Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe, 1200–1800

Home , Augustinus Olomucensis, Gutenzell Abbey, Henry II the Pious, Henry the Bearded, Jeremias Drexel, Ladislaus the Posthumous

Veronika Čapská

in collaboration with Robert Antonín and Martin Čapský

2014 European Social Fund – Silesian University in Opava Projekt: HISTORIZACE STŘEDNÍ EVROPY (CZ.1.07/2.3.00/20.0031)

This publication is a result of the projectHistoricising Central Europe as a Subject Matter for Sustaining the Development of Human Potential in Research, Innovation, Education and Integration of Current and Future Research Workers in International Research Activities (CZ.1.07/2.3.00/20.0031). The project was financed by the European Social Fund and by the state budget of the Czech Republic within the operational programme Education for Competitiveness.

Project website: http://www.slu.cz/su/slu/cz/projekty/webs/historizace

Refereed by: Doc. Mgr. Antonín Kalous, MA, PhD Mgr. Elizabeth Woock, BA

Foreword © Veronika Čapská Chapters © Robert Antonín, Alessandra Becucci, Veronika Čapská, Martin Čapský, Jan Hrdina, Jitka Komendová, Janine Christina Maegraith, Marcin R. Pauk, Pavla Slavíčková, Lucie Storchová, Dana Štefanová, Przemysław Wiszewski

Cover and Typesetting: Tomáš Rataj Print: Z+M Partner, spol. s r.o., Ostrava

ISBN 978-80-7510-128-0 CONTENTS

Foreword 7

Introduction 9

Dana Štefanová Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison as Research Concepts. Comparing Research Between Western and Eastern Europe 11

Between Texts and Social Practices ...... 33

Lucie Storchová The Role of (Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Represen- tations of Cultural Transfers: The Case of European and Bohemian Renaissance Humanism(s) 35

Veronika Čapská Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation. Bohemian Lands as a Space of Translation Flows During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries ...... 77

Pavla Slavíčková The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 as an Example of a Cultural Transfer Failure 129

Cultural Intermediaries 149

Alessandra Becucci A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain: Cultural Go-Betweens in Early Modern Europe ...... 151

Janine Christina Maegraith Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician ...... 179 The Challenge ofHistoire Croisée 207

Martin Čapský Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison: On the Formation of Late Medieval Urban Identities in Prague and Wrocław from the Perspective of Histoire Croisée 209

Przemysław Wiszewski Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication Between Dukes and their People: Histoire Croisée and Medieval Sources 241

Social Elites and the Processes of Cultural Transmission 275

Robert Antonín Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule in Processes of Cultural Transfer by the End of the Thirteenth Century 277

Marcin R. Pauk Castrensis Satane servit: Castles as a Factor of Social Change in Bohemian Narrative Sources at the Turn of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries 315

East Meets West – Patterns of Cultural Transmission . . . 329

Jitka Komendová Ritual in Intercultural Communication in Medieval Eastern Europe 331

Jan Hrdina Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism (1378–1417) and the Cultural Foundation of Their Reception in Central Europe ...... 345

Bibliography 389

List of Authors 431 7

FOREWORD

The publication of this book was made possible by the European Social Fund and its Operational Programme Education for Competitiveness. Within this Operational Programme the Institute of Historical Studies at the Silesian University in Opava (Czech Republic) held a project entitled “Historicising Central Europe” as a Subject Matter for Sustaining the Development of Human Potential in Research, Innovation, Education and In- tegration of Current and Future Research Workers in International Research Activities (CZ.1.07/2.3.00/20.0031). Within this project a workshop was held in Opava on 5–6 December 2012 which brought together most of the contributors of our volume to explore and discuss the concepts and processes of cultural transmission in Central Europe across a long time span reaching from approximately 1200 to slightly beyond 1800. The volume features a diversity of scholarly styles of work and approaches to the processes of cultural exchange. Some texts follow the Central European, often heavily theoretically laden, research traditions; others are closer to the Anglophone scholarly streams and, even more typically, they draw on several established practices. All of them merge certain models and individual styles of work. In this way the collection of papers reflects not only the current state of cultural transmission research on (East) Central Europe but necessarily also the situation in the academic field. We literally dealt with the problem of transferring the texts which are embedded in Central European contexts into English and thus into a different academic milieu. Some authors submitted their texts in Eng- lish (Alessandra Becucci, Veronika Čapská, Janine Christina Maegraith, Marcin R. Pauk, Dana Štefanová, Przemysław Wiszewski), other authors had their texts translated (Robert Antonín, Martin Čapský, Jan Hrdina, Jitka Komendová, Pavla Slavíčková) or co-translated (Lucie Storchová) and at this place I would especially like to thank our translator Sean Mark Miller for his effort and cooperation and Janine Chris- tina Maegraith for sharing her expertise, particularly in consulting the early modern contributions and investing her time in reading and correcting them. 8 Foreword

Facing the difficulties of multilateral translations between several languages (Czech-English, Polish-English, Slovak-English, Hungari- an-English etc.) and in order to acknowledge rather than conceal the linguistic diversity of the region, we have maintained the passages in the historically prominent major languages of Central and East Central Europe (Latin, German, Russian) in the original and have made use of long established Latin terms in the references (Ibidem, idem etc.). We also had to decide on the most appropriate terminology for the historical Lands of the Crown of Bohemia. In order to prevent ethnocentrism we decided against the commonly used term Czech lands (which ex- cludes non-Czech inhabitants) and preferred neutral and more integrating terms such as the Lands of the Bohemian Crown or Bohemian lands. I would also like to express our gratitude to both reviewers of this volume for their kind willingness to donate their time and for their valuable suggestions and comments. The professional layout and cover of the book are the result of the careful work of Tomáš Rataj to whom I particularly wish to extend our special thanks. Last but not least, it is a pleasure to thank our authors for their collaboration and patience while this volume was being prepared for print. Moreover, Robert An- tonín kindly contributed with the concluding bibliography and Martin Čapský with checking the references. I am convinced that the essays in our volume change perspectives on Central and Eastern Europe and beyond as they explore this area as an open socio-cultural space in motion with shifting boundaries, moving historical actors and transforming discourses. The research on cultural transmissions has recently been moving from its focus on linear or bilateral exchanges towards more attention paid to multilateral contacts, entangled histories and towards an intensive dialogue with comparative history. I believe our book shows how the mosaic of scholarly approaches and outcomes across Europe in many ways overlaps and invites discussions. There is much higher potential for international cooperation than is actually taken advantage of and the creative use of it can significantly empower the dynamics of European research. The international collaboration for this book challenged hitherto perceived academic borders and I do hope that projects like this help to overcome the barriers in the European academic field which is characterized by profound inequalities.

Veronika Čapská London, 23 October 2014 Introduction

Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison as Research Concepts. Comparing Research Between Western and Eastern Europe

Dana Štefanová

The concept of cultural transfer and exchange (histoire croisée) as well as recent advances in comparative and regional history offer challenges and opportunities for comparative research between historical developments in Western and Eastern Europe. In the following, I will discuss cultural transfer and comparative history in three steps: (i) I will outline recent definitions of processes of cultural transfer; (ii) I will introduce the question of conceptualizing space in recent regional history; (iii) finally, I will compare research using the concept of cultural transfer with comparative approaches. One could understand research in cultural transfers as a connection between geographical areas and socio-cultural practices. Taking the current understanding of cultural transfer further, I would like to show that a combination of various methodological approaches, such as those of modern regional history, comparative research and historical anthropology, is essential for an analysis of processes of cultural transfer.

Cultural Transfer

The concept of cultural transfer in historical research can be first and foremost understood as a critique of comparative approaches which built on a concept of culture or ‘memory of culture’ as a superstructure or foundation. With special reference to the comparative dimension1,

1 Martin BIERSACK, Mediterraner Kulturtransfer am Beginn der Neuzeit. Die Rezeption der italienischen Renaissance in Kastilien zur Zeit der Katholischen Könige, München 2010, p. 25. 12 Dana Štefanová recent studies concentrate on the initial and final stages of transfer processes. In historical research, this led to the well-known approach of histoire croisée, a term coined by Michael Werner and Bénédicte Zim- mermann. It concentrates on various levels of entanglement in time and space, and focuses especially on asymmetries.2 What, then, can be understood by cultural transfer and what are the most important approaches which arise from it for research in the humanities? Joseph Jurt draws attention to the way the ‘Constance school’ conceptualized reader-response criticism (Rezeptionsästhetik) in (comparative) literary studies. In this approach, social elites are regarded as an important group for the formation of national culture and historical constellations, which are influential for the form of processes of cultural transfer.3 For Anne-Marie Thiesse, who investigates nation building in Europe on a European level in the second half of the eighteenth century, the age of nation building led to a new definition of legitimacy in social and geographic respects.4 While this can be regarded as a decisive break in the historical development, Michael Espagne stresses that nation building does not necessarily lead to forms of transfer such as waves of emigration or more cultural imports.5 At the moment, the following definition of cultural transfer seems to be widely accepted: “Cultural transfer means the attempt to talk about several national spaces simultaneously; about their common elements while not reducing the analysis to either confrontation, comparison or simple addition.”6 The necessity to define a new object and newper- spectives has been stressed against the background of isolated analy-

2 Michael WERNER – Bénédicte ZIMMERMANN, Vergleich, Transfer, Verflechtung. Der Ansatz der Histoire croisée und die Herausforderung des Transnationalen, in: Geschichte und Gesellschaft 28, 2002, pp. 607–636; M. BIERSACK, Mediterraner Kulturtransfer, p. 26; Hans-Jürgen LÜSEBRINK, Interkulturelle Kommunikation. Interaktion, Fremd- wahrnehmung, Kulturtransfer, Stuttgart 2005, p. 131. 3 Joseph JURT, Das wissenschaftliche Paradigma des Kulturtransfers, in: Günter Berger – Franziska Sick (edd.), Französisch-deutscher Kulturtransfer im Ancien Régime, Tü- bingen 2002, pp. 15–39, here p. 16. 4 Ibidem, p. 17. 5 Ibidem, p. 25. 6 “Mit dem Terminus Kulturtransfer wird der Versuch ausgedrückt, von mehreren nationalen Räumen gleichzeitig zu sprechen, von ihren gemeinsamen Elementen, ohne die Betrachtung über sie auf eine Konfrontation, einen Vergleich oder eine simple Addition zu beschränken.” Quote translations in the text are my own. Matthias MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer und Historische Komparatistik – Thesen zu ihrem Verhältnis, in: Idem (ed.), Kulturtransfer und Vergleich, (Comparativ. Leipziger Beiträge zur Uni- versalgeschichte und vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung 10, 2000, No. 1), Leipzig 2000, p. 17. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 13 sis in previous historical research as well as the neglect of ‘métissages’. In searching mainly for identities, these are likely to be ignored, because this focus seems to obscure forms of blending and mixtures, even though these create identities as well.7

“Cultural transfers, i. e. importing elements from foreign contexts, can be analyzed on all levels of social life. Transfers are more visible in aspects which illustrate the identity of the respective contexts. Literature, myths, religious beliefs, forms of art are social modes of expressions which fulfil the task to preserve group identity, the national unity.”8

Specialists of German Studies around Michel Espagne and Michael Werner particularly promoted the concept of cultural transfer and transfer research. Although criticizing the established aesthetics of reception among literary studies as mentioned before, Espagne and Werner were not limited to questions of French-German receptions of literature, but regarded the perspectives of cultural studies as important for the His- tory of Science and the transfer of science as well.9 Cultural transfer is thus not limited to a cultural historical concept, but can be regarded as a research hypothesis, an approach for historical research in general or for History of Art in particular. Espagne and Werner concentrate on ‘the phenomena of cultural transfers as a historical object, which materi- alizes in texts and documents in a collective ideological discourse […]’10 Both stress that the study of cultural transfer cannot be without a general theory of culture nor without a reflection about phenomena of accul- turation.11 It is therefore paramount that economic and social developments, in which these two aspects are embedded, have to be considered as well.

7 Ibidem, p. 17. 8 “Auf jeder Ebene des gesellschaftlichen Lebens können Kulturtransfers, d. h.Im- porte aus fremden Zusammenhängen untersucht werden. Nur ist die Übertragung auf Ebenen sichtbarer, die die Identität der jeweiligen Zusammenhänge illustrieren. Literatur, Mythen, religiöse Bekenntnisse, Kunstformen sind gesellschaftliche Aus- drucksformen, welche den Auftrag erfüllen, die Gruppenidentität, die nationale Ein- heit zu behaupten.” Cf. Michel ESPAGNE, Der theoretische Stand der Kulturforschung, in: Wolfgang Schmale (ed.), Kulturtransfer. Kulturelle Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert, Innsbruck – Wien – München 2003, pp. 63–77, here p. 65. 9 J. JURT, Das wissenschaftliche Paradigma, p. 20. 10 Ibidem, p. 21. 11 Ibidem, p. 21. 14 Dana Štefanová

Espagne assumes that “cultural areas are not independent dimensions, but [that] their respective identity is the result of multiple entanglements.”12 The political dimension imminent to this hypothesis, therefore, not only highlights the component of the own/familiar, but in particular also of the other/foreign. The own and the other should not only be understood as opposing contrasts or as aspects that com- plement each other. Rather, these ‘are identical moments of a single historical construct […] The own is established on the basis of imports of surrounding or distant countries and thus the own comprises also something foreign.’13 This is especially visible in History of Art, as many Italian or French artists worked in foreign countries, transferring components of their own cultural experiences. For example, the artists entered buildings of national significance of the host societies (cf. the landmarks of Dresden, Moscow or the Prague Castle) and processed their impressions in their artwork. These examples illustrate the successful mixing and adaptation of foreign cultural goods. Thus forms of the métissage come into focus which are otherwise often ignored when searching for identities. This multi-faceted character of culture, which aims at finding the own and the other, is reflected in philosophy or in the humanities. It has a positive connotation, such as in the existence of common transnational roots in the idea of nation- building since the nineteenth century. Both aspects exist in an antag- onistic symbiosis with the individual national culture.14 They contain both, the own and the other, the specific and the general. According to Espagne and Werner, this historical constellation bears relevance to processes of cultural reception.15 Transfers of culture are not limited to the sphere of society but also include movements of things, individuals and ideas; they include material culture as well as the worlds of symbols.16 Antony Grafton describes this process as ‘transmission of culture’. This approach assumes that “culture cannot be characterized as straightforward processes aiming at

12 “die Kulturräume keine eigenständigen Größen sind, sondern dass ihre jeweilige Identität das Ergebnis einer Vielzahl von Verflechtungen ist.” Michel ESPAGNE – Martina KALLER-DIETRICH – Lutz MUSNER – Renate PIPER – Wolfgang SCHMALE (Podiumsdiskussion in den „Wiener Vorlesungen“), „Kulturtransfer“ – Europäische Geschichte gegen den Strich der nationalen Mythen, in: W. Schmale (ed.), Kulturtransfer. Kulturelle Praxis, pp. 13–38, here p. 15. 13 Ibidem, p. 15. 14 J. JURT, Das wissenschaftliche Paradigma, p. 22. 15 Ibidem, p. 23 and pp. 25–26. 16 M. MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer, p. 18. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 15 a specific target.”17 Transfers of culture cannot be understood as proofs for cultural decline either, but are evidence for a deliberate change. The concept of a ‘transmission of culture’ specifically relates to texts and assumes that changes of individual texts can be interpreted as indications of changes in understanding.18 One could think of the texts of Erasmus of Rotterdam (1467–1536) and Michel de Montaigne (1533–1592) or of the interpretation of the humanistic and Enlightenment texts referring to the character of scientific research. Not only do the authors of humanism play a role in the process of cultural transfer, but also their publishers, as it became easier to distribute intellectual texts after the invention of printing. The model of cultural transfer “implicitly challenges comparative literature on the grounds that it adhered to the construct of a homogeneous national culture and thus investigates common elements and differences only within the closed boundaries of nation states.”19 To avoid the arbitrariness of a comparison, transfer research following Espagne focuses on the dynamics of the ways culture is constituted. It is not a “backward reconstruction of certainties of identities.”20 The aim is to detect the hidden traces of a foreign culture beneath the apparent homogeneity of a particular culture.21 Research questions of cultural transfer can thus be understood as alternatives to a simple comparison. It follows from this that social agents of cultural transmission deserve particular attention in this kind of analysis. To the category of social agents particularly belong mobile social groups such as artisans in arts trades, scholars, musicians, mercenaries, merchants, bankers and others.22 Apart from social groups – some of which are referred to in this volume – books, universities or ideas can function as carriers of foreign or inaccessible cultural goods as well. In

17 “Kultur lässt sich nicht als geradliniger, zielgerichtete Prozesse beschreiben.” Sabine VOGEL, Kulturtransfer in der frühen Neuzeit. Die Vorworte der Lyoner Drucke des 16. Jahr- hunderts, Tübingen 1999, p. 5. 18 Ibidem, p. 6. 19 “der Komparatistik den impliziten Vorwurf, dem Konstrukt einer homogenen Na- tionalkultur verpflichtet zu sein und deshalb Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede NUR (hervorgehoben D.Š.) in den geschlossenen Einheiten von Nationen zu untersuchen.” J. JURT, Das wissenschaftliche Paradigma, p. 20. 20 “rückwärtsgewandte Rekonstruktion identitärer Gewissheiten.” Ibidem, p. 30. 21 Ibidem, p. 31¸ Matthias MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer zwischen Frankreich und Sachsen, in: Günter Berger – Franziska Sick (edd.), Französisch-deutscher Kulturtransfer im Ancien Régime, Tübingen 2002, pp. 39–59, here p. 41. 22 Michel ESPAGNE, Der theoretische Stand der Kulturforschung, in: W. Schmale (ed.), Kulturtransfer. Kulturelle Praxis, pp. 63–76, here p. 64. 16 Dana Štefanová identifying the influence on processes of transfer it is therefore not important to consider which phenomena form the superstructure or foundation. The foundation can be regarded as that element which sets the process of differentiation in motion and thus disturbs the pre-supposed homogeneity. Research on transfers is connected to the state, but, according to Espagne, does not necessarily rely on it as the state began to form only during the eighteenth century.23 Influences of cultural transfer are not limited to objects, but also include mutual encounters and military con- frontations which influence actions and behaviour of individuals. An- thropological research thus includes important components of cultural transfers. As cultural transfer is not limited to the social sphere but also includes the movement of goods, individuals and ideas, the concept comprises material culture as well as the worlds of symbols. Research on cultural transfer specifically relates to two problem areas: i) Transfer means the movement of individuals, material objects, concepts and cultural systems of signs in space and between different, relatively clearly identifiable and distinguishable cultures which leads to mixture and interaction; ii) this leads to a radical reversal of a perspective that exclusively regarded the relationship between culture of origin and its reception.24 Cultural transfer has the potential to open up new research fields in humanities and social sciences or to place old research fields in a new perspective. “It offers a new history of regions and their embeddedness in international entanglement in place of national history. It questions the validity of myths of national origin and creates a new European space, but does not lead, as a deliberate aim, to globalization.”25 Medi-

23 M. ESPAGNE – M. KALLER-DIETRICH – L. MUSNER – R. PIPER – W. SCHMA LE, „Kulturtransfer“, p. 17. 24 M. MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer, p. 18. 25 “Sie setzt der Nationalgeschichte eine neue Geschichte der Regionen und ihrer Ein- bettung in internationale Verflechtungen entgegen. Sie stellt die Gültigkeit der nationalen Gründungsmythen in Frage und gestalten einen europäischen Raum, läuft aber nicht gezielt auf Globalisierung hinaus.” M. ESPAGNE, Der theoretische Stand, p. 73; Zu Fragestellungen, die Geschichte und Globalgeschichte verbinden könn- nen vgl. Bo STRÅTH, Europäische und Globalgeschichte. Probleme und Perspektiven, in: Agnes Arndt – Joachim C. Häberlein – Christine Reinecke (edd.), Vergleichen, Ver- flechten, Verwirren. Europäische Geschichtsschreibung zwischen Theorie und Pra- xis, Göttingen 2011, pp. 61–88. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 17 eval history, for example, emphasizes a multiple cultural comparison in this context.26 According to Matthias Middell, questions such as whether concepts of space are stable in the process of cultural transfer so that we can actually ignore them in the context of modernity and whether we are really able to talk about German-French cultural transfer over several centuries, play an important role in research on transfer. For this reason, the term ‘European region’ was coined, and, in other words, a ‘Europe of regions’ (Europa der Regionen) was introduced as a research category.27 In the current situation in which culture is still understood within the context of the traditional nation state or, even stronger, of nationalism, the concept of transfer, on the other hand, offers a de-nation- alization of culture.28 Entangled history deals with transfer, interconnections, and mutual influences across boundaries. It can be another way of moving beyond the limits of national history. Its rise is more recent. It has been fuelled by postcolonial perspectives, by a renewed interest in trans-nationalism, and by the intellectual consequences of globalization.29 Case studies of cultural transfer research have focused on questions of transmission or transfer and its agents, who cannot be understood as a uniform group.30 Results on the processes of transfer have to be interpreted in relation to transfer systems (i. e. church networks, diplomacy, book trade, the exchange between scholars, trade, etc.).31 In order to use concepts of the modern history of consumption and of cultural transfer for societies of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, it also seems necessary to consider research categories such as social groups, scope of action of individual agents, life course perspectives

26 Stamatios GEROGIORGAKIS – Roland SCHEEL – Dittmar SCHORKOWITZ, Kulturtransfer vergleichend betrachtet, in: Michael Borgolte – Julia Dücker – Marcel Müllerburg – Bernd Scheidmüller (edd.), Integration und Desintegration der Kultu- ren im europäischen Mittelalter, Berlin 2011, pp. 385–466, here pp. 385, 388. 27 M. MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer zwischen Frankreich, pp. 39–40. 28 Wolfgang SCHMALE, Einleitung: Das Konzept „Kulturtransfer“ und das 16. Jahrhundert. Einige theoretische Grundlagen, in: Wolfgang Schmale (ed.), Kulturtransfer. Kulturelle Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert, pp. 41–62, p. 42. 29 Jürgen KOCKA – Heinz-Gerhard HAUPT, Comparisons and Beyond, in: Iidem (ed.), Comparative and transnational history, New York – Oxford 2009, pp. 1–30, p. vii. 30 M. BIERSACK, Mediterraner Kulturtransfer, pp. 29–38. 31 M. BIERSACK, Mediterraner Kulturtransfer, p. 30; Beiträge in Günter BERGER – Franziska SICK (edd.), Französisch-deutscher Kulturtransfer im „Ancien Régime“, Tübingen 2002; Kulturtransfer; Aspekte der Polyvalenz: europakulturelle Teilsysteme und Kulturtransfer (Kapitel IV.) – Vermittlungsinstanzen des Kulturtransfers im 16. Jahrhundert (Kapitel V), in: W. Schmale (ed.), Kulturtransfer, pp. 179–352. 18 Dana Štefanová and gender. Only for later periods, categories like nation and state become increasingly important. These are conditions according to which approaches of cultural transfer can be aligned with other approaches in historical research. Until now, however, aspects of cultural transfer have been primarily analyzed for social elites, such as diplomats, aristocrats or scholars. In the context of rural societies, aspects of cultural transfer are particularly reflected in material culture. It is difficult to follow the impact of transfer processes with respect to other aspects of life. One assumption in social historical research – I am thinking, for instance, of the work of Hans Medick on Laichingen – is, for example, that all social strata practiced conspicuous consumption (demonstrativer Konsum), including the lower social groups.32 Hans Medick refers to a culture of social distinction standing/reputation. For Laichingen and Württemberg, for instance, we know about regulations on consumption and social behaviour (sumptuary laws) from 1549 to 1712, which are continued in further regulations referring to clothing for burials, church and service during the eighteenth century. Similar rules were very frequent, their effect on social practice, however, has been inadequately investigated. For example, when discussing social discipline, scholars tend to point out the differences according to social status as to who could afford pro- ducing and wearing foreign cloth. This should be interpreted in relation to the economic thinking of higher authorities. They were supposed to limit expenses for conspicuous consumption and thus secure a market for regional products.33 ‘Conspicuous consumption’ cannot only be identified with respect to clothing, but also in the context of important stages in the life cycle of households and families. Weddings are one example. In the North Bohemian town of Frýdlant, a seigniorial ordinance aimed at limiting expenses of celebrations for each social group at the end of the sixteenth century. This included regulations as to the number of guests or the wages for journeymen and maid servants.34 We can assume that consumption behaviour was linked to social status in pre-industrial so-

32 See the definition and praxis of conspicuous consumption depending on gender and social classes in Thorstein VEBLEN, The theory of the Leisure Class, Boston 1973, pp. 60–80. 33 Hans MEDICK, Weben und Überleben in Laichingen 1650–1900. Lokalgeschichte als Allge- meine Geschichte, Göttingen 1996, p. 387. 34 Státní okresní archiv Liberec [State District Archives in Liberec], Archiv města Li berec [Archive of the City of Liberec], kniha 80 [Book 80], Obrigkeitliche Ordnung von 1698 [seigniorial ordinance from 1698]. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 19 cieties, too. At the same time, the rural population followed their own priorities. For example, they looked out for farms or smallholdings to buy, which can be regarded as a form of investment in the agricultural economy or as provision for the items for conspicuous consumption. In this rural context, it would also be interesting to investigate the question of how the settlement of foreign craftsmen, miners etc. helped to change practices of culture and consumption among the resident population and how they, in turn, were influenced by these changes. In a broader social context, the investigation of the connections between the spread of consumption and the disintegration of traditional power structures – for instance in the course of the peasant emancipation – should not be neglected. Here it is important to distinguish whether these were staple or luxury goods. This links up to the investigation of social differences which are considered in the study of consumption and transfer. In general, Czech, Slovak and Polish historiography did not fully integrate approaches of the study of transfer built on micro-historical or historical-anthropological theories. In the following, I would like to suggest as a possible example that the study of consumption should mainly consider how conspicuous consumption spread among individual social groups and how it affected the development of ‘material culture’. Consumption of imported goods or of goods produced for supra- regional markets has only rarely been studied as an effect of cultural transfer on the changing representation of social strata. In methodological respect, Claudia Ulbrich poses the question whether research on cultural transfer can succeed without historical-anthropological approaches. According to her, differences – often thought as dichotomies – between popular and elite cultures could be questioned and embedded in more complex relationships.35 Wolfgang Schmale mentions another important aspect. He assumes the construction of cultural borders to have occurred during the sixteenth century – the construction of the foreign and the ‘other’ along ‘national’ lines. He differentiates the cultural goods transferred into two groups, which he understands as singular and complex goods (Struktureme und Kultureme).36

35 Claudia ULBRICH, Transferprozesse in Grenzräumen, in: Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink – Rolf Reichardt (edd.), Kulturtransfer im Epochenumbruch Frankreich – Deutsch- land 1770 bis 1815, Leipzig 1997, pp. 131–138, pp. 133–134. 36 W. SCHMALE, Einleitung, p. 44–45; BIERSACK, Mediterraner Kulturtransfer, pp. 38– 44; see also Jörg FEUCHTER, Cultural Transfers in Dispute: An Introduction, in: Jörg Feuchter – Friedhelm Hoffmann – Bee Yun (edd.), Cultural Transfers in Dispute. Representations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World since the Middle Ages, Frank- furt am Main 2011, pp. 15–40. 20 Dana Štefanová

In general, there are several studies particularly in the context of social and economic history, the History of Art and Literary Studies which can form a basis for a systematic investigation of the relationship between the history of consumption and cultural transfer.37 In Czechoslo- vak research, numerous books on the History of Art were published in which building styles, families of builders, painters etc. were extensively described and studied. Indirectly, this said a great deal of the orientation of the cultural milieus in the medieval and early modern Bohemian Crown Lands. The roots of the Přemyslid and Luxemburg dynasties, for instance, can doubtlessly be seen as international and European. For the early modern period, several books on artists and scientists working at the court of Rudolf II have been published. On the other hand, the ‘new’ Bohemian aristocracy taking over the place of the exiled Bohemian-protestant nobles because of the Thirty Years’ War and Habsburg counter-reformation were often regarded as foreign and thus as carriers of unfamiliar cultural elements. This is particularly the case in protestant or national Czech historiography; but this image has been increasingly questioned following the political changes of 1989. In Polish historiography there is an intensive debate on material culture. One of the centres is the Institute for Archaeology and Ethnology at the Polish Academy of Sciences and the journal Kwartalnik historii kultury materialnej, which was founded in 1953.38 It was regarded as representative for a new discipline and as a trans-disciplinary medium for various scientific disciplines styku( róznych nauk). Studies focused, for example, on questions related to mass culture, production and consumption within a Marxist theoretical framework. Particularly from the 1970s on, questions about the role and the actions of individuals were increasingly raised – such as their roles as producers and consumers – and other disciplines, such as the History of Technol- ogy were criticized for neglecting this aspect.39 Again and again, the part of consumption within material culture was highlighted, even if the concept did not remain uncontested. But even the studies in this

37 E.g. Josef PETRÁŇ et al., Dějiny hmotné kultury II. Kultura každodenního života od 16. do 18. století [History of Material Culture II. Culture of Everyday Life from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries], Praha 1995–1997; Jiří PEŠEK, Měšťanská vzdělanost a kultura v předbělohorských Čechách 1547–1620 [Urban Learned Culture in Pre-White Mountain Bohemia 1547–1620], Praha 1993. 38 Kazimierz MAJEWSKI, Historia kultury materialnej [History of Material Culture], in: Kwartalnik historii kultury materialnej, Warszawa 1, 1953, pp. 3–27, p. 11. 39 Kwartalnik historii kultury materialnej 24, 1976, p. 661. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 21 periodical show rather limited overlap with research on the history of consumption and of cultural transfer. Mainly, they reflect the development of industries, their forms of production and technology; the focus was thus primarily on the side of supply and production. Occasionally, cultural transfer has been mentioned in the context of fashion. There- fore, in the Kwartalnik historii, papers did also follow new approaches of the study of transfer of culture and consumption. Besides consumption, education should be considered an important part of research in cultural transfer: in this sense, consumption can be regarded as a means for education and for strengthening identity and would thus be closely linked with cultural transfer. This is reflected in clandestine Protestantism in Bohemia during the Counter Reforma- tion. In this period, publications banned by the Catholic Church or by state censorship were smuggled to Bohemia.40 The study of Elisabeth Ducreux has shown that Protestant households owned numerous books which were brought to Bohemia illegally via different communication networks, mainly from Saxony, despite rigorous regulations.41 Confes- sionalization since the Middle Ages or re-Catholization are phenomena which influenced the development and stability of the population structure and migration within the Habsburg Monarchy. Cultural transfer forms an important element in the migration waves of Protestants in the early modern period. They introduced new production techniques (e. g. Anabaptist faience), new traditions of everyday life, and different education.42 At first, research approaches of cultural transfer often disagreed with those of comparative research as practiced in literary studies and linguistics. Today, comparative approaches have become an important basis for studying processes of cultural transfer. The reception of literary works in different cultural contexts, amongst which language areas figure prominently, belongs to the core areas of their research. Leading terms are ‘influence’ (in the French area) and of ‘reception’.43 “Comparative studies must not be practiced as an unfolding of scientific instruments,

40 Cf. the study by Veronika Čapská in this volume. 41 Marie-Elisabeth DUCREUX, Kniha a kacířství, způsob četby a knižní politika v Čechách 18. století [Book and Heresy, Style of Reading and Book Politics in Eighteenth Cen- tury Bohemia], in: Česká literatura doby baroka. Sborník příspěvků k české literatuře 17.–18. století, (Literární archiv 27), Praha 1994, pp. 61–87. 42 For further case studies on cultural transfer in early modern period, see for example Michael NORTH (ed.), Kultureller Austausch. Bilanz und Perspektiven der Frühneuzeit- forschung, Köln – Weimar – Wien 2009, pp. 81–430. 43 J. JURT, Das wissenschaftliche Paradigma, pp. 15–16. 22 Dana Štefanová but have to consider that along with an increasing sophistication of scientific methods also older, implicit traditions of comparisons remain valid in historiography and become part of political purposes”.44 Comparative literature assumes the pre-existence of clearly distinguishable cultural areas and then takes their specific characteristics in order to arrive at generalizations by means of abstract categories.45 They are thus closely linked to the emergence of anthropological terminology and therefore to a stronger interest in human behaviour and action.46 To avoid misunderstandings, criticism introduced by cultural transfer studies concentrated on the difference in the treatment of regionalism between German and French research traditions. This is related to the different status regional history holds in the historiography of the two countries. Its contribution to general historical debates such as microhistory may have been partly overlooked.47 Otto Ulbrich regards micro- historical approaches among the most innovative in historical research during the last decades. “Microhistory consists of few basics, a good deal of theoretical reflection and a great diversity in practice.”48 It is the approach that introduced the concept of agency into the research on the early modern period. The concept can no longer be dismissed

44 “Comparative studies must not be practiced as an unfolding of scientific instruments, but have to consider that along with an increasing sophistication of scientific methods also older, implicit traditions of comparisons remain valid in historiography and become part of political purposes.” M.MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer, p. 15. 45 M. ESPAGNE, Der theoretische Stand, p. 63. 46 Ibidem, p. 64. 47 See e. g. Dana ŠTEFANOVÁ, Erbschaftspraxis, Besitztransfer und Handlungsspielräume von Untertanen in der Gutsherrschaft. Die Herrschaft Frýdlant in Nordböhmen 1558–1750, (Sozial- und wirtschaftshistorische Studien 34), Wien–München 2009; Michaela HOHKAMP, Herrschaft in der Herrschaft. Die vorderösterreichische Obervogtei Triberg von 1737 bis 1780, Göttingen 1998; MEDICK, Weben und Überleben in Laichingen 1650–1900. Lokalgeschichte als allgemeine Geschichte, Göttingen 1996; Jürgen SCHLUMBOHM, Lebensläufe, Familien, Höfe. Die Bauern und Heuerleute des Osnabrückischen Kirchspiels Belm in proto-industrieller Zeit, 1650–1860, Göttingen 1994; IDEM, Micro-History and the Macro-models of the European Demographic System in pre-industrial Times, in: The Hi- story of the Family 1, 1996, pp. 81–95; IDEM, Mikrogeschichte – Makrogeschichte: Zur Eröffnung einer Debatte, in: Idem (ed.), Mikrogeschichte – Makrogeschichte: komple- mentär oder inkommensurabel?, Göttingen 1998, pp. 7–32; Richard van DÜLMEN, Historische Anthropologie. Entwicklung – Probleme – Aufgaben, Köln – Weimar – Wien 2000; Paolo P. VIAZZO, Introduzione all’antropologia storica, Roma – Bari 2000. 48 “Mikrohistorie besteht aus wenigen Grundsätzen, einem guten Maß an theoretischer Reflexion und großer Vielfalt in der Praxis.” Otto ULBRICH, Mikrogeschichte. Men- schen und Konflikte in der Frühen Neuzeit, Frankfurt am Main – New York 2009, p. 13; Ewa DOMAŃSKA, Mikrohistorie, Poznań 2005. See also e. g. Marta BOTÍKOVÁ – Ľubica HERZÁNOVÁ (edd.), New Perspectives in Social Sciences and Historical Anthro- pology, Bratislava 2003. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 23 in cultural history in general and in research into processes of cultural transfers in particular. A special feature is the focus on turn towards ego-documents which supply much of the evidence on the reception and reflection of cultural change and transfer in the past. Regional differences were already observed and addressed during the eighteenth century.49 According to Middell, Espagne’s idea of regionalism represents a radical break with that of a region as a compact geographical unit characterized by a certain physical homogeneity, common political-administrative structures and possibly also by the construct of a common history. As a starting point, Espagne assumes that cultural transfer may be a phenomenon that originates in two areas, each regarded as a form of region, which, however, may be distant from each other. Thus, the focus is on networks.50 Consequently, modern regional history can be regarded as an important component of studying cultural transfer.

