 (1740) ff 593 (2 boxes) Vol 195 (1741) ff 588 (2 boxes) Vol 196 (1742) ff 484 Vol 197 (1743) ff 514 (2 boxes) Vol 198 (1743) ff 353 Vol 199 (1743) ff 353 Fasc. 61 Vol 200 (1744) ff 329 Vol 201 (1744) ff 292 Vol 202 (1745) ff 348 Fasc. 62 Vol 203 (1746) ff 470 Fasc. 65 Vol 204 (1746) ff 418 Fasc. 62 Vol 205 (1747) ff539planson ff121-123,(2 boxes) Vol 206 (1748) ff 386 Fasc.63 Vol 207 (1749) ff 493 (2 boxes) Vol 208 (1750) ff 306 Fasc. 64 Vol 209 (1751/2) ff 339 Fasc. 6 Vol 210 (1753) ff 341 Fasc. 65 Vol 211 (1754) ff 487 Vol 212 (1755) ff 891 (2 boxes) Vol 213 (1756) ff 373 -Pianta di Hariexe Vol 214 (1757) ff289 Vol 215 (1758) ff 389 Vol 216 (1759) ff 490 (2 boxes) Vol 217 (1760/1) ff 536 (2 boxes) Vol 218 (1761) ff 303 (water mark-horse rider) Vol 219 (1762) ff 339 Fasc. 70 Vol 220 (1762) ff 351 Vol 221 (1763) ff 373 255 Vol 222 (1763) ff 241 Fasc. 72 Vol 223 (1764) ff 309 Vol 224 (1754) ff 392 Vol 225 (1764) ff 488 (2 boxes) Vol 226 (1765) ff 370 Vol 227 (1765) ff 268 Vol 228 (1766) ff 361 Vol 229 (1767) ff 359 Vol 230 (1768) ff 355 Vol 231 (1769) ff 430 Vol 232 (1769) ff 442 (2 boxes) Vol 233 (1770) ff 344 Vol 235 (1771) ff 447 Vol 236 (1772) ff 509 (2 boxes) Vol 237 (1773) ff 336 Vol 238 (1773) ff 408 Vol 239 (1774) ff 560 (2 boxes) Vol 240 (1774) ff 433 (genealogical table -204) Vol 241 (1775) ff 457 (2 boxes) Vol 242 (1775) ff 372 Vol 243 (1775) ff 289 Vol 244 (1776) ff 338 Vol 245 (1776) ff 278 Vol 246 (1777) ff 451 Vol 247 (1777) ff 315 Vol 248 (1777) ff 866 (2 boxes) Vol 249 (1778) ff 574 (2 boxes) Vol 250 (1778) ff 535 (2 boxes) Vol 251 (1779) ff 405 Vol 252 (1779) ff 270 Vol 253 (1779) ff 254 Vol 254 (1780) ff 487 (2 boxes) Vol 255 (1780) ff 445 (2 boxes) Vol 256 (1780) ff 418 (2 boxes) Vol 257 (1781) ff 610 (2 boxes) Vol 258 (1781) ff 530 (2 boxes) Vol 259 (1782) ff 533 (2 Boxes) Vol 260 ( 1782) ff 515 (2 boxes) Vol 261 (1783) ff 483 Vol 262 (1783) ff 48'5 Vol 263 (1783) ff 382 Vol 264 (1784) ff 446 (2 boxes) Vol 265 (1784) ff 474 (2 boxes) Vol 266 (1784) ff 641 (2 boxes) Vol 267 (1785) ff 387 256 Vol 268 (1785) ff 358 Vol 269 (1785) ff 372 Vol 270 (1785) ff 425 Vol 271 (1786) ff 444 Vol 272 (1786) ff 418 Vol 273 (1787) ff 396 Vol 274 (1787) ff 414(plan,f267) Vol 275 (1788) ff 504 (2 boxes) Vol 276 (1788) ff 417 Vol 277 (1789) ff 512 (2 boxes) Vol 278 (1789) ff 459 (2 boxes) Vol 279 (1790) ff 334 Vol 280 (1790) ff 432 (2 boxes) Vol 281 (1790) ff 425 Vol 282 (1791 ff 485 (2 boxes) Vol 283 (1791) ff 509 (2 boxes) Vol 284 (1791) ff 452 (2 boxes) Vol 285 (1791) ff 400 (2 boxes ) Vol 286 (1792) ff 448 (2 boxes) Vol 287 (1792) ff 473 (2 boxes) Vol 288 (1792) ff 388 Vol 289 (1793) ff 294 Vol 290 (1793) ff 369 Vol 291 (1793) ff 428 (2 boxes) Vol 292 (1794) ff 287 Vol 293 (1794) ff 334 Vol 294 (1794) ff 412 Vol 295 (1795) Vol 296 (1795) ff 358 Vol 297 (1795) ff 390 (2 boxes) Vol 298 (1795) ff 414 (2 boxes) Vol 299 (1796) ff 398 (2 boxes) Vol 300 (1796) ff 457 (2 boxes Vol 301 (1796) ff 503 (2 boxes) Vol 302 (1796) Vol 303 (1796) ff 428 (2 boxes) Vol 304 (1797) ff 304 Vol 305 (1797) ff 328 Vol 306 (1797) ff 317 Vol 307 ( 1797) ff 47.1 (7. hoxes) Vol 308 (1797) ff 377 Vol 309 (1798) ff 376 Vol 310 (1798/80/83/89) ff 471 ( 2 boxes

257 CORRl.SPONDENZA Lettere della Sacra Congregazione della Rev.da Fabrica (AIM Corrispondenza vol. 40 - 43) Tom. I (1628 -1670) ff. 308, mm. 275 x 203 Tom. II (1670 -16820 ff. 289 Tom. III (1687 -1730) ff. 288 Includes additional documents: ff. 1 - 2 note by Gioacchino Grixti, Chancellor of the Inquisitor f 276 v. "Lettere della Sacra Congregazione della Rev.da Fabrica dall'anno 1634-1750 Date 1634 is misleading. Tom. IV Scritture della Rev.da Fabrica (1628-1770) ff. 496

258 APPENDIX II

LIST OF THE CARDINAL PREFECTS OF THE SACRED CONGREGATION OF THE REVERENDA FABBRICA DI SAN PIETRO DELL 'URBE

GIOVANNI EVANGELISTA PALLOTTA (1589 - 22 AUGUST 1620) SCIPIONE CAFFARELLI BORGHESE (23 AUGUST 1620 - 14 OCTOBER 1633) CARD POMA (1626) (?) DOMENICO GINNASI (1626-1639) 11.A.R.CELLO LANTE (1639-1652) FRANCESCO BARBERINI (1 OCTOBER 1652 - 10 DECEMBER 1679) ALDERANO CYBO (DECEMBER1679 - 22 JULY 1700) CARLo BARBERINI (AuGUSTl 700 - 11OCTOBER1704) FRANcEsco NERLI (16 OcTOBERl 704 - 8 APRIL 1708) ANNIBALE ALBANI (17 JANUARYl 712 - 21 OCTOBER 1751 ENRico BENEDETTO STUART (8 NoVEMBERl 7 51 - 13 JUL y 1807) ROMUALDO BRASCH! 0NESTI (24 JULY1807 - 30 APRIL 1807) ALESSANDRO MATTEI (1 JUNE1817 -20 APRIL 1820) PIER ;FRANCESCO GALEPPI (16 MAY1820 - 18 JUNE 1837) GIACOMO GIUSTINIANI (28 JUNE1837 - 24 FEBRUARY 1843) 11AR.Io MATTEI (5 11ARcH1843 - 7 OCTOBER 1870) NICOLA PARUCCIANI CLARELLI (16 0CTOBER1870 - 18 JULY 1872) EDOARDO BORROMEO (21 JULY1872 - 30 NOVEMBER 1881) ENRICO HOWARD (12 DECEMBER1881 - 15 SEPTEMBER 1892) FRANCESCO RICCI PARUCCIANI (23 0CTOBER1892 - 7 MARCH 1894) MARIANO RAMPOLLA DEL TINDARO (8 APRIL1894 - 16 DECEMBER 1913) RAFFAELE MERRY DELVAL (12 JANUARY1914 - 26 FEBRUARY 1930)

259 EUGENIO PACELLI (6 APRIL1930 - 2 NovE:MJ3ER 1959) DoMENico TARDINI (25 MARcH1959 - 30 JULY 1961) PAOLO MARELLA (13 AUGUST 1961 - 29 FEBRUARY 1968)

CARDINAL PRESIDENTS PAOLO MARELLA (1MARCH1968-15 FEBRUARY 1983) AURELIO SABBATANI (16 February 1983-1995) VIRGILIO NoE ( 1995 -