Regional History

In regional history, a region is understood as an area of social space. This understanding is based on a structural concept of region.51 As a result, regional history investigates ‘historical social landscapes’ (Hans Haas) of the “same function, structure or cultural homogeneity”52 and types of “societies such as rural community, town or province”.53 Cur- rent Regional history increasingly moves towards comparison between different regions.54

49 M. MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer zwischen Frankreich, p. 45. 50 Ibidem, p. 48. 51 Alfons DOPSCH, Vergleichende Landesgeschichte in Österreich – Realität, Vision oder Uto- pie?, in: Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereins für Steiermark 91/92, 2000/1, (Gerhard Pferschy (ed.), Festschrift 150 Jahre Historischer Verein), pp. 53–92, p. 68. 52 “gleicher Funktion, Struktur oder kultureller Homogenität.” Geschichte und Re gion 1, 1992, pp. 7–8. 53 “Teilgesellschaften wie ländliche Gemeinde, Stadt oder Provinz.” ��Stefan BRAKEN- SIEK, Vorwort, in: Stefan Brakensiek et al. (edd.), Kultur und Staat in der Provinz, p. vii. 54 Editorial, in: Geschichte und Region 1, 1992, p. 7; Roman SANDGRUBER, Wirt- schaftsgeschichte und Landeskunde – Verwandtschaft und Symbiose, in: Zeitschrift des His- torischen Vereins für Steiermark 91/92, 2000/1, (Gerhard Pferschy (ed.), Festschrift 150 Jahre Historischer Verein), p. 121; Werner BUCHHOLZ, Vergleichende Landes geschichte und Konzepte der Regionalgeschichte, in: Idem (ed.), Landesgeschichte in Deutschland, Paderborn u. a. 1998, pp. 11–60. 24 Dana Štefanová

Hypotheses of general theories form the starting point of regional history.55 It follows from this that regional history does not deal with a specific regional area, but means a ‘specific approach to explain historical phenomena‘.56 Region is thus a heuristic concept which is the meaning adopted in English regional history.57 There are several debates in general European history which explicitly refer to regional developments in a comparative perspective. Within research of regional history, dimensions of comparisons on a regional and a European scale are being integrated, because the latter build on the former or at least refer to them. As an example for this paper, I would like to refer to two areas of research: (i) the status of the elderly within a cultural and social history of the European family and old age; (ii) social practices of the rural population and their institutions in the context of rural power relations. To begin with, regional history displayed close links to aspects of historical demography right from the beginning.58 Comparative research in the history of the elderly, for example, has both confirmed and revised interpretations of the status of the elderly and of widows in early modern East-Central Europe which were held by the first generation of family historians. Thanks to sources largely ignored by demographic studies (which concentrated on population registers of various types), new studies brought to light dynamic elements such as the existence of retirement contracts limited in duration or the creation of de facto independent household and economic units within contractual retirement. Comparative research on the status of widows showed that they had a stronger position in terms of property rights and economic independence than assumed. A Europe-wide comparison is also important for the second, general research field, the study of rural power relations and of East-Elbian demesne lordship (Gutsherrschaft). Recent research advances leading to a comparative European rural history aimed at overcoming pre-conceptualized structural divides in early modern rural societies and of the idea of a European ‘agrarian dualism’. The traditional view of a long- term Eastern European backwardness, caused mainly by its specific

55 Axel FLÜGEL, Ort der Regionalgeschichte in der neuzeitlichen Geschichte, in: S. Braken- siek et al. (edd.), Kultur und Staat, pp. 15, 19. 56 Ibidem, p. 16, see also C. ULBRICH, Transferprozesse, pp. 134–137. 57 Pat HUDSON, Regionalgeschichte in Great Britain, in: Stefan Brakensiek – Axel Flügel (edd.), Regionalgeschichte in Europa, Paderborn 2000, pp. 1–16, p. 5. 58 S. BRAKENSIEK, Vorwort, p. vii. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 25 agrarian structures and by ‘serfdom’, cannot be separated from a wider role attributed to Eastern European history which possibly originated in the (Western European) images created during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.59 One of the consequences of this systematic ‘othering’ of Eastern Europe led to the interpretation that Eastern Eu- rope was always in need of ‘catching up’ with western civilization and modernization without ever succeeding in doing so. Cultural transfer and progress thus was a one-way road from the West to the East, crossing the border of (European) ‘civilization’.60 Put in this context, recent historiography of demesne lordship bears direct relevance to the study of cultural transfers in the early modern period. Comparative research on a regional- and micro-historical basis as well as the historical-anthropological understanding of ‘power as social practice’ as visible in the studies of the Potsdam Group, whose researchers studied demesne lordship from an explicitly social historical perspective, revealed a significant differentiation of social power relations in East-central Europe which before was seen as representing a uniform structure of ‘serfdom’. Studies also point out obvious similarities between elements of domination in (Western) regions of ancien régime seigniorialism and (Eastern) regions usually classified as ‘demesne lordship’. These results form an important basis for future efforts to strengthen comparative research on rural societies between Western and Eastern Europe, which have previously been unthinkable because of the belief in a ‘dualism’ of different agrarian ‘constitutions’. Secondly and even more importantly, micro-historical case studies give evidence of the ways in which the East-Elbian rural population coped with seigniorial power and of the influence it had on the formation of power relations as well as the social and cultural practice in a local and regional context. Farmers and smallholders achieved a higher material living standard than previously thought. Villagers, their representatives and institutions, such as the rural community, showed many actions of insubordination and successful protest falsifying traditional claims that landlord powers were limitless. It is important that the same theoretical concepts should be applied to analyzing rural societies in early modern Western as well as in

59 Andreas KAPPELER, Die Bedeutung der Geschichte Osteuropas für ein gesamteuropäisches Geschichtsverständnis, in: Gerald Stourz (ed.), Annäherung an eine europäische Ge- schichtsschreibung, Wien 2002, pp. 43–56. 60 Ibidem, pp. 45, 55. On the discourse of European ‘civilization’, see also the study by Lucie Storchová in this volume. 26 Dana Štefanová

East-Elbian Europe. One claim of the traditional historiography was that in late medieval and early modern East-Central and Eastern Europe village communities did not exist as functioning institutions.61 With the help of the model of communalism, developed for Southwestern Ger- man rural communities, for example, I investigated and compared the autonomy and scope of action of village institutions in Northern Bohe- mia and surrounding areas.62 A micro-historical and historical-anthropological approach like this always leads to comparison as an analytical dimension.

Comparative History

Recent approaches to the research on cultural transfer make the necessity of comparison evident. The debate on what constitutes a comparison is not yet concluded and has been very controversial. Comparative approaches have been termed old and new at the same time.63 Hartmut Kaelble stated already towards the end of the 1990s that comparative history can no longer be regarded as the “Cinderella” of social history. Kocka and Kaelble summarize: Comparative history deals with similarities and differences between historical units, e. g., regions, economies, cultures, and national states. It is the classical way of transcending the narrow boundaries of national history. Comparative history is analytically ambitious and empirically demanding. It is important that no hierarchies should be introduced in research, because the idea that there existed a development gap between the country of origin of a certain idea/good/invention etc. and the country that receives it seems, at first glance, only natural. There is also a danger that the process of reception can be misinterpreted or even deliberately falsified to stress the primacy of one’s own culture,64 even though the integration is a process actively shaped by the receiving society.

61 Robert BRENNER, Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-Industrial Europe, in: Past & Present, 1976, No. 70, pp. 30–75. 62 D. ŠTEFANOVÁ, Erbschaftspraxis, pp. 255–257; see also Sheilagh C. OGILVIE, Com- munities and the ‘second serfdom’ in early modern Bohemia, in: Past & Present, 2005, No. 187, pp. 69–119. 63 Hartmut KAELBLE, Vergleichende Sozialgeschichte des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, in: Heinz Gerhard Haupt – Jürgen Kocka (edd.), Geschichte und Vergleich. Ansätze und Ergebnisse international vergleichender Geschichtsschreibung, Frankfurt am Main 1996, pp. 91–130, pp. 92–94. 64 J. JURT, Das wissenschaftliche Paradigma, p. 18. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 27

In general perspective, research on cultural transfer investigates an exchange across space and societies, and focuses on the analysis of processes.65 It makes this exchange between two or more cultures visible.66 Social history can contribute to overcome the national and language restrictions on the interpretation and definition of terms, and it can be combined with comparative and entangled history.67 A comparative history of cultural transfer does not regard cultures of origin and reception in a hierarchical way but helps to question deeply ingrained myths of national history. It makes the results and aspects of cultural exchange and mixture visible, and reveals the individuals and social groups involved in this process as mediators of culture. These methodological considerations are particularly relevant for a historical comparison between Eastern and Western Europe, because in this case research has not only to overcome national myths, but also the borders constructed during the Cold War.

Space

In spatial respect, research on the European historical development was long influenced by a division between two large geographical parts, Eastern and Western Europe (see above). The influence of this - theo retical division on historiography was the strongest at its peak during the Cold War. Both sides – modernization theory in the West and the Marxist-Leninist concept of social formations in the East – supported such a view and neglected to historicize adequately past processes.68 The idea that comparison can be regarded as an approach to achieve ‘more objective’ knowledge in this area has been increasingly criticized during the last years.69 Criticism of the East-West-dualism is not a new characteristic of scholarly debates; it can be traced back mainly to the period of the Cold War and to historical concepts originating in the nineteenth century. In this context, not only the opinions concerning the role of Germany, Rus- sia, England, etc. which were used in the discussion about historicism should be mentioned – e. g. by August Ludwig Schlözer (1735–1809)

65 S. GEROGIORGAKIS – R. SCHEEL – D. SCHORKOWITZ, Kulturtransfer, p. 392. 66 Ibidem, p. 393. 67 B. STRÅTH, Europäische und Globalgeschichte, p. 73. 68 M.MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer, p. 15. 69 Ibidem, p. 16. 28 Dana Štefanová or J. A. R. Marriot (1859–1945). The opinions dealing with cultural and spatial borders within Europe were important as well.70 In comparative research, categories like space, area and borders constitute symmetries as well as asymmetries in processes of cultural transfer. Within the discussion about the characteristics of Eastern and West- ern Europe, their respective role in cultural developments and with regard to European history in general, the work of Polish historian Oskar Halecki is important to mention. He was one of the authors systematically investigating definitions of Western and Eastern Europe.71 He described the borders of Western Europe as follows: ‘[the area] encompasses in the first place as its centre the European areas of the Western Roman part which were added through Roman conquest, i.e. Italy, the Iberian peninsula, Gaul, the larger part of Britain and those parts of Germany to the limes and the rivers Rhine and Danube which were under Roman control. In the earliest sub-divisions of the Empire, Illyria was counted among the West, but this region east of the Adri- atic Sea was object of countless political and ecclesiastical arguments with the Eastern Empire.’ It is thus not a homogeneous entity.72 He also questioned the pattern of overrating the role of Russia. He emphasized very clearly that it would be wrong to regard Central European countries merely as satellite states of Russia, a view that contradicts the contemporary Cold War understanding. It has been explained above, how more recent approaches in research on East-Elbian ‘demesne lordship’ and on a comparative European rural history helped to undermine the concept of a structural division of an ‘agrarian dualism’ which originated in the work of Georg Friedrich Knapp on peasant emancipation in Brandenburg-Prussia (1887).73 In the context of the current debate between comparative and entangled history (histoire croisée), it is necessary to clearly distinguish between the different historical characteristics. For example, whether the regions investigated were unconnected and thus can be analyzed

70 Frank HADLER, Mitteleuropa – „Zwischeneuropa“ – Osteuropa. Reflexionen über eine eu- ropäische Geschichtsregion im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, in: Berichte und Beiträge des Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrums Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas an der Universität Leipzig 1, 1996, pp. 34–42. 71 Oskar HALECKI, Europa. Grenzen und Gliederung seiner Geschichte, Darmstadt 1957, pp. 6, 100, 114, 121; Małgorzata MORAWIEC, Oskar Halecki, in: Heinz Duchardt et al (edd.), Europa-Historiker. Ein biographisches Handbuch, Bd. 1, Göttingen 2006, pp. 223–231. 72 O. HALECKI, Europa, p. 100. 73 Georg Friedrich KNAPP, Grundherrschaft und Rittergut, Leipzig 1897. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 29 with conventional comparative methods or whether there existed an exchange or cultural transfer of some sort and thus both comparative and transregional approaches could be employed. Entangled history is by definition internationally oriented and it is important to include this approach in the debate within historical comparisons. Recent research along these lines thus questions the existence of strict border lines and instead concentrates on permeable and loosely defined borders. Historical characteristics often used quoted as defining elements of a distinction can hardly be regarded as absolute. Watershed events, which often help to construct national myths, certainly did not have the same effect on all levels of society (political, confessional, legal etc.). The idea of confessionalization, for example, represents an important factor in the history of the Habsburg Monarchy or, indeed, of Eu- rope, since the fifteenth century. In Bohemian history, not only the Hus- site movement can be considered for political purposes in this respect, as Zdeněk Nejedlý’s cultural policy shows. The movement, however, cannot solely be interpreted in the context of national Czech history, but it also represented a reform movement within the contemporary European scholarly world and church. And, for Martin Luther’s Refor- mation, a new medium, the printing press, was available for a yet more intensive exchange of ideas and discussion. Particularly since the seventeenth century, the Habsburg policy of confessionalization brought about a cultural transfer. First, a large proportion of non-Catholics was forced to emigrate and enriched their new environment with new cultural aspects. For cultural transfer, the Battle of the White Mountain represents a decisive turning point for Bohemia and Moravia. In regions with a larger proportion of Protestants, a significant population decline can be observed. In Northern Bohemian estates, for instance, as many as 50 per cent of the inhabitants may have left the country after 1650. Some settled very close to the border in the hope that they would be able to return. After certain time, these hopes vanished, but many refugees settled elsewhere already from the beginning or moved further away later on. Yet, during this crisis of Bohemian ‘statehood’, as it was often portrayed in Czech political history, when scholars were persecuted and had to work abroad, Baroque architecture and culture blossomed – often with the contribution of foreign artists but also by educating Bohemian artists. Higher educational institutions under the influence of the Jesuits and Piarists grew in this period. In the beginning of the 1980s, Halecki’s geographical concept was re-introduced into the historical debate: the idea of East-Central Europe 30 Dana Štefanová in the work of Jenő Szűcs. As Szűcz understands it, East-Central Eu- rope is a historical region whose individual parts display similarities in socioeconomic, political and cultural respects.74 According to him, it unites characteristics of both, Eastern and Western European development models, and for him Europe forms a single structural entity. Halecki already assumed that there were significant differences between individual parts of Western and Eastern Europe. Some regions in Western Europe can be considered less ‘Western’, some in Eastern Europe more ‘Western’ than the remaining ones. In both cases, the development was the result of processes of regional expansion. In Eastern Europe, it was an expansion of Europe, which Halecki regarded as the result of a colonization and settlement processes. The eastern part of Western Europe and the western part of Eastern Europe had a special relationship with each other, experienced mutual influences and shared problems (such as the Ottoman wars). Halecki also used the term ‘East-Central Europe’.75 This included the countries between Germany and Russia and between Finland and Greece.76

Material Culture, National Myths

“Even if ideological moments are part of forming material culture, they are still mainly symbolic signs of identity. Humanities and social sciences are thus workshops of collective identity. In this context, abstract and symbolic characteristics of the nation are at least sorted, analyzed and legitimized, maybe even constructed.”77 The unification processes of European nations rest on superseding regional identity and its historical cultural specifics.78 At this point, one could question the meaning of ‘region’. It is not so important whether the fragmentation of a national frame can be unambiguous or definite,

74 Erich LANDSTEINER, Europas innere Grenzen. Reflexionen zu Jenő Szűcz’ „Skizze“ der regionalen Dreigliederung Europas, in: Österreichische Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissen- schaften 4, 1993, pp. 8–43. 75 O. HALECKI, Europa, p. 114. 76 M. MORAVIEC, Oskar Halecki, pp. 215–240, here p. 229. 77 “Wenn die ideologischen Momente an der Gestaltung der materiellen Kultur durch-durchaus teilnehmen, so sind sie doch vor allem symbolische Zeichen der Identität. Des- halb sind die Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften sozusagen Werkstätten der kollek- tiven Identität. Gerade hier/in diesem Zusammenhang werden die abstrakten und symbolischen Merkmale der Nation, wenn nicht konstruiert, doch wenigstens sor- tiert, untersucht und legitimiert.” M. ESPAGNE, Der theoretische Stand, p. 66. 78 Ibidem, p. 67. Cultural Transfer, Regional History and Historical Comparison 31 but rather the fact that such a fragmentation can actually occur. As soon as the blurring of national homogeneity is no longer regarded a taboo, then it becomes possible to imagine that territories actually display closer links with foreign-language areas than with the ones that are nationally defined later on.79 Szűcz describes the settlement movement as a ‘transformation that is like an explosion’ of the socioeconomic structure in East-Central Europe.80

Conclusions

Cultural transfer research aims at historicizing the disciplines of humanities which deal with national identities. Sometimes, a historian or a scholar in literary studies is too closely linked to her or his own cultural area, and is unable to look beyond or recognize and interpret the share of foreign influences appropriately. To analyze differences and interferences between the own and the other, the particular, extraordinary and conventional belongs to the main questions of comparative history. The results can thus offer important contribution to the study of cultural transfer.81 It is a fact that on each level of social life elements of cultural transfer can be observed, i.e. imports from external contexts. To interpret them as processes of convergence or divergence, however, would be the result of concepts of a comparative rather than an entangled history. In a recent article, the Berlin medievalist Michael Borgolte stated that older traditions of universal history around Lamprecht, Dopsch or Bloch differ from more recent understandings of global history, because the former was a history of comparing civilizations while the latter is a history of transfer and entanglement.82 As a result of the criticism offered by entangled history, European comparative history had to become more open for new approaches as well. In regional comparison, addressing the variation among European areas still plays an important role. On the basis of such comparisons of different cultural areas it is possible to recognize differences and similarities more clearly. Yet,

79 Ibidem, p. 68. 80 E. LANDSTEINER, Europas innere Grenzen, p. 21. 81 M. ESPAGNE – M. KALLER-DIETRICH – L. MUSNER – R. PIPER – W. SCHMASCHMA-- LE, „Kulturtransfer“, p.17. 82 Michael BORGOLTE, Mittelalter in der größeren Welt. Eine europäische Kultur in globaler Perspektive, in: Historische Zeitschrift 295, 2012, pp. 35–61. 32 Dana Štefanová

future comparative history will have to abandon concepts of structural divergences in Europe, for which I offered examples. Within an entangled history, processes of transfer and exchange will become more important. This volume of essays will contribute to this change. Between Texts and Social Practices

The Role of (Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers: The Case of European and Bohemian Renaissance Humanism(s) 1

Lucie Storchová

Cultural Transfers as Textual Representations

The main goal of this paper is to discuss how cultural transfer can be conceptualized in relation to early modern intellectual history. Using the example of Renaissance humanism, I specifically endeavour to show the analytical use of the recent discussions on how particular past “events” were represented as cultural transfers in scholarly works and how these representations influenced the contemporary politics of cultural identities. In short, my main thesis is that it is significant to understand what ideological background and consequences can be brought about by the mere fact that scholars conceptualized “Renaissance humanism” as a transfer of civilizational values from one area of Western Europe (most often Italy) to other regions (here of East-Central Europe). Using the example of humanism in Moravia and in Bohemia, I will discuss how such a value-laden cultural transfer was described in academic works from the mid-nineteenth century, which specialized discussion ensued and which ideologies were involved.2

1 This study is a result of the research funded by the Czech Science Foundation as the project GA ČR No. 14-37038G “Between Renaissance and Baroque: Philosophy and Knowledge in the Bohemian Lands within the Wider European Context”. I would like to thank to Janine C. Maegraith and Veronika Čapská for polishing my English. 2 I will deal with representation within a specialized discourse, here of historiography and literary history. One can of course legitimately expect that scholarly texts are also read and reinterpreted by the lay public. However, this topic, although interesting, cannot be covered in one study – thus, for now I will concentrate only on the level 36 Lucie Storchová

Such a reading is focused on the representation – hence on the meta-level – rather than on the specific forms of cultural transfers as such. This approach differs both from the research of the early phase of Kulturtransferforschung and from most discussions led mainly in Ger- man historiography during the last two decades. Kulturtransferforschung was formed in the field of German studies in France and established by Michael Werner and Michel Espagne in the late 1980s. This approach was formed by dealing with cultural exchanges between two national state cultures (nationalstaatliche Kulturen), between which a certain rivalry was assumed, namely the French and German3 or later French and Saxon4 cultures from the middle of the eighteenth to the beginning of the twentieth centuries. Special attention was paid to the “Ger- man breakthroughs” into French cultural memory. Apart from the contents which were actually transferred, the early Kulturtransferforschung focused on the social and political contexts of these exchanges, on the places and institutions, where the transfer took place or on the motives and interests of particular brokers. Although these studies were conducted mainly in the field of the history of ideas, this new research direction also questioned the wider contexts of the transfers. It acquired significant success since it meant a shift away from the historiography of a single nation toward the research of the mutual dependencies between various cultural elements in multiple (initially only two) cultures. Al- ready in this phase, there was a strong social historical emphasis present in the research. This was further developed by Johannes Paulmann,

of specialized texts. Their dissemination in the media, but also the impact on public practices shaping cultural identities of the past would be worth further analysis. 3 See the overview by Katharina MIDDELL – Matthias MIDDELL, Forschungen zum Kulturtransfer: Frankreich und Deutschland, in: Grenzgänge 2, 1994, pp. 107–122. For the key studies of this phase, cf. Michel ESPAGNE – Michael WERNER, Deutsch-franzö- sischer Kulturtransfer im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert.�� Zu einem neuen interdisziplinären For- schungsprogramm des C.N.R.S., in: Francia 13, 1985, pp. 502–510; Michel ESPAGNE – Michael WERNER, La construction d’un référence culturelle allemande en France. Genèse et histoire, in: Annales 42, 1987, pp. 969–992; Michel ESPAGNE – Michael WER- NER, Deutsch-Französischer Kulturtransfer als Forschungsgegestand. Eine Problemskizze, in: Iidem (edd.), Transferts. Les relations interculturelles dans l’espace franco-allemand (XVIIIe–XIXe siècle), Paris 1988, pp. 11–34; Michel ESPAGNE, Les transferts culturels franco-allemands, Paris 1999. The tradition of comparing two national-state cultures is further developed (naturally reflecting the recent conceptual frameworks, mainly that of interculturality mentioned below) by the anthology: Rudolf MUHS – Johan- nes PAULMANN – Wilibald STEINMETZ (edd.), Aneignung und Abwehr. Interkul- tureller Transfer zwischen Deutschland und Grossbritanien im 19. Jahrhundert, Bodenheim 1998. 4 Michel ESPAGNE – Matthias MIDDELL (edd.), Von der Elbe bis an die Seine. Franzö- sisch-sächsischer Kultutransfer im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert, Leipzig 1993. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 37 among others, who – in opposition to “fashionable culturalism”, as he put it – concentrated on the social prerequisites of the transfers, social and political institutions and on interests and strategies of the mediators or the role transfers played in the creation of collective identities.5 In connection with the early phase of Kulturtransferforschung, another field of research formed in the early 1990s which attempted to quantify cultural exchanges and focused on how various concepts and expressions were transformed during cultural adaptation. It also indicated the importance of media in these transformations.6 The debate during the past twenty years was chiefly under the influence of social and cultural anthropology and not only led to thematic expansions of the Kulturtransferforschung but also to an intensification of its theoretical reflection, especially on the question of how culture itself should be conceptualized. First of all, let me summarize the criticism of Werner’s and Espagne’s conception, which concerned the expression “national state cultures”. The revision of the original ties the research had with the defined national cultures is significant specifically for early modern studies.7 As stated by Cornel A. Zwierlein,8 cultural exchange at that time is characterized mainly by a multiplicity of institutions participating in the exchange. Instead of a national society, social units defined by language, confession or feudal relations come into play. A specific role in cultural transfer at that time can also be played by familial social networks and kinships, whose members served as brokers, even at relatively large geographic distances.9

5 Johannes PAULMANN, Internationaler Vergleich und interkultureller Transfer. Zwei For- schungsansätze zur europäischen Geschichte des 18. bis 20. Jahrhunderts, in: Historische Zeitschrift 267, 1998, pp. 649–685. 6 Hans-Jürgen LÜSEBRINK – Rolf REICHARDT, Histoire des concepts et transferts culturels, 1770–1815, in: Genèses 14, 1994, pp. 27–41; for the later outputs, cf. especially Hans-Jürgen LÜSEBRINK – Rolf REICHARDT (edd.), Kulturtransfer im Epochen umbruch, Frankreich 1770–1815, 2 vol., Lepzig 1997. 7 Thomas FUCHS – Sven TRAKULHUM, Kulturtransfer in der Frühen Neuzeit: Europa und die Welt, in: Thomas Fuchs – Sven Trakulhum (edd.), Das eine Europa und die Vielfalt der Kulturen. Kulturtransfer in Europa 1500–1850, Berlin 2003, p. 11. For the recent literature on the issue of transfer in the Early Modern Period, cf. Michael NORTH (ed.), Kultureller Austausch. Bilanz und Perspektiven der Frühneuzeitforschung, Köln – Weimar – Wien 2009. 8 Cornel A. ZWIERLEIN, Komparative Kommunikationsgeschichte und Kulturtransfer im 16. Jahrhundert – Methodische Überlegungen entwickelt am Beispiel der Kommunikation über die französischen Religionskriege (1559–1598), in Deutschland und Italien, in: Wolf- gang Schmale (ed.), Kulturtransfer. Kulturelle Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert, Innsbruck 2003, p. 88. 9 Dorothea NOLDE – Claudia OPITZ-BELAKHAL, Kulturtransfer über Familien- beziehungen – einige einführende Überlegungen, in: Dorothea Nolde – Claudia Opitz- 38 Lucie Storchová

Nowadays, there is broad consensus among historians on the more general definition by Lüsebrink. According to his definition, the contemporary Kulturtransferforschung deals with the intercultural circulation of artefacts, cultural practices and models of behaviour, institutions, ideas, discourses, texts and semantic patterns.10 Here, historical research focuses on the particular course of the mediation of these contents between societies and less on its long-term consequences, as for instance the concept of métissage (miscegenation) had focused on.11 Lüsebrink emphasizes that the origins of cultural interactions are sought in the areas of economic and political interests, and also in the emotionality of historical agents.12 Some authors have focused more on the mechanisms of exchange; others on how the structures or meanings are transformed during the transfer. Systematically speaking, scholars can focus on three processes: the selection of the transmitted items, their intercultural mediation and the reception processes, which Lüsebrink catego- rizes distinctly (he distinguishes between imitation, various forms of adaptation, commentary, productive reception, negative transfer, etc.).13 Traditionally, most attention is paid to the host culture and context of reception (Aufnahmekontext) – some scholars, such as Dorothea Nolde and Claudia Opitz-Belakhal even define “successful” cultural transfer precisely with regard to whether it induced changes in the receiving culture.14

Out of more theoretical discussions, the following four fields of interest arose in the last two decades, which could also have an impact on future research. These refer to diverse frameworks, which illustrate the

Belakhal (edd.), Grenzüberschreitende Familienbeziehungen. Akteure und Medien des Kulturtransfers in der Frühen Neuzeit, Köln – Weimar – Wien 2008, pp. 7–8. 10 Hans-Jürgen LÜSEBRINK, Kulturtransfer – Methodisches Modell und Anwendungsper- spektiven, in: Ingeborg Tömme (ed.), Europäische Integration als Prozess von Anglei- chung und Differenzierung, Opladen 2001, pp. 213–214. 11 Hans-Jürgen LÜSEBRINK, Kulturtransfer – neuere Forschungsansätze zu einem inter- disziplinären Problemfeld der Kulturwissenschaft, in: Helga Mitterbauer – Katharina Scherke (edd.), Ent-grenzte Räume. Kulturelle Transfers um 1900 und in der Gegen- wart, Wien 2005, p. 27. 12 H.-J. LÜSEBRINK, Kulturtransfer – Methodisches Modell, p. 222. 13 H.-J. LÜSEBRINK, Kulturtransfer – Methodisches Modell, pp. 215–219; Idem, Kultur- transfer – neuere Forschungsansätze, p. 28. 14 D. NOLDE – C. OPITZ-BELAKHAL, Kulturtransfer über Familienbeziehungen, p. 3; according to the authors, this postulate was present already in the early phase of research and is important also from the perspective of the transfers in early modern societies (in this context, they refer also to the study cited above C. A ZWIERLEIN, Komparative Kommunikationsgeschichte, here pp. 106–107). The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 39 heterogeneity of both the theoretical reflections and the ways in which this concept is applied. (i.) Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink labels cultural transfer as one of the most significant dimensions of intercultural communications (besides interaction itself, and encountering and describing “the other”).15 By emphasising the intercultural nature of transfers and thus the fact that these are primarily a form of dialogue between cultures, the discussion of how to understand culture as a category of historical analysis has become more intense in this field. Just as cultural exchange is an open process, a number of influences intersect in the receiving culture and some transfers are of multilateral character (where individual “centres” can change because of their interdependence).16 Culture itself can be considered to be heterogeneous, hybrid and open to constant change.17 In order to analyse changes which occurred as a consequence of cultural transfer both in the receptive culture and in the content transmitted, a number of anthropological concepts are applied in historical research, such as métissage, creolization, indigenization, Recyclage cul- turel, Third Space, Syncrétisme, etc.18 Special attention is also paid on contact zones and transcultural spaces as places where cultures mix.19 Contemporary research furthermore believes asymmetry to enter into cultural transfer. Although the term cultural transfer was originally developed for an exchange between “comparable” societies,20 this presup- position was revised during the 1990s – cultures (whether two or more) interact in a transfer in various ways, mainly because different societies

15 H.-J. LÜSEBRINK, Kulturtransfer – Methodisches Modell, p. 213. 16 Michael WERNER – Bénédicte ZIMMERMANN, Beyond Comparison. Histoire croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity, in: History and Theory 45, 2006, pp. 30–50. In early modern studies, the polycentrality of the transfer is emphasized (hence the concurrent influence of several centres rather than their mutual dependence). On polycentrality, cf. D. NOLDE – C. OPITZ-BELAKHAL, Kulturtransfer über Familienbeziehun- gen, p. 5. 17 Jörg FEUCHTER, Cultural Transfers in Dispute: An Introduction, in: Jörg Feuchter – Friedhelm Hoffmann – Bee Yun (edd.), Cultural Transfers in Dispute.- Represen tations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World since the Middle Ages, Frankfurt am Main – New York 2011, pp. 15–16. 18 H.-J. LÜSEBRINK, Kulturtransfer – Methodisches Modell, pp. 219; H.-J. LÜSEBRINK, Kulturtransfer – neuere Forschungsansätze, pp. 23–27, 29–30. 19 On hybridity and complexity, cf. Michel ESPAGNE, Die anthropologische Dimension der Kulturtransferforschung, in: Helga Mitterbauer – Katharina Scherke (edd.), Ent- grenzte Räume. Kulturelle Trasnfers um 1900 und in der Gegenwart, Wien 2005, pp. 77–80. 20 This is still considered a problem by Hartmut KAELBLE, Foreword, in: J. Feuchter – F. Hoffmann – B. Yun (edd.), Cultural Transfers in Dispute, p. 11. 40 Lucie Storchová are involved; multiple transfers take place differently in terms of place and time etc. Lüsebrink even speaks of mehrdimensionale Asymmetrien.21 (ii) Another important question is in what way the transmitted units change, primarily how meanings are iterated in the course of cultural exchange. The dynamic transformation of meanings in respect to the many situational factors and characteristics of the receptive culture in the case of the so-called localized transfer (lokalisierter Transfer) has to be identified.22 Another crucial question is with which media transfers are conducted and how this affects the “rewriting” of original meanings. (iii.) Intercultural transfer itself does not necessarily reduce the difference between cultures, on the contrary, it can produce it. Hence, another approach connects cultural transfer with the discourse of “Other- ing” and the creation of identities. It is precisely during transfers where the broadly shared, often implicit concepts of the boundaries between societies etc. are created. (iv.) From the perspective of historical anthropology, research of the individual perception of the transfer is important and so is the focus on cases of unsuccessful cultural transfers or even rejection of certain forms of cultural transfer on the part of historical agents. Their strategies of “agenda” (Eigensinn), however, cannot be seen as a manifestation of autonomous agency, they are closely connected with the specifics of the receiving culture, its discourses, cultural practices, and normative systems; the distinct causes connected with the rejection of cultural transfers thus open an additional perspective for the analysis for the receptive culture itself. Although the approaches mentioned above can identify many specific courses and mechanisms of cultural exchange in the past, they do not deal with the meaning and context of the very fact that historians classify certain past “events” as a cultural transfer. A no less fundamental question is how scholars describe historical transfers and how the use of such a category is connected with ideological contexts, value frameworks or collective imaginations of the society which produces the knowledge of the past. This issue was already pointed out two years ago

21 H.-J. LÜSEBRINK, Kulturtransfer – Methodisches Modell, pp. 214–215. On the issue of the relation between transfer and comparison, see Hartmut KAELBLE, Die interdisziplinären Debatten über Vergleich und Transfer, in: Hartmut Kaelble – Jürgen Schriewer (edd.), Vergleich und Transfer. Komparatistik in den Sozial-, Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften, Frankfurt 2003; MatthiasMIDDELL (ed.), Kulturtransfer und Vergleich, Leipzig 2000. 22 Hartmut KAELBLE, Herausforderungen an die Transfergeschichte, in: Comparativ 16, 2006, pp. 7–12. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 41 in the excellent volume by Jörg Feuchter, Friedhelm Hoffmann and Bee Yun entitled Cultural Transfers in Dispute: Representations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World since the Middle Ages.23 Rather than discussing particular cases, this volume focuses on various concepts and interests underlying the ways how cultural transfers are represented as transfers. The editors start with Stuart Hall’s and Ro ger Chartier’s approaches to historical representation who emphasize that in a given society there are always many representations (which interact, although they also often contradict and even compete with one another), which produce specific meanings and thus create a cultural and social world.24 With this theoretical background, we can ask how historical transfers are represented, what role these representations play in the shaping of cultural identities and to which political and ideological conditions they refer. It is necessary to start from the assumption that cultural transfer as such is a research construct. Moreover, often little evidence exists for the assumption that cultural transfers exist. This is especially true for early historical periods. Furthermore, the fields in which we “look for” cultural transfers are almost unlimited. Already at the moment scholars decide to define something as a transfer, a certain value framework, ideology and imagination comes into play. On this basis a particular cultural segment is understood as a unit sufficiently suitable to be transmitted to another culture and possibly changed within this process. Concepts of hierarchy between the source and the receiving cultures are also often projected into the way the transfers are described; the transfers of certain values are then presented as progress or improvement of civilisation, hence as a phenomenon evaluated as positive at the time. The scholarly representation of the transfer further creates a connection between the analysed cultures or directly unites them to a new group. It is of course also possible to imagine a representation which is regarded as negative by scholars, e.g. when analysing the ex- ploitation or destruction of indigenous cultures by the colonial powers (slavery, colonial trade) or in connection with globalization (for example activities of multinational capital, trade in narcotics etc.). However,

23 Jörg FEUCHTER – Friedhelm HOFFMANN – Bee YUN (edd.), Cultural Transfers in Dispute. Representations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World since the Middle Ages, Frank- furt am Main – New York 2011. 24 J. FEUCHTER, Cultural Transfers in Dispute, in: Ibidem, pp. 17–19; Stuart HALL, Re- presentation: Cultural Representation and Signifying Practices, London 1997, particularly pp. 13–74; Roger CHARTIER, Pouvoires et limites de la représentation: Sur l’oevre de Louis Marin, in: Annales 49, 1994, pp. 407–418. 42 Lucie Storchová representations of cultural transfers become a tool with which “foreign” societies can be either glorified or degraded. This in turn is one of many discursive tools through which cultural alterities and identities are being performed, and distinctions between “we” and “them” are being established. By describing certain (historical) phenomena as cultural transfers, connoting them with certain values and connecting them with other discourses, social groups negotiate with each other. On which professional platforms are cultural transfers presented? First of all, they do not have to be merely those historical works which claim the concepts of Kulturtransferforschung. Of course, also in the case of scholars, who directly apply its concepts and analytical tools, it can happen that (meta)narrative elements discussed below are projected into their work and produce new meanings without the authors’ intention.25 It is far more important to realize that especially earlier historiography, literary history, art history etc. already implicitly described cultural exchanges and used the category of transfer, although they did not claim any similar concept. Hence, the same finding applies for cultural transfer which Matthias Middell defined for comparativism: implicit comparison was a component of historiography long before comparative history emerged and it can maintain its identity-forming and political-legitimizing functions even at the moment when it becomes an analytical tool.26 Although Middell emphasizes the qualitative shift from comparative history to the research of cultural transfers, a very similar anchoring in the collective imaginations and ideologies of a period can be assumed on the level of the representations mainly with historical works published before the given academic field established itself. Furthermore, Middell makes the innovative point that comparison (albeit implicit) is only then possible in historical works when the historian writes his/her work as a story, because only through plots does he/she create the image of “the movement of the examined objects in time”.27 Does the same also apply to cultural transfers as a “seemingly self-evident” component of historiography? This brings us to the issue of historical narrative and tropology, which so far has been neglected

25 Although my approach does not follow the level of authorial intention, it must be stressed that researchers in the field of cultural transfer explicitly refuse to fulfil a -le gitimizing role in relation to any social group (see, among others, Michel ESPAGNE, Kulturtransfer und Historische Komparatistik, in: Comparativ 10, 2000, p. 58). 26 Matthias MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer und Historische Komparatistik – Thesen zu ihrem Ver- hältnis, in: Comparativ 10, 2000, pp. 15–16. 27 Ibidem, p. 9. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 43 in the debate on cultural transfers as representations – which is how historical ideas of exchanges between cultures are linked with the level of story-telling. In historiography, representations of historical transfers and their ideological contexts are frequently a part of historical narratives produced by particular group. A classic example would be the narrative of the power and rise of civilization of a certain nation. On these narratives the groups base their cultural identity and which in turn legitimizes their policies. It seems crucial from this perspective to ask what role particular cultural transfers play in the historical narrative as a whole, what role they have on the level of “chronicle” (hence the selection of the events which are “assembled” in the story). Furthermore it is important to ask which meanings are attributed to cultural transfers based on particular plots, modes of argument and modes of ideological implication.28 As far as the metanarrative level is concerned, representations of cultural transfers can also be of crucial importance because they shift the historical narrative toward its value-laden outcomes (e.g. the present day civilisation). Finally, we can also analyse the representation of transfers from the perspective of the rhetoric and figurative language employed, which made them widely comprehensible for a certain group of readers. At this point, let me introduce another level – the impact of representations on social practice. As emphasized by social historians such as H. Kaelble29, representations include the sphere of imagination and, as such, they have a narrative dimension too. But they have an impact on the society, which produces them, and co-create its social hierarchies or political decisions. This will not be discussed in the following text, since this would be a later research step which builds on the analysis of representations as such. Nevertheless, it is not difficult to imagine that the shared concepts of Renaissance humanism, for example, as a turning point in the narrative of how particular national societies became a part of Western civilisation can be linked with questions of social practice such as: From where was this cultural content brought to “our” territory? What is the “traditional” cultural level of “our” (e.g. national) community? Which part of civilization do we understand to be “historically natural” for ourselves? Who is and who is not “our” traditional political or cultural ally and enemy?