260 APPENDIX III

LIST OF THE SECRETARIES SECRETARIES- BURSARS GENERAL AND DELEGATES OF THE REVERENDA FABBRICA DI SAN PJETRO 1596-1800

Secretaries PAOLO RouvrnR 1596-1638 CALUDIO ROUVIER March 1638-July 1655 Bursars AGOSTINO BRASCA LUMACCI 1621-1625

DON CARLO GHETTI 1625-1637 ANDREA GHETTI 1637-1655 Secretaries - Bursars General ANTONIO CARLO DONDINI 1660-1667 DOMENICO GIANNUZZI 1668-1679 CARLO GIOVANNI VESPIGNANI 1680-1700

lNNOCENZO MEOLA 1701-1704 DOMENICO DE TOTIS 1705-1707 GIROLAMO VICENTINI 1707-1713 LUDOVICO SERGARDI 1713-1726 FABRIZIO SINIBALDI 1726-1734 LUIGI AL TOVITI A VILA 1734-1742 , GIO. FRANCESCO OLIVIERI 1742-1752 COSTANTE LUCIDI 1752-1755

261 MARCANTONIO MARCOLINI 1756-1767

GUGLIEMO PALLOTTA 1768-1769

FRANCESCO CAFFARELLI 1770-1783

FRANCESCO DEGLI ALBIZZI 1784-1785

GIOVANNI BUFFALINI 1786-1796

BERNARDINO RIDOLFI 1797-1800 Delegates MARIE-JOSEPH LEMIEUX, O.P 1 July 1971-31 December 1973 LINO ZANINI. 3 1 December 1973- 1 A F S P, P.1, Ser.I, A.6, P.370(10), 16ss 2 Ibid. P.l, Ser.8, A.26, P.272,96; P. 305,145 3 Ibid. P.2, Ser.4, A. 42,P. 1, 12 4 AAS, 1968, LX, 129-176 (Regolamento Generale della Curia Romana.

262 APPENDIX IV

LIST OF THE INQUISITORS WHO WERE COMMISSIONERS OF THE REVERENDA FABBRICA DI SAN PIETRO AND DEPUTIES OF THE CARDINALS OF THE SACRED CONGREGATION 1655 - 1798

Gruuo DEGLI Oorn (1655-1658) GEROLAMO CASANATE (1658-1663) GALEAZZO MAREscoTTI (1663-1666) ANGELO RANuzzI (1667-1668) CARLO BICHI (1668-1670) GIOVANNI TEMPI (1670-1672) RANuccIO PALLAVICINO (1672-1676) ERCOLE VISCONTI (1677-1678) GIACOMO CANTELMO (1678-1683) lNNICO CARACCIOLO (1683-1686) TOMMASO VIDONI (1686-1690) FRANCESCO ACQUAVIVA D'ARAGONA (1691-1694) ToMMAso RUFFO (1694-1698) GIACINTO FILIBERTO FERRERO DI MESSERANO (1698-1703) GIORGIO SPINOLA (1703-1706) GIACOMO CARACCIOLO (1706-1710) RANIERI D'ELCI (1711-1715) LAZZARO PALLA VICINO ( 1718-1 719) ANTONIO RUFFO (1720-1728) FABRIZIO SERBELLONI (1728-1730) GIOVANNI FRANCESCO STOPPANI (1731-173 5) CARLO FRANCESCO DURINI (1735-1739) LUDOVICO GUALTERIO GUALTIERI (1739-1743)

263 PAOLO PASSIONEI (17 43-17 54) GREGORIO SALVIATI (1754-1759) ANGELO MAIDA DURINI (1760-1766) GIOVANNI 0TTAVIANO MANCIFORTE (1767-1771) ANTONIO LANTE (1771-1777) ANTONIO FELICE ZONDADARI (1777-1785) GIOVANNI FILIPPO GALLARATI SCOTTI (1785-1793) Gruuo CARPEGNA (1793-1798)

264 APPENDIX V

LIST OF THE BISHOPS OF MALTA DURING THE TIME OF THE REVERENDA FABBRICA DI SAN PIETRO IN THE MALTESE ISLANDS

BALTHASSAR CAGLIARES (1615-1633) MICHAEL JOANNES BALAGUER CAMARASA (1635-1663) LUCAS BUENOS (1666-1668) LAURENTIUS ASTIRIA (1670-1677) MICHAEL HIERONYMUS MOLINA (1678-1682) DAVID Cocco PALMIERI (1684-1711) JACOBUS CANAVES (1713-1731) GASPAR Goru MANCINI (1722-1727) PAULUS ALPHERAN DE BUSSAN (1728-1757) BARTHOLOMAEUS RULL (1757-1759) JoANNEs CARMINE PELLERANO (1770-1780) VINCENTIUS LABINI (1780-1807)

265 APPENDIX VI

LIST OF THE GRAND MASTERS OF THE ORDER OF SAINT JOHN DURING THE TIME OF THE REVERENDA FABBRICA DI S. PIETRO IN THE MALTESE ISLANDS

ANTOINE DE PAULE (1623-1636) JEAN PAUL DE LASCARIS CASTELLAR (1636-1657) MARTIN DE REDIN (1657-1660) AANET DE CLERMONT DE CHATTES GESSAN (1660) RAFAEL CoTTONER (1660-1663) NICOLAS CoTTONER ( 1663-1680) GREGORIO CARAFA (1680-1690) ADRIEN DE WIGNACOURT (1690-1697) RAMoN PERELLOS Y RoccAFUL (1697-1720) MARc'ANToNio ZoNDADARI (1720-1722) ANTONIO MANOEL DE VILHENA (1722 -1736) RAMON DESPUIG (1736 -1741) MANOEL PINTO DE FONCECA (1741-1773) FRANCISCO XIMENES DE TEXADAS ( 1773-177 5) EMMANUEL DE ROHAN PoLDuc (1795-1797) FERDINAND DE HOMPESCH (1797-1798)

266 APPENDIX VII

REGISTRO DI PATENTI DELLI OFFITIALI ET AL TRI MINISTRI MALTA, 1626-1796 fol

NICOLA MANGIONE COMMISSIONER 19 Sept. 1626 lr (confirmed) 23 Oct. 1627 Oliverius Seychel Courier 6 March 1628 Angelo Debono Courier 6 March 1628 P.F. Pontremoli Vicar General Assessor 1April1628 Joannes Hagius Courier 11July1628

Pitro Mompalao Proc. Fiscale 1 Sept. 1629 4v Blasio Vella Courier 27 July 1630 Jo.Bapt.Mangione for the rural areas Deputy Proc.Fisc. 22 May 1631 3r Pietro Pace for Gozo Courier 8 Oct. 1631 4v Joannes Fava Courier 12 April 1633 4v Pietro Attard from Cas. Courier 13 April 1634 Gregorio Sr Mario Bartolo from Naxxar Courier 9 Oct. 163S Sr Domenico Debono Lawyer Proc. Fiscale 4 April 1644 Sv Giuseppe Xiriha Proc. Fiscale 1May1650 Sv Cauchi Mario Proc. Fiscale 1May16SO 6r

267 Gruuo DEGLI ODDI Inquisitor General Commissioner 21May16557r-8v appointed by Alexander VII F abr. T estaferrata Bursar 7 July 1655 9r Bart. Testaferrata Proc. Fiscale 7 July 1655 9r Francesco Zammit Chancellor 7 July 1655 9r Nicola Mangione ex Commissioner Judge (lst 12 July 1655 Instance) 91 Giuseppe Xiriha after B. Proc. Fiscale 12 July 1655 T estaferrata 9v Gerolamo Ranon Courier 27 Aug. 1657 6v Salv. Pontremoli after N. Mangione Judge 1656 IOr Gregorio Mamo Audit of wills 6 Oct.1657 1Or (confirmed by 11 Oct. 1658 Casanate) Gio Paolo Habela Co Proc. Fiscale 23 Febr.1657 lOr GER. CASANATE Inquisitor General Commissioner 13 Aug.'58 12v Joannes Dimech after Jo P. Habela Co Proc. Fiscale Andrea Cassar for Gozo Courier 5 July 1661 12v Pietro Casciaro Proc. Fiscale 13 June 1662 13r GAL. MARl:SCOTTI Inquisitor General Commissioner 2 July 1663 16r Gerolamo Randun from Valletta Courier 1 Oct.1663 13v