28 It is not possible to summarize the extensive discussion on historical narrativism here. In general see: Geoffrey ROBERTS,The History and Narrative Reader, London – New York 2001. 29 H. KAELBLE, Foreword, p. 10. 44 Lucie Storchová

Transnational Framework: “Renaissance Humanism” as Cultural Transfer and its Role in the Story of European Civilization

As indicated by Feuchter, Hoffmann and Yun, differences between various representations of transfers can be very subtle and it is not always clear, how these function or how far they are subject to cultural, political and ideological conditions.30 In the case of Renaissance humanism, however, a relatively clearly definable set not only of value frameworks but also of specific rhetorical and language tools has been used in Euro- pean historiography since the nineteenth century. Renaissance humanism is approached here as a set of civilization values, which were transmitted from Italian territory to other Western Eu- ropean centres and subsequently to North European, Central European or directly to overseas peripheries thanks to the activity of intellectual “apostles”. Due to this transfer, they then get a chance to become actors in allegedly one of the most important turning points in modern history and participate in the intellectual project supposedly marking the boundaries of the civilized world. According to this interpretation, from the early nineteenth century onwards European national communities which produced knowledge on Renaissance humanism acquired the possibility to present themselves as a part of a group which was capable of meeting the norms of European civilization and “high culture” in the long term. The national and transnational levels intersperse here: by describing Renaissance humanism as a cultural transfer, the nineteenth century national communities whose territories were often believed to be identical with early modern states and regions are included in the whole of civilized Europe, i.e. representing a transnational unit. Needless to say, precisely this strong tie to the politics of national identity influenced both the constant interest of historians (unsurprisingly mainly of those based in “secondary centres” or “peripheries”) in Renaissance humanism and Neo-Latin literature, and the symbolic authority and long-term support which exactly this research has enjoyed since the mid-nineteenth century. The very concept of humanism as a cultural transfer enabled to reduce a diversity of intellectual practices and to interpret humanism as a seemingly coherent and homogeneous intellectual movement. Hu- manism was often personified. Special attention of scholars focused on the local “cultural icons”, hence on the scholars mediating contact

30 J. FEUCHTER, Cultural Transfers in Dispute, p. 24. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 45 between the centre and the periphery. For example, often the fact was emphasized in their biographies, that they had studied directly in Italy or with important scholars and were close to the supposed “civilization centre” or that they maintained correspondence with such scholars, which was also proven by editing the letters. On the figurative level, metaphors of the transfer of “light” to the “dark territory” were applied in this conception, often connected to the idea of overcoming the “Dark” Middle Ages; correspondingly, humanists were described as the “Apostles” of civilization.

The Ideal of Full-Fledged Humanity and Individualism Reborn?

Besides metanarrative components, every historical interpretation in the form of a story must have clear “boundary markers” such as a beginning and an end in order to be meaningful. Although this does not have to be stated explicitly in every specialized text, Renaissance humanism has functioned as the starting point of the story how “modern Europe” and “modern Europeans” emerged already in the founding monographs (such as Jacob Burckhardt’s or Georg Voigt’s works). This reading de- velops the above-mentioned homogenization of Renaissance humanism as a phenomenon, the link of humanism with civilization paradigms and its inclusion in the story of progress leading to contemporary Eu- rope as the representative of values which were to manifest themselves distinctly for the first time due to the activities of humanist scholars. This civilization paradigm then in itself implicitly also includes its an- tithesis – the idea of barbarism and (medieval) “obscurantism”. In civilization paradigms, two connected interpretational patterns can basically be recognized. Renaissance humanism is first understood as an exceptional historical epoch characterized by an innovative philosophy of man (as would be claimed by classicists such as Eugenio Garin and his students, August Buck or intellectual historians). Second- ly, Renaissance humanism is interpreted as the starting point of the early modern republic of letters allegedly based on ideals of equality, scholarly cooperation and tolerance, which in the most radical interpretation anticipated the birth of a modern critical public sphere and democracy. At the same time, both patterns are often connected in historical ar- gumentations. The normative and intellectual contents characterizing Renaissance humanism were thus to be cultivated precisely within an egalitarian humanist communication and based on the dialogue with 46 Lucie Storchová both ancient and contemporary scholars; at the same time, the same contents are usually labelled as the prerequisites of this dialogue too. Most researchers dealing with Renaissance humanism develop the thesis of the “revival” of Roman humanitas, hence the ideal of full-fledged humanity. This is interpreted as the basic philosophical content of Ren- aissance humanism, then in another step as the wider cultural framework of humanist literature or education.31 At the same time, it also has a metanarrative connotation, since humanity is to be a typical feature of the Western civilization in general. The category humanitas itself serves as an illustrative example of how cultural transfer was represented in earlier research. European historians and Classical philologists, building on the canonical work by Georg Voigt Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums oder das erste Jahrhundert des Humanismus (1859),32 assumed a multiple transfer of moral contents between European regions. Voigt himself interpreted Renaissance humanism – in obvious harmony with the pedagogical maxims of the nineteenth-century neo-humanism – as a cultural ideal and epochal breakthrough of the free human spirit. This breakthrough took place in connection with the philological reception of Antique literature and as the transfer of ancient educational and civilization maxims, led by the ideal of pure humanity manifesting itself in personal freedom and virtues. Voigt sees in humanists, and mainly in the symbolic personality of Francesco Petrarch as “the first writer of the new period”, the fiery power of individual geniality bringing the principle of humanity into the “ferment of the modern world”.33 In Petrarch’s person, the individual desire for fame returns to the scene of history, according to Voigt “the deepest and noblest motive of the conduct of nations of the Classical world”, heralding the dawn of modern humanity.34 The thesis on the birth of modern individuality, subjectivity and creative artistic genius in scientific discourse was promoted for a number of decades by Jacob Burckhardt and often penetrates even into the more

31 On the debates cf. Perdita LADWIG, Das Renaissancebild deutscher Historiker 1898– 1933, Frankfurt am Main – New York 2004; Christopher S. CELENZA, The Lost Ital- ian Renaissance: Humanists, Historians, and Latin’s Legacy, Baltimore – London 2004, pp. 16–57. 32 Georg VOIGT, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums oder das erste Jahrhundert des Humanismus, 2 vols, Berlin 1960. Of the latest literature on G. Voigt, cf. Paul F. GRENDLER, Georg Voigt: Historian of Humanism, in: Christopher S. Celenza – Ken- neth Gouwens (edd.), Humanism and Creativity in the Renaissance. Essays in Honor of Ronald G. Witt, Leiden – Boston 2006, pp. 295–325. 33 G. VOIGT, Die Wiederbelebung des classichen Alterthums, pp. 21–159, here p. 69. 34 Ibidem, p. 123. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 47 recent literature.35 Most contemporary scholars, however, criticize the concept of “individualism unbound” (entfesselter Individualismus) for its empirical unfoundedness. Burckhardt based his interpretation of Ren- aissance humanism on Hegelianism and the tradition of cultural history (primarily on the work of Jules Michelet). He begins with the assumption of a certain constancy of character and conduct of historical actors, which according to Philipp Sarasin he linked with the contemporary concept of the pathological body (suffering, trudging, and tossed)36. Burckhardt describes the Renaissance person as a victim of individualism created by the egoistic and amoral milieu of the Italian city states. Geistiges Individuum here was set free to embrace creativity as well as self-destruction and thus became a victim of political games, its own sensuality and rationality, dialectically conditioning its historical importance. Humanists testing their own individuality consequently are seen to stand on the threshold of modern human condition – with all its pride, self-esteem, self-confidence, desire for liberty and arrogance conquering the surrounding world.37 Especially August Buck’s study had a fundamental impact on the contemporary idealistic interpretation of Renaissance humanism, in which Renaissance humanism is placed within the history of the other European “humanisms”, hence movements in which the ideals of a perfect humanity were revived.38 Buck defines humanism in general as an educational movement, whose aim is the individual cultivation of values and mainly of a higher humanity in dialogue with Ancient Roman authors, who in turn formulated these norms in dialogue with Greek ideals (the so-called perfectio hominis model).39 In Buck’s opinion, the contemplation of humanitas is a constant element in the European tradition, which is gaining more or less strength in the intellectual milieu in various historical periods. The path to a higher humanity based on a recognition of human values, compassion for people, friendship and

35 Jacob BURCKHARDT, Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien: Ein Versuch, (ed.) Walther Rehm, Hamburg 2004. 36 Philipp SARASIN, Mapping the body. Körpergeschichte zwischen Konstruktivismus, Politik und „Erfahrung“, in: Historische Anthropologie 7, 1999, p. 440. 37 J. BURCKHARDT, Die Kultur der Renaissance, pp. 160–200, 301–310. 38 Cf. chiefly August BUCK, Humanismus. Seine europäische Entwicklung in Dokumenten und Darstellungen, Freiburg – München 1987. Of Buck’s more general works on the Renaissance and studia humanitatis, cf. a number of his texts published in the volume August BUCK, Studia humanitatis. Gesammelte Aufsätze 1973–1980. Festgabe zum 70. Ge- burtstag, (edd.) Bodo Guthmüller – Karl Kohut – Oskar Roth, Wiesbaden 1981. 39 A. BUCK, Humanismus. Seine europäische Entwicklung, pp. 9–10. 48 Lucie Storchová civility begins with the individual education based on the classical texts (studia humanitatis). This ideal of a higher humanity is then to represent one of the basic elements of Western European culture or specifically the “integrating moment of European cultural consciousness”40. At the same time, Buck postulates multiple cultural transfers. The initial point is the synthesis of the Greek concepts of paideia and philantropia and the Roman ideal of humanity in the circle of Scipio the Younger and primarily in Cicero’s concept of humanity emphasizing individual virtue and common good. Renaissance humanism is a turning point, found im Zentrum aller humanistischen Begegnungen mit der Antike 41 and defines the modern conception of humanity, triumphing in the Enlightenment and Humboldt’s neo-humanism (the third essential phase of humanism). In reaction to August Buck and other idealistic readings, the social history of Renaissance humanism or humanists (with a purposeful rejection of -ism categories) has asserted itself in German historiography within the last two decades.42 This reorientation often results in the -op posite extreme, hence in an analysis which does not reflect on the textual level of the humanist social practices at all. However, we still encounter the idealistic interpretation of Renaissance humanism;43 other scholars attempt to reconcile the social interpretation with the literary reading and with the view of normative ethics.44

40 Ibidem, p. 10. 41 Ibidem, p. 9. 42 Cf. chiefly the articles Sven LEMBKE – Markus MÜLLER, Einleitung, in: Sven Lembke – Markus Müller (edd.), Humanisten am Oberrhein. Neue Gelehrte im Dienst alter Herren, Leinfelden-Echterdingen 2004, pp. 1–8; Sven LEMBKE – Markus MÜLLER, An Humanisten den Humanismus verstehen. Ein Resümee, in: Ibi- dem, pp. 303–313. 43 Cf. e.g. several articles in the volume Humanismus in Europa, hrsg. von der Stiftung „Humanismus heute“ des Landes Baden-Württemberg, Heidelberg 1998, or Fritz GRAF, Die Humanismem und die Antike. Überlegungen zu einem gespannten Verhältnis, in: Frank Geerk (ed.), 2000 Jahre Humanismus. Der Humanismus als historische Bewegung, Basel 1998, pp. 11–29. 44 Gerrit WALTHER, Funktionen des Humanismus. Fragen und Thesen, in: Thomas Mais- sen – Gerrit Walther (edd.), Funktionen des Humanismus. Studien zum Nutzen des Neuen in der humanistischen Kultur, Göttingen 2006, pp. 9–17; Ulrich MUHLACK, Mittelalter und Humanismus – Eine Epochengrenze, in: Ulrich Muhlack, Staatensystem und Geschichtsschreibung. Ausgewählte Aufsätze zu Humanismus und Historismus, Absolutismus und Aufklärung, Notker Hammerstein – Walther Gerrit (edd.), Berlin 2006, pp. 9–27. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 49

Humanism as the Beginning of an Egalitarian Republic of Letters and the “Birth of Democratic Europe”

Within the civilization paradigm, humanism was also often connected with the origins of res publica litteraria, the early modern republic of letters. This cooperation in joint intellectual projects was to- bechar acterized by egalitarianism, constant dialogue and tolerance of different opinions and values. Rich correspondence and cooperation among scholars within learned societies were then interpreted as the first sign of intellectual equality disrupting the existing social and confessional order. Or they were interpreted as the seed of a certain critical public sphere (leading more or less inevitably to the modern concepts of democracy and political participation). According to the recent study by Peter Burke, the ideal characterizing the early modern republic of letters was an equal cooperation regardless of geographical or ideological (e.g. confessional, social) boundaries, although this ideal was never successfully implemented in practice.45 The scholars who worked at institutions abroad visited foreign scholars and kept “books of friends” (alba amicorum) were also to prove this ideal of equality; the sharing of information is then demonstrated by the existence of libraries as internationally accessible resources. According to Burke, the power of the ideal of scholarly cooperation is verified by the correspondence networks of early modern scholars, as well as by the emergence of academies (Burke mentions, for example, the direct line from the sodalities of Conrad Celtes to the Enlightenment academies in Paris or London) and also by the emergence of regular newspapers from the later seventeenth century.46 The research group led by historians Françoise Waquet and Hans Bots developed the most detailed thesis on the humanist origins of the egalitarian scholarly cooperation.47 The majority of these works focus on

45 Peter BURKE, Erasmus und die Gelehrtenrepublik, in: Idem, Kultureller Austausch, Frankfurt am Main 2000, p. 90. 46 Ibidem, p. 89. 47 For the literature, see for example Hans BOTS – Françoise WAQUET, La République des Lettres, Paris – Bruxelles 1997 and anthology Hans BOTS – Françoise WAQUET (edd.), Commercium Litterarium. La communication dans la république des lettres/ Forms of Communication in the Republic of Letters 1600–1750, Amsterdam – Maarssen, 1994; further the separate articles and studies: Hans BOTS, L’esprit de la République des Lettres et de la Tolerance dans les trois premiers periodiques savants Hollandais, in: XVIIe siècle 116, 1977, pp. 43–57; Françoise WAQUET, Qu’est-ce que la république des lettres? Essai de sémantique historique, in: Bibliothéque de l’École des Chartes 147, 1989, pp. 473–502. 50 Lucie Storchová the later historical periods and understand Renaissance humanism as the root of egalitarian intellectual life in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. With this they refer to the pivotal works by Fritz Schalk and Marc Fumaroli. During the 1970s, Schalk linked Erasmus and his idea of scholarly cooperation with the humanitas category, which allowed a new form of social interaction to emerge based on the ideal of equal dialogue. In Schalk’s opinion, the ideal form of equal dialogue was to be the humanist symposion (symposium), at which scholars meet as equal partners. Here they could spread the idea of liberty and an ideal order. The symposium is later transformed into the academic institutions. Dur- ing the Enlightenment, Erasmus’ ideal was then to found a republic of letters capable of political criticism and engagement.48 Marc Fumaroli is more careful in terms of a direct connection of Renaissance humanists with the later republic of letters, but he also emphasizes the ethos of scholarly cooperation and the role of humanistic dialogue; he understands the academy as a new institution, which enables the expansion of humanist dialogue and the emergence of communauté philosophique et scientifique with all its ideals such as the search for truth and service to the universal good.49 The development of a republic of letters is traditionally divided into several phases in earlier research. In the course of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the term res publica litteraria was used more and more frequently and two essential meanings crystallized out – the term does not only mark a collective of scholars active in a more narrowly or widely defined region, but also the actual knowledge cultivated by this group.50 Erasmus is a symbolic milestone in this reading – a number of specialized studies even use the topos directly demarcating the republic of letters by Erasmus and Voltaire. The republic of scholars is then believed to have taken its definitive form during the seventeenth century as an ideal society on the basis of shared intellectual interests (res litteraria) and commitment (officium litterarium); the scholars themselves reflect on

48 Fritz SCHALK, Erasmus und die Res publica literaria, in: Actes du congres Erasme, 1971, p. 26; Idem, Von Erasmus’ res publica literaria zur Gelehrtenrepublik der Aufklärung, in: Fritz Schalk, Studien zur französischen Aufklärung, Frankfurt am Main 1977, p. 159. 49 Marc FUMAROLI, La république des lettres, in: Diogène 143, 1988, pp. 135–136, 144; Marc FUMAROLI, La conversation savante, in: Hans Bots – Françoise Waquet (edd.), Commercium Litterarium, p. 78. 50 F. WAQUET, Qu’est-ce que la république, pp. 475–481; H. BOTS – F. WAQUET, La République des Lettres, p. 14. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 51 the specificity of this community and use political metaphors.51 The fundamental idea was allegedly geographical universalism and the equality of all citizens of the commonwealth of letters based on the tolerance of the plurality of opinions, estates, generations and confessions. In this approach, the republic of letters becomes a particular polity with a universal right to liberty. Its internal organization anticipates independent and sovereign citizens, who are subject to the laws of the republic of letters. The external organization arises from the ideal of scholarly solidarity and unity, which results from the humanist philological projects and chiefly from Erasmus’ concept of knowledge surpassing the power of the individual and his intellect and requiring scholarly cooperation, which in turn was strengthened by printing during Humanism (media with a democratization potential).52 From this point of view, the ideal of equality is at the very core of the republic of letters. This ideal is to a certain degree related to the fact that scholarly cooperation was secularized and the category of reason was employed in the name of the progress of knowledge. The ideals of liberty, equality, universalism and plurality of confessions (liberté – égalité – universalité – pluri-confessionnalité ) are to represent the scholarly response to the growing differences in the real world.53 The idea of a peaceful state of intellectuals ignoring the actual conflicts and borders was to form in connection with Erasmianism already in the middle of the sixteenth century, in reaction to the first European confessional wars.54 Also the category of humanitas – which is usually regarded as the basis of this ideal of solidarity, mutual respect, concord, efforts for unity and exclusion of all forms of sectarianism and fanaticism from scholarly communication – was to be related in the same way to humanist academies and sodalities.55 Precisely the institutional and normative interpretations are closely related here, e.g. Hans Bots described how the new intellectual norms, predominantly that of free communication,

51 F. WAQUET, Qu’est-ce que la république, pp. 484–488. 52 Ibidem, p. 490; H. BOTS – F. WAQUET, La République des Lettres, p. 30; on cooperation, cf. Anthony GRAFTON, Where was Solomon’s house? Ecclesiastical History and the Intellectual Origins of Bacon’s New Atlantis, in: Herbert Jaumann (ed.), Die europäische Gelehrtenrepublik im Zeitalter des Konfessionalismus. The European Republic of Letters in the Age of Confessionalism, Wiesbaden 2001, p. 23. 53 F. WAQUET, Qu’est-ce que la république, p. 494. 54 H. BOTS – F. WAQUET, La République des Lettres, p. 31. 55 Ibidem, p. 118; Paul DIBON, Communication in the Respublica Literaria, p. 162. 52 Lucie Storchová were promoted in the organizational structures like universities or academies.56 The subsequent period, from the second half of the seventeenth century onwards, is referred to as the “golden age” of the republic of letters, since the importance of the ideal of supranational and supraconfession- al communities grew while being confronted with the contemporary conflicts. The intellectual projects lead more and more towards general prosperity and aspired to unity and harmony. Such an attitude prohibits scholars from promoting particular interests, which is to be manifested in the sharing of knowledge. In this interpretation, Holland works as a model example of a region during this golden age, respecting the autonomy of scholars and their freedom.57 After 1700, the “passion for universality”58 cooled down which was also symbolized by abandoning the ideals of a universal scholarly language and state; scholars began to specialize and to concentrate on particular interests, egoism and criticism.59 The Enlightenment is usually simultaneously – somewhat paradoxically – interpreted not only as the end of the golden age of the republic of letters but also as the peak of the idea of unity and egalitarian intellectual cooperation, when the scholar extricates himself from the existing social hierarchy and defines himself merely par son savoir et sa quête de la verité.60 Whereas Erasmus was interpreted as the symbolic founder of the egalitarian ideal, Voltaire is the symbolic achiever of the story, which ends when the originally humanist literary l’esprit égalitaire is to become the basis of the revolutionary political project leading all the way to the concept of natural equality and a critical public sphere.

56 Hans BOTS, De la transmission du savoir à la communication entre les hommes de lettres: universités et académies en Europe due XVIe au XVIIIe siècle, in: Hans Bots – Françoise Waquet (edd.), Commercium Litterarium, pp. 112–117. 57 Cf. the essays by Paul Dibbon from his book Regards sur la Hollande du siècle d’or (Napoli 1990): “La Hollande du XVIIe siècle et la communication intellectuelle” (pp. 3–29), “Communication in the Respublica Literaria of the 17th Century” (pp. 153– 170), “Communication épistolaire et Mouvement des idées au XVIIe siècle” (pp. 171– 190); Catherine SECRÉTAN, Tolérance er communication intellectuelle dans les Pays Bas au siècle d’or, in: Hans Bots – Françoise Waquet (edd.), Commercium Litterarium, pp. 23–34. 58 Françoise WAQUET, L’espace de la République des Lettres, in: Hans Bots – Françoise Waquet (edd.), Commercium Litterarium, p. 177. 59 H. BOTS – F. WAQUET, La République des Lettres, p. 54. 60 Didier MASSEAU, L’invention de l’intellectuel dans l’Europe du XVIIIe siècle, Paris 1994, p. 18. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 53

Besides this metanarrative dimension, another one could be found in this way of reading – the early modern republic of letters legitimizes “modern Western values” and the social roles of the “modern intellectual”: les intelectuels des XIXe et XXe siècle sont les héritiers directs et légitimes des citoyens de la République des Lettres, as Françoise Waquet and Hans Bots put it.61 According to the same authors, egalitarian communication is to represent one of the basic elements of the intellectual life of modern Europe.62 The concept of a republic of letters was criticized in historiography from several sides, but the majority of critics do not reflect sufficiently the teleology of the narrative or its impacts, for example on the ways in which contemporary scholars fashion themselves and legitimize their work.63 Most critics point to the discrepancy between the declared ideals of the republic of letters and everyday practices which mainly led to exclusions of people with different views – be they the members of other confessions or personal rivals.64 From this perspective, the idea of unity would actually only obscure the conflicting nature of the relations between early modern scholars.65 Furthermore, communication itself often cannot be separated from categories standing in the centre of the practices of exclusion (e.g. confessional truth).66 In this sense, the naïve adoption of idealizing self-stylizations of scholars as well as the allegedly universal claims of the republic of letters, are often criticized.67 The most comprehensive criticism has been recently brought forward by Herbert Jaumann, who clearly rejected to link the later

61 H. BOTS – F. WAQUET, La République des Lettres, p. 61. 62 Ibidem, p. 12. 63 Already Wolfgang Weiss, however, has pointed out the fervour with which modern academicians seek the ideological roots of their own institutions in the humanist Pla- tonic academies. Wolfgang WEISS, Die Gelehrtengemeinschaft: Ihre literarische Diskus- sion und ihre Verwirklichung, in: Sebastian Neumeister – Conrad Wiedemann (edd.), Res Publica Litteraria. Die Institutionen der Gelehrsamkeit in der frühen Neuzeit, vol. 1, Wiesbaden 1987, p. 134. 64 Peter van ROODEN, Sects, Heterodoxies, and the Diffusion of Knowledge in the Republic of Letters, in: Hans Bots – Françoise Waquet (edd.), Commercium Litterarium, p. 52; Daniel ROCHE, Les républicains des lettres. Gens de culture et Lumières au XVIIIe siècle, Paris 1988, p. 167. 65 D. MASSEAU, L’invention de l’intellectuel, p. 129. 66 Anselm SCHUBERT, Kommunikation und Konkurenz. Gelehrtenrepublik und Konfession im 17. Jahrhundert, in: Kaspar von Greyerz – Manfred Jakubowski-Tiessen – Thomas Kaufmann – Hartmut Lehmann (edd.), Interkonfessionalität – Transkonfessionali tät – binnekonfessionelle Pluralität. Neue Forschungen zur Konfessionalisierungs these, Heidelberg 2003, p. 127. 67 C. SECRÉTAN, Tolérance er communication intellectuelle, pp. 23–34. 54 Lucie Storchová forms of scholarly cooperation with humanist sodalities or to reduce scholarly communication merely to the norms which form its base.68 In a next step, Jaumann demonstrates in what way the early modern concept of communication and res publica litteraria was a metaphorical way of speech connected with Cicero’s humanitas.69 According to him, more attention needs to be paid to the organizational frameworks of scholarly cooperation, to particular intellectual practices, how scholars fashioned themselves and how they were described by external observers; and finally also to the republic of letters as a form of figurative language.70 Apart from the continuity of the scholarly ethos and academic institutions since the period of humanism, many scholars also assume that the republic of letters gave rise to the modern democratic public sphere. They often refer to the renowned concepts of Jürgen Habermas and to the early works of Reinhart Koselleck. The latter labelled the republic of letters during the age of absolutism as a “space of liberty” without confessional or estate barriers, in which the critical public debating the moral imperatives (Gegenöffentlichkeit) formed for the first time.71 Haber mas then links the earlier “spontaneous and egalitarian” activities of burgher intellectuals with the emergence of a critically debating public at the end of the eighteenth century. After the turn of the century, he supposed its gradual transformation into a representative public sphere with claims to political self-determination. According to Habermas, the political public is formed as an autonomous area in a dialectical relation to bourgeois private spheres and during the next decades establishes

68 Herbert JAUMANN, Ratio clausa. Die Trennung von Erkenntnis und Kommunikation in gelehrten Abhandlungen zur Respublica literaria um 1700 und der europäische Kontext, in: Sebastian Neumeister – Conrad Wiedemann (edd.), Res Publica Litteraria, vol. 2, p. 417. Cf. also Herbert JAUMANN, Das Projekt des Universalismus. Zum Konzept des Res publica litteraria in der frühen Neuzeit, in: Peter-Eckhard Knabe – Johannes Thiele (edd.), Über Texte. Festschrift für Karl-Ludwig Selig, Tübingen 1997, pp. 149–162. 69 Herbert JAUMANN, Gibt es eine katholische Res publica litteraria? Zum problematischen Konzept der Gelehrtenrepublik in der Frühen Neuzeit, in: Herbert Jaumann (ed.), Kaspar Schoppe (1576–1649), Philologie im Dienste der Gegenreformation. Beiträge zur Ge- lehrtenkultur des europäischen Späthumanismus, Frankfurt am Main 1998, p. 366. 70 Herbert JAUMANN, Vorwort, in: Herbert Jaumann (ed.), Die europäische Gelehrten- republik im Zeitalter des Konfessionalismus. The European Republic of Letters in the Age of Confessionalism, Wiesbaden 2001, p. 8; Herbert JAUMANN, Res publica literaria/ Republic of letters. Concept and Perspectives of Research, in: Herbert Jau- mann (ed.), Die europäische Gelehrtenrepublik im Zeitalter des Konfessionalismus. The European Republic of Letters in the Age of Confessionalism, Wiesbaden 2001, p. 16. 71 Reinhart KOSELLECK, Kritik und Krise. Eine Studie zur Pathogenese der bürgerlichen Welt, Freiburg – München 1959. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 55 itself as a space of criticism of public power, the germ of the emerging civic society.72 The research building on Koselleck and Habermas stresses the democratizing role of academic institutions. Their significance, however, still derives from the individuality of scholars and the values of egalitarian scholarly cooperation, which were to be cultivated on the grounds of these institutions. Some scholars even labelled social activities of humanist scholars and the very formation of the “aristocracy of merit” explicitly as a modernizing and democratizing factor.73 The title of the volume edited by Klaus Garber and Heinz Wisman sets out its tendency clearly: Europäische Sozietätsbewegung und demokratische Tradition. This tendency can be considered characteristic for Ger- man historiography.74 The editors explicitly link learned societies with their competence, reason and virtue (and usually also social norms allegedly passed down from humanists) with modernization in the political sphere.75 This way they develop the narrative of how the political public sphere and the post-revolutionary social order were formed on the organizational and ideological bases of humanist intellectual life. Also, some scholars investigating the academies and Sprachgesellschaften active in Germany during the seventeenth century label them as direct continuations of the humanist scholarly institutions (sodalities and Ital- ian academies) and emphasize their role in forming the bourgeois identity and critical public sphere with democratizing impacts.76 According

72 Jürgen HABERMAS, Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit. Untersuchungen zu einer Katego- rie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft, Frankfurt am Main 1990, pp. 58–66. 73 Eckhard BERNSTEIN, Group Identity Formation in the German Renaissance Human- ists: the Function of Latin, in: Eckhard Keßler – Heinrich C. Kuhn (edd.), Germania latina – Latinitas teutonica. Politik, Wissenschaft, humanistische Kultur vom späten Mittelalter bis in unsere Zeit, vol. 2, München 2003, p. 382. Other authors connect modernization with humanist language methods, representations of religion, humanist dialogism etc. (cf. James HANKINS, Religion and the Modernity of Renaissance Humanism, in: Interpretations of Renaissance Humanism, Angelo Mazzocco (ed.), Leiden – Boston 2006, pp. 137–155). 74 Klaus GARBER – Heinz WISMANN (edd.), Europäische Sozietätsbewegung und demokratische Tradition. Die europäischen Akademien der Frühen Neuzeit zwischen Früh renaissance und Spätaufklärung, vol. 2, Tübingen 1996. 75 Ibidem, vol. 1, p. XIV. 76 Klaus GARBER, Sozietät und Geistes-Adel: Von Dante zum Jakobiner-Club. Der früh- neuzeitliche Diskurs de vera nobilitate und seine institutionelle Ausformung in der gelehr ten Akademie, in: Europäische Sozietätsbewegung, vol. 1, pp. 17, 35–39; Sebastian NEUMEISTER, Von der arkadischen zur humanistischen res publica litteraria. Akademie- Visionen des Trecento, in: Europäische Sozietätsbewegung, vol. 1, pp. 171–189; Hart- mut STENZEL, „Premier champ littéraire“ und absolutistische Literarpolitik. Die Anfänge der Académie française, der Modernismusstreit und die Querelle du Cid, in: Europäische 56 Lucie Storchová to Wolfgang Hardtwig, humanist sodalities are also connected with the later language societies by early nationalism, which combined the promotion of German language and literature with the rise of bourgeois self-awareness, and which directly preceded the political public sphere and political movements from the mid-nineteenth century.77 Anglo-American and French historiography work more implicitly with the model of the continuity of academic institutions and their democratizing impacts. In the context of the English eighteenth century republic of letters, Anne Goldgar considers humanism the origin of the Enlightenment scholarly ethos and communication.78 Richard I. Frank labels humanist intellectual activities as part of the modernization project;79 the ideals of equality among French scholars (the concept of communauté democratique) on the eve of the revolution are then seen in connection with humanist academic institutions by Daniel Roche, for example.80 Dena Goodman explicitly works with Habermas’ concepts of the public sphere. According to her the res publica litteraria was already created as a type of public sphere with a political claim which stood in opposition to the emerging absolutist state – in other words, humanists need to be understood as the forerunners of the Enlighten- ment political projects and their sociability represents the first step in the making of a Habermasian public sphere engaged in rational and critical debate with the potential for democratization.81

Sozietätsbewegung, vol. 1, p. 410 and further passim; Siegfried WOLLGAST, Zu Joachim Jungius’ „Societas ereunetica“. Quellen – Statuten – Mitglieder – Wirkungen, in: Europäische Sozietätsbewegung, vol. 2, p. 1187; Ferdinand van INGEN, Die Erfor schung des Sprachgesellschaften unter sozialgeschichtlichem Aspekt, in: Martin Bircher – Fer- dinand van Ingen (edd.), Sprachgesellschaften, Sozietäten, Dichtergruppen, Ham- burg 1978, p. 9– 26; Jörg Jochen BERNS, Zur Tradition der deutschen Sozietätbewegung im 17. Jahrhundert, in: Ibidem, p. 60; Klaus CONERMANN, War die Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft eine Akademie? Über das Verhältnis der Fruchtbringenden Akademie zu den italie nischen Akademien, in: Ibidem, p. 107– 110; Conrad WIEDEMANN, Druiden, Barden, Witolden. Zu einem Identifikationsmodell barocken Dichtertums, in: Ibidem, p. 131. 77 Wolfgang HARDTWIG, Vom Elitenbewußtsein zur Massenbewegung. Frühformen des Nationalismus in Deutschland 1500–1840, in: Wolfgang Hardtwig, Nationalismus und Bürgerkultur in Deutschland, 1500–1914, Göttingen 1994, pp. 38, 42–45. 78 Anne GOLDGAR, Impolite Learning. Conduct and Community in the Republic of Letters 1680–1750, New Haven – London 1995, p. 56 and further passim. 79 Richard I. FRANK, Budé and the Republic of Letters, in: Rhoda Schnur – Jean-Louis Charlet et alii (edd.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Cantabrigiensis, Tempe 2003, p. 205. 80 Daniel ROCHE, Les républicains des lettres. Gens de culture et Lumières au XVIIIe siècle, Paris 1988, p. 159. 81 Dena GOODMAN, The Republic of Letters. A Cultural History of the French Enlightement, Ithaca – London 1996, pp. 2, 15 and 49. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 57

In this narrative, precisely the motive of equality, which was believed to influence the “republicanism” of scholarly cooperation, can also fulfil the role of a transnational element. As summarized by M. Fumaroli: Toutes les autres civilisations ont connu des Empires. Seul l’Europe pré-moderne a donné le jour à une République des Lettres.82 In other words, the level of democracy allegedly present in the scholarly communication is understood as a specific value for Europe. The activity and communication of the humanist scholars thus represent a decisive breaking point in the story of how “European cultural unity” was formed. Representations of humanism can also become a tool to articulate one’s desire for restoring this unity. As was summarized in slight exaggeration by Ferran Grau Codina, Europe which will be, as it were, a Europe of towns, and citizens, a Europe of humanity, not a Europe (or a world) of nations and states, in which a renewed res publica litterarum could be possible.83 To summarize the preceding paragraphs we can say that in this reading, the emergence of the republic of letters was made possible by a cultural transfer of humanist scholarship with its civilization values (such as humanitas) from one European region to another. This transfer then co-formed modern “Europe” and its civilisation. As far as the politics of cultural identities are concerned, it is then a fundamental question how to describe and contextualize this transfer, and where to localize it. We will explain various approaches to the representations of Renaissance humanism as a cultural transfer using two examples which have so far have remained marginal within European research on humanism.