Pietro Paolo Pace Dep. Attuario 15 Dec. 1664 16v Tommaso Proc. Fiscale 30 May 1665 16r Terrensio Mario Farrugia from Valletta Courier 3 June 1665 17r Joannes Dimech Co Proc. Fiscale 10 May 1666 17r Jo Dom.Mangion illness of Judge 24 Jan. 1666 Pontremoli 17v ANGELO RANuccI Inquisitor General Commissioner 6 Nov.1666 20v 268 Matteolo Stafrag Dep. Attuario 5 April 1667 2lr Alessandro Canon; after the Judge 27 April 1667 2lr Bologna death of Pontremoli Matteo Bonici Courier 1May1667 2lv Mario Farrugia (dismissed by the Courier 20 June 1667 Inquisitor 22r 9 Oct.1669) Joannes Dimech called back Co Proc. Fiscale 20 June 1667 22v Giuseppe Falzon dismissed on Courier 29 F ebr. 1668 23r 5 Dec1670 CARLO BICHI Inquisitor General Commissioner 30 May 1668 25r Alessio Apap Dep. Chancellor 30 Dec. 1670 25v G1ov ANNI TEMPI Inquisitor General Commissioner 21June1670 26r Francesco Zammit Chancellor. of the Chancellor 15 Aug. 1670 Inquisition 28r Salvatore Hellul Tarxien Courier 4 Sept. 1670 28v Bart. Testaferrata Proc. Fiscale 3 March 1671 28r Michele Tabuni 8 April 1671 29r Jo Dimech Advocate 26 Febr. 1672 29v Ludovico Assessor of the Proc. Fiscale 14 April 1672 30r Famucelli Holy Office Gio Franc. Borg dismissed Courier 15 April 1672 30v 30 Apr 1672 RANuccro Inquisitor General Commissioner 9 April 1672 31r p ALLA VICINI Giuseppe Falzon for Goza Courier 18 july 1672 33r T,udovico Advocate Assessor 13 Febr.1672 33v Famucelli Paolo Testaferrata Bursar 28 May 1676 34r Ales. Ramuzzetta Proc. Fiscale 28 May 1676 34v Ludovico Pro Inquisitor Commissioner 1May1676 35r Famucelli

269 Andrea Vella Chanellorof the Chancellor 29 Sept. 1676 Holy Office- 34v

Pietro P. Pace Attuario 1 Oct. 1676 35v Giuseppe Camilleri dismissed 18.5'79 Courier 9 April 1676 35v Stanislao Xara after resignation of Bursar 29 April 1676 36r P. Testaferrata ERCOLE VISCONTI Inquisitor General Commissioner 1676

Ludovico.Famucell Pro Inquisitor Commissioner 10 June 1678 36v GIACOMO CANTELMI Inquisitor General Commissioner 1679

Pitro Paolo Sollicitor 23 Aug. 1678 Debono 36v Andrea Miraglia dismissed for Courier 31May1679 37r sailing without permission from the harbour Consalvo Portelli Courier 31May1679 37v Giuseppe Carbone dismissed 4. 7. 1681 Courier 9 June 1679 37v Aloisio Caruana Courier 24 Sept. 1680 38r Gio Maria Magro Courier 17 June 1681 38r lNNICO CARACCIOLO Inquisitor General Commissioner 15 May 1683 38r TOMMASO VIDONI Inquisitor General Commissioner 20 May 1686 41r Mic'Angelo Crispo Sollicitor 1 Aug. 1687 43r FRANCESCO Inquisitor General Commissioner 20 Nov. 1690 43v ACQUAVIVA Giov. Batt. Courier 1 Nov. 1691 46v Fancella Giov. Batt. Gauci Canon at Gozo Commissioner (?) 24 Dec. 1691 47r M'Angelo Crispo Pi oc. Fiscale 24 Dec. 1692 47r Pietro Paolo Xara instead of his Bursar 18 Mar. 1694 48r father, (Bursar for 58 yrs)

270 TOMMASO RUFFO Inquisitor General Commissioner 14 July 1694 49r Gio. Batt. Farrugia Courier 24 July 1694 49v Gaetano Borgia instead of Solicitor 9 June 1696 A.Delmia SOr G. F. FERRERI Inquisitor General Commissioner 21May1698 50v Gaetano Borgia Sollicitor Proc. Fiscale 12 Aug. 1698 55r Giovanni Zammit for Gozo Courier 5 Sept. 1698 55v Tommaso Xiberras for Gozo Courier 15 Sept. 1698 56r Giovanni Caxar instead of G. Solicitor 20 Oct. 1699 56v Borgia Cardinal sent the decree Rome Marescotti from to reduce the nurn her of the to 63 Pattentati not including the officials Paolo Grixti Chancellor Giovanni Cauchi Archdeacon Judge, Dean 23 Nov. 1702 58v Consultant U golino Bonici instead of G. subst. Solicitor 23 Nov. 1702 59v Borgia Antonio Delucia Solicitor 23 Nov. 1702 60r Pietro Grixti Chancellor 23 Nov. 1702 60r Isidoro Azzopardi for Gozo Commissioner 23 Nov. 1702 60v GIORGIO SPINOLA Inquisitor General Commissioner 20 June 1703 62r

GIAc. CARACCIOLO Inquisitor General Commissioner 10 July 1706 64v Gabriele Muscat Solicitor 9 Oct. 1706 68r Paolo Hellul Advocate of the Advocate 28 Jan. 1709 69r poor- Holy. Offoice

271 Gio Batt. Proc. Fiscale Judge 8 Jan. 1709 69 Napulone -Holy Office r Domenico Xara Dep. Bursar 1 Febr. 1710 70r Domenico Xara Dep. Bursar 1 Fehr. 1710 70r Domenico Xara Dep. Bursar Bursar 18 Sept. 1711 70v RANIERI D'ELCI Inquisitor General Commissioner 26 May 1711 71r LAZ. PALLA VICINO Inquisitor General Commissioner May 1718 74r ANTONIO RUFFO Inquisitor General Commissioner 24 May 1720 77r Gio Bat. Napulone Judge 27 Oct. 1720 80r Nicola Hasciach Advocate Advocate for the 8 Apr.1721 80v poor Pietro F. Grixti Advocate 20 Oct. 1724 80v F ABR. SERBELLONI Inquisitor General Commissioner 1June1728 8lr FRANC. STOPPANI Inquisitor General Commissioner 19 Nov. 1730 84v CARLO F. DURINI Inquisitor General Commissioner 11May1735 87v Giuseppe Vignoli Auditor 5 July 1735 90v Giacomo Mineta Judge 16 July 1735 90v Francesio Hagius Judge 1735 90v

LUDOVICOGUAL TIER! Inquisitor General Commissioner 21 April 1739 9lr Giuseppe Borg Judge 1742 94r Pietro Franc. Grixti Judge 94v p AOLO p ASSIONEI Inquisitor General Commissioner 10 Dec. 1743 95r Nicola Zammit Courier 20 Oct. 1747 97v Matteo Damato instead ofF Courier 27 Sept. 1750 98r Cipriani GREGORIO SALVIATI Inquisitor General Commissioner 15 Dec. 1753 99r Francesco Grixti Ass. Holy Office Chancellor 1754 ANGELO M. DURINI Inquisitor General Commissioner 4May 1760 lOlv Pietro Paolo Dorel Bursar 28 June 1762 104v

272 G. 0. MANCIFORTE Inquisitor General Commisisoner 1767 ANTONIO LANTE Inquisitor General Commissioner 1771 Vincenzo Depiro Bursar 17 April 1776 105r Giov. Battista Gatt Advocate 10 Sept.1786 105v A.F.CHIGI Inquisitor General Commissioner 1777 ZoNDADARI Ludovico Barbaro Judge 22 July 1781 106v ALESSIO FALCONIERI Inquisitor General Commisisoner 1785 G.F. GALLARATI Inquisitor General Commissioner 1785 SCOTTI Gruuo CARPEGNA Inquisitor General Commisisoner 1793 Vincenzo Alfano Judge 13 Aug.1793 107r Giov. Battista Advocate RF. Judge 10 Febr.1794 107v GattPaolo F. Gatt Advocate lOFebr 1794 108r G.Gaetano Agius Advocate 27 Oct. 1795 108v Franc, Darmanin Advocate 26 Sept. I 796 109r

273 APPENDIX VIII

THE MONETARY SYSTEM

OF THE KNIGHTS IN MALTA1

Copper Denominations PICCIOLO 3 PICCIOLI or ONE HALF GRANO GRANO or 6 PICCIOLI ONE HALF CINQUINA or TWO AND ONE HALF GRAN I CINQUINA or 5 GRANI CARLINO or 10 GRANI TARI' or 20 GRANI 2 TARI' or 40GRANI 4 TARI' or 80 GRANI

Silver Denominations ONE HALF CINQUINA or 3 PICCIOLI CINQUINA or 5 GRANI CARLINO or lOGRANI TARI' or 20 GRANI 1 SCUDO or 240GRANI 15 TARI' or 300 GRANI 2 SCUDI or 480 GRANI 30TARI' or 600GRANI