National Framework I: Early Humanism in Olomouc and the Sodalitas Marcomannica

In Olomouc, a Moravian historical metropolis which was the centre of the Haná region and seat of the bishopric, humanist scholars were active at the end of the fifteenth and during the sixteenth centuries. In the previous research on the Olomouc humanist scholars, we encounter

82 Marc FUMAROLI, Avant-propos, in: Ulrich Johannes Schneider (ed.), Kultur der Kommunikation. Die europäische Gelehrtenrepublik im Zeitalter von Leibniz und Lessing, Wiesbaden 2005, p. 9. 83 Ferran Grau CODINA, Orationes Concerning Letters at the University of Valencia in the Sixteenth Century, in: Rhoda Schnur – Jean-Louis Charlet etc. (edd.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Cantabrigiensis, Tempe 2003, p. 252; cf. also William J. BOWSMA, Der Herbst der Renaissance 1550–1640, Berlin 2005. 58 Lucie Storchová several strategies of how to present humanism as a cultural transfer on this territory. In this case, it is crucial to understand that the earlier historiography dealt with the academic and literary activity in Olomouc exactly from the perspective of cultural transfer; by analysing precisely the ideologies and value framework connected with the representations of humanism as cultural exchange, we can explain the great attention which modern scholars have devoted to the question where humanism was transferred from to Olomouc. Eduard Petrů, one of the most important researchers on medieval and early modern Bohemian and Moravian literature, justifiably labelled the literary production of Olomouc humanists as “exceptionally modest”. Elsewhere, he even characterizes them as “writers without a literature”.84 Due to the small number of preserved historical documents (either literary works or humanist correspondence), the discussion on the origins of Olomouc humanism appear at first to be completely disproportionate. However, as the editors of the volume mentioned above remind us, the small source evidence itself is not at all an obstacle to representations of a cultural transfer. On the contrary, fragmentary elements can be arranged by scholars into an even more complex image with identity-shaping potential. As was the case with earlier research on Olomouc humanism, a distinctive civilization paradigm is again emerging, when scholars attempt to demonstrate the affiliation of the given territory to the European civilization project by describing the intellectual contacts and influences. In the case of Olomouc, historians then emphasized chiefly the long- term openness and receptivity of local humanists to European intellectual movements; this approach corresponded with a search for the “true centre”, from which humanism was transferred to Olomouc. Other than by the “civilization” level, the interpretation of humanism in Central Europe has also been influenced by the thesis of the humanist origins of modern nations. As already indicated above, from this perspective the humanists are interpreted as intellectual elites cultivating the first modern national programme, which then created a paradigm for modern national movements.85 National arguments play important roles in the case of Olomouc humanism as well. Therefore it will be introduced here using the example of the imperial “arch-humanist”

84 Eduard PETRŮ, Societas Maierhofiana, in: Historická Olomouc a její současné prob- lémy 3, 1980, p. 183; Eduard PETRŮ – Ivo HLOBIL, Humanismus a raná renesance na Moravě [Humanism and Early Renaissance in Moravia], Praha 1992, pp. 30 and 33. 85 W. HARDTWIG, Vom Elitenbewußtsein, pp. 37–40. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 59

Conrad Celtes, who has recently been linked with the emergence of the Olomouc humanist sodality at the turn of the sixteenth century. Since the second half of the nineteenth century, the life and works of this humanist (mainly the literary production connected with the project of Germania illustrata) have been interpreted as the best example of humanist nationalism in Germany. Later, in the 1930s, he was explicitly seen as a part of the German civilizational mission or as an early attempt to cultivate the ideal German man.86

Celtes’ Humanist Sodalities: An Interpretative Model of Humanism Trans- fers in Central Europe

A number of earlier works on the sodalities founded by Celtes and on their literary activity can be considered as (almost textbook) value-laden representations of cultural transfer. Apart from his allegedly leading role in German proto-nationalism, let us focus on the subject how scholarship was transferred through Celtes’ travels around Central Europe, as it is postulated by a part of the earlier research.87

86 Cf. Jörg ROBERT, Konrad Celtis und das Projekt der deutschen Dichtung. Studien zur humanistischen Konstitution von Poetik, Philosophie, Nation und Ich, Tübingen 2003, pp. 10–12. Similar arguments could be found already in the interpretations from the period of the Third Reich, that emphasised the German origins of humanist literature connected to the Court of Rudolph II: Irmgard PATZAK, Eine Prager Dichterin im Zeitalter Rudolfs II., in: Franz Höller (ed.), Prager Jahrbuch 1943, Amsterdam – Ber- lin – Wien 1943, p. 106; Heinz BRAUNER, Die tschechische Lexiographie des 16. ��Jahr- hunderts, Breslau 1939, p. 106. 87 On Celtes’ sodalities, see Lewis W. SPITZ, Conrad Celtis. The German Arch-Humanist. Cambridge 1957, p. 45 and further; Heinrich LUTZ, Die Sodalitäten im oberdeutschen Humanismus des späten 15. und frühen 16. Jahrhunderts, in: Wolfgang Reinhard (ed.), Humanismus im Bildungswesen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Weinheim 1984, pp. 45–60; Moritz CSÁKY, Die „Sodalitas litteraria Danubiana“: historische Realität oder poetische Fiktion des Conrad Celtis?, in: Herbert Zeman (ed.), Die österreichische Lite- ratur, ihr Profil von den Änfängen im Mittelalter bis ins 18. Jahrhundert, vol. 2, Graz 1986, pp. 739–758; Dieter WUTTKE, Humanismus als integrative Kraft. Die Philosophia des deutschen „Erzhumanisten“ Conrad Celtis. Eine ikonologische Studie zu programmatischer Graphik Dürers und Burgkmairs, in: Ibidem, pp. 691–729; Tibor KLANICZAY, Celtis und die Sodalitas litteraria per Germaniam. In: August Buck – Martin Bircher (edd.), Respublica Guelpherbytana, Amsterdam 1987, pp. 79–105; Christine TREML, Hu- manistische Gemeinschaftsbildung. Sozio-kulturelle Untersuchung zur Entstehung eines neuen Gelehrtenstandes in der frühen Neuzeit, Hildesheim – Zürich – New York 1989; Wil- helm KÜHLMANN, Ausblick: Vom humanistischen Contubernium zur Heidelberger So- dalitas Litteraria Rhenana, in: Wilhelm Kühlmann (ed.), Rudolf Agricola 1444–1485. Protagonist des norderopäischen Humanismus zum 550. Geburtstag. Bern u.a. 1994, pp. 387–412; Franz MACHILEK, Konrad Celtis und die Gelehrtensodalitäten insbesondere in Ostmitteleuropa, in: Winfried Eberhard – Alfred A. Strnad (edd.), Humanismus 60 Lucie Storchová

How, according to some earlier statements, was Celtes’ “cultural mission” to have taken place? After returning from his studies in Italy, Con- rad Celtes is thought to have participated in the activities of the sodality in Buda founded in 1491 (Sodalitas literaria Ungarorum),88 later he visited a similar circle in Kraków (later called Sodalitas Vistulana), which was active from 1489. During his activity at the university in Ingolstadt in 1492, Celtes formulated his programme of transalpine humanism and around the same time also a plan to found an academy is mentioned in his correspondence, which in the end led to the creation of several informal sodalities. Celtes did not implement his idea to create a scholarly circle until the autumn of 1495 when he founded Sodalitas Rhenana in Heidel- berg. Another sodality was founded in 1497, when Celtes was authorized by the emperor as a teacher at the university in Vienna. Since then, the Sodalitas Danubiana which was comprised of scholars active in Vienna and Buda functioned under the presidency of Johann Vitéz, bishop of Veszprém and from 1493 administrator of the diocese of Vienna. In the following decades, Celtes endeavoured to found “branches” of this sodality in the neighbouring large cities as well. He was successful in Olo- mouc, but not in Prague. After the turn of the century, Celtes’ concept was further developed by the Sodalitas Augustana in Augsburg (1503),

und Renaissance in Ostmitteleuropa vor der Reformation, Köln – Weimar – Wien 1996, pp. 137–155; Franz GRAF-STUHLHOFER, Humanismus zwischen Hof und Uni- versität. Georg Transtetter (Collimitius) und sein wissenschafliches Umfeld in Wien des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts, Wien 1996; Heinz ENTER, Was steckt hinter dem Wort „sodalitas litteraria“? Ein Diskussionbeitrag zu Conrad Celtis und seinen Freudenkreisen, in: K. Garber – H. Wismann (edd.), Europäische Sozietätbewegungen, vol. 2, pp. 1069–1101; Harald DICKERHOF, Der deutsche Erzhumanist Conrad Celtis und seine Sodalen, in: Ibidem, pp. 1102–1123; Eckhard BERNSTEIN, Der Erfurter Humanistenkreis am Schnittpunkt von Humanismus und Reformation. Das Rektoratsblatt des Crotus Rubianus, in: Stephan Füssel – Jan Pirożyński (edd.), Der polnische Humanismus und die europäischen Sodalitäten, Wiesbaden 1997, pp. 137–165; Jan-Dirk MÜLLER, Konrad Peutinger und die Sodalitas Peutingeriana, in: Ibidem, pp. 167–186; Hermann WIEGAND, Phoebea So- dalitas nostra. Die Sodalitas litteraria Rhenana – Probleme, Fakten und Plausibilitäten, in: Ibidem, pp. 186–209; Eckhard BERNSTEIN, From Outsiders to Insiders. Some ReflecRefl ec-- tions on the Development of a Group Identity of the German Humanists between 1450–1530, in: James V. Mehl (ed.), In laudem Caroli. Renaissance and Reformation Studies for Charles G. Nauert, Kirsville 1998, pp. 45–64; Albert SCHIRRMEISTER, Triumph des Dichters. Gekrönte Intelektuelle im 16. Jahrhundert, Köln – Weimar – Wien 2003, pp. 170–194. 88 However, the names of the sodalities mentioned by Celtes in his correspondence, or in the poem Septenaria sodalitas litteraria from 1500, in which he speaks of the seven regional sodalities around all of Germania, were on the level of “poetic fiction” at the same time determined by Pythagorean numerical philosophy (M. CSÁKY, Die „Sodalitas litteraria Danubiana“; H. ENTER, Was steckt hinter dem Wort, p. 1085 and further passim). The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 61 further in Basel, Strasbourg (both in 1514), Nuremberg and Erfurt (between 1510 and 1515), and in the Baltic area (Sodalitas Codana, Baltica). The existence of a similar society in Linz could not be confirmed. The Viennese centre had a less influence in the Polish area, but it proved rather successful in adjacent Silesia. Celtes’ plan of Sodalitas per Germaniam was thought to have been born already before his arrival in Vienna (perhaps 1493). This plan would include the entire territory of ancient Germania and whose members would work – following the model of Biondo and his treatise Italia illustrata – on a catalogue of past and present famous men in connection with a geographic-historical description of this territory.89 This unfinished project was labelled Germania illustrata; Celtes himself only managed to edit Tacitus’ treatise Germania and prepared two of his own texts (Norimberga and Germania generalis), on which – according to the traditional interpretation – the works of a further two generations of German humanists (Cochlaeus, Irenicus, Rhenanus, Wimpfeling, Pirck- heimer and Aventinus) was built. Only at the end of his life, in 1501, did Celtes achieve the establishment of an official educational institution. TheCollegium poetarum et mathematicorum was founded as the fifth faculty of the university in Vienna; besides providing positions for lecturers in poetics and natural philosophy, it authorized Celtes to the laureation of the graduates and closely connected him with court patronage. The activity of the collegium lasted only six years and thus ended before Celtes’ death in 1508. After Celtes, directorship of the Danube sodality was assumed by court physician and astronomer Georg Tanstetter- -Collimitius and court historiographer Iohannes Cuspinianus (until the 1520s the name Sodalitas Collimitiana appears in the correspondence of humanists). Due to the considerable lack of sources, one can only speculate on how the sodalities functioned. The very concept of the meeting of humanists for the purpose of developing the civilization project reminds us of the above-mentioned interpretation of humanist intellectual activities as egalitarian dialogue. It definitely was not an organization of the type of an Italian academy (to which, unsurprisingly, the emergence of the Central European sodalities is often related) with a regular structure or a sophisticated set of rituals. A sodality (sodalicium, contubernium,

89 Ottavio CLAVUOT, Flavio Biondos Italia illustrata. Porträt und historisch-geographi- sche Legitimation der humanistischen Elite Italiens, in: Johannes Helmrath – Ulrich Muhlack – Gerrit Walther (edd.), Diffusion des Humanismus. Studien zur nationalen Geschichtsschreibung europäischer Humanisten, Göttingen 2002, pp. 55–76. 62 Lucie Storchová coetus etc.) was a platform for meetings, communication, literary production and self-presentation of humanist scholars. In many cases, the sodalities functioned virtually or on paper, rather than meeting regularly in person within a fixed institutional framework. The meetings of individual sodalities were presided over by a scholar with a solid intellectual position in the given area (princeps, rex). Other social activities of the humanists took place under his organizational auspices as well, such as excursions or staging plays.90 Members of the sodality collected Antique artefacts (coins, epigraphic copies).91 The meetings were organized in the form of symposia and the wider communication was mediated through epistolary exchange or cooperation, chiefly in the field of editorial work. Within the latter, the selection of the materials for editions was discussed and proof-read.92 Apart from its authorial function, the sodality could also act as a financial consortium allowing the publication of books and institutionally securing printing privileges.93 The question remains how to interpret the project of Germania illustrata beyond the traditional national paradigm, which considers the idea of a cultural nation (Kulturnation) as the central theme of this phase of German humanism. We encounter this opinion also in the latest studies.94 Yet, other recent works indicate that in his texts Conrad Celtes created an elegiac image of a new Germania, in which the concept of the geography of this territory intersected for example with numerical symbolism (there was to be a symbolic number of sodalities etc.). Celtes also endeavoured to strengthen the position of poets at the imperial court and to participate in poetic presentations to Emperor Maximilian I.95 In addition, Celtes’ sodalities have recently been interpreted as a means of the self-presentation of humanists, who attempted to define themselves as “secular missionaries” defending the honour of their “nation” in an international intellectual competition, and thus improving their own social status.96 In this context, it is necessary to also revise the earlier

90 Harald DICKERHOF, Der deutsche Erzhumanist Conrad Celtis, p. 1110. 91 Ch. TREML, Humanistische Gemeinschaftsbildung, p. 70. 92 Ibidem, p. 98. 93 H. ENTER, Was steckt hinter dem Wort, p. 1088. 94 Ulrich MUHLACK, Das Projekt der Germania illustrata. Ein Paradigma der Diffusion des Humanismus?, in: Johannes Helmrath – Ulrich Muhlack – Gerrit Walther (edd.), Diffusion des Humanismus, p. 148. 95 J. ROBERT, Konrad Celtis und das Projekt, pp. 22, 169–170; A. SCHIRRMEISTER, Triumph des Dichters, pp. 24 and 170. 96 Caspar HIRSCHI, Wettkampf der Nationen. Konstruktion einer deutschen Ehrgemeinschaft an der Wende vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit, Göttingen 2005, pp. 61–63 and 307–310. See The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 63 interpretation (again significant from the perspective of the civilization interpretive framework), namely that the establishment of a new form of scholarly meeting within sodalities was led by the effort to overcome the estate system and feudal rituals. According to some authors, the humanist social practices were on the contrary based on the archetype of “feudal staging”. For instance, they point to the adoption of heraldic symbols or the use of a “feudal vocabulary” in labelling the hierarchy within the sodalities.97

Discussion of the Transfer of Humanism to Olomouc

Earlier historiography also perceived Olomouc humanism through the prism of the transfer of civilizational values. The academic debate on the character and origins of Olomouc humanism was only partially na- tionalized. At the end of the nineteenth century, Karl Wotke, one of the German regional historians collaborating with the society Verein für Ge- schichte Mährens und Schlesiens, summarized the knowledge on the Olo- mouc humanists in several empirical articles. His were the first articles to emphasize the European contacts of the Olomouc humanist and to show that Olomouc was not a Barbarenland at the beginning of the sixteenth century, but ein Musensitz ersten Ranges on which the attention of the period’s literary world concentrated. This interconnectedness was also to be illustrated with the edition of the correspondence of the Olo- mouc bishop Stanislav Thurzo with the cultural icon of humanist intellectual activities, Erasmus of Rotterdam himself.98

also Caspar HIRSCHI, The Origins of Nationalism: An Alternative History from Ancient Rome to Early Modern Germany, Cambridge 2012. 97 J.-D. MÜLLER, Konrad Peutinger und die Sodalitas, pp. 176–177; E. BERNSTEIN, Der Erfurter Humanistenkreis am Schnittpunkt, p. 154; H. WIEGAND, Phoebea Sodalitas nostra, pp. 196 and 205– 206. 98 Karl WOTKE, Augustinus Olomucensis (Augustinus Käsenbrot von Wssehrd), in: Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins für die Geschichte Mährens und Schlesiens 2, 1898, pp. 58 and 66; Karl WOTKE, Der olmützer Bischof Stanislaus Thurzo von Bethlenfalva (1497–1546) und dessen Humanistenkreis, in: Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins für die Geschichte Mährens und Schlesiens 3, 1899, pp. 376–384. In this respect, we can agree with the recent analysis by Kalhous, according to which a distinctly national interpretation can only seldom be found on the pages of this journal (Zeitschrift des Vereins für Ge- schichte Mährens und Schlesiens) at the turn of the century. David KALHOUS, Osudy jednoho časopisu. Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins für die Geschichte Mährens und Schle siens [The Fate of One Journal. Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins für die Geschichte Mährens und Schlesiens], in: František Šmahel – Pavel Soukup (edd.), Německá medievistika v českých zemích do roku 1945, Praha 2004, p. 97. 64 Lucie Storchová

Especially Eduard Petrů adhered to the idea of the continual receptivity of Olomouc scholars for intellectual innovations. For Olomouc, he defined the periodization as consisting of the following stages: an early period at the end of the fourteenth century, the period from the second half of the fifteenth century to the middle of the sixteenth century, and the era of High Latin Humanism, which also covers the literary activity of Bishop Ioannes Dubravius. According to Petrů, there was a decline of Neo-Latin prose and poetry followed by the creation of a “complete model of vernacular humanist literature with a broad popular focus” after 1550. The final period, including the 1570s up to 1620, is on the one hand characterized by a quantitative growth of literary works, but on the other hand by a decrease in Czech writings and by its thematic and genre restriction caused by the influence of the Counter Reformation.99 This interpretation is based on the hypothetical continuity of the “humanistic efforts” from the time of the episcopate of Ioannes de Novoforo (1364–1380), who just like Stanislav Thurzo later represented a characteristic example for Olomouc of an intellectu- ally open leading figure surrounded by a larger group of humanist authors.100 Unsurprisingly, this thesis of continuity is also not based on extensive source evidence – the influence of Ioannes de Novoforo can only be proven indirectly at best; it could be assumed, for instance, on the basis of the preserved collection of manuscripts; but this corpus does not form sufficient evidence. Also, the proto-humanistic interpretation operates with implicit elements of cultural transfer – already during the earliest phase, Olomouc humanists are believed to have had direct ties to Italy and to have been open to cultural influences. Paradoxically, at the same time such scholarly continuity works on the assumption that humanism was autochthonous in Moravia and that it developed only with a minimum of external influences. The representation of cultural transfer as something both necessary and entirely minimal reveals much about the perspective of the Czech nationalist historiography. Although Wotke already mentioned the ties of Olomouc with Vien- nese humanists, a disproportionate emphasis on the “non-German” con-

99 Eduard PETRŮ – Ivo HLOBIL, Humanismus a raná renesance na Moravě [Humanism and Early Renaissance in Moravia], Praha 1992, pp. 14–16; Eduard PETRŮ, Vzdálené hlasy [Voices in the Distance], Olomouc 1996, pp. 196–205 and 222; Eduard PETRŮ, Olomoucká literatura nebo literatura v Olomouci? [Olomouc Literature or Literature in Olomouc?], in: Historická Olomouc a její současné problémy 4, 1983, pp. 273–278. 100 IDEM, Jan ze Středy a jeho význam pro olomoucký humanismus [Ioannes de Novo- foro and His Significance for Olomouc Humanism], in: Historická Olomouc a její současné problémy 2, 1979, p. 101. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 65 tacts of the Olomouc scholars, specifically on the transfer from Polish and Slovak centres, appears in the articles written in the 1960s.101 From the mid-1990s, on the other hand, Peter Wörster polemicized this reading and pointed out the affinity of the Olomouc humanist sodality with the projects of Conrad Celtes, including his plan for the topography of Germania.102 This thesis is widely accepted in German research today and slowly also spreads in Czech research.103 Peter Wörster, the most significant proponent of the cultural influence of Vienna, relates the beginning of the “golden age” of Olomouc Latin humanism partially to the contacts and collection of manuscripts by Bishop Prothasius (Tas) of Boskovice and Černá Hora and also with

101 E. PETRŮ – I. HLOBIL, Humanismus a raná renesance na Moravě, p. 27; Eduard PETRŮ, Olomoucký humanismus a jeho polské podněty [Olomouc Humanism and Its Polish Spurs], in: Slavistický sborník olomoucko-lublinský, Praha 1974, pp. 27–38; Josef MACŮREK, Turzonowie na Morawach i na Śląsku na końcu XV i w pierwzsej połowie XVI wieku. Z historii stosunków czesko-polskich w okresie humanizmu [The Thurzo Family in Moravia and Silesia in the End of the Fifteenth and First Half of the Sixteenth Centuries. From the History of the Czech-Polish Relations in the Era of Humanism], in: Śląski kwartalnik historyczny Sobótka 14, 1959, pp. 25–47; Josef MACŮREK, Humanismus v oblasti moravsko-slezské a jeho vztahy ke Slovensku v druhé polovině 15. a po čátkem 16. století [Humanism in the Moravian-Silesian Region and its Ties to Slo- vakia in the Second Half of the Fifteenth and in Early Sixteenth Centuries], in: Ľudovít Holotík – Anton Vantuch (edd.), Humanizmus a renesancia na Slovensku v 15. a 16. storočí, Bratislava 1967, pp. 335–337, 346– 354. 102 Peter WÖRSTER, Der olmützer Humanistenkreis unter Stanislav Thurzo, in: Hans-Bernd Harder – Hans Rothe (edd.), Studien zum Humanismus in den böhmischen Län- dern, vol. 11, Köln – Wien 1988, pp. 52–55; Peter WÖRSTER, Humanismus in Olmütz. Landesschreibung, Stadtslob und Geschichtsschreibung der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, Marburg 1994, pp. 47–55; Peter WÖRSTER, Breslau und Olmütz als humanistische Zen- tren vor der Reformation, in: Winfried Eberhard – Alfred A. Strnad (edd.), Humanis- mus und Renaissance in Ostmitteleuropa vor der Reformation, Köln – Weimar – Wien 1996, pp. 222–224. 103 Hans Bernd HARDER, Zentren des Humanismus in Böhmen und Mähren, in: H.- B. Harder – H. Rothe (edd.), Studien zum Humanismus, vol. 11, p. 29; Franz MACHILEK, Konrad Celtis und die Gelehrtensodalitäten insbesondere in Ostmitteleuropa, in: W. Eberhard – A. A. Strnad (edd.), Humanismus und Renaissance in Ostmittel europa, p. 151; Franz MACHILEK, Der Olmützer Humanistenkreis, in: Stephan Füs- sel – Jan Pirożyński (edd.), Der polnische Humanis mus und die europäischen So- dalitäten, Wiesbaden 1997, pp. 114–117; Ivo HLOBIL, K diskusi o Stanislavu Thurzonovi (1471–1540) [On the Discussion about Stanislav Thurzo], in: Historická Olomouc IX. Tématický sborník příspěvků zaměřených k otázkám prolínání renesance a humanismu do českých zemí, zvláště na Moravu a do Olomouce, Olomouc 1992, p. 51; Vojtěch CEKOTA, Z názorů olomouckých humanistů v první polovině 16. století [On the Views of Olomouc Humanists in the first Half of the Sixteenth Century], in: Studia Comeniana et historica 13, 1983, No. 26, pp. 163–168; Lucie STORCHOVÁ, Latinský humanismus [Latin Humanism], in: Jindřich Schulz (ed.), Dějiny Olomouce, vol. 1, Olomouc 2009, pp. 303–308. 66 Lucie Storchová the activities of the administrator Jan Filipec and his Buda contacts after 1470.104 Olomouc was not integrated into the wider Central European scholarly networks until the episcopal consecration of Stanislav Thurzo in 1497. The new bishop obtained for the chapter the preferential right to elect future bishops and ensured with the capitulary statutes (1501) – following the Wrocław model – that the position of a canon would only be filled by people who had a magisterial title or licentiate in philosophy or law. Due to these reforms, humanist literature was connected to the institutions of the bishopric and two chapters which substituted the regional aristocratic court could emerge in Olomouc. As a consequence of the institutional ties of the bishopric to Vienna, the influence of the Viennese court grew stronger and subsequently Celtes’ intellectual projects were transferred to Moravia. The Viennese orientation was then to be verified by the greater interest in religious themes (e.g. confessional polemics), as well as by the fact that humanists who had connections to the Viennese court (e.g. Cuspinianus, Ursinus Velius, Sibutus) turned to the bishop as a patron and that other humanists (including Erasmus himself) wrote letters and dedicated their works to Thurzo precisely because of these ties. The thesis of the transfer of humanism from Vienna to Olomouc is then connected mainly with the very existence and activities of the Olomouc humanist sodality, thus an irregular group of scholars which was to be engaged in Celtes’ projects. The dispute over the name of this sodality in itself is telling. Whereas Czech scholars use the title So- cietas Maierhofiana (after the humanist K. Apitius whose membership just as other information about the sodality cannot be proven true), in the foreign literature the term Societas Marcomannica prevails. Wörster’s analysis based on the humanist laudatory poems on Olomouc, registers and epistolography, shows that the scholars of Olomouc studied at Ital- ian universities as well as in Vienna and Kraków. In the narrower circle of the humanists at the time of Thurzo’s episcopate, it can be directly proven for 13 out of 28 scholars that they studied at the university in Vienna directly under Celtes’ guidance, and another ten stayed probably for a longer time in Vienna between 1497 and 1508.105 From the beginning, Celtes’ students were engaged in the sodality – Georgius Nitsch founded it in 1502 after his return from Vienna, its activities were organized by Martin Sinapius. Celtes’ students also worked in the ad-

104 P. WÖRSTER, Humanismus in Olmütz, pp. 28–29. 105 Ibidem, pp. 47–53. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 67 ministration of the municipal library and school. For example Martinus Sinapius (Horčička) or Marcus Rustinimicus, the author of a grammati- cal handbook dedicated to the Olomouc municipal council. The latter also organized, among other things, the theatrical performances of his Viennese colleague’s plays in Olomouc.106 According to Wörster, Au- gustinus Olomucensis had earlier experience with the sodality model of scholarly cooperation – at the time he was chancellor at the Buda court, he attended meetings of the Sodalitas literaria Ungarorum, which coincidently collapsed shortly after his return to Olomouc. The Sodali- tas Marcomannica had with certainty another fourteen members besides Augustin Olomucensis in 1502–1513. During the 1520s, the Olomouc group of humanists changed – whereas around 1519 it was made up almost entirely by men of letters from Moravia, just ten years later the group was more mixed.107 Unlike most of the other scholarly circles which cooperated with Celtes for a short time, the Olomouc Sodalitas Marcomannica was to continue in its activity until the beginning of the 1530s, and perhaps until the death of Stanislav Thurzo in 1540. How did the transfer of the Celtes’ model influence the literary production of Olomouc humanists? The letters describing the supposed second journey of Celtes to Olomouc in 1504 (the dates of the first journey remain uncertain) mention an agreement when the Olomouc humanists promised to send a map of Moravia, a versed description of the episcopal city and a relevant passage for the planned Germania illustrata, which would contain a description of the area of Marcomannia (likely corresponding with the territory of Moravia).108 According to Wörster, an unpreserved treatise from the middle of the 1490s titled De origine, moribus et vestitu Hannatarum was supposedly created under the influence of Celtes’ project, The author of the treatise, Konrad Altheimer, later the arch canon of the Olomouc chapter and acting administrator, attempted – apparently inspired by Tacitus’ treatise Germania – to describe the origins and customs of the people of Haná. From the later humanist sources it seems to be obvious that he identified the people

106 Peter WÖRSTER, Der olmützer Humanistenkreis, p. 58; E. PETRŮ, Societas Maierho fiana, p. 184; Eduard PETRŮ, Humanismus der olmützer Jesuiten der rudolfinischen Zeit, in: Hans-Bernd Harder – Hans Rothe (edd.), Später Humanismus in der Krone Böh- men 1570–1620, Dresden 1998, p. 310. 107 P. WÖRSTER, Humanismus in Olmütz, pp. 37–40. 108 Ibidem, p. 57; Jan MARTÍNEK, Pobyt Konrada Celta na Moravě [The Stay of Conrad Celtes in Moravia], in: Listy filologické/Folia philologica 105, 1982, pp. 23–29; H.- B. HARDER, Zentren des Humanismus in Böhmen und Mähren, p. 30. 68 Lucie Storchová of Haná with the Henets or rather with the Veneds.109 Altheimer’s lost treatise was in any case an attempt to place Olomouc and the entire surrounding region with its inhabitants on the humanistic map and by doing so to ensure a direct share of the history of Ancient Rome.110 At the same time, it is one of only two treatises which were written by Olo- mouc humanists at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The other one is a historical treatise on the bishops of Olomouc Catalogus Episco- porum Olomucensium by Augustinus Olomucensis published in 1511 in Vienna. It is more or less a revision of a work by an unknown canon from the 1430s with a stronger emphasis on the historical uniqueness of the Moravian archbishopric, its considerable age compared to the Bohemian ecclesiastical institutions, the independence of the title of the Moravian margrave and the Marcomanian origin of the Moravians.111 This short list of treatises clearly shows how small the source- evi dence is which is related to the debate on the origins of Olomouc humanism. From the perspective of the above outlined concept – how cultural transfers are represented and how such knowledge co-creates cultural identities – it is interesting that the tie to Vienna and Buda as secondary intellectual centres also brings into play the question of the primary centre, Italy itself as the cradle of the civilizational values connected with Renaissance humanism. In that, it is characteristic that the very question of the transfer itself is still topical; it is seemingly “obvious” and not even contemporary researchers could ignore it.112

109 P. WÖRSTER, Humanismus in Olmütz, p. 95. 110 ThThis is effeffort ort is also attested by the Humanist version of the putative founding of Olo-Olo- mouc by Julius Ceasar (hence the name Iulimons). Eduard PETRŮ, Humanisté o Olo- mouci [Humanists on Olomouc], Praha 1978, p. 25; Oldřich KRÁLÍK, Olomouc na humanistické mapě [Olomouc in a Map of Humanism], in: Studia Comeniana et historica 7, 1974, p. 110. 111 Peter WÖRSTER, Zwei Beiträge zur Geschichtsschreibung in Olmütz in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, in: Hans-Bernd Harder – Hans Rothe (edd.), Studien zum Hu- manismus in den böhmischen Ländern, vol. 17, Teil III. Die Bedeutung der humanistischen Topographien und Reisebeschreibungen der humanistischen Zeit bis Zeit Balbíns, Köln – Weimar – Wien 1993, pp. 36–40; P. WÖRSTER, Humanismus in Olmütz, p. 152. 112 Nor could I in some of my earlier studies, cf. L. STORCHOVÁ, Latinský humanismus. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 69

National Framework II: Humanism in Bohemia and its Prague Centre

Similar ways in which the transfer of humanism to Olomouc was represented can be found in earlier research on humanism in Bohemia. Although the question whether Bohemian humanists participated in the Western civilizational circle is less prominent here than in the Olomouc case, it is still an implicit prerequisite of the discussion how far Bohe- mian humanism can be considered sufficiently “high quality” or “valuable” (ergo compatible with Western European scholarly standards). In this debate, we encounter two polarized positions, which are again unsurprisingly nationally anchored. Some authors from abroad (recently Peter Wolf, for example) emphasize that after the early phase of courtly humanism ended at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the university in Prague fell into isolation and its intellectual standards declined to the level of a better gymnasium in Germany. This did not “improve” until the Jesuit schooling system was established in Prague in the last three decades of the sixteenth century.113 On the other side, Czech historians agree that university humanism was a wonderfully functioning educational system with a broad social impact after the middle of the sixteenth century.114

113 Peter WOLF, Humanismus im Dienst der Gegenreformation. Exempla aus Böhmen und Bayern, in: Thomas Maissen – Gerrit Walther (edd.), Funktionen des Humanismus. Studien zum Nutzen des Neuen in der humanistischen Kultur, Göttingen 2006, pp. 262–302. 114 Of the extensive literature, cf. František KAVKA (ed.), Stručné dějiny University Karlovy [Brief History of the Charles University], Praha 1964, pp. 77–110; Jan MARTÍNEK, Příspěvek k poznání vlivu university na rozvoj humanistické literární činnosti v českých zemích [A Contribution to the Study of the Influence of the University on the Spread- ing of Humanist Literary Activities in the Bohemian Lands], in: Acta Universitatis Carolinae – Historia Universitatis Carolinae Pragensis 10, 1969, pp. 9–17; František ŠMAHEL, Regionální původ, profesionální uplatnění a sociální mobilita graduovaných studentů pražské univerzity v letech 1433–1622 [Regional Origin, Professional Placement and Social Mobility of the Prague University Graduates in the Years 1433–1622], in: Zprávy Archivu univerzity Karlovy [Reports of the Archives of the Charles Univer- sity] 4, 1982, pp. 3–28; František ŠMAHEL, L’Université de Prague de 1433 à 1622: recrutement géographique, carrières et mobilité sociale des étudiantes gradués, in: Dominique Julia – Jacques Revel – Roger Chartier (edd.), Les universités européennes du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle: histoire sociale des populations étudiantes, Paris 1986, pp. 65–88; Petr SVOBODNÝ, Sociální a regionální struktura literárně činných absolventů pražské university v letech 1550–1620 [Social and Regional Structure of the Literary Active Graduates of the Charles University in the Years 1550–1620], in: Acta Universitatis Carolinae – Historia Universitatis Carolinae Pragensis 26, 1986, pp. 7–36; Michal SVATOŠ, Humanismus an der Universität Prag im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, in: H.-B. 70 Lucie Storchová

It is significant from the perspective of the representation of cultural transfer that already at the end of the nineteenth century the earlier Czech historiography did not question either the phase of proto-humanism and or the role of the mediating figure of Bohuslav Hasištejnský of Lobkowicz (with his Italian ties); on the contrary, scholars have somewhat avoided to emphasize the “German source” of Bohemian university humanism – no matter how extensive the source evidence. Typical for existing Czech research on Latin humanism is either the thesis of the arrival of humanism in Bohemia in the middle of the fourteenth century or the periodization of the intellectual activities into three generations, approximately after 1490. What is crucial in this respect is again the postulate of the homogeneity of Renaissance humanism as a phenomenon, which is empirically problematic, because the types of Neo-Latin literary production in these periods differ quite significantly. If in the course of Bohemian humanism scholars also classify the earlier period, i.e. the time of the reign of Charles IV (the so-called proto- humanistic phase) and take into account the (temporarily interrupted) continuity of humanistic literary efforts from the mid-fourteenth century, this interpretation allows them to point out the ties of the Bohemian lands with the important European intellectual centres and with cultural icons such as Petrarch. The division into three generations has some value-laden consequence as well, which again is connected with the representation of cultural transfer.115 In this division, the so-called first gen-

Harder – H. Rothe (edd.), Studien zum Humanismus, vol. 11, pp. 195–206; Michal SVATOŠ, Pokusy o reformu a zánik karolinské akademie [Attempts at Reform and the End of the Caroline Academy], in: Michal Svatoš (ed.), Dějiny Univerzity Karlovy I 1347/48–1622, Praha 1995, pp. 269–289; Jiří PEŠEK, Výuka a humanismus na pražské univerzitě doby předbělohorské [Teaching and Humanism at the Prague University in the Pre-White Mountain Period], in: Ibidem, pp. 227–245; František ŠMAHEL, Die Karlsuniversität Prag und böhmische Humanistekarrieren, in: Rainer Christoph Schwing- es (edd.), Gelehrte im Reich. Zur Sozial- und Wirkungsgeschichte akademischer Eliten des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts, Berlin 1996, pp. 505–513; Miroslav TRUC, Die gesellschaftliche Aufgabe der Prager Karls-Universität in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. und am Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts, in: H.-B. Harder – H. Rothe (edd.), Später Humanismus, pp. 203–210. 115 Jan MARTÍNEK, Urbium Bohemicarum cives de renatis litteris Latinis quo modo sint meriti, in: Zprávy Jednoty klasických filologů 4, 1962, pp. 139–156; IDEM,De tribus aetatibus poetarum, qui renatas in Bohemia literas coluerunt, in: Zprávy Filozofickej fakulty Univerzity Komenského. Graecolatina et orientalia [Reports of the Philosophical Faculty of the Comenius University in Bratislava. Graecolatina et orientalia] 5, Brati- slava 1973, pp. 195–204; IDEM, Humanisté a mecenáši [Humanists and Maecenases], in: Listy filologické/Folia philologica 110, 1987, pp. 25–31. See also Hans-BerndHAR DER, Zentren des Humanismus in Böhmen und Mähren, in: H.-B. Harder – H. Rothe (edd.), Studien zum Humanismus, vol. 11, pp. 21–37; Jozef IJSEWIJN, Companion The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 71 eration is emphasized, personified by Bohuslav Hasištejnský of Lobko- wicz, who unlike the vast majority of the later Bohemian men of letters fulfills all the requirements expected of on an “apostle” of humanistic culture and values.116 He fits in the representation of cultural transfer mainly because he was one of the few Bohemian nobles of his generation to have studied at Italian universities (in Bologna, Trento and Fer- rara, where he obtained a doctorate in canon law). This direct tie to Ital- ian intellectual centres is also possible to connect with Hasištejnský’s activity at the royal chancellery in Buda in 1501–1503, where scholars suppose an Italian influence, as well as with his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, which he undertook at the beginning of the 1490s. After 1503, when Hasištejnský “devoted himself to the Muses”, he spent his time collecting volumes for his library, ran a kind of humanist school at castle Hasištejn,117 and maintained extensive epistolary contacts with other humanist scholars. These facts fit in the concepts of cultural transfer in the sense that they are again a tie to cultural centres, although in this case not to the Italian ones.

The periodization into generations itself suggests (besides that intellectual and literary activities of all Bohemian humanists were analogous) that Latin men of letters active at a university from the 1550s directly built on Hasištejnský and his highly evaluated (since directly tied to Italy) intellectual activity. Nevertheless, the very connection between the supposed first and second generations is disputable. The pupils of Hasištejnský’s school included truly active humanists of the type of Matthäus Aurogallus, who in adulthood was employed at Ger- man universities; yet, the relatively strong influence of Melanchthonism and of the university in Wittenberg directly can be most demonstrated with the formation of university humanism and the scholarly activities connected with the university of Prague after the middle of the century. The division into generations and the emphasis on Hasištejnský as the initiator of the humanistic literary efforts allowed Czech scholars for

to Neo-Latin Studies. Part I: History and Diffusion of Neo-Latin Literature, Leuven 1990, pp. 228–237. 116 Josef HEJNIC – Jan MARTÍNEK, Rukověť humanistického básnictví v Čechách a na Moravě / Enchiridion renatae poesis, vol. 3, Praha 1969, pp. 170–203; see also studies on Hasištejnský in the recent volume of Sborník Národního muzea/ Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae (series C, Historia Litterarum, vol. 52, 2007). 117 Jan MARTÍNEK, Humanistická škola na Hasištejně [A Humanist School at the Hasištejn Castle], in: Acta Universitatis Carolinae – Historia Universitatis Carolinae Pragensis 21, 1981, No. 2, pp. 23–47. 72 Lucie Storchová a number of decades to implicitly reduce the “German” influence and persists even in recent interpretations. Precisely the case of humanism at the University of Prague after the middle of the sixteenth century would allow to apply the analytical instruments of Kulturtransferforschung – somewhat paradoxically given the suppression of the “German” transfer in the historiography. If we look at the case of Bohemian university humanism from the 1550s onwards through this prism,118 it is necessary to take into consideration the various forms of humanist literature, scholarly communication and sociability in the transalpine regions. One should take into account, though, that the use of the term “transalpine” itself is also anchored in the conception of the transfer of humanist erudition from the Italian centres to other European regions. Hence, it is essential to challenge the very idea of the monolithic character of Renaissance humanism on the territory of Europe and, by doing so, the interpretation that it was primarily a civilizational project in which particular regions participated. As I have mentioned elsewhere,119 in this sense university humanism in Bohemia after the middle of the sixteenth century cannot be approached as a new philosophy of mankind or as a renewal of the Roman humanitas. “Humanism” in the Transalpine milieu was often a broadly shared set of literary and communicative techniques; a certain type of writing and work with intertexts laid a foundation for a humanist language community, on which a consensus (mainly unconsidered) dominated. This type of writing was based on the pretexts, authorities and literary approaches, which humanists mastered in the long-term process of instruction based on excerpting, memorizing and imitation. The school editions and handbooks from the period when this shared type of rhetoric established itself in the Bohemian lands show clearly that it was a direct transfer of inter-texts and didactic and literary techniques from Saxon universities influenced by Melanchthon’s curriculum (the

118 I have devoted more attention to the literary fields of the University of Prague in my recent book; the following interpretation is a summary of its main conclusions. Cf. Lucie STORCHOVÁ, Paupertate styloque connecti. Utváření humanistické učenecké komunity v českých zemích [Paupertate styloque connecti. Formation of the Humanist Scholarly Community in the Bohemian Lands], Praha 2011. See also Lucie STOR- CHOVÁ, Bohemian School Humanism and Its Editorial Practices (ca. 1550–1610), Turn- hout 2014, pp. 13–66). 119 Ibidem, pp. 27–55; Lucie STORCHOVÁ, „Durchschnittliche“ Gelehrtenpraxis im Hu- manismus nördlich der Alpen? Der Umgang mit Homers und Vergils Epen in den Prager Universitätsvorlesungen des Matthaeus Collinus im Jahr 1557, in: Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae, series C, Historia Litterarum, vol. 57, 2012, 3, pp. 42–46. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 73 cultural boundaries between the two regions were determined by a significant degree by confession). In a different context I have labelled this type of rhetoric as Melan chthonian Ciceronianism, since Golden Age Latin writers – and chiefly Cicero himself – were considered to be the main source of specific phrases, citations and writing rules. In Bohemia, this type of writing was established after the 1540s due to the activity of a relatively small group of Latin-writing poets (the so-called group of Jan the Elder Hodějovský of Hodějov, the most active member was Matthaeus Collinus).120 At that time, these poets returned from their studies in Wittenberg (they continued to maintain epistolary contacts with Melanchthon and others), issued the first teaching manuals and florilegia adopted directly from the Melanchthon curriculum and published the first collections of occasional Latin poetry celebrating the events of the lives of the patrons (birthday poems, wedding songs etc.). Melanchthonian Ciceronian- ism and the teaching model was implemented at the same time at the University of Prague respectively at its only functioning faculty (arts) and became the basic, widely shared requisite for Latin communication and literary production connected with the university. Melanchthonian Ciceronianism was practiced by Bohemian humanists in a rigid form for more than 50 years and it remained influential until the closure of the university and decline of the university communication structures in the 1630s. Were we to use the terminological instruments from historical research on transfers, a certain re-functionalization of the transferred set of pretexts and literary practices seemed to have occurred in the case of Bohemian university humanism. Whereas in other European territories for the entire second half of the sixteenth century discussions were led on the orthodoxy of style concerning mainly to what degree to imitate ancient models at all121 or for which authors to allow imita- tions as a model, these discussions did not take place at the Univer- sity of Prague. On the contrary, a whole literary field formed around

120 L. STORCHOVÁ, Paupertate styloque connecti, pp. 110–182. 121 Of the discussions on style, cf. e.g. Jean LECOINTE, L’idèal et la diffèrence. La perception de la personnalité littéraire à la Renaissance, Genève 1992, pp. 107–108; Ann MOSS, Printed Commonplace-Books and the Structuring of Renaissance Thought, Oxford 199, pp. 63–64; Jan-Dirk MÜLLER, Warum Cicero? Erasmus’ Ciceronianus und das Problem der Autorität, in: Scientia poetica 3, 1999, pp. 23– 24; Joann DELLANEVA (ed.), Ci- ceronian Controversies, London 2007; Jörg ROBERT, Die Ciceronianismus-Debatte, in: Hebert Jaumann (ed.), Diskurse der Gelehrtenkultur in der Frühen Neuzeit, Berlin – New York 2011, pp. 1–54. 74 Lucie Storchová the institution comprised with a surprisingly large number (more than a thousand) mostly “second-rate” Latin authors, who shared the type of writing and cooperated on literary projects organized by the university –they were mainly anthologies of occasional poetry for other authors and patrons and also for graduates of the university, who often worked in Bohemian towns in which the university administered the local schools. The relative rigidity of the literary practice contributed to the isolation of Bohemian humanists, since only a very small part of them – chiefly physicians, astronomers or experts on the history of religion – were capable of participating in scholastic communication and projects outside of Bohemia. The literary field of the University of Prague functioned as a closed communication structure with sophisticated and intensive practices of collective authorship, with shared legitimization strategies and self- presentations.122 University literary techniques, particular pretexts, figures and self-presentations were shared by hundreds of Bohemian humanists active in smaller towns.123 The town circles can be understood as regionally cooperating groups of former graduates, students, and teachers at municipal schools or other men of letters, of whom a part worked at municipal offices. They represented the main public, the source of support and at the same time of the contributions to collective volumes. The cooperation was based on the university institution as themain initiator of regional literary production, taking place almost exclusively inside the boundaries of its influence. Already the fact that the university organized and controlled intellectual activities and communication in such a large area distinguishes this field from the scholarly activities of other European regions; moreover, it was often an “average” and “consumerist” production, which cannot be compared with the great literary enterprises of humanistic cultural icons of the type of Erasmus. This mediocrity is, however, absolutely crucial to understand that Re naissance humanism cannot be considered as a homogeneous cultural phenomenon; the existing focus of scholars on its elite forms can also be connected with the above-mentioned European civilization narrative.

122 L. STORCHOVÁ, Paupertate styloque connecti, pp. 183–230. 123 Ibidem, pp. 231–254. The Role of ( Trans)National (Meta)Narratives in Representations of Cultural Transfers 75

Conclusion

In this study, I have endeavoured to summarize the contemporary debates on historical Kulturtransferforschung and to draw attention to the new and inspirational research on representations of cultural transfer and their value and ideological frameworks. These are not yet sufficiently discussed in historical research and can – particularly in combination with historical narrativism – be used in a very supportive way for an analysis of both the earlier and recent historiography dealing with cultural phenomena distinctly connoted in terms of civilization and values, as Renaissance humanism is. The case of Olomouc humanism shows how historians (most eminently in connection with the ideas of nation, civilization and progress) have relied on the thesis of proto-humanism (with its anticipated Italian roots) or have sought the origins of Olo- mouc humanism in various regions (Poland, the court in Vienna). In the case of Prague university humanism, on the other hand, the division into generations suggests the idea of a homogeneity and continuity of humanism in Bohemia and the fact historians put so much emphasis on the founding figure of Bohuslav Hasištejnský within the first generation (again with his Italian ties) could somewhat “conceal” the “mainstream level” of humanist communication and literary activities as well as the direct influence of the Saxon universities as such. These two cases alone, relatively marginal from the perspective of European research on humanism, show what potential the concepts of representation and cultural transfer have, e.g. for comparative research of European historiography dealing with early modern intellectual history. Such an analysis could possibly lead to a wider reflection of the contexts and the impacts of how historical knowledge is produced. On a particular level it could then even challenge the narrative on Renais- sance humanism as the significant turning point in the story of Euro- pean civilization progress. Yet, it can be expected that this narrative, just like other value-connoted representations of cultural transfers in the past, will have a significant persistence in the public space, because they can still play a role in shaping collective identities. Such stories are components of an unreflected cultural consensus, which clearly also applies for the rhetoric used to describe cultural transfers. Last but not least, the level of scientific research policy should be mentioned and here mainly the strategies for acquiring support for research, in which precisely representations of cultural transfers, namely how they allow specific regions to participate in “European history”, are often a wel- come argument.

Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation. Bohemian Lands as a Space of Translation Flows During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries1

Veronika Čapská

Central Europe has an extraordinary tradition of translation research represented for example by Jiří Levý or Mary Snell-Hornby, to name just a few. It also has a historical heritage of linguistic diversity which was largely lost and transformed. The disappearance of the status of German as lingua franca in East-Central Europe or the near loss of Yid- dish or Lower and Upper Sorbian can serve as examples for the linguistic transformation in Europe. To historicize translation and to explore it as means of cultural transfer it is necessary to follow the dynamic developments of both historical and translatological research.2 Since the 1980s, both translation studies and historiography have been undergoing a cultural turn which has fostered their potential for intensive cooperation. However, studies in pre-modern cultural history of translation are still quite rare and this applies even more to Cen- tral and Eastern Europe.3 Despite the fact that both translation studies

1 This text was written as part of my postdoctoral research project supported by the Czech Science Foundation grant No. P405/11/P510. It was elaborated during my Vis- iting Fellowship held at the Department of History and Civilization at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy. The Fellowship was enabled by the European Social Fund and its project “Historicising Central Europe” which was awarded to the Institute of Historical Studies at the Silesian University in Opava (Czech Republic) (CZ.1.07/2.3.00/20.0031). I wish to thank Janine C. Maegraith for her kind comments. 2 In this study I will employ the widespread term translation studies and the less known term translatology as synonyms. 3 Rare examples of this research include recently László KONTLER, Translations, Histories, Enlightenments: William Robertson in Germany, 1760–1795, New York 2014. Hanna Orsolya VINCZE, The Stakes of Translation and Vernacularisation in Early Mod- ern Hungary, in: European Review of History/Revue européenne d’histoire 16, 2009, 78 Veronika Čapská and cultural history identify themselves as “interdisciplines” their mutual crossfertilization has been rather weak. In my essay I explore how they intersect and could be more effectively interconnected. I will at first outline the state of current research and draw attention to the main debates. Then I will suggest how the field could be studied in a more complex way by introducing a model of Bohemian lands as a space of translation flows. Translatology is a relatively young discipline that encompasses much more than merely the practical activity of translating. For a long time pragmatic translation was regarded as part of applied linguistics and literary translation as a subfield of comparative literature. The- eman cipation of translation studies from literary theory and linguistics, its establishment as a separate discipline and broadening of its research interests was closely connected with the cultural turn since the 1980s.4 One of the pioneers of the cultural turn in translation research, Susan Bassnett, aptly described the situation of translatology on its verge towards an independent discipline in the 1970s:

“The study of translation occupied a minor corner of applied linguistics, an even more minor corner of literary studies, and no position at all in the newly developing cultural studies. Even those who worked in translation and other related fields appeared to experience a kind of schizophrenic transformation when it came to methodological questions. In an age that was witnessing the emergence of deconstruction, people still talked about ‘definitive’ translations, about ‘accuracy’ and ‘faithfulness’ and ‘equivalence’ between linguistic and literary systems. Translation was the Cinderella subject, not taken seriously at all, and the language used to discuss work in translation was astonish- ingly antiquated when set against the new critical vocabularies that were dominating literary studies in general. To pass from a seminar on literary theory to a seminar on translation in those days was to move from the end of the twentieth century to the 1930s.”5

The cultural turn in translation studies has brought about an increase of interest in translation as a form of cultural transfer and a shift from

No. 1, pp. 63–78. EADEM, The Politics of Translation and Transmission: Basilikon Doron in Hungarian Political Thought, Cambridge 2012. Further in this study I also refer to works by Tomáš Svoboda. 4 Mary SNELL-HORNBY, The Turns of Translation Studies. New Paradigms or Shifting Viewpoints? Amsterdam – Philadelphia 2006, pp. 46–67. 5 Susan BASSNETT, The Translation Turn in Cultural Studies, in: Susan Bassnett – An- dré Lefevere (edd.), Constructing Cultures: Essays on Literary Translation, Clevedon 1998, p. 124. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 79 adoration of the original (source) text to the appreciation of the translation and its function in the target culture. In 1984 Hans Vermeer explicitly stated that translation is more a cultural than a linguistic transfer.6 Concurrently the gradual re-evaluation of the role of the translator occurred as translators came to be regarded as co-authors and cultural intermediaries rather than mere language mediators.7 Unlike translatology, history is a long established discipline whose cultural turn since the 1970s and the subsequent rise of the so called new cultural history were mainly shaped by its increased dialogue with cultural anthropology and literary studies. This development brought about a heightened emphasis on the interpretations of meanings. More- over, the linguistic turn in historical studies advanced the analyses of representations and the employment of categories of difference (such as ethnicity, gender, religion, age, class etc.) in historical research. Another analytically and theoretically grounded stream of research introduced comparative and subsequently cultural transfer and entangled histories (histoire croisée) which share a common interest in overcoming the limits of national frameworks of interpretation. Over the past three decades historical research of translation has moved beyond the field of intellectual history to become one of the most prolific areas of cultural history. It is often studied in close connection with the processes of cultural transmission or transfer. Historians such as Peter Burke have long reminded us that translation is central to cultural history8 and that “all major cultural exchanges in history involved translation”.9 Although the profiles of both history and translatology have been significantly shaped by the cultural turn, there has been a surprising deficit in coordinated joint research in translation history, much to the disadvantage of the field. There are many points in which both “interdisciplines” intersect. Above all they share a growing interest in creative transformation, active reception of texts and the purposes of their transmission.

6 His conference paper was published in 1986. Cf. Hans VERMEER, Übersetzen als kultureller Transfer, in: Mary Snell-Hornby (ed.), Übersetzungswissenschaft – eine Neu orientierung. Zur Integrierung von Theorie und Praxis, Tübingen 1986, pp. 30–53. 7 Cf. H. VERMEER, Übersetzen als kultureller Transfer, p. 52. M. SNELL-HORNBY, The Turns, pp. 50–62. 8 Peter BURKE, Lost (and Found) in Translation: A Cultural History of Translators and Translating in Early Modern Europe, in: European Review 15, 2007, No. 1, p. 83. 9 Peter BURKE – Ronnie PO-CHIA HSIA, Introduction, in: Iidem, Cultural Transla- tion in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge 2007, p. 1. 80 Veronika Čapská

In addition to recently “going cultural”, both history and translatology have a long tradition of social approaches and could share an emphasis on analysing translation as a social practice pursued by various social actors operating in social networks, including patronage structures. In order to explain historical translation phenomena, the social dimension seems vital as it enables us to see not only the texts but also the actors and social spaces around them.10 Notwithstanding the growing popularity of historical translation studies, very little scholarly attention has been paid to this field in the Czech Republic. Moreover, despite the promising potential of interdisciplinary collaboration, historians and translation scholars have so far not cooperated intensively in this area. There exists a collection of papers published by the members of the Institute of Translatology at the Charles University in Prague titled Chapters from the History of Czech Translation in 2002.11 However, the main focus of the volume is on the history of translation into Czech language from the nineteenth century onwards. The contributors subscribe to the concept of translation history interpreted as an important part of the so called “national literature” and “national culture”.12 But such an approach does not provide much space for the pre-modern cultural history of translation and poses major problems even for modern history since it favours the research paradigm structured by national literatures and national histories as it had gradually formed exactly from the nineteenth century onwards. This approach applied to Bohemia or, more broadly, to the Lands of the Bohemian Crown, would result and indeed partly led to the separate study of the histories of translations into Czech on the one hand, and into German on the other hand as distinct parts of respective “national cultures”.13 There is thus a significant deficit in research on both pre-modern and modern translation which would reflect the linguistic and cultural diversity of the region and which would enable to capture and analyse cultural interchanges. If we do not adopt the perspective of cultural transfer and entanglement as an integral part of studying socio-cultural

10 Cf. Anthony PYM, Introduction: On the Social and Cultural in Translation Studies, in: Anthony Pym – Miriam Shlesinger – Zuzana Jettmarová (edd.), Sociocultural Aspect of Translating and Interpreting, Amsterdam 2006, pp. 1–25. 11 Milan HRALA (ed.), Kapitoly z dějin českého překladu [Chapters from the History of Czech Translation], Praha 2002. 12 M. HRALA, Úvodní poznámka [Introductory Remark], in: Idem, Kapitoly z dějin, pp. 7–8. 13 Ibidem, p. 9. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 81 history, we remain with the problem of isolated, parallel national histories. If we move beyond the national framework, it may become clear that even long cherished gems of “national literatures and cultures” may actually turn out to be previously unsuspected translations, as it has been recently established in the case of the baroque sacred hymn cycle Czech Lute (Loutna česká) by the south Bohemian poet and composer Adam Václav Michna of Otradovice (1600–1676).14 As has been shown by Jan Kvapil, Michna rendered the hymnal Epithalamium Marianum by the Bavarian Jesuit Johannes Khuen (1606–1675) into Czech and he probably composed his own melodies for the hymns.15 If we take into account that the majority of circulating texts in early modern Europe were translations and adaptations rather than original writings, the importance of thinking in terms of permanently interconnected societies instead of national states, literatures and cultures becomes obvious. Translation history can significantly contribute to overcome the limits of national interpretations. At the same time we face the problem of what framework to use for a historical analysis of translation flows. Instead of studying societies along strictly linguistic, ethnic, confessional or geographic lines, it is essential to move beyond towards a more open definition of socio-cultural space. We need an inclusive definition which does not construct differences and exclude on the basis of language, ethnic, national, confessional, gender and other categories. We need a definition which can accommodate various languages and diverse social actors, such as exiles and women. Therefore I suggest to acknowledge the socio-cultural diversity and to employ the concept of the “space of flows”, that is to view the Bohemian lands as a space of translation flows. This would provide us with a usefully elastic frame. It draws on the social definition of space formulated by Manuel Castells who understands space as shaped by social practices. Such an approach would enable us to shift emphasis from strictly geographical boundaries to socially constructed space. Castells assumes that “space is a material product, in relationship

14 Cf. Jan KVAPIL, Nálezová zpráva o přímé předloze Michnovy Loutny české [Report on a Newly Found Direct Source of Michna’s Czech Lute], in: Česká literatura 52, 2004, No. 5, pp. 742–743. Miloš SLÁDEK, Ukotvenost a ukotvitelnost pojmu barok v českých literárních vodách aneb žvavý článek pro vyvolání diskuse [Anchoring the term “Baroque” in Czech Literary Waters? Or a Loquacious Article to Incite a Discussion], in: Česká literatura 53, 2005, No. 3, pp. 309–323. 15 J. KVAPIL, Nálezová zpráva, pp. 742–743. 82 Veronika Čapská to other material products – including people – who engage in [historically] determined social relationships that provide space with a form, a function, and a social meaning”.16 In this case, my thesis is that the “space of flows” was shaped by the circulation of books and the movement of social actors involved in the processes of translating, publishing, reading etc. Castells elaborated the concept of society constructed around flows: “flows of capital, flows of information, flows of technology, flowsof organizational interaction, flows of images, sounds, and symbols”.17 Translation studies scholars such as Esperança Bielsa and Susan Bass- nett, have observed that Castells is interested in both the processes of circulation and production, but did not proceed to analyse translation flows since as a sociologist he is concerned with the role of electronic language in the interrelated social dynamics.18 However, if we historicize his “space of flows” in the rise of the network society, we also open the space for bringing the language back while avoiding the national framework. As it is clear from Castells’ definition of flows, the aspect of exchange is at its core: “By flows I understand purposeful, repetitive, program- mable sequences of exchange and interaction between physically dis- jointed positions held by social actors in the economic, political and symbolic structures of society.”19 Understanding of flow as a repetitive phenomenon, a sequence of interchanges, presupposes centres of such long-term exchange processes and I believe that an analysis of centres of translation activities provides an excellent starting point for the study of translation history in Central Europe. In this study I will adapt Castells’ concept to early modern empirical material to look at the Bohemian lands as a space of translation flows in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The research of early modern translation in Bohemian lands has so far focused predominantly on Renaissance humanist translations from Latin into Czech.20 The long

16 Manuel CASTELLS, The Information Age: Economy, Society, and Culture. Vol. I. The Rise of the Network Society, Chichester 2010, p. 441. 17 Ibidem, p. 442. 18 Esperança BIELSA – Susan BASSNETT, Translation in Global News, Abingdon 2009, pp. 23–25. 19 M. CASTELLS, The Information Age ,I p. 442. 20 An important long-term forum for philological research of translation has been the Czech journal Listy filologické/Folia philologica. Cf. for example Emil PRAŽÁK, Český překlad Platonovy Politeie z 15. století [Czech Translation of Plato’s Politeia from the Fifteenth Century], in: Listy filologické/Folia philologica 84, 1961, No. 1, pp. 102– Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 83 tradition of research in the dissemination of Renaissance humanism through translation is not unique to Czech scholarship and has been connected with the high value ascribed to Renaissance humanism within the grand narrative of Western civilizational progress and European identity politics as shown by Lucie Storchová in this volume. Moreover, at the level of the Czech historical master narrative, the subsequent period of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, especially the time after the defeat of the insurgent estates at the battle of White Mountain in 1620, has been associated with the negatively connoted “Catholic conquest”, “Germanization”, Habsburg centralization and was labelled as the period of “darkness”. Translation research in the Post-White Mountain era has mostly been limited to lyrical poetry and hymns by Jesuit authors, Fridrich Bridel and Felix Kadlinský.21 These genres were clearly not as politically charged and attracted attention mainly for their “aesthetic value”, generally an important category for literary scholars. In a recent summary of the Post-White Mountain translation history, Tomáš Svoboda again focused on the aesthetic level and searched for the baroque norm of translation.22 From the perspective of cultural history which employs the anthropological concept of culture dissolving the distinction between “high”

108. Two humanist translations of Eusebios’ Church history (and beyond) are compared in Eduard PETRŮ, Eusebiova Historie církevní a otázky českého humanistického překladu [Eusebios’ Ecclesiastical History and Questions regarding the Czech Hu- manist Translation], in: Listy filologické/Folia philologica 91, 1968, No. 1, pp. 62–73. Cf. also Josef HEJNIC, Erasmus Rotterdamský a české země ve druhém desetiletí 16. století [Erasmus of Rotterdam and the Bohemian Lands in the Second Decade of the Six- teenth Century], in: Listy filologické/Folia philologica 109, 1986, No. 4, pp. 214–221. 21 Cf. Frank BOLDT, Básnické umění Felixe Kadlinského ve vztahu k Friedrichovi von Spee. Příspěvek k hodnocení českého literárního baroka [The Art of Poetry of Felix Kadlinský in Relation to Friedrich von Spee. A Contribution to the Evaluation of the Czech Literary Baroque], PhD dissertation, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, Praha 1969. Cf. also Jindřich VESELÝ, Český překlad od středověku do národního obrození [Czech Translations from the Middle Ages to the National Revival], in: M. Hrala (ed.), Kapitoly z dějin, p. 28. 22 Tomáš Svoboda published two articles related to this topic but his doctoral thesis remained unpublished. Cf. Tomáš SVOBODA, Barokologické bádání v dějinách českého překladu mezi lety 1945 a 2003 [Research on Baroque in the History of Czech Transla- tion between 1945 and 2003], in: Milan Hrala (ed.), Český překlad 1945–2003, Praha 2004, pp. 163–172; Tomáš SVOBODA, Metodologické implikace pro zkoumání barokního období v dějinách překladu [Method in the Baroque Translation History Research], in: Marie Janečková – Jarmila Alexová – Věra Pospíšilová et al. (edd.), Slovesné baroko ve středoevropském kontextu, Praha 2010, pp. 186–201. For more, see Tomáš SVO- BODA, Barokní normy překladu se zřetelem k česko-německým literárním kontaktům [Ba- roque Translation Norms with Regard to Czech-German Literary Contacts], PhD dissertation, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, Praha 2004, pp. 48–49. 84 Veronika Čapská and “low” culture, there is a need for a broader, more inclusive research of translation as a socio-cultural activity. Translation does not only take place between languages and cultures but also in a specific social space. Therefore, while taking a cultural transfer approach I will also historicize Castells’ concept of the space of flows.

Three Examples of Translation Centres: the Jesuit, Pietist and (Swéerts-)Sporck Translation Projects

The current state of research allows me to identify three major centres or long-term projects of translation activities and to use them as my main empirical basis to explore the Bohemian lands as a space of translation flows. Two of these centres, the Jesuit circle around Jiří Plachý-Ferus and Fridrich Bridel and the exile project Collegium biblicum bohemicum based in Halle (then Brandenburg), have been recently addressed in brief by Tomáš Svoboda and dubbed as “translation schools”. Although they have been known a long time (e.g. E. Winter, H. Rösel) and can even be regarded as entangled, they have never been examined together.23 As the third major translation project I have chosen the long-term translation activities connected with the noble families of Sporck and Swéerts-Sporck. In this case I can draw on older work of Pavel Preiss and especially on my own ongoing research which has shown that the translation and book patronage had a longer tradition in this aristocratic family than previously known.24 The work of this project largely coincided with the translation and editing activities of the Halle circle. Moreover, count Franz Anton Sporck and the Pietists cultivated mutual contacts which provide another valuable case for exploring translation from the viewpoint of entangled history.

23 Cf. T. SVOBODA, Barokní normy překladu, pp. 153, 204–206. 24 Cf. Pavel PREISS, František Antonín Špork a barokní kultura v Čechách [František An- tonín Sporck and the Baroque Culture in Bohemia], Praha 20032. See also Milena LENDEROVÁ – Jitka RADIMSKÁ, Barokní čtenářky: Eleonora a Anna Kateřina Šporkovy, Marie Arnoštka Eggenbergová [The Baroque Readers: Eleonora and Anna Katharina von Sporck, Marie Ernestine von Eggenberg], in: Milena Lenderová (ed.), Eva nejen v ráji. Žena v Čechách od středověku do 19. století, Praha 2002, pp. 131– 154. Recently Veronika ČAPSKÁ, A Publishing Project of Her Own – Anna Katharina Swéerts-Sporck as a Patroness of the Servite Order and a Promoter of Devotional Literature, in: Cornova: Revue České společnosti pro výzkum 18. století a FF UK v Praze 1, 2011, No. 1, pp. 77–78. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 85

Castells’s theory of the space of flows will serve me as an interpretive grid for exploring the movement of people and texts in these three translation projects and in a broader sense for analysing how they shaped the emerging network society. According to Castells, the space of flows is constituted by the combination of at least three layers of material support:25 The first layer he defines as the infrastructure that builds up the network and enables exchanges of flows. It includes various technological, communication and transportation devices and systems which serve as a “material support of simultaneous practices”.26 The second layer of material support is constituted of the hubs and nodes in the network, i.e. of places which perform various functions (such as coordinative or strategic) in the complex processes of production and exchange. These places provide the network with the specific geography that may change in time.27 The third layer in the space of flows is seen by Castells in the social actors who supervise and organize the network. These cosmopolitan elites use the network to spread their views and beliefs but also to repro- duce their positions. They secure financing and are thus closely linked with power which flows from the patronage structures. Studying translation flows by means of exploring the layers of their material support seems particularly suitable for past textual practices involved in the translation processes (besides translating itself, also reading, writing, correcting etc.) as these were not preserved and only their material evidence survives (books, letters, proofs etc.). Adapting Castells’ research framework for early modern empirical material I will at first look at the layers of material support of translation flows connected with the three selected translation projects. I will then proceed to explore entanglements and ask how these major translation projects were interconnected with each other and with broader early modern networks.

1. The Jesuit Translation Centre

The role of the Jesuits in translation flows in early modern Europe has been recently addressed by Peter Burke who suggested that Jesuit translation activities in East-Central Europe played a more significant role in

25 M. CASTELLS, The Information Age ,I p. 442. 26 Ibidem. 27 Ibidem, pp. 443–445. 86 Veronika Čapská early modern cultural history of the region than they did in the West.28 His hypothesis reveals that there is a need for more systematic study and I will attempt to show how much it can be profited only at this point from interconnecting Burke’s macroperspective with the forefront case studies that shaped the scholarship on Bohemian Jesuit translation and publishing activities over the past century.29 In the lands of the Bohemian Crown the Jesuit engagement in translating and publishing entered a profoundly new context after the defeat of the insurgent estates at the battle of the White Mountain in 1620 as the Habsburg rulers largely relied on the Jesuit order in the process of replacing the old “heretical” tradition with the new, orthodox Catholic model. In the Habsburg project of “converting Bohemia” the growing demand for Catholic books created the situation in which translating, adapting and compiling books were the most effective ways of securing the supply of usable texts.30 In 1623 the Jesuit province of Bohemia was established and it included houses in Moravia, Silesia and the county of Kladsko (Glatz).31 The individual Jesuits were usually moved between various houses during their lives but a clear centre from which their publishing and transla-

28 Peter BURKE, The Jesuits and the Art of Translation in Early Modern Europe, in: John O’Malley et al. (ed.), The Jesuits II. Cultures, Sciences and the Arts 1540–1770, To- ronto 2006, pp. 24–32. 29 Some of the research had quite dramatic fates. A seminal book by Josef Vašica from 1938 was only published in its second edition in 1995. Cf. Josef VAŠICA, České lit- erární baroko. Příspěvky k jeho studiu [Czech Literary Baroque. Contributions to Its Study], Brno 19952. The publication of a groundbreaking monograph on Fridrich Bridel by Antonín Škarka was delayed by twenty years until it could finally be published during the Prague spring. Cf. Antonín ŠKARKA, Fridrich Bridel nový a neznámý [Fridrich Bridel New and Unknown], Praha 1969. See also Miloš SLÁDEK, „Antonín Škarka nový a neznámý“ aneb dobové okolnosti vydání souboru studií o Fridrichu Bridelovi [“Antonín Škarka New and Unknown.” Or the Period Circumstances of Publishing a Collection of Studies on Fridrich Bridel], in: Marie Škarpová et al. (edd.), Omni- bus fiebat omnia. Kontexty života a díla Fridricha Bridelia SJ (1619–1680), (Antiqua Cuthna 4), Praha 2008, pp. 278–284. For more recent studies, cf. Jiří K. KROUPA, Bridelovsko-čapkovské variace [Variations on Bridel and Čapek], in: Vojtěch VANĚK – Blanka ALTOVÁ (edd.) Kutná Hora v době baroka, (Antiqua Cuthna I), Praha 2005, pp. 75–95. See also Jan LINKA, Logica coelestis aneb setkání Fridricha Bridelia s Johan- nem Nadasim [Logica coelestis or Fridrich Bridel Meets Johann Nadasi], in: Marie Škarpová et al. (edd.), Omnibus fiebat omnia. Kontexty života a díla Fridricha Bride- lia SJ (1619–1680), (Antiqua Cuthna 4), Praha 2010, pp. 49–72. 30 For the term “converting Bohemia” cf. the recent book by Howard LOUTHAN, Con- verting Bohemia. Force and Persuasion in the Catholic Reformation, Cambridge, UK 2009. 31 The Bohemian Jesuit province included all of Silesia until 1755. Cf.Ivana ČORNEJOVÁ, Tovaryšstvo Ježíšovo. Jezuité v Čechách [The Society of Jesus. Jesuits in Bohemia], Praha 2002, p. 113. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 87 tion activities were directed and coordinated can be seen in the Prague college of St. Clement where the order ran a printing office approximately since 1632.32 This requires a closer look at the infrastructure of the Jesuit translation activities. Current research shows a key role of the Jesuit printing office supervisors in organizing translation activities of the order. The official title of the supervisor was praefectus typographiae and his assistant was called socius. Some of the supervisors were active practitioners of the word, authors and translators themselves such as Jiří Plachý-Ferus (1585–1655), Fridrich Bridel (1619–1680) and Jiří Kon- stanz (1607–1676).33 In the Prague Jesuit printing house the vast networks of the Jesu- it order and of the printers’ guild intersected. Technical matters and actual process of book printing were directed by the factor who was a layman. He was assisted by several other lay members of the printers’ guild – mostly journeymen and apprentices. This arrangement proved to be an asset in the long run but it also led to conflicts which are of interest to us. Due to a lack of journeymen in the Post-White Mountain era, it was not rare that Jesuits also accepted non-Catholic journeymen.34 At the same time the strong imperial reliance on the Jesuits in the project of confessional homogenisation of the monarchy found its expression in various privileges the Habsburgs issued in favour of their Prague printing office. In 1648 the printing house was granted a privilege by Emper- or Ferdinand III according to which the factor had a right to issue journeyman certificates valid in the Holy Roman Empire and all Habsburg hereditary lands.35 In 1658 Emperor Leopold I issued a privilege stating that the Jesuits can print and sell the spiritual and educational literature and prints pertinent to their religious institution. It penalized the unauthorized reprint of their editions and ordered that office apprentices

32 Cf. Monika KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů z Národního archivu [ Jesuit Printing Office in Prague (1635–1773) – On the Basis of the Sources in the National Archives], Sborník Národního Muzea v Praze/Acta Mu- sei Nationalis Pragae, Series C 50, 2005, pp. 1–42; EADEM, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773) a porovnání jejího fungování s jezuitskými tiskárnami v okolních zemích [The Jesuit Printing Office in Prague (1635–1773). Comparison of its Operation with Jesuit Printing Houses in Neighbouring Countries], in: Rostislav Krušinský (ed.), Proble matika historických a vzácných knižních fondů Čech, Moravy a Slezska 2007, Olo- mouc – Brno 2008, pp. 245–254. 33 For a full list of the Jesuit supervisors of the printing office, see M. KOLDOVÁ, Je zuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů, p. 9. 34 M. KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů, p. 10. 35 Ibidem, pp. 6, 37. 88 Veronika Čapská and journeymen are subject to the urban printers’ guild.36 The right to sell books contained in the privilege of Leopold I was only put into practice in 1675 when the Jesuits opened a bookstore.37 It seems that the accumulation of imperial and other privileges, opening a bookstore and binding its book catalogues into published books,38 along with other signs that Jesuits started to change the equilibrium of the printing and book market to their favour, led to a crisis. In the second half of the 1670s, when the Jesuit Jindřich Chlumecký held the office of praefectus typographiae, some printers’ guild members rebelled and a written complaint of “all booksellers, printers and bookbinders of all three Prague royal towns”39 was sent to the rector of the Jesuit College. This can be regarded as a symptom of this crisis and interpreted in terms of a clash between the urban guild networks and increasingly global Jesuit networks which provided the order with advantages local artisans could not compete with. The artisans thus- re sponded by safeguarding their guild rights. Probably in early 1678 the factor of the Jesuit printing office, Václav Zelenka, wrote an apologetic letter in which he described the revolt of printing workers from the preceding year 1677.40 As I will illustrate, the Jesuit printing office in Prague created a situation not dissimilar to that described by Robert Darnton in his virtuoso analysis of another printer workers’ revolt, the Great Cat Massacre: “During the second half of the seventeenth century, the large printing houses, backed by the government, eliminated most of the smaller shops and an oligarchy of masters seized control of the industry. At the same time the situation of the journeymen deteriorated.”41

36 Ibidem, pp. 7, 38–39. 37 Ibidem, p. 20. 38 For more on other printing privileges, see Ibidem, pp. 6–7. On the book catalogues with price lists, see Ibidem, p. 20. 39 All translations are mine. “Gesambte Buchhandler, Buchdrucker und Buchbänder der König[lichen] 3 Prager Stätten” The complaint is not signed but declares it is backed by these Prague guilds. For the quote cf. Ibidem, p. 20. 40 Already in 1967 the archivist Karel Beránek drew attention to this printing workers’ revolt in his short article. See Karel BERÁNEK, Z mládí pražského tiskaře Vojtěcha Koniáše [About the Youth of the Prague Printer Vojtěch Koniáš], in: Strahovská knihovna 2, 1967, pp. 109–113. More recently, cf. M. KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů, pp. 11–12. 41 Robert DARNTON, Workers Revolt: The Great Cat Massacre of the Rue Saint Séverin, in: Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History, New York 1999, p. 79. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 89

The central actor of the event, Jiří Vojtěch Koniáš (in fact thefu- ture factor of the Jesuit printing office and Prague printer himself), was refused his journeyman certificate after his four year term by the Jesuit praefectus typographiae Jindřich Chlumecký, probably on personal grounds. Chlumecký let him work further as an apprentice and hin- dered his promotion to the journeymen level.42 However, according to the above mentioned privilege bestowed upon the office by Ferdinand III, the right to decide and promote apprentices to journeymen and to issue certificates for them remained with the factor, not the Jesuit supervisor.43 The print workers thus considered Chlumecký’s decision to be an unjustified interference with their rights and a usurpation of the factor’s prerogative. In a guild meeting they decided to promote Koniáš to a journeyman and pressured the factor Václav Zelenka to issue a journeyman certificate for him which he did. Chlumecký refused to pay Koniáš as a journeyman and had him arrested in the city prison. The print workers immediately went on strike. When their negotiations with the university rector did not proceed well, they broke the prison bars open with the support by workers from other printing offices and freed Koniáš.44 Afterwards they took him to the house of another Prague master printer Daniel Michálek and in the morning, on 27 May, he was promoted there to a journeyman in presence of his mother. On the subsequent day he left with the printer Dan- iel Michálek and his journeyman Johann Beck for Leipzig. When factor Zelenka and probably other journeymen were arrested two days later, the liberators of Koniáš wrote down a note confirming that Zelenka did not participate in freeing Koniáš and they left for Kladsko (Glatz).45 The printers’ revolt shows that members of the Prague printers’ guild were able to display a high degree of solidarity and that the Jesuit interpretation of their rights as office co-owners (together with the university) clashed with the artisans’ own idea of their rights. Moreover, leaving town temporarily on the basis of using broader printers’ networks was employed as an instrument of struggle with the highly networked Jesuits.

42 K. BERÁNEK, Z mládí pražského tiskaře, p. 110. 43 For the edited privilege of Ferdinand III, see M. KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů, p. 37. 44 K. BERÁNEK, Z mládí pražského tiskaře, pp. 110–111. M. KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů, p. 11. 45 K. BERÁNEK, Z mládí pražského tiskaře, pp. 110–111. M. KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů, p. 11. 90 Veronika Čapská

The second case of discontent with the way the Jesuits led and expanded their printing and related enterprise can provide us with valuable insights into the infrastructure and networks of the Jesuit printing office which was essential for the order’s translation activities. On 13 January 1678, Prague booksellers, printers and bookbinders sent a written complaint to the rector of the Jesuit College, Matěj Tanner, in which they argued that the Jesuit printing office practices were unfair and stretched its privileges too far. They describe that not only did the Jesuits sell foreign books but their offer counted several thousands of volumes. They thought the selling prices in the Jesuit catalogue were too low, so low that they made other printers look too expensive in the eyes of their customers. Moreover, for the members of the Jesuit order the prices were even lower.46 It should be added that Jesuit authors also paid lower prices for printing.47 The use of special “friendly prices” certainly aided the Jesuit’s vast translation activities. The collective complaint claimed that the Jesuits obtained books from abroad by exchange and thus evaded paying the customs to the state treasury. It further criticized that the Jesuits printed a full spectrum of literature, not only the spiritual and educational titles and works by their own authors, as specified in the privileges. Since unauthorized re- prints of their published works were forbidden, there hardly remained any thematic field other printers could cover.48 The complaint concluded with a reference to the old orders and claimed that purchasing and selling was the sphere of burghers and artisans, not of the clergy.49 In his answer the rector Matěj Tanner rejected these accusations. He explained that publishing book catalogues was an increasingly common practice abroad (in Cologne, Munich, Dillingen and Liège) and the Jesuits had to introduce it to be able to participate in international markets. According to Tanner the books stored in the Jesuit bookshop did not amount to several thousand titles but to less than one thousand. According to him, their prices were low because the Jesuits did not aim for undue profit and other booksellers should be ashamed for their excessive prices. The Jesuits obtained books by exchange because foreign booksellers did not want to buy the books of their printing office and the order did not have the means to only buy books.50

46 M. KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů, p. 20. 47 Ibidem, p. 19. 48 Ibidem, p. 20. 49 Ibidem, p. 20. 50 Ibidem, p. 21. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 91

The elaborate Jesuit system of book circulation and exchange can be further illustrated by another defensive letter by the librarian of the Jesuit College of St. Clement Jan Peletius who states that the foreign literature bought abroad was mostly specialized literature for the college library or it was ordered by individuals. Moreover the books were often transported by the Jesuits themselves when they travelled between the colleges and no one had the right to prohibit this Jesuit system of book circulation.51 A slightly later report on the number of Bible translations in storage written for the archiepiscopal consistory by the praefectus Chlumecký can add to the picture. According to Chlumecký the printing office and the bookstore housed 2,433 exemplars of the New Testament in Czech. This was the so called Bible of St. Wenceslas, a result of a major collective translation project, which was published by the Jesuit printing office in 1677.52 We can conclude that the Jesuit infrastructure and networks which facilitated the production and distribution of translations and books in general caused concerns with other Prague printers, booksellers and bookbinders as their mostly family-run offices could not effectively compete with them. Moreover, the Jesuit infrastructure did not remain limited to their printing office. The books written and translated by the Jesuit authors and translation teams were also published in other printing offices, especially when the capacity of the order-run facilities was exceeded. Let us move to the hubs and nodes of the Jesuit networks and explore how they functioned as a support for book circulation and translation flows. As we have seen above, the order used the occasional journeys and moves of its members to transport manuscripts and books. The Jesuit colleges with printing offices can be regarded as hubs in which the librarians and printing office supervisors coordinated the editorial programmes, using the supplies of library manuscripts, the pool of experienced Jesuit authors and proficient students to put original or, more often, translated works to print. The Bohemian province administered three universities in its territory: in Prague, Olomouc and Wrocław (Breslau). While the university in Olomouc never opened its own printing office and relied mostly on the printing service of the Ettel family and its heirs, the University in

51 Ibidem, p. 21. 52 Ibidem, p. 21. 92 Veronika Čapská

Wrocław, founded in 1702 by Emperor Leopold I, held the right to open a printing office since 1705.53 However, it did not manage to use it until much later as the first book printed there was published in 1726.54 The relation with the existing city printing office run by the Baumann family heirs was not as tense as in Prague since the Jesuits printed only Catho- lic books and in the predominantly Protestant Silesia thus did not pose a threat to the book market.55 The translation activities in Wrocław seem to have been less intense than in Prague but a thorough comparative study would be desirable in the future. The hubs and nodes of Jesuit networks were not necessarily located in major cities. Rather, their geographic layout was shaped by major patrons who provided material support often in close connection with their estates. The translation activities probably took place in the Jesuit colleges in Klatovy (Klattau), Jindřichův Hradec (Neuhaus), Březnice (Bresnitz) and the residence in Golčův Jeníkov (Goltz Jenikau). Let us now take an actor-centred perspective and move to the elites who supervised and organized segments of the space of translation flows. I will at first introduce major Jesuit translation projects and their organizers and explore how they used the existing networks to carry out these projects and to foster the networks. A major problem scholars encounter when researching early modern translation is the widespread phenomenon of publishing in anonymity or under a pseudonym. Thus, to focus on translators as historical actors also means to acknowledge the people hidden behind texts. The problem of anonymous and pseudonymous publishing occurs in most translation projects discussed here. When the first Jesuitpraefectus typographiae in Prague, Jiří Ferus took up his office in 1632, he started running a printing office and planning its long-term editorial programme. At that time he was already an experienced translator who rendered the lives of St. Ignatius of Loyola and St. Francis Xavier from Italian to Czech. He also translated Roman mar- tyrology from Latin into Czech under the pseudonym of Tomáš Ignác Placalius. Ferus himself never published any book under his own name

53 On the Jesuit printing in Olomouc, see Petr VOIT, Encyklopedie knihy [Encyclopedia of the Book], Praha 2006, p. 251. 54 Cf. M. KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773) a porovnání, pp. 250–251. Cf. Carsten RABE, Alma Mater Leopoldina: Kolleg und Universität der Jesuiten in Breslau, 1638–1811, Köln 1999, pp. 157–158. Agnieszka JÓŹWIAK, Der Breslauer Verlag Graß, Barth und Co. Geschichte und Veröffentlichungen, in: Silesia nova. Vierteljahresschrift für Kultur und Geschichte 2010, No. 3–4, p. 86. 55 Cf. C. RABE, Alma Mater Leopoldina, p. 158. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 93 and scholars thus rely on various lists of his works and shared characteristics some books display to identify his work.56 However, the vastness of book production that can be associated with Jiří Ferus led scholars to infer that it presupposed a broad collaborative effort and that Ferus was a spiritus agens and coordinator of a school which included his colleagues and students of Jesuit colleges who at certain stages performed tasks as authors, translators, correctors and editors.57 More recently, Jan Linka roughly estimated the number of published titles with various degree of Ferus’s authorial and editorial participation to about one hundred. The publishing of this voluminous production was not limited to the Jesuit printing office.58 Ferus probably also chose, revised and saw to the publication of older manuscripts from the library of the Jesuit college of St. Clement where he was a librarian from 1623 to 1644 and knew their holdings very well.59 One of his collaborators and successors was Jiří Konstanz. Probably instigated by Ferus he participated in rendering the Practice of Perfection and Christian Virtues by the Jesuit Alonso Rodriguez into Czech and in translating Philothea by Francis of Sales into Czech.60 The circle around Jiří Ferus translated primarily works by Jesuit authors, such as Orazio Torsellini, Roberto Bellarmino, Luca Pinelli or Johann Eusebius Nie- remberg.61 A Jesuit writer who was translated frequently was Jeremias Drexel, a court preacher of Maximilian I of Bavaria. Drexel made his name as a powerful orator and an author of devotional literature for spiritual uplifting (the so called Erbauungsliteratur in German). In the seventeenth century this type of printed production largely fulfilled the role of light consumption literature and Drexel soon became a best-

56 The most recent reconstruction of the list of works in which at least some level of participation could be ascribed to Jiří Ferus has been attempted by Jan Linka. See Jan LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ a jeho okruh, aneb Dílo nejzáhadnějšího českého autora 17. sto letí [ Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ and His Circle or the Work of the Most Enigmatic Czech Author of the Seventeenth Century], in: Listy filologické/Folia philologica 128, 2005, No. 1–2, pp. 145–180. 57 Cf. already A. ŠKARKA, Fridrich Bridel, p. 141. 58 Cf. Jan LINKA, Kult českých patronů v díle Jiřího Fera-Plachého SJ [The Cult of Bohe- mian Patron Saints in the Work of Jiří Plachý-Ferus SJ], in: Ivana Čornejová (ed.), Úloha církevních řádů při pobělohorské rekatolizaci, Praha 2003, p. 319. 59 Cf. Jan LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ a jeho okruh, pp. 152–153. M. KOLDOVÁ, Jezuit- ská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773): na základě pramenů, p. 8. 60 Jan Linka also emphasizes that both works were included in early modern lists of editions by Jiří Plachý-Ferus. Cf. J. LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ, pp. 148, 151–152. 61 Cf. J. LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ, pp. 151–161. 94 Veronika Čapská selling author.62 His Latin works were translated throughout Europe – into German, French, Italian, Flemish, Czech, English and Polish.63 A younger contemporary of Jiří Ferus, Jiří Kruger (1608–1671), gives a certain hint on how the collective translation work was organized as he writes that some of Drexel’s works were translated by Ferus and some, in fact, by others.64 A major part of translations in the circle of Jiří Ferus concerned the lives of saints. Ferus secured the adaptation and amplification of the Lat- in hagiographic works on Bohemian patron saints by older authors such as Jiří Barthold Pontanus of Breitenberg (ca 1550–1614) and Jan Sixt of Lerchenfeld (1550–1629) into Czech.65 This effort aimed at legitimizing and integrating the “notoriously heretical” Bohemian lands in the Catholic world and contributed to shaping the new “local religion”.66 The translation work organized by Ferus covered a large spectrum of other saints – such as Jesuit saints, St. Isidor the ploughman, virgin patron saints etc. It would thus be very insightful to explore the translation of these saints’ lives as means of cultural transfer. One could particularly focus on how these novel saints were “domesticated”, that is adapted to local contexts. What parts of their lives were left out, highlighted or invented to make them relevant for Central European audiences?67 Ferus was also responsible for the earliest translation of the Hungar- ian Jesuit Joannes Nádasi into a vernacular – Czech.68 Nádasi, native

62 Cf. Karl PÖRNBACHER, Jeremias Drexel. Leben und Werk eines Barockpredigers, München 1965, p. 55. 63 Cf. K. PÖRNBACHER, Jeremias Drexel, p. 65. Cf. also a recent edition of Drexel’s Zodiacus Christianus’ translation into English. Nicholas CROWE (ed.), The Christian Zodiac. Seventeenth-Century Publishing Sensation. A Critical Edition, Farnham 2013. 64 Cf. J. LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ, p. 157. See also the chapter on the translations of works by Jeremias Drexel in J. VAŠICA, České literární baroko, pp. 138–150. 65 Cf. J. LINKA, Kult českých patronů, pp. 317–331. 66 On the concept of “local religion” elaborated in re-evaluation of the studies on “popular religion”, see William CHRISTIAN, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain, Princeton 1981. 67 A parallel can be suggested with the Florentine saint Philip Benizi whose cult was spread by the order of the Servants of Mary (Servi di Maria), the so called Servites. The translations and adaptations of his life for Central European contexts highlighted that Philip Benizi served as a confessor at the court of the founding father of the Habsburg dynasty Rudolph I. The saint’s lives published south of the Alps did not elaborate this fictional episode. Cf. Veronika ČAPSKÁ,Představy společenství a strategie sebeprezentace. Řád servitů v habsburské monarchii, 1613–1780 [Imagined Community and Strategies of Representation. The Order of Servites in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1613–1780], Praha 2011, pp. 40–45. 68 Cf. Gábor TÜSKÉS, Johannes Nádasi. Europäische Verbindungen der geistlichen Erzähl- literatur Ungarns im 17. Jahrhundert, Tübingen 2001, p. 374. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 95 of Trnava (Nagyszombat, Türnau) in Upper Hungary, was a prolific author who served as a secretary to two Jesuit generals in Rome. He was entrusted with maintaining the Latin correspondence with the prov inces in “Germania” and was thus placed at the hub of Jesuit networks.69 His Latin works were translated into Czech, German, Polish, Spanish, Hungarian, Italian, French, and Flemish.70 Ferus started the tradition of an exceptionally strong reception of Nádasi’s work in the Bohemian lands.71 The Czech rendering of Nádasi’s popular work Maria Mater Agonizantium was published in Prague in 1642. The dedication is signed by the Marian student confraternity of the Jesuit college in Jindřichův Hradec (Neuhaus) in south Bohemia.72 This may be evidence for a collective student translation project managed by Ferus.73 Moreover, the Czech translation of Nádasi’s Maria Mater Agonizantium even reached a readership outside the Bohemian lands. In 1648 it was published in the Jesuit printing office in Nádasi’s native town of Trnava (Nagyszom- bat, Türnau) where it clearly aimed at the Slovak speaking audiences. In this case, Czech played the role of a mediating language. Moreover, the language continuum between eastern Moravia and the river Váh region facilitated linguistic exchange. The publication in Trnava also shows the functioning of Jesuit networks and the ability of the order to interconnect resources and infrastructures.74 The Jesuit college in Trnava was raised to a university in 1635 and ran an important printing office since 1648.75 The Czech translation of the devotional work by Nádasi who had taught at the university in Trnava in his youth was thus one of the very first titles issued by the newly opened printing office. Nádasi was further translated by two other Jesuits who succeeded Ferus as the Prague printing office supervisors, librarians and -organ izers of translation activities, namely Fridrich Bridel and Jiří Konstanz. Fridrich Bridel held the office of praefectus typographiae between 1657

69 Cf. A. ŠKARKA, Fridrich Bridel, p. 119. 70 For a working overview of published translations, see G. TÜSKÉS, Johannes Nádasi, p. 370. 71 Cf. G. TÜSKÉS, Johannes Nádasi, pp. 369–370. 72 Cf. J. LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ, pp. 162–163. 73 For this interpretation, cf. also Jan LINKA, Logica coelestis, p. 50. 74 Cf. also Peter BURKE, Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe, Cam- bridge, UK, 2004, p. 102. 75 According to Monika Koldová the first prints were published in Trnava in 1648. Cf. Monika KOLDOVÁ, Jezuitská tiskárna v Praze (1635–1773) a porovnání jejího fun- gování, p. 249. 96 Veronika Čapská and 1660.76 By the end of this period at least two translations of Nádasi’s works appeared in print, Diurnum Divini Amoris and Annus Christi Cru- cifixi. The ascetic manual Diurnum Divini Amoris was designed as a systematic guide how to structure one’s day through religious exercises.77 His translation of Diurnum was published under the title Hodinky zlaté in 1661. Bridel was a literary gifted author who endowed Nádasi’s rather dry work with much poetics. Moreover, he creatively adapted it to new purposes. Unlike the Latin original, which was intended for learned audiences, the vernacular translation was intended for people without formal higher education. The book itself was dedicated to a noble lady Ludmila Benigna of Sternberg, née Kavková of Říčany, as a New Year’s gift for her support of the Society of78 Jesus. We might consider her not only a patroness but also a model reader. Indeed, Bridel’s translation left out the scholarly apparatus of the original, such as references to Latin theological works and names of little known theologians with whom a lay reader would not have been familiar.79 He used plenty of diminutives and added brief explanations and comparisons to make the text more accessible for common readers.80 The second book,Annus Christi Crucifixi, was part of a larger cycle of devotional books. Each of them focused on one day of the week covering a special religious theme and provided meditations and prayers for this weekday in the course of one year.81 Annus Christi Crucifixi was intended as a devotional manual for Fridays and it was published in Czech under the title Pátek, rok ukřižovaného Boha Ježíše in 1660. While the internal Jesuit sources regarded Bridel as the translator, the work also has an interesting dedicational foreword which ascribes the translation to “Ioannes Alexius Czapek Vysoko-Mejtský, Augusti Imperatori Fedinandi II alumnus ecclesiasticus”.82 The mentioned student, Jan Aleš Čapek, was one of the three nephews of Fridrich Bridel who entered a clerical career.83 While Čapek later wrote two devotional books him-

76 Cf. Anna FECHTNEROVÁ – Kateřina VALENTOVÁ – Hedvika KUCHAŘOVÁ, Fridrich Bridelius v záznamech jezuitských katalogů [Fridrich Bridelius in the Entries of Jesuit Catalogues], in: Marie Škarpová et al. (edd.), Omnibus fiebat omnia. Kon- texty života a díla Fridricha Bridelia SJ (1619–1680), (Antiqua Cuthna 4), Praha 2008, pp. 12–13. 77 A. ŠKARKA, Fridrich Bridel, pp. 121–122. 78 A. ŠKARKA, Fridrich Bridel, pp. 124–125. 79 Ibidem, pp. 127–128. 80 Ibidem, pp. 128–129. 81 Ibidem, p. 142. 82 Ibidem, p. 140. 83 Cf. Jiří K. KROUPA, Bridelovsko-čapkovské variace, pp. 85. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 97 self, he is not known to have continued with his translation activities and one may assume the translation of Annus Christi was part of his student training supervised by his uncle.84 It seems plausible that one can speak about a circle of collaborators that Fridrich Bridel established around himself. Another example of a presumed collective translation project is connected with Bridel’s second nephew, Jiří Josef Čapek (1648–1680). The only known exemplar of this translation is preserved in manuscript form. It bears a dedication to a noble lady, Eleonora Polyxena Smilkovská, née of Blauenstein, dated 2 December 1678 and signed by the Latin initials G. I. Cz. S. I. for which only one name of a member of the Jesuit Bohemian province is fitting – that of Jiří Josef Čapek (Georgius Iosephus Czapek Societatis Iesu).85 The work belongs to a popular genre of literary consolation. It is a Czech translation of selected Latin parts of the famous Consolatio philosophica by Anicius Boethius. This classical philosophical text was adapted for readers not experienced in reading ancient authors. It was rendered closer to colloquial language. Again, we can hypothesise that the noble female dedicatee might have been a model reader.86 Moreover, the translation was accompanied by a spiritual song entitled Vzdychání truchlivé, i.e. Mournful Sighs, which bears the signs of Bridel’s poetic style and is written with a female recipient in mind.87 In the 1970s the dedicatee had to cope with a series of tragic events. In 1671 Eleonora Polyxena Smilkovská lost her two-year-old daughter, in 1676 her husband Fridrich Vavřinec Smilkovský died and shortly afterwards she had to bury her posthumously born son and heir with whom the noble line died out.88 The literary consolation with a spiritual song thus was probably intended to support a widow in her mourning. The conclusion that Fridrich Bridel created a circle of collaborators around himself can be further reinforced by the anonymous eulogy on Jiří Čapek in which he is described as a disciple, follower and successor of his uncle in his apostolic work.89 Translation, printing and distribution of religious books formed an indispensable part of the apostolic effort and the long-term process of replacing non-Catholic books by new

84 Cf. A. ŠKARKA, Fridrich Bridel, pp. 141–142. 85 Cf. J. KROUPA, Bridelovsko-čapkovské variace, pp. 76–86. 86 J. KROUPA, Bridelovsko-čapkovské variace, p. 80. 87 The author stylises himself as a female subject.Cf. J. KROUPA, Bridelovsko-čapkovské variace, pp. 80–84. 88 J. KROUPA, Bridelovsko-čapkovské variace, p. 77. 89 For a Latin citation from the eulogy, see J. KROUPA, Bridelovsko-čapkovské variace, p. 84. 98 Veronika Čapská supplies of religious texts. Bridel’s translation activities and the involvement of various authors in his editorial projects have long remained in the shadow of his poetry and their research could bear important insights in the study of translation. The third example which can shed light on what might be called the Jesuit school of translation is the one of a Jesuit printing office supervisor and an active translator called Jiří Konstanz. As mentioned above, some of his translations were also listed among the works ascribed to Jiří Ferus. Konstanz further translated authors that had already attracted the interest of Bridel (Caussinus) and both Bridel and Ferus (Nádasi).90 Future research could show whether one can speak about a (consciously formulated) long-term translation programme or policy.91 On a smaller scale a long-term collaborative effort can be studied by looking at a major translation project of the Bohemian Jesuit province in the early modern times – the new translation of the Bible, the so called St. Wenceslas Bible. Jiří Konstanz, along with Matthias Steyer (1630–1692) and Jan Barner (1643–1708), were the central figures of this ambitious enterprise. Both Konstanz and Steyer were well prepared for such a challenging task. Besides being experienced translators, they also published Czech grammar books. When Konstanz held the office of the Prague Jesuit printing house supervisor in 1667 he published his Lima linguae bohemicae in which he repeatedly addressed typographers. A year later Matthias Steyer published An Excellent Way How One Can Write and Print Well in Czech (Výborně dobrý způsob, jak se má dobře po česku psáti neb tisknouti). As the title reveals it was written with printing artisans in mind.92 Moreover, it was composed in an accessible form of a dialogue between a schoolmaster and a pupil and was soon popularly referred to simply as A Pupil.93 Already the title page of the Pupil reveals that its rules of writing and printing were taken from the Bohemian Bible which was published in several volumes (the so called Kralice Bi- ble). But since it was seen as heretical it should not be read and kept by

90 Cf. G. TÜSKÉS, Johannes Nádasi, p. 375. 91 More on specific authors translated by Jiří Konstanz, seeOttův slovník naučný [Otto’s Encyclopaedia], vol. 14, Praha 1998, p. 734. 92 Steyer’s interest in Czech grammar had a long tradition. Already in 1660, Steyer had published Grammatica boemica by another Jesuit, Jan Drachovský (1577–1644). Cf. Ondřej KOUPIL, Grammatykáři. Gramatografická a kulturní reflexe češtiny 1533– 1672 [Grammarians: Czech Grammatography and the Cultural Reflection of the Czech Language 1533–1672], Praha 2007, p. 153. 93 Cf. Ibidem, pp. 171–172. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 99

Catholics, although its grammar was praiseworthy and exemplary.94 As we can see, both grammars persuasively show the close interconnection of contemporary writing, translating and printing practices. Steyer’s Pupil also reveals the role of the Bible in the language culture and continuity and the problem of the absence of an up-to-date Catholic Bible translation. Jiří Konstanz and Matthias Steyer were officially entrusted with the translation of the Bible which would be in accordance with the Triden- tine reform by the Prague archbishop Ferdinand Sobek of Bílenberg in 1669. Priority was given to the New Testament. Jiří Konstanz died already in 1673 but Mathias Steyer continued and brought the work to print in 1677. He proceeded with the translation of the Old Testa- ment in cooperation with a younger Jesuit Jan Barner who finished the work after Steyer died in 1692.95 Both a thorough textual analysis and an in-depth study of other preserved sources, including correspondence, would be necessary to get a deeper insight in their team work and cooperation. Previously conducted research has shown the translation work consisted of comparative, exegetical, editorial and refining work as the translators forged a mosaic of the most outstanding parts of older biblical texts, including non-Catholic Bibles whose influence was officially disclaimed in the Preface by the Prague archbishop Johann Fried rich von Waldstein.96 The ambitious translation project of the St. Wenceslas Bible required great financial resources – especially to cover the enormous printing and distribution costs (the Jesuit translators worked without remuneration). This draws attention to the question of patronage. In Castells’ model the organizing elites in the space of flows use their networks both to disseminate their views and to secure the financing. The patronage structures can be regarded as a significant part of material support for the space of flows and the fund-raising project launched with the

94 Cf. the critical edition of the Pupil in Ondřej KOUPIL, Jezuité Drachovius a Steyer. Gramatiky češtiny [The Jesuits Drachovius and Steyer. Czech Grammars], Praha 2011, pp. 301–379. 95 The first part of the Old Testament was published in 1712 and the second part only in 1715. Cf. Josef VINTR, Geneze textu české barokní bible svatováclavské. Vladimíru Kyasovi k sedmdesátinám [The Textual Genesis of the Czech Baroque Bible of St. Wenceslas. To Vladimír Kyas on His Seventieth Birthday], in: Listy filologické/Folia philologica 111, 1988, No. 1, pp. 13–21. 96 Cf. Josef VINTR, Geneze textu české barokní bible, p. 20. More recently, see Koupil with reference to Martin Svatoš: O. KOUPIL, Jezuité Drachovius a Steyer, p. 88. 100 Veronika Čapská translation of the St. Wenceslas Bible is a convenient initial example of patronage. Mathias Steyer initiated a foundation to support the printing and distribution of the St. Wenceslas Bible and other religious books in Czech. The central figure who enabled the idea to take shape wasSteyer’ mother Marie, a baker from the New Town of Prague, who donated her life savings for this purpose. In her testament from 19 June 1669 she mentions that she wants to use the goods accumulated by her work to aid distributing “pious books” printed “in Czech” because books in Latin and other languages could be imported from abroad. The books were to be printed every year and distributed “in the manner of alms”.97 In the Post-White Mountain Bohemian lands Czech was called the language of St. Wenceslas, patron saint of the kingdom of Bohemia.98 This might have played a role for Mathias Steyer when he decided to call the new foundation the St. Wenceslas Heritage (Hereditas Sancti Venceslai) from which its central project, St. Wenceslas Bible, derived its name. Marie Steyerová asked the Jesuits to supervise the publishing fund. In the foundation confirmation the Jesuit provincial Daniel Krupský writes that this institutionalized initiative aims to distribute books in a Slavic language (lingua slavonica) beyond Bohemian lands.99 Thus although Prague was the centre of Jesuit translation activity, potential translation flows were not limited by territorial borders. In 1692, the St. Wenceslas Heritage was confirmed by the Prague archbishop Johann Friedrich von Waldstein (1642–1694) who believed that funded books could find use not only in Bohemia, but also in Mora- via, Hungary, Dalmatia, Bosnia and some lands under the Ottoman rule.100 As we can see, other current or former lands of the Habsburg

97 An interesting Central European example of an older foundation for book printing and distribution can be seen in the Güldenes Almosen established by the Jesuit Emera- nus Welser in Munich in 1614. Its title also reflects a parallel between book giving and alms giving. Cf. O. KOUPIL, Jezuité Drachovius a Steyer, pp. 90–94. 98 M. SLÁDEK, Ukotvenost a ukotvitelnost pojmu barok v českých literárních vodách, in: Česká Literatura 53, 2005, 3, p. 315. 99 Cf. O. KOUPIL, Jezuité Drachovius a Steyer, pp. 91. 100 Cf. O. KOUPIL, Jezuité Drachovius a Steyer, p. 93. On the early modern topos of lingua bohemica seu slavonica, see Alexandr STICH, Jazyková a slovesná kultura v barokních Čechách [Language and Literary Culture in Baroque Bohemia], in: Vít Vlnas (ed.), Sláva barokní Čechie. Stati o umění, společnosti a kultuře 17. a 18. století, Praha 2001, pp. 239–242. The article raises the question how the text would look like when a Czech and German language scholar would write it together. Such collaborations would be highly desirable in the future. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 101 monarchy with Slavic populations were targeted for a circulation of Czech religious books. St. Wenceslas Heritage published a wide scope of religious literature in various Prague printing offices and later issued book catalogues presenting its production and offer. The books were partly sold and partly distributed for free. The foundation gradually gained financial support from further individual patrons, often noble ones.101 A major individual patron, however, was the Prague archbishop Johann Friedrich von Waldstein (1642–1694) who endowed the foundation with means for at least 2,100 Bible exemplars.102 Another example of individual patronage of other Jesuit translation activities is the case of the noble lady Ludmila Benigna of Sternberg. In her role as a patroness she interconnected individual, family and institutional networks and structures of material and nonmaterial support. As it has been already mentioned above, in 1661 Fridrich Bridel dedicated to her his Czech translation of Nádasi’s Diurnum Divinae Amoris as a New Year’s gift. The ties between the family of Ludmila Benigna and the Jesuits were strong. Since 1648, she was a widow raising six children and she both relied on the Jesuits for support as well as gener- ously fostered them. Ludmila Benigna belonged to the most affluent noble estate owners in the kingdom of Bohemia and was thus a valued patroness.103 When her two eldest sons finished their study at the Jesuit run Philosophical Faculty of the Prague university in 1661 she commissioned a foremost Bohemian artist Karel Škréta with an elaborate visual rendering of the thesis celebrating the final disputation and the glorious past of the Sternberg family, and above all presenting the ambitions of these young noblemen and former Jesuit students.104 In 1672 Ludmila Benigna donated to the St. Wenceslas Heritage fund a major contribution of sixty thousand Groschen.105 Moreover, continuity of networks and book patronage can be further traced in the family. The youngest son of Ludmila Benigna, Ignác Karel (†1700), was a bibliophile, book collector and patron.106 In 1677 an anonymous Jesuit dedicated to Ignác

101 Cf. P. VOIT, Encyklopedie knihy, p. 200. 102 Cf. Jiří M. HAVLÍK, Polemika v komentářích aneb Kdo měl číst Bibli svatováclavskou [Po- lemics in Commentaries or Who was Meant to Read the St. Wenceslas Bible?], in: Historie – Otázky – Problémy 6, 2013, No. 2, p. 89. 103 Cf. Petr MAŤA, Svět české aristokracie 1500–1700 [The World of Aristocracy in Bohemia 1500–1700], Praha 2004, pp. 171, 175. 104 Ibidem, pp. 681–684. 105 Cf. O. KOUPIL, Jezuité Drachovius a Steyer, p. 92. 106 Cf. Petr MAŠEK, Šlechtické rody v Čechách, na Moravě a ve Slezsku [Noble Families in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia], vol. II, Praha 2010, p. 312. 102 Veronika Čapská

Karel and his wife Polyxena Lidmila a second hand translation of an Italian meditative work on the fear of God (translated via German).107 This preliminary overview of book translation patronage structures shows the scope of networking for publishing and distributing books, both as consumer good and as gifts, and the use of books as tools in disseminating the ‘official’ belief system. It also shows the necessity of an in-depth research of this layer of material support of translation flows in the future.108 Particularly the ties between confessors as translators and their penitents in the role of patrons would deserve special attention, as we shall also see below.

2. The Pietist Translation Centre in Halle (Saale)

The second example for a major translation and book production centre is the Pietist circle in Halle. Similarly to the Jesuits, the Pietists could make use of a large network of educated male religious specialists – ministers and advanced students. In the course of the eighteenth century more than thirty works were translated into Czech and printed in Halle.109 Both the Jesuit and the Pietist translation projects reacted to a religious situation in the Post-White Mountain Bohemian lands and can be regarded as competing with each other. In their missionary effort to nourish the souls with what they regarded as proper literature, both the Jesuits and the Pietists used translation as a tool to quickly produce usable texts for partly non-market distribution. They also shared the ambition to reach the Slavic populations beyond the Bohe- mian lands. Translation activities of religious professionals have been mainly researched in connection with their overseas missions.110 Their roles as mediators in linguistically and socio-culturally diverse Central and East-Central Europe have not been thoroughly analysed yet. This essay thus intends to contribute to the study of “internal missions” of religious specialists in this part of early modern Europe.

107 Cf. Knihopis Digital Database, No. K05422. 108 Jan Linka, for example, created a list of more than thirty dedicatees of the books produced by Jiří Ferus and his circle which invites deeper study. Cf. J. LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ a jeho okruh, pp. 172–173. 109 Cf. Hubert RÖSEL, Die tschechische und slowakische Sprache des 18ten Jahrhunderts in den halleschen Drucken, in: Zeitschrift für Slawistik 3, 1985, No. 2–4, pp. 187, 190. 110 On the comparatively conceived concepts of “religious professionals” or “religious specialists” for priests of various religious affiliations employed by anthropologists and sociologists, see for example Jörg RÜPKE, Controllers and Professionals: Analyzing Religious Specialists, in: Numen 43, 1996, No. 3, pp. 241–262. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 103

The infrastructure of the so called Francke Foundations Franckesche( Stiftungen) in Glaucha near Halle was highly elaborated and functional. The ambitious philanthropist and religious-educational project derives its name from its founder and spiritus agens August Hermann Francke (1663–1727). The unique Pietist school city was gradually built since the late 1690s and it eventually functioned as a largely self-sustaining organ- ism reminiscent of monastic complexes.111 The ensemble of sober, plain buildings grew around an- orphan age – a centrepiece of the expanding complex of philanthropic institutions which also gave its name to the Orphanage publishing house (Verlag des Waisenhauses). The Francke Foundations gave rise to several schools, an apothecary, a hospital, workshops and economic facilities. Along with schools, for this study other amenities connected with textual production are of key importance: a printing office, the above- mentioned publishing house, library, archives and a bookstore.112 These facilities were crucial for the fulfilling of the Pietist philanthropist and reform mission. The library was founded almost simultaneously with the orphanage, in 1698.113 Its collections could rely on a continuous supply from its own book production of the Orphanage Publishing House. They were significantly enhanced through donations, exchanges, purchases and be- quests.114 A major book inheritance came from the spiritus agens of the translation projects into Czech, or more precisely into biblical Czech and Slovak, Heinrich Milde (1676–1739).115 A long-time director of the library and also of the bookstore was Heinrich Julius Elers (1667–1728).116 Elers regularly attended the trade fair in Leipzig and the profit gained from the book sale was further used to support the orphanage and its facilities.117 Moreover, Elers also introduced to Halle a major technological innovation in printing which he had learnt in Holland, the so called method of block typesetting

111 For more on the architecture, see Holger ZAUNSTÖK (ed.), Gebaute Utopien. Franck- es Schulstadt in der Geschichte europäischer Stadtentwürfe. Katalog zur Jahresausstellung der Franckeschen Stiftungen vom 8. Mai bis 3. Oktober 2010, Halle 2010. 112 Cf. Helmut OBST, August Hermann Francke und die Franckeschen Stiftungen in Halle, Göttingen 2002, pp. 57–65. 113 Cf. Brigitte KLOSTERBERG, Die Bibliothek der Franckeschen Stiftungen, Halle 2007, p. 12. 114 Cf. Ibidem, pp. 15–22. 115 Cf. Ibidem, p. 19. 116 H. RÖSLER, Die tschechischen Drucke, p. 16. H. OBST, August Hermann Francke, pp. 59, 68. 117 H. OBST, August Hermann Francke, pp. 68–69. 104 Veronika Čapská

(Methode des stehenden Satzes). He convinced August Hermann Francke and Carl Hildenbrand von Canstein to adopt the new printing technique, although it required a higher investment at the start. This time and work saving method enabled to print large numbers of identical texts cheaply and thus made biblical texts widely available to readers.118 Carl Hildenbrand von Canstein wrote a promotional brochure which addresses the citizens of the Christian Republic (Bürger einer christlichen Republic) and discusses the problems and innovations in low-cost Bible printing. Moreover, he describes the new method in detail and pleas for financial support.119 The Francke Foundations can thus be regarded as an important site of book printing innovation and its promotion in Central Europe which brought about a revolution in Bible printing and affordability. In 1725 the technical amenities were strategically rounded up by the purchase of a paper mill in Kröllwitz near Halle.120 This, along with the innovative system of book printing greatly facilitated a massive low-cost book production. Beyond the premises of the Francke Foundations the infrastructure was linked to the recently founded university in Halle (in 1694) where August Hermann Francke was a professor. Incoming foreign students, among them many from the lands of the Habsburg monarchy, especially Hungary and Silesia, often received a pre-academic preparatory education in the orphanage school complex at first. Afterwards they attended the university. Sometimes students could rely on financial support from their home communities.121 In other situations they were assisted by the Francke Foundations. They were for example provided with board in the orphanage as the so called Freitischler who received free meals. Oc- casionally they were appointed as teachers in the lower schools of the orphanage complex.122 The ambitious reform programme and missionary effort of the Franc ke circle stimulated the study of foreign languages in the Foundations and interest in translating the Bible, devotional literature (Erbauungs literatur), tracts and sermons by Francke and other authors valued by

118 Cf. Ibidem, p. 70. 119 Cf. Carl Hildebrand von CANSTEIN, Ohnmaßgeblicher Vorschlag, wie Gottes Wort denen Armen zur Erbauung um einen geringen Preiß in die Hände zu bringen, Berlin 1710. 120 Cf. H H. OBST, August Hermann Francke, p. 69. 121 This was for example the case of Matěj Bél. Cf. H. RÖSLER,Die tschechischen Drucke, p. 50. 122 Cf. Arina VÖLKER, Zum präakademischen Ausbildungsgang ungarischer Absolventen der Universität Halle, Comm. Hist. Artis Med. 115–116, 1986, pp. 67–81. See also Hubert RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke der Hallenser Piestisten, Würzburg 1961, pp. 76, 82. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 105 the Pietists. Gifted advanced students and alumni were encouraged to participate in translating, correcting and distributing books. It can be said that the architectural layout, equipment, an elaborate system of operation and social networks of the Pietist orphanage complex provided a thorough material support for simultaneous practices of reading, writing, translating, correcting, printing, studying, book distribution etc., thus shaping the space of flows both in and far beyond Central Europe. The nodes and hubs of these flows and the ways they were interconnected are only vaguely known. The distribution of Protestant literature was forbidden by the state authorities in the Habsburg monarchy, although actual sufferance might have been higher in some lands, such as Hungary.123 Nonetheless, in Hungary the relations between Pietists and orthodox Lutherans were tense. Members of the Halle circle were thus not entirely unreserved about the operation of their networks. The nodes and hubs represent another level of structural support for book circulation and translation flows. While the main base was in Halle, other places empowered the system and enabled it to function more efficiently. Czech books published in Halle soon became notori- ous for the Habsburg state authorities, so that other places, especially Zittau and Lauban in Upper Lusatia, Dresden and Leipzig in Saxony served as not so exposed and less suspicious centres of Pietist printing, translation into Czech and subsequent book distribution.124 Looking at the social geography of these book flows it is important to identify the go-betweens and what were their routes.125 The most important mediators were the textual practitioners who were familiar with the processes of book translation and production and often directly involved in it: students, clergy and teachers – mostly Czech and Slo- vak speakers from the Bohemian lands and Upper Hungary. The books were printed in a small format and left as unbound book blocks (the so called špalíčky – Spänchen) which could be more easily transported and concealed.126

123 Cf. E. WINTER, Die tschechische und slowakische Emigration, p. 247. 124 For more detail, see Ibidem, pp. 234–246. 125 On cultural intermediaries and their roles, see also the studies by Alessandra Becucci and Janine C. Maegraith in this volume. 126 Cf. E. WINTER, Die Tschechische und slowakische Emigration, p 238. On Protestant book distribution in Hungary, see Zoltán CSEPREGI, Das Königliche Ungarn im Jahr- hundert vor der Toleranz (1681–1781), in: Rudolf Leeb – Martin Scheutz – Dietmar Weikl (edd.), Geheimprotestantismus und evangelische Kirchen in der Habsburger 106 Veronika Čapská

A more substantial transportation method than through travelling academics was provided by merchants. It was this mobile social group who the state authorities blamed above all for illegal book smuggling. In an imperial mandate enforcing control over imported books, which was issued 29 January 1726, many known book transport practices are explicitly addressed.127 It emphasized that no cartload, no lace salesman and no merchant with linen or yarn travelling from Breslau (Wrocław), Nuremberg, Leipzig and Komotau (Chomutov) as well as no other de- livery men from these towns should escape inspection.128 This had implications for the Pietist circle in Halle as it relied amongst others on the salt trade and equipped the Bohemian merchants who came for salt supplies with printed material.129 Many routes of illegal book transmission led through Silesia, a land with a significant Protestant population, in which the religious situation was less restrictive than in Bohemia and Moravia.130 Especially the Silesian cities of Breslau (Wrocław), Brieg (Brzeg) and Teschen (Těšín, Cieszyn) served as important nodes of book flow. Teschen with its strategic position close to the Moravian, Bohemian, Upper Hugarian and Polish borders became an outpost of Halle Pietism in Upper Silesia.131 The Halle Pietists had reliable channels to reach Upper Hungary and Transylvania through their Silesian route.132 There was one privileged group of cultural intermediaries who were able to take the Protestant books directly to the centre of the Habsburg monarchy, Vienna – namely the diplomats as representatives of their Protestant rulers. August Hermann Francke therefore endeavoured to cultivate special relations with the preachers of ambassadors who were

monarchie und im Erzstift Salzburg, (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Österreichi sche Geschichtsforschung 51), Wien 2009, p. 314. 127 Cf. E. Winter, Die tschechische und slowakische Emigration, p. 248. 128 Ibidem, p. 248. 129 Ibidem, p. 248. Cf. also Alfred MIETSCHKE, Henrich Milde. Ein Beitrag zur Geschich te der slawischen Studien in Halle, Leipzig 1941, p. 43. 130 Sometimes people turning to Halle for Pietist books would learn that their only remaining exemplars were in Silesia. Cf. for example H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, p. 9. 131 Cf. E. WINTER, Die tschechische und slowakische Emigration, pp. 249, 251–253. While the books intended for northern and western Bohemia often streamed through Zittau and Nuremberg (Nürnberg), for eastern Bohemia they were sent via Teschen (Těšín, Cieszyn). Cf. H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, p. 26. 132 Cf. Attila VERÓK, Lutherische Buchzensur in Siebenbürgen um 1700. Der Fall Christoph Nicolaus Voigt, in: Marie-Elizabeth Ducreux – Martin Svatoš (edd.), Libri prohibiti. La censure dans l’espace habsbourgeois, 1650–1850, Lepzig 2005, pp. 131–132. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 107 instrumental in secret book transmission.133 All the strenuous work of translating and printing would not have served its aim without this elaborated system of book circulation. All main mediating social groups mentioned above, intellectuals, merchants, traders, and diplomats, were traditionally involved in cultural exchanges while only the first group also formed the organizing and supervising elites, both in the Jesuit order and among the Pietists.134 But, who were the main actors and what were the phases of translation activities of the so called Collegium biblicum bohemicum in Halle? Since the Bible was in the centre of the Pietist textual practices, it is not surprising that the first Czech book printed in Halle was the New Testa- ment (Písma svatého Nový Zákon). It drew on the Kralice Bible translation and it was published in 1709 with a foreword by Matěj Bél (1684–1749), Francke’s former student who became one of the main exponents of Pietism in Upper Hungary.135 The high demands for this New Testament led to a decision to prepare a new edition of the whole Bible – an ambitious project which required a long-term team and an intensive coordinated effort. While the work on biblical texts took many years, other books, tracts and sermons were also translated along the way. Like the Jesuits, the Halle translators were concerned to make “proper” religious works readily available in Central Europe. Their styles of work reflected their rush and competition for audiences. The diverse textual practices of the publication of a founding work of the Pietist movement True Christianity by Johann Arndt (1555–1621) in 1715 are very revealing. The Halle circle used an almost century old translation of the first four books from German to Czech by Michael Longolius. It was revised and the fifth book was newly translated by Matěj Bél who also added a foreword.136 Blending various textual layers was not unusual in the early modern period. At the same time it also enabled publishers to quickly prepare key works for print. Another work published in the course of the Bible translations was the tract The Holy and Sure Way of Faith of an Evangelical Christian (Svatá

133 Cf. E. WINTER, Die tschechische und slowakische Emigration, p. 252. 134 For a recent overview of the social groups which were prototypically very active in cultural transmissions, see Wolfgang SCHMALE, Theory and Practices of Cultural Ex- change within Europe, in: Veronika Hyden-Hanscho – Renate Pieper – Werner Stangl (edd.), Cultural Exchange and Consumption Patterns in the Age of Enlightenment Europe and the Atlantic World, Bochum 2013, p. 23. Cf. also p. 4 of the study by Dana Štefanová in this volume. 135 For his brief biography, see H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, pp. 47–54. 136 Cf. H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, pp. 7–9. 108 Veronika Čapská a bezpečná cesta víry) by August Hermann Francke. It was put to print in Halle in 1718 and for the first time the chief organizer and spiritus agens of translations into Czech and other Slavic languages, Heinrich Milde himself appears on the scene. In his foreword, Milde introduces himself as a friend of the Czech language and “nation” who had already in his youth read about Jan Hus in his parents’ books.137 He recalls the time he spent in the kingdom of Bohemia, especially in the spas Karlsbad (Karlovy Vary) and Teplice (Teplitz), and the hospitality shown to him by local people. He also provides the valuable information that when he was “reading” the New Testament with an exiled Czech youth, they also translated this little work by August Hermann Francke together.138 Milde’s accounting report identifies this young Czech as Matěj Maček.139 Originally from eastern Bohemia, he studied in Halle, taught in Francke schools and belonged to the core of Milde’s circle of translation collaborators. In the five subsequent years there were five new editions ofThe Holy and Sure Way of Faith which produced approximately 23 thousand exemplars.140 Smaller devotional works also provide us with examples connected with Halle through translators and personal ties but published elsewhere, such as Francke’s sermon The Beloved Son of Heavenly Father (Ten milý syn Otce nebeského) which was translated by Milde and Maček and published in Leipzig.141 The circle of translators and correctors around Heinrich Milde included two Slovak speaking students from Upper Hungary, Martin Bohurád and Ján Záskalický. They both participated in the Bible translation project and in concurrent translations of smaller works. Martin Bohurád even taught Heinrich Milde elementary Hungarian grammar.142 As a result of a long-term coordinated effort of Heinrich Milde and his circle of translators, the Czech Biblia Sacra was prepared to print in 1721. The main correction was entrusted to Johann Moc (Motz), a native speaker of Czech, who was called upon from Lauban specifically

137 Cf. August Hermann FRANCKE, Swatá a bezpečna cesta wíry ewangelitského křesťana, Halle 1718, p. 4. The work was made available online by the Francke Foundations: http://digital.francke-halle.de/mod3/content/titleinfo/1303 [7. 9. 2014] 138 Ibidem, p. 5. 139 Cf. H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, p. 11. 140 Ibidem, p. 11. 141 Cf. H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, p. 12. 142 Ibidem, pp. 13, 66–69. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 109 for this task.143 The printing process was planned and negotiated with the technical director of the orphanage printing office, Johann Heinrich Grischow, who prepared a document concerning the “Czech Bible to be printed here” (Memorial wegen der hierselbst zu druckenden Böhmischen Bibel).144 According to the memorial it was foreseen the printing pro cess would start in January 1722, two presses would be employed and the work would continue until August that year.145 In the subsequent years Heinrich Milde seems to have been occupied with the distribution of the large supply of produced books. Between the years 1725 and 1732 the centre of Pietist printing shifted to Lauban where the Silesian preacher Jan Liberda (c. 1700–1742) was active.146 After his imprisonment in 1732, the Halle circle took up the printing initiative again.147 Heinrich Milde was growing old and his key collaborator in this period was Jiří Sargánek from Upper Silesia who was fluent both in Czech and in Polish. Sargánek was familiar with the situation of Protestant communities in and around Teschen, including their demand for new books of religious songs which he strived to meet. Since the mid-1730s one can observe a certain shift or reorientation in the main target audiences of Pietist printing. More attention is paid to Czech speaking exiles in Berlin, Saxony and in Silesia which was largely annexed by Prussia in 1742. Symptomatic in this sense was the new edition of a Czech primer, originally published in Zittau in 1724, in Halle in 1735. The title reveals it was printed for “the children of the Czech school in Berlin”.148 In the same year both Czech and simultaneous Czech/German editions of Martin Luther’s small catechism, which was intended for children, were published.149 While Heinrich Milde died already in 1739 his Czech translation of the catechism by Philipp Jakob Spener, Pure Milk of God’s Truth (Mléko čisté Prawdy Boží) was printed in Berlin in 1748 “to educate the youth of god’s church of Bohemian brethren in Berlin”150 and again in Halle in 1765 “to educate the youth

143 Ibidem, p. 23. 144 Ibidem, p. 21. 145 Ibidem, p. 22. 146 For his brief biography, see Ibidem, pp. 72–75. 147 Ibidem, p. 33. 148 “…pro dítky školy české berlínské”. Ibidem, p. 34. 149 Ibidem, p. 35. 150 “…k vzdělání mládeže církve Boží české bratrské berlínské”. Cf. The Knihopis Dig- ital Database No. K02242. 110 Veronika Čapská of god’s churches of Bohemian brethren in Berlin and in Silesia”.151 This gradual shift in audiences took place long before the Patent of Tolera- tion was issued by Joseph II for the lands of the Habsburg monarchy in 1781. Therefore, in future more attention should be given to the changes in the structure of Pietist translation flows.152 The vast Pietist correspondence provides promising material for exploring both the channels of translation flows and patronage structures. Since pietism was a controversial, non-conformist movement of religious renewal, the issues of translation authorship, patronage and distribution were largely kept secret. At the same time they were often hinted at in the internal correspondence and a systematic research of Pietist letters could add significant insights to current research.153 Not only the securing of translators and distributors, but also the cultivation of relations with patrons belonged to the agenda of the organizing and supervising elites. The translation activities of the Halle Pietist circle were supported by a large amount of benefactors, most of them anonymous. However, in the case of the Bible translations into Czech the names of two major patrons are known. The translation of the New Testament was supported by Christoph Nicolaus Voigt (1678–1732) and “other charitable hearts”.154 For the core project of the whole Bible translation Erdmann Heinrich count Henckel von Donnersmarck (1681–1752) was a dedicated benefactor.155 Coming from a family which had estates in Upper Silesia and left for religious reasons for Pöltzig in the Duchy of Saxe- Altenburg, Erdmann Heinrich count Henckel shared a similar experi-

151 “…k vzdělání mládeže církví Božích českých bratrských v Berlíně i na Slezsku”. Ibi��- dem, p. 40. 152 A more detailed overview of the Pietist translation projects is provided by H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, pp. 5–46. Rösel’s work can be complemented with the study of continuously updated databases of old printed books, such as Knihopis Digital or Francke Portal. 153 Cf. “Es bleibt also eine der Hauptaufgaben der historischen Pietismusforschung, die finanzielle und strukturelle Basis der Bewegung zu untersuchen, die ja auch eng mit der Sozialgeschichte der Pietismusforschung verbunden ist.” Lucinda MARTIN, Öffentlichkeit und Anonymität von Frauen im (radikalen) Pietismus – Die Spendetätigkeit adliger Patroninnen, in: Wolfgang Breul – Marcus Meier – Lothar Voger (edd.), Der radikale Pietismus. Perspektiven der Forschung, Göttingen 2010, p. 386. 154 Cf. H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, pp. 6–7. On Christoph Nicolaus Voigt, see also A. VERÓK, Lutherische Buchzensur, pp. 129–140 and Attila VERÓK, Fränkische Lesestoffe bei den Siebenbürger Sachsen vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, in: Ungarn Jahr- buch. Zeitschrift für Interdisziplinäre Hungarologie 27, 2004, p. 346. 155 “…anderer wohlthätiger Herzen”. Cf. H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke, pp. 17–18, 21, 22, 24, 26. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 111 ence with the exiles from other parts of Bohemian lands.156 The whole Bible project required considerable initial investments and it was settled that the count’s expenses should be slowly reimbursed from the sold exemplars.157 Particularly surprising in comparison with the Jesuits is the striking invisibility of female patronesses of Pietist translations. Moreover, this problem is not limited to translation or book sponsorship and characterizes the Pietist patronage structures in general.158 While the Jesuits enjoyed the backing of the Habsburg dynasty well into the eighteenth century, the Pietists could rely on certain protection by the elector of Brandenburg but still remained a nonconformist movement within the Lutheran church. Orthodox Lutherans accused Piestism of being governed or even invented and spread by women. This gendered construction of the enemy as feminized contributed to the concealment of significant female agency in Pietism. Moreover, later church historians tended to dismiss both women and sources related to them as unimpor- tant.159 The ascetic ideal of unostentatious giving in the Pietist movement of religious renewal and the emphasis on divine operations behind plentiful donations also created an atmosphere of pride in the flow of anonymous donations and thus supported the patronage system which is difficult to reconstruct today.160 Despite the substantial limits posed by the problems of anonymity of translation authorship and patronage, the significant input of exile communities to shaping the space of translation flows in Central Europe is obvious. In addition to the largely competing translation projects of the Jesuits and the Halle circle, another major translation project aiming at religious renewal and social reform, that of the the Sporck and Swéerts- Sporck families, will be analysed. The Sporck and Swéerts-Sporck family members mostly translated or supported translations into German

156 For his biography see Julius August WAGENMANN, Henckel von Donnersmark, Graf Erdmann Heinrich, in: Allgemeinde Deutsche Biographie 11, 1880, pp. 731–732. 157 Cf. for the bibliographic information based on the foreword by Johann Theofil Elsner of the third edition of this Halle Bible published in 1766 as referred to in the database Knihopis Digital: http://db.knihopis.org/l.dll?cll~P=1056 (11. 9. 2014). 158 Cf. L. MARTIN, Öffentlichkeit und Anonymität, pp. 386–395. 159 “Die Bemühungen des achtzehnten Jahrhundert, die Identitäten von Gönnerinnen des Pietismus zu verschleiern, ist schon schwierig genug für die Geschichtsforschung, aber Kirchenbehörden und Kirchenhistoriker der nachfolgenden Jahrhunderte ver- schärften das Problem noch erheblich.” L. MARTIN, Öffentlichkeit und Anonymität, p. 389. 160 Cf. L. MARTIN, Öffentlichkeit und Anonymität, pp. 388–401. 112 Veronika Čapská which had the status of the official language in Bohemia and Moravia along with Czech after the Renewed Constitution (Verneuerte Landes ordnung) for both lands was issued in 1627 and 1628 respectively.161 At the same time there was no doubt about the actual prominence of Ger- man (and Prostestantism) in Silesia. A joint study of translations into both Czech and German has so far been neglected. The Jesuits, Halle Pietists and (Swéerts-)Sporck family members were not only aware of, but also concerned with other respective translation projects. Thus a separate study of translation activities within confessional or language or national limits does not allow seeing the socially and culturally multifaceted character of early modern Bohemian lands.

3. The Sporck and Swéerts-Sporck Family Translation Projects

The Sporck and Swéerts-Sporck families were involved in long-term translation activities and are an example of a private enterprise in translation and book publishing. As could be shown with the Jesuit and Pietist centres, also within the (Swéerts-)Sporck projects a significant amount of translation was carried out in connection with early language practice and education. However, the (Swéerts-)Sporck case enables us to explore translation as part of educational processes from a different perspective – not that of school systems (Jesuit or Pietist) but from the perspective of a family. Translating was a widespread educational practice both in school and noble environments. The reference that Franz Anton count Sporck started to translate the book Les conseils de la sagesse borrowed during his grand tour in a library in Brussels, should be interpreted in this context. Another clue of his possible deeper engagement in translating later in his life was provided by Ernst Back who described an old printed book probably translated by count Sporck from Latin to German. This classical devotional book by the Dominican Albert of Cologne was published in Prague in 1723 under the title B. Alberti Magni … Guldenes Büchlein. The initials referring to the translator indicate that it might have been Franz Anton count

161 On the issue of language parity and the so called language “utraquism” in Post-White Mountain Bohemia and Moravia, see for example Robert J. W. EVANS, Language and State Building: the Case of the Habsburg Monarchy, in: Austrian History Yearbook 1, 2004, pp. 7–8. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 113

Sporck.162 However, since no preserved exemplar has been identified, the question of Sporck’s translation authorship remains open. How ever, the eminent role of Franz Anton count Sporck as a major patron of book publishing can be established with certainty. He had vast ambitions in this respect and probably realized that translated works can be brought to print more quickly than original works. As newly risen aristocrats and descendants of a Thirty Years’ War general, the Sporcks and Swéerts-Sporcks strived to negotiate their position in the aristocratic milieu. Franz Anton Sporck invested enormous effort and means in establishing himself as a preeminent and refined patron of the visual arts, music, theatre, opera, letters and, last but not least, book printing. Since Franz Anton Sporck did not have a male heir as his only son died at two months of age, his two daughters, Maria Eleonora (1687– 1717) and Anna Katharina (1689–1754), took an important role in the family strategies of representation. Sporck’s official biographer extols both ladies as talented book translators and examples of virtue. He even suggests that Maria Eleonora as Sporck’s firstborn and oldest child undertook with her father a female version of a grand tour to Rome that enhanced her education.163 The earliest translation activities of both sisters indeed coincide with their adolescence. The first book translated by Maria Eleonora was published in the Swabian town of Kempten in 1702. It was the three-volume German rendering of La morale chrétienne, ou l’art de bien vivre by the Calvinist preacher Benedict Pictet (1655–1724). The publishing date reveals Maria Eleonora must have been about fourteen years old or even younger when working on this translation. At the end of the year 1701 both sisters were sent to Tirol.164 Maria Eleonora entered

162 Cf. Ernst BACK, Unbekannte Sporckdrucke, in: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Riesenge- birgsvereines und Braunauer Gebirgsvereines 26, 1937, p. 126. Pavel Preiss was quite sceptical in this respect. Cf. P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, p. 118. Nonetheless, Sporck definitely did not lack capability to translate the book or to adapt it drawing on other texts (as was common in his time). 163 Gottwald Caesar von STILLENAU, Leben eines Herrlichen Bildes wahrer und recht schaffener Frömmigkeit, Welches Gott in dem Königreich Böhmen in der Hohen Person Sr. Hoch-Gräfl. Excellenz, Hr. Herrn Franz Anton des Heil. Röm. Reichs Grafen von Sporck, Herrn deren Herrschaften Lyssa, Gradlitz, Konoged und Herschmanitz, u. Der Röm. Kayserl. Majestät würcklichen Geheimben Raths, Cammerern und Stadthaltern der Königreichs Böh- men… aufgerichtet hat, Amsterodam 1720, p 25. 164 Cf. P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, pp. 37–38. Jindřich KOLDA, Celestinky v Choustníkově Hradišti – zapomenutá fundace hraběte F. A. Šporka [The Annunciation Nuns in Choustníkovo Hradiště. A Forgotten Foundation of Count F. A. Sporck], Monumenta vivent 2013, p. 9. I wish to thank Jindřich Kolda for kindly sharing his article manuscript with me. 114 Veronika Čapská the convent of Annunciation nuns in Rottenbuch near Bozen on 1 Janu- ary 1702. Unfortunately, so far we lack sources that would provide us with closer insight into the schedule of her intensive translation work.165 The main evidence consists of her initials in the translated books and in their prefaces. Since only fragments of the Sporck family archives and library survive, the book prefaces give us valuable insights into the translation processes and the engagement of Franz Anton Sporck and the religious superiors in them. For example, her German translation Geistliche Wochen Oder Sieben Christliche Reglen is introduced by a dedication to Maria Theresa Victo- ria countess Sarnthein, the prioress of the convent in Rottenbuch, in which Maria Eleonora points out that she did not have to search much for piety as she gained plentiful access to it through the books supplied to her by her father.166 Apparently, both the support and supervision of her father and religious superiors were strongly at play and also subject to change in time. The younger of both sisters, Anna Katharina, became a lady in the pensionnat (Kostfrau) of the Benedictine abbey of Sonnenburg in the diocese of Brixen.167 In her case the copies of three letters by the abbess of Sonnenburg Maria Elisabeth von Winkelhofen sent to Franz Anton Sporck are preserved, and allow more insight into her stay at the abbey as so called Kostfrau. Above all, they show that Anna Katharina started to work on translations earlier than previously assumed – probably as early as 1702 when she was thirteen years old. The letters make clear that count Sporck was the person who initiated and assigned the exercises in French translation to his daughter and the abbess was to report on the progress of Anna Katharina’s translations. Her earliest translations seem to have been largely prayers as is also testified by the first books published under her initials.168

165 According to the celebratory biography of the founder of the convent of Annuncia- tion nuns in Rottenbuch, Maria Victoria countess Sarnthein, the order did not accept any “Kostgeherinnen oder Kinder zur Unterweisung”. Cf. Marter ohne Blut oder leid- und geduldvolles Leben Mariae Victoriae Ordens der Verkündigung Mariae, Innsbruck 1746, p. 38. It should thus be reconsidered if Maria Eleonora was sent there to be educated or simply to start her formation in the desired religious vocation. 166 Geistliche Wochen Oder Sieben Christliche Reglen, und warhaffte Richtschnur, darnach ein jeder Christ den gantzen Tag hindurch sein Thun und Lassen richten und anstellen soll. Auß dem Frantzösischen in das Teutsche übersetzt. Durch El. Fr. Gr. V. Sp. Prag 1708, unpag. dedication. 167 Cf. P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, pp. 37–38. 168 Tiroler Landesarchiv Innsbruck, Bestand des Stiftes Sonnenburg, manuscript No. 30 (Missivprotokoll vom Zeit des Herrn Hofrichters Frantzen Werners von Thaon, de Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 115

The translated book The Origin of Wisdom (Der Anfang der Weissheit) was dedicated by Anna Katharina to the archduchess Maria Elisabeth of Austria (1680–1741) in “a testimony, as I believe, of my usefully spent hours”.169 Maria Elisabeth of Austria was renowned for her fondness for learning, knowledge of languages and authorship of a Latin history of the Habsburg dynasty.170 The dedication by Anna Katharina is rich in allusions to antique mythology and she clearly self-fashions herself as aspiring to the highest circles of learned, refined ladies. Franz Anton Sporck encouraged, supported and supervised the translation activities of his two daughters, financed the publishing of translated works and was highly concerned to spread the word of their first-rate education and cultivated mastery of the contemporary lingua franca of European elites. The practice of translating as a form of juvenile educational exercise seems to have established itself as a family tradition. However, in the cases of Maria Eleonora and Anna Katharina, the translating activities considerably exceeded mere symbolic educational exercise and were closely allied with their father’s publishing patronage. This long-term book production still requires further in-depth research, but it seems that the most intensive phase of translating covered approximately the time period between 1702–1711, which was the time of early youth of both sisters. Afterwards, only few new translations were published (for example The School of Christian Virtue in 1715)171 and most of the published translations were in fact re-editions of earlier translated books.

Anno 1696 bis 1703). The earliest letter from Maria Elisabeth von Winkelhofen is dated in Sonnenburg on December 14, 1702 (fol. 353v–354r), the second is from Janu- ary 13, 1703 (fol. 444v) and the third from March 3, 1703 (fol. 453r.–453v.). Unfor- tunately the subsequent book of dispatched correspondence is missing. On the first published translations by Anna Katharina, see Christliche Morgen- und Abendstern. Das ist: Auserlesene und sehr kräftige Morgen- und Abendgebet nebst einer geistlichen Andacht auf das Vater Unser und anderen schönen Gebet vor und nach der Beicht und Heil. Communion nutzlich zu sprechen. Aus dem Frantzösischen ins Teutsche übersetzt durch A. C. F. G. V. S., Prag 1704; EADEM, Der Anfang der Weisheit Oder: Kurz- und lehrreicher Inhalt, wie und warumb man die Sünd fliehen soll. Aus dem Frantzösischen ins Teutsche übersetzt, durch A. C. F. G. V. S., Wien 1704. 169 “Bezeugnis meiner, wie ich glaube, nutzlich (sic) angewendeten Stunden”. A. K. SPORCK, Der Anfang der Weisheit, Wien 1704, unpag. dedication. 170 Margarethe KALMÁR, Kulturgeschichtliche Studien zu einer Biographie von Erzherzogin Maria Elisabeth (1680–1741) aus Wiener Sicht (Dissertation an der Geisteswissenschaftli- chen Fakultät der Universität Wien), Wien 1988, pp. 70, 76–77, 86–101. 171 Die Tugend-Schule der Christen: Worinnen ein jeder Mensch aufferbaulich unterwiesen wird, wie er pflichtmässig sein Leben anstellen solle I–IV, Prag 1715. 116 Veronika Čapská

While Maria Eleonora translated also for her community of Annun- ciation nuns and died very early at the age of 30, in 1717, her younger sister Anna Katharina took over the tradition of book translation and publication patronage and together with her husband Franz Karl Swéerts-Sporck (1688–1757) commissioned a large amount of devotional book translations and oversaw their publishing and distribution. The translations were mostly conducted by the confessor of the noble couple, Wilhelm M. Löhrer (1669–1750), a Servite friar, and other members of the Servite order. It becomes apparent that two phenomena seemed to intersect very closely in the (Swéerts-)Sporck book translation and patronage activities: translation as part of an aristocratic habitus172 and the translation as a practice connected with religious orders and their tradition of ascetic authorship. This interconnection is also supported by a so far overlooked example of a late translation by the grandson of Anna Katharina and Franz Karl Swéerts-Sporck, Filip Benizi Swéerts-Sporck (1753–1809). Probably as part of his language training and in reference to the family tradition of interest in translating, he rendered a Latin sermon on the devotion to the immaculate Virgin Mary into German. The sermon was originally delivered by the Jesuit Franz Zeno in the church of Irish Franciscans, the so called Hiberni in Prague. The translation was published, presumably to make the talents of a young nobleman more visible, probably in the early 1770s since its author Franz Zeno is still described as a Jesuit at the title page.173 Later, after the dissolution of the Jesuit order in 1773, Zeno served as a confessor and a translator for the Annunciation nuns in Prague, the order once introduced to Bohemia by Maria Elenora Sporck.174 Unlike the Jesuit and Pietist networks, the (Swéerts-)Sporck infrastructure did not cover large parts of Europe or even beyond. Its economic and partly also personal base was formed by family dominions (Herrschaften) in the Habsburg monarchy. Probably the most prominent

172 On the concept of habitus, cf. Pierre BOURDIEU, Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cam- bridge, UK 2012, p. 78. 173 Lobrede von Verehrung der unversehrten Gebährerin Gottes, so gehalten wurde… in der Kirche der WW. EE. Patrum Ordens des H. Francisci der strengeren Observanz… von dem Priester der Gesellschaft Jesu Francisco Zeno… und nachgehends aus der Lateinischen in die reine Teutsche Sprache übersetzet worden durch Philippum Benitium Grafen von Sweerts und Spork, Prag [s. d.]. 174 Cf. for example Gottseelige Gebraüche, der Klosterfrauen des zu Genua im Jahre 1604 … von Maria Victoria Fornari Strata Gestifteten Heiligen Ordens von der Allerheiligsten Verkündi- gung … in das Deutsche übersetzt von P. Franz Zeno, Prag 1777. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 117 example of a Sporck subject who made a life-long career in the services of Franz Anton Sporck and his heirs, Anna Katharina and Franz Karl Swéerst-Sporck, was Tobias Anton Seeman (1676–1750).175 Since 1726 he served the noble family as a Haushofmeister and kept a journal related to his office.176 His diarial entries provide an insight into the operation of the (Swéerts-)Sporck infrastructure and networks. Seeman and other (Swéerts-)Sporck court servants regularly transported letters, books, images, seasonal foodstuff and other items. Seeman, for instance, carried book manuscripts and books to and from printers, book binders, book dealers, nobles and religious professionals (priests, friars, nuns).177 Seeman’s brother was instrumental in organizing the transport of books ordered from Dresden and Leipzig on the basis of book catalogues. The books flowed through the family estates in Konoged (Konojedy) and Algersdorf (Valkeřice), conventiently situated in north-west Bohemia.178 In addition to largely relying on their specially chosen subjects, at the higher level of their networks the (Swéerts-)Sporcks engaged the services of special agents as was customary among early modern nobility.179 It was particularly important to have these correspondents and skillful mediators in Vienna where they were carefully cultivating their networks linked to the court society. Franz Anton count Sporck had several agents in Vienna, the most prominent of them was Johann Heinrich von Schmidt who was active at the Bohemian Chancellery and at the Court Council of War (Hofkriegsrat).180 Schmidt is known to have both selected books for Sporck and to have distributed the books sent by Sporck in Vienna.181 Franz Karl von Swéerts Sporck employed Wenzel Franz von Haymerle as his Viennese agent and – among other things – he heavily relied on him in mediating the support of the state authorities

175 Tobias Seeman was born as the youngest child of a subject family in a Sporck estate Algersdorf (Valkeřice) in 1679. Cf. Jiří KUBEŠ – Vít PRCHAL, Tobiáš Antonín See- man a jeho kalendářové zápisy z let 1726–1747 [Tobias Anton Seeman and His Calendar Records, 1726–1747], in: Theatrum Historiae 9, 2011, pp. 16–17. 176 On the activities connected with his office, see J. KUBEŠ – V. PRCHAL, Tobiáš An- tonín Seeman, p. 13. 177 Cf. Jiří KUBEŠ – Martin PAVLÍČEK – Vítězslav PRCHAL (edd.), Kalendářové záznamy Tobiáše Antonína Seemana z let 1726–1747 [The Calender Records of Tobias Anton Seeman from the years 1726–1747], (forthcoming). I wish to thank Jiří Kubeš and Vít Prchal for sharing the working version of the edition of Seeman’s diaries with me. 178 Cf. P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, p. 140. 179 On the role of agents as cultural mediators explored on the case of Ottavio Piccolo- mini, duke of Amalfi, see the text by Alessandra Becucci in this volume. 180 P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, p. 64. 181 Ibidem, pp. 140, 417. 118 Veronika Čapská for the foundation of a new friary of Servants of Mary, some of whom the Swéerst-Sporck couple used as translators for devotional literature of their taste.182 In September 1746, count Swéerts-Sporck stayed in the Servite priory in Vienna negotiating the approval for the foundation of a Servite friary at the family estate in Konoged (Konojedy). The entry in Seeman’s journal from September 22, 1746, shows clearly how various levels of the Swéerts-Sporck multilayer networks concurred:

“At 9 o’clock in the morning the agent von Haimerle came to His Grace [Franz Karl Swéerts-Sporck – J. K., V. P.]. He discussed the Konoged case with His Grace the count. At noon His Grace took his meal at home in the convent [Servite friary – V. Č.]. In the afternoon after 4 o’clock the agent von Haimerle came over to His Grace again and stayed until 7 o’clock.”183

As we can see, the web of (Swérts)Sporck personal servants, officers and agents closely collaborated to create and sustain the flow of organizational interaction and information, and the flow of gifts, including capital and books, to support the goals of the patron family.184 While in the Jesuit and Pietist translation projects the key role in organizing and supervising the infrastructure was played by printing office overseers who guided the translation activities, in the (Swérts)Sporck case the dominant role was that of the family members acting as patrons. Franz Anton count Sporck used the services of various printing offices in Bohemia and abroad – private ones such as that of Peter Conrad Monath in Nuremberg (Nürnberg) but also the archepiscopal printing office in Prague. However, his interest in nonconformist literature led

182 After many difficulties the Servite house was eventually founded at the Sporck estate in Konoged (Konojedy) in north-west Bohemia. For the correspondence between Franz Karl Swéerts-Sporck and Wenzel Franz Haymerle in this matter, see Národní Archiv v Praze [National Archives in Prague], Archivy zrušených klášterů [Archives of Dissolved Religious Houses] – Sbírka úředních knih [Collection of Office Books], book No. 80, inv. No. 1036, signature 3514. 183 “Umb 9 uhr vormittag der herr agent von Haimerle zu ihro gnaden gnädigen herrn [Franz Karl Swéerts-Sporck] kommen. Wegen unßer konnogedter affair ein und anders mit ihro gnaden dem gnädigen grafen verabredet. Zu mittag ihro gnaden gnädiger herr zu hauß in closter gespeist. Nachmittag nach 4 uhr der herr agent von Haimerle wieder zu ihro gnaden gnädigen herrn kommen, bis 7 uhr geblieben.” Jiří KUBEŠ – Martin PAVLÍČEK – Vítězslav PRCHAL (edd.), Kalendářové záznamy, entry on Sep- tember 22, 1746 (forthcoming). 184 Particularly striking is the intensive flow of gifts during the stays of the (Swéerts-) Sporcks in Vienna. Cf. J. KUBEŠ – M. PAVLÍČEK – V. PRCHAL (edd.), Kalendářové záznamy, (forthcoming). On the prominence of exchanges of flows for the evolving network society, see M. CASTELLS, The Information Age ,I p. 442. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 119 him to start his own secret printing office at his estate in Lysá (Lissa) in eastern Bohemia.185 This enhanced his publishing activities greatly. But the expansion in production of books which were not submitted to church approval did not escape the attention of censors. In June 1712, when Sporck was in Vienna, the printing office was closed down under cooperation of church and state authorities. The printer, Sporck’s subject, was arrested and Sporck had to pay a fine of one thousand florins. The books were subjected to censorial inspection and destined to be either destroyed as heretical or sold to finance medical facilities during the raging pest epidemic.186 In an apparent effort to distance themselves from the controversial reputation of Franz Anton count Sporck, the Swéerts-Sporcks later routinelly submitted translated books to censorship approval and published them with appropriate statements revealing the actual place of publication and printing office. With the generational change we can also observe certain shifts in nodes and hubs which served as the structural support for book circulation and translation flows. These were closely connected with the usage of family residential networks.187 Franz Anton Sporck had his book supplies in each of his residencies – not only due to his predilection for books and cherished practice to donate them to people on various occasions, but also because he was well aware that many of them were nonconformist and storing them at various places reduced the risk of being confiscated. This indeed happened in July 1729 when Sporck’s main residences in Lysá (Lissa) and Kuks (Kukus), his Prague palace and the Vi- ennese house of his agent Schmidt were thoroughly inspected in search for heretical books.188 For the next generation, Franz Karl and Anna Katharina Swéerts-Sporck, their residences in Lysá (Lissa), Neuberstein (Nový Berštejn) and Prague were particularly important.189 Their new residential pattern went hand in hand with their close co-existence with

185 P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, p. 119. 186 Ibidem, p. 126. 187 For a recent attempt to reconstruct the residential network of Franz Karl Swérts- Sporck on the basis of Seeman’s diary and to compare it with the residential pattern of his predecessor, see Vítězslav PRCHAL, Sídlo a jeho pán. Rezidenční strategie hraběte Františka Karla Swéerts-Sporcka ve druhé čtvrtině 18. století [A Residence and Its Master. The Residential Strategy of Franz Karl, count Swéerts-Sporck, in the Second Quarter of the Eighteenth Century], in: Theatrum Historiae 9, 2011, pp. 45–78. 188 On the confiscation of books in relation to Sporck’s accusation of heresy, see P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, pp. 415–416. 189 Cf. V. PRCHAL, Sídlo a jeho pán, p. 66. 120 Veronika Čapská the Servite friars (and their convents in Prague and later the nascent house in Konoged) on whom the couple largely relied with their book translation patronage project. In addition to the multilayered (Swéerts-)Sporck personal and spatial networks which conditioned and shaped their translation projects, the family played an important role as cosmopolitan elites supervising and supporting the translation flows. As indicated above, this level can be understood in terms of the aristocratic habitus within which translating was part of the cultivation of language skills and translation sponsorship belonged to broader patterns of aristocratic patronage. In general, the (Swéerts-)Sporck long-term book translation patronage allowed them to continuously demonstrate and affirm their -be longing to the highest aristocratic circles – despite and probably also because of the fact that they never infiltrated the narrow circles at the imperial court in Vienna. By means of their transmitting and donat- ing works of mostly French and other fashionable authors, they created and sustained their self-image of a cosmopolitan, learned, philanthropic family. But what exactly were the reasons for the (Swéerts-)Sporck family members to support book translations and what were the purposes of their distribution? Moreover, I argue that it can be established how the reasons and aims of this type of family patronage changed over time. Among the book translations supervised by Franz Anton Sporck one can find several titles which suited the tastes and demands of aristocratic readers of the time. Some translated authors were connected with the French court, such as Philippe Hurault de Cheverny (1528–1599), the chancellor of the French king, or Jacques Boileau (1635–1716), the royal court preacher. Certain translations were clearly intended to serve primarily noble readers and the Sporck family representation, such as the translation of Cheverny’s Instruction à son fils published under the German title Treuer Unterricht und Vätterliche Ermahnung in two editions (1711 and 1718).190 The genre of father’s instructions to a son enjoyed high popularity in the noble milieux and this type of book was ideal for gift giving and thus the strengthening of social ties. Another translation choice tailored to noble tastes seems to have been Der aus dem Irrthum gebrachte Hoffman oder die Gedancken eines Edelmanns (1710).191 Indicative

190 Philippe HURAULT DE CHEVERNY, Treuer Unterricht und Vätterliche Ermahnung: die er seinem Herrn Sohn hinterlassen, s.l. 17182. 191 The author and French original version are so far unknown. Cf.Der aus dem Irrthum gebrachte Hofmann, oder die Gedancken eines Edelmannes, welcher die meiste Zeit seines Lebens bey Hof und im Krieg zugebracht. Aus dem Französischen ins Teutsche übersetzt, [Lissa] 1710. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 121 of representational purposes is the dedication to Jiří Adam count Mar- tinic in which Eleonora Sporck, then an Annunciation nun, recalls the count’s kindness shown to her when she had been on her youth tour to Rome with her father.192 Nonetheless, the majority of translated texts were devotional books. This needs to be seen in a broader context. Religious texts continued to dominate the works of translation throughout the early modern period. Moreover, since the main translators who worked for Franz An- ton Sporck were his two daughters, an important factor at play was the collective perception of what was the “appropriate” reading for noble ladies. Devotional texts also clearly had a strong potential for further distribution by donations. Works of piety had a more universal appeal than specialized books, such as economic or legal texts, and could be easily disseminated to both male and female audiences. Although the genre of devotional literature may appear rather conventional at first sight, many translations commissioned by Franz Anton Sporck were in fact texts which were on the edge of Catholic orthodoxy or even crossed it, such as the translations of works by Calvinist preachers, Benedict Pictet (1655–1724) or Pierre Poiret (1646–1719). With the next phase of the family book patronage connected with Anna Katharina and Franz Karl Swéerts-Sporck, a major shift in emphasis from family representation towards social reform can be observed. The Swéerts-Sporck couple initiated and financed a large project of translating and publishing which had an ambition to reach recipients from the lower social strata.193 From the 1730s to early 1750s, around twenty devotional titles were put into print.194 The Swéerts-Sporck patrons engaged their confessor, the Servite friar Wilhelm M. Löhrer, as the main translator. His name and translation authorship is explicitly acknowledged on the title pages only in rare cases.195 But the manuscript

192 Cf. Der aus dem Irrthum gebrachte Hofmann, unpag. dedication. 193 For a case study devoted to the Swéerts-Sporck translation project, see V. ČAPSKÁ, A Publishing Project of Her Own. 194 The spiritual biography of Anna Katharina contains a list of religious books that were financed by the couple. Some of them were published in Latin, German and Czech language mutations, so that their number would even exceed the estimated twenty exemplars of the overall production. It was also possible to identify most of these old prints in various library collections. G. ZINCK, Offenbahr und geheimer Spiegel, pp. 64–65. 195 See for example Anreden und Sendschreiben Jesu Christi: An eine jede 1. In Sünden dahin lebende: 2. Sich zu bekehren gedenckende: 3. Nach dem wahren Leben des Geistes verlan- gende: Christliche Seel / Erstlich von R. P. Joanne Justo Landspergio Carthusiano Beschrie- ben: auch zu mehrmahlen in Druck gegeben. Anjetzo von Neuem auß dem Lateinischen in das 122 Veronika Čapská biography of Löhrer written by another Servite friar Gregor M. Zinck points out his erudition and command of foreign languages: “Lingua Hebraica, Latina, Germanica, Gallica et Italica, et multarum scientiarum fuit eruditus”.196 Zinck also comments on Löhrer’s translation activities: “Praesertim in transpositione de una lingua in aliam cum vero sensu ac ejus linguae proprio spiritu fuit excellens, prout in libellis a se transpositis et compositis videre est.”197 The sheer scope of the Swéerts-Sporck sponsored translation project suggests there may have been other translators involved. A closer inspection reveals this was, indeed, the case. Löhrer’s biography disclos- es he did not have the command of the second language of the land: Czech.198 However, some of the devotional books were rendered into Czech. In most cases the translations are anonymous but the Czech version of the classical work Alloquia et Epistola Jesu Christi by the Carthu- sian mystic Johann Gerecht (1489–1539) called Landsberg conveys it was “translated by one priest from the Order of the Servants of Mary from German into Czech”.199 It is not clear who was the author of this second hand German-Czech translation. The Servite friars whom the Swéerts-Sporcks employed in their translation project were members of a reformed branch of their order, the so called German observance. For ascetic reasons they adhered to the ideal of authorship anonymity.200

reine Teutsche übersetzet, und mit allem Fleiß von vielen eingeschlichenen Fehlern gereiniget Von R. P. Guilielmo Maria Löhrer, Aus dem Closter des Ordens der Diener Mariae, auff dem H. Creutz-Berg bey Bonn, Cöllen und Franckfurt 1737. See also Gesandtschafft des be- drangten Teutschlands zur Trösterin der Betrübten, Das ist: Verträuliche Unterredung Mit Maria, In allen Nöthen … Anjetzo Auf Anhalten frommen Seelen … Von P. Guilielmo Maria Löhrer auss dem Closter obbemeldten Ordens, auf dem H. Creutzberg bey Bonn… Prag 1753. 196 Jihočeská vědecká knihovna v Českých Budějovicích [South Bohemian Research Li- brary in České Budějovice], Modus vivendi Multum Reverendi Patris Definitoris perpetui Guilielmi Mariae Löhrer, Ordinis Servorum B. V. M., SS. Theologiae Lectoris, Nati Anno 1669 die 4. Octobris in Poppelsdorff …,Manuscript No. 1NH12, unpag. 197 Ibidem. 198 Ibidem. 199 Cf. Božské, W Osobě Krysta Gežisse ku každé wěřicý Dussy 1. Která až posawád w těžkých hřissých wězý: 2. Která k Pokánj a k Bohu swému se obrátiti žádostiwá gest: 3. Která giž k Bohu obrácená po prawé Duchownj Cestě pokračowati žádá: Mluwenj a gako k ni odeslané Psanj. Neyprwe od Welebně-Důstogného Kněze Jana Justa Landsspergia Karthuzyána sepsané; Nynj od gednoho Kněze Ržádu Služebnjkůw Rodičky Božj, z Německého Gazyka na Cžesko přeložené, Praha 1740. 200 For more on the ideal of anonymity in the German observance of the Servite order, see Veronika ČAPSKÁ, Členové servitského řádu mezi anonymitou a věhlasem. Možnosti a meze biografického studia servitských řeholníků [Members of the Servite Order Between Anonymity and Fame. Possibilities and Limits of Biographical Research of Servite Friars], in: Folia Historica Bohemica 26, 2011, No. 2, pp. 335–354. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 123

From the outlined evidence and context we may thus deduce there were more members of the Servite order involved in translating than the ag- ing Wilhelm M. Löhrer. A broadened inclusiveness of the Swéerts-Sporck translation project is apparent from the choice of titles. Besides classical works by late Me- dieval mystics, as Hendrik Herp or the above-mentioned Landsberg, many less sophisticated works were put to print – mostly prayer books accessible to unlearned readers. The structure of the book production matched the rhetoric of serving the “common good” and providing “spiritual nourishment” to their subjects.201 The translation project thus subscribed to the Enlightenment effort to guide and instruct the lower social strata through books. In addition to its aspirations at social reform the Swéerts-Sporck project was also a powerful instrument of advancing the preferred forms of piety of the patrons, especially those connected with the Servite order and of the increasingly fashionable cult of the Sacred Heart of Jesus which spread from France.202

Conclusion

The promotion of certain forms of religious devotion and transmission of new religious practices was a shared feature of all three centres of translation activities explored in this article. The effects of these transfers in the sphere of material culture could only be outlined briefly in this context, but it would deserve a more thorough research in the future. One can find not only parallels but also interconnections and direct ties among the Jesuit, Pietist and (Swéerts-)Sporck projects which supports the suggested concept of Bohemian lands as a space of diverse translation flows. The Jesuit and exile book production projects show a long-term mutual awareness and reflection of each other’s competing efforts. For example, already the second re-edition of the translation of a book by Laurentius Hermanuticius undertaken by Jiří Ferus as early as in 1638, is stylized to formally resemble an exile book (špalíček, Spänchen). Moreover, the Foreword employs the rhetoric of the church

201 Cf. Veronika ČAPSKÁ, A Publishing Project, pp. 72–77 202 Cf. Ibidem, pp. 77–79. 124 Veronika Čapská militant and mentions the danger of books from exile centres in Pirna and Leszno.203 The notion of rivalry and competing interests between the Jesuit translation centre around Jiří Ferus and the exile translation activities resonated throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as can be seen from the biographical entry of Jiří Ferus in the Enlightenment collection of lives of Bohemian and Moravian learned people and artists written by Franz Martin Pelzel. The entry on Ferus conveys: “He also translated various works from different languages into Czech.”204 In addition to a brief list of his translations Pelzel added: “It would be desirable to republish the best of these Czech books anew in several volumes. This way the common man, who always likes to read something after all, would not be forced to send for his Czech books printed in Berlin, Halle and Zittau.”205 The relations between the (Swéerts-)Sporck family and the Jesuits which did not cross the confessional line were very unsettled across time. As an aristocratic family and generous benefactors the (Swéerts-) Sporcks had a strong social standing which the religious institutions had to take into account. Nonetheless, it is known that the unorthodox views of Franz Anton Sporck and the ways he promoted them provoked the Jesuits. The Society of Jesus officially kept decorum and even invited count Sporck to visit the St. Clement college in Prague during Easter in 1729, where the count showed profound interest in the library and printing office.206 Regardless of this, Sporck commissioned and published satirical anti-Jesuit songs and mocked the order for years. Finally, his nonconformist views and vitriolic anti-Jesuit propaganda climaxed in the confiscation of his library in July 1729, and in his accusation of heresy – an unparalleled case in Bohemian nobility.207

203 Cf. J. LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ, p. 154. [Jiří FERUS-PLACHÝ], Předmluva [Fore- word], in: Laurentius Hermanuticius, Štítek víry proti bludům nynějších časův znovu vytištěný [A Newly Printed Shield of Faith against the Heresy of Present Days], Praha 1638, unpag. 204 “Er hat auch verschiedene Werke aus andern Sprachen in die böhmische übersetzt”. Franz Martin PELZEL, Abbildungen böhmischer und mährischer Gelehrten und Künstler, nebst kurzen Nachrichten von ihren Leben und Werken, vol. 3, Prag 1777, p. 118. 205 “Es wäre zu wünschen, dass man die besten dieser böhmischen Bücher in einigen Bänden aufs neue wieder auflegen liess. So würde der gemeine Mann, der doch im- mer gern etwas liest, nicht gezwungen sein böhmische zu Berlin, Halle und Zittau gedruckte Bücher kommen zu lassen.” Ibidem. 206 Cf. P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, p. 390. 207 See especially the entire chapter seven in P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, pp. 387– 411. More recently from the perspective of legal history, cf. Ignác Antonín HRDINA – Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 125

Franz Anton Sporck cultivated significantly better relations across the confessional line, specifically with the Halle Pietists. Many scattered references provide us with an insight into long-term mutual contacts between the count and the Francke circle. It had been long known that Sporck visited Halle at least once in 1700, shortly before his book patronage took momentum with the intensive translation activities of his adolescent daughters.208 Moreover, the diaries of August Hermann Francke reveal further contacts through correspondence and book supplies.209 Indeed, the library of the Francke Foundation houses many books translated by the Sporck sisters.210 In 1714, Franz Anton Sporck attended a Viennese sermon of Christian Voigt, a foremost patron of the publication of the Czech New Testament in Halle and the (former) first preacher of a Lutheran community in Teschen.211 A letter by Voigt also implies that Sporck knew another major benefactor closely connected with the Halle circle, Erdman Heinrich count Henckel who subsidized the publishing of the Halle Czech Bible.212 Sporck’s publication patronage equally aroused interest in the Pro testant milieux. The first German theological journal Unschuldige Nach- richten von theologischen Sachen, mentioned his activities in 1718 and 1722 and later addressed his efforts in a special article in 1724 which conveyed that the count strived for an active Christinity in the spirit of early church.213 The cooperation and exchange between Franz Anton Sporck and the Halle Pietist circle seems to have been more intensive and complex than previously assumed and should be further analysed. The heirs of count Sporck distanced themselves from the activities of their predecessor (including the contacts with the Halle translation centre) which were

Hedvika KUCHAŘOVÁ, Kacířský proces s hrabětem F. A. Šporkem v právně-historickém a teologickém kontextu [Heresy Accusation Process of Franz Anton Count Sporck in the Legal-Historical and Theological Contexts], Ostrava–Brno 2011. 208 Preiss assumed this was not Sporck’s only visit in Halle. Cf. P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, p. 46. 209 The journals of August Hermann Francke are available on line through Francke Por- tal. The diary entries from June 8, 12 and 30, 1717, and February 29, March 4 and April 12, 1720, confirm intensive exchanges of books, messages and letters between count Sporck and the Halle Pietist circle. Cf. http://digital.francke-halle.de/mod2/ content/search/4541?query=Sporck (8 August 2014). 210 Cf. the private library of August Hermann Francke holds eight books translated by Maria Eleonora Sporck and one book translated by Anna Katharina Swéerts-Sporck. Cf. http://digital.francke-halle.de/mod7/search/quick?query=Sporck (8 August 2014). 211 Cf. P. PREISS, František Antonín Špork, p. 114. 212 Ibidem, p. 114. 213 Ibidem, p. 114. 126 Veronika Čapská

perceived as so controversial in the noble and court society that they posed a burden for the family.214 However, certain continuity can be seen in both the Sporck and Swéerts-Sporck emphasis on translating as means of social reform. What do these three explored cases of long-term entangled translation activities tell us about the emerging network society? We could see that the Prague Jesuits, Halle Pietists and the (Swéerts-)Sporck family had elaborate systems of both material and personal support for their translation and book publishing projects. Moreover, each of these three centres was familiar with the production of the two other translation foci – whose activities were not only crossing geographical and socio- cultural borders but in many ways were competing and complementary at the same time. By reacting to other book production projects, the translation centres recognized each other’s effectiveness. The study thus adds to the latest research which increasingly establishes that book translation and circulation played an essential role in enhancing and empowering the processes of interconnecting European societies and beyond – to the degree that scholars relate these developments to an intensification of early globalization in the course of the long eighteenth century.215 Particularly the Jesuits have been paid attention to as agents of globalization in the context of their overseas missions.216 However, the missionary ambitions and activities of Jesuits and other religious orders in broadly conceived Central and Eastern Europe are often left out, even though there were significant parallels. Religious professionals as translators could for example serve as builders (or possibly even subverters) of the empire in both European and overseas contexts. The previous research on Jesuit and Pietist missionary efforts can also serve as a source of inspiration, especially in its attention paid to the collections of preserved correspondence which are so rich that they invite future study from the related perspectives of translation history,

214 Cf. Veronika ČAPSKÁ, Jan Kristián Swéerts-Sporck a František Girtler – na společné cestě mezi zbožností a ekonomickým zájmem [ Johann Christian Swéerts-Sporck and Franz Girtler – Together on a Journey Between Piety and Economic Interest], in: Theatrum Historiae 9, 2011, p. 84. Jiří KUBEŠ, „Votre Excellence est trop philosophe“. Pobyt Františka Antonína Šporka u císařského dvora v roce 1727 [“Votre Excellence est trop philosophe”. The Stay of Franz Anton Sporck at the Imperial Court in 1727], in: Theatrum Histo- riae 9, 2011, p. 42. 215 Cf. W. SCHMALE, Theory and Practices of Cultural Exchange, pp. 19–20. 216 Cf. e.g. Luke CLOSSEY, Salvation and Globalisation in the Early Jesuit Missions, Cam- bridge, UK 2008. Cultural Transfers by Means of Translation 127 cultural exchange and social networks formation.217 For example, Jan Linka in his recent article on book production of the Jesuit Jiří Ferus and his circle stated that the study of the correspondence of Jiří Ferus can add significant new insights to our understanding of this under- researched translation centre.218 Entirely unnoticed by scholars has also remained the extensive private correspondence of Anna Katharina countess Swéerts-Sporck which may substantially enhance our knowledge of (Swéerts-)Sporck publishing activities and social networks. At the same time, the necessity to pay closer attention to correspondence provides but one example that the research in early modern translation should not remain limited to translating in the narrow sense of the word. But it is essential that it includes a broad spectrum of other relevant textual practices such as writing, reading, revising, adapting, correcting etc. which enable us to see more clearly the various textual layers and contexts of translation processes. Apart from careful analysis of textual practices, the exploration of the concepts of authorship and of the role of the Jewish translation activities seems particularly promising for the future. Over the recent years research in cultural exchange has grown to encompass not only the linear processes of cultural exchange, but also entanglements and multilateral exchanges. I believe to have shown with the example of translation history that it could profit from yet another dynamic concept, that of the space of flows.

217 Cf. for example L. CLOSSEY, Salvation and Globalisation; H. RÖSEL, Die tschechischen Drucke; E. WINTER, Die tschechische und slowakische Emigration. 218 Cf. J. LINKA, Jiří Ferus-Plachý SJ, p. 170.

129

The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 as an Example of a Cultural Transfer Failure1

Pavla Slavíčková

“Double-entry bookkeeping is one of the most beautiful inventions of the human spirit and everyone should introduce it in their economy.” (Goethe)2

Although accounts can seem to many only as a difficult to interpret series of numbers, the discussion of the connection between the technique of accounting and the socio-economic advancement of society will apparently never end. The centre of this discussion is the claim that the emergence and development of the technique of double-entry bookkeeping are closely tied to the needs of the capitalist system of economy in the sense of the necessity of a rationalization of the processes. According to Max Weber, rational capital accounting is a key component of the definition of modern capitalism.3 The continual accumulation of wealth, which is the prerequisite of the creation of capital, can be achieved precisely only thanks to purposeful rational conduct. The category of purposeful rationality in relation to capital enterprise then Weber operationalizes through rational operation of the balance,

1 This paper was prepared thanks to a special-purpose support for specific university research granted in 2012 to Palacký University in Olomouc by the Ministry of Educa- tion, Youth and Sports of the Czech Republic. The grant is entitled Typology and Development of Accounting Systems Used on the Territory of the Czech Republic before 1989 (investigator: P. Slavíčková), registration No. FF_2012_040. 2 “…die doppelte Buchhaltung … ist eine der schönsten Erfindungen des menschlichen Geistes, und ein jeder guter Haushalt sollte sie in seiner Wirtschaft einführen.” Johann Wolfgang GOETHE, Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre, Bd. 1, Berlin 1795, p. 82. 3 Max WEBER, General Economic History, New York 1961, p. 276. 130 Pavla Slavíčková hence double-entry bookkeeping and the modern way of bookkeeping.4 Joseph Schumpeter, who like many others in this affair built on We- ber, stated that a rational approach arises from the economic behaviour of the individual, but that only the capitalist practice of double-entry bookkeeping transformed monetary calculations into an instrument of the rational expression of profit and loss.5 Werner Sombart went even further, according to him capital as a category could not exist before the creation of double-entry bookkeeping,6 which however occurred to many other theoreticians, including Most, Yamey, Skander or Strachan.7 The crucial importance of the double-entry bookkeeping system lay in the fact that the accountants were newly able to provide precise data on all of the accounting operations conducted, their profitability, just the current amount of the assets