Gold Denominations ZECCHINO or 4 SCUDI 3 TARI lOZECCHINI or 42 SCUDI 6TARI' 5 SCUDI or 60 T_ARI' 10 SCUDI or 120 TARI' 20 SCUDI or 240 TARI

OTHER MALTESE CURRENCY 1 IRBIEGHI or 20HABBA' 12 IRBIEGHI or !SKUD 3 DlNIERl or 1 HABBA 1 CINKWINA or 5 HABBIET 1 KARLIN or lOHABBIET 1 UQIJA or Two and one half SKUDI'

F. RESTELLI-J. C. SAMMUT, The Coinage of the Knights of Malta, I, Malta 274 APPENDIX IX

EXAMPLES OF MANUSCRIPTS

CONSUL TED IN THE COMPILATION

OF THE PRESENT DISSERTATION

I Letter addressed by Nicola Mangione to Cardinal Barberini on 26 September 1627 11 Letter addressed by Nicola Mangione to Cardinal Barberini on 15 November 1627 m · Letter addressed by Nicola Mangione to Cardinal Barberini on 18 November 1627 iv Letter addressed by Cardinal Ginnasi to Cagliares, Bishop of Malta on 20 May 1628 v Letter addressed by Cardinal Ginnasi to Nicola Mangione on 21 October 1628 v1 Letter addressed Cardinal Ginnasi to Fabio Chigi on 23 February 1635 VII Monitorium issied by Nicola Mangione regarding the building site ofStJohn'son 14March 1743 VIn Letter addressed by Nicola Mangione to Cardinal Barberini, undated ix Letter addressed by Cardinal Barberini to Ranuccio Pallavicibo on 11 November 1673 x Letter addressed by Cardinal Barberini to Giulio degli Oddi on 29 May 1655 xi Letter addressed by Cardinal Barberini to Nicola Mangione on 29 May 1655 xii Death Certificate of Nicola Mangione xin Last accounts paid to the Reverenda fabbrica in Malta xin Edict issued by Gio Francesco Stoppani on 19 May 1731

275 46i

Nicola Mangione could not accept the appointment ofCommissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica given to him by the Sacred Congregation; he asked the Congregation to provide another person for this pious Office A F S P,P.2, Ser.Arm., 262. 46lr.

After fiirther insiitence on the part of the Sacred: C?nlfTegafion, - Nicola Mangione accepts the offic_e of Comm1ss10ner A F S P, P.2, Ser.~rm:, _2~:.·3J'u.1;..'(/ ~ ./w ~ :Jk w :t1 /1t(i..,o1«nu...

'

•; .. :

x..

r . .

.. '., ..

.., .. " .. - l ..

·ft~:q.;-~J-~~/:".l-A~ .... '. ;~·j.?~I /TW-cr~

·- -

Nicola Mangione promised again to continue fi1ljllling his duties as Commissioner ofthe Reverenda Fabbrica A F S P. P. 2. Ser.Arm., 262. 613r-v I ~;~::.~. ::F!..:H:i... :,.;.J.;...

Domenico Cardinal Ginnasi recommends to the B;shop of Malta Nicola Mangione, the first Commissioner of the Reverenda F abbrica A·A M, Brev. et Const. Apost., I, 455r • . <'·· -~ ..;.._ - .:'. R·r~·· .. ) .· ·.,_, ..._ ' - - -·

\

- . . . l Ginnasi writes to.Nicola Mangi?ne On 21October1628 Domenico Ca1dzna b the guidance of the new Tribunal ·iy d love should always e showing that ch an an A I Jvf RF, Cor. 40, 16. Domenico Cardinal Ginnasio writes to Fabio Chigi, the Inquisitor giving him details about the reaction of the Sacred Congregation to the plans of the reform proposed by Inquisitor A IM RF, Cor. 40, 130r

0) ..e:~~,u !.

N;cola Mangfone grievfously expressed his deep concern and great sorrow.for being removed from the office of Commissioner fearing that he 1vould become su~ject to the Bishop's jurisdiction A F S P, P.l, Ser.2, 28, 69r r: ...'1 ;; -~J

On 11 November 1673 Domenico Giannuzzi informed Nicola Mangione that His Holiness ordered that a good number ofrich lapislazuli be sent to Rome because they were urgently needed to adorn the Tabernacle of the Blessed Sacrament of the Vatican Basilica A IM RF, Cor.40, 90 ·- : -: ..:=:: ... ·-

_.- ·~ - ' ~ ~~~~\\ . . ·; _-:-~.l-.;~

.. Cardinal Barberini asked Giulio degli Oddi to take the office of Commissioner· because a radical reform of the Tribunal of the Reverenda Fabbrica was decreed by His Holiness. A IM RF, Cor. 40, 231 -,

Cardinal Barberini asked Nicola Mangione to quit the office of Commissioner of the Reverenda Fabbrica because a radical reform has been decreed by His Holiness Mangione was asked to take the office ofJudge of the First Instance A IM RF, Cor., 40, 232r Death Certificate of Nicola Mangione A P, Naxxar, Lib. Mort.,!, 37 - - .. ::

~-· ··- q 00~. -.s. /o. ":/ /_ -- The last records of the Reverenda F abbrica are found in the Archives of the Seminary A Sem M, Varia 83r-v ~. h1~cfa·~c;·;;~;_;;?ttt?~?r:~J./?7t~~.~"O'U /~. ~~ h-~~ "-/.~I~ t 2/;iJu~.~·~;l~ 4Q-,cJ~~ ~1:0~~ ~( ~ ~:1: ~~~ . ·:~~:::~:~'_/..§'.Lf>..· 'Jrl ~ ...?t-~ ,4. fafer<~~ . ~;ii;.,.,.• . .. . •

. ti~ ~-~:l.~~~Lt~~~~~~~~~i~~*~~~~*i*~~~a**~~~*~~~*~ ~~~·~ ~ ~lis~ Efiderando corn~ ricera l:l fopr'interiden'La,e dirc-z:z.ione dcl pio Officio della Rev.Fabrica di San Pictro in Roma~ ~ nl2i: i Noi commeffa,che le pie Y0lonta,e di[pofrz.ioni de"Feddi Defonti non fiano dcfraudate,m?r. co ogni cfatta pun­ .,.~ ;.t,_ ~~ tualita efcg.uite, in vii;:ti de! prefentc. ~ditto comandiamoi tutti Ii Supe~i.ori Offi~iali de'Rego!~ri _dclli Convcti,~ .... ~- ~ ~~~ c Monafleq, che fono rn quelk Jfole d1 Malta,e Go1:z.o, come an co~ tutti 1 Rettori,e Procuratori d1 tuttc le Con-~ ~ · fratcrnita,Compignie,Oratorij, & altri luoghi pij,& ad ognuno, chc abbia l'ammini!tra?.ionc, o cura di effi diloJt(AI ..y. qualfivoglia fiato,e condiz.10nc Ii fia, che fotto pen a pecuo1aria ad arbittlo nofirod"a pplii:arfi alla detta Reverend a Fabrica, J!i;'. ~&in fu.!11dio di Scommunica maggiore debbano, c ciafcun di loro debba frail terminedi giorni treta da contarfi d:..I d1 dcl-~. ~la pu~lic~z.i?o:: d::l pr~fcnte noft~o Editto,dc'quali i pri.mi dieci l'a~gnamo per ii prii_nRlia altra pcrfona Ecclefiallica e Secolare,chc fra ii fodctto terminc,c fot-i'li"'I l&)J'li to le medeflme penc dcbb.ano, c cia!cun d1 oro debba dar notiz.ia,& anco nor a (fc l'hanno) al no!lro Tribunale di tutti l"oc- ;,~ ..Y cupaz.ioni, ufurpat.ioni, detenz.ioni, & alienaz.ioni dc"btni, poffeslioni, Terre,J,::tre, Cen!I, e rcndite :ipp.trtinent~ ll Chiefe, "'1\. ~Conventi, Mon;iftcrij. Confraternita, Beneficij, c quallivoglia prctdto contro le Confl:ituz.ioni .A pofl:oliche,o fcnz.a liccnz.a~ · ~ ddla Santa Sede Apofl:olica, o pure non fcrvata In forma di ea] liccnz.a, o d'altro modo in evi fapeffe,cnealtri ~ flWI abbiano,o ti:nghino procesfi, inllru menti, & :iltre fcritture a pp,fa,conforrne al folito, dove da tutti fad. yeduto, i: lcttp, Patum in Palatio S.anll:j OBicii Mclitcn.Di.c :i

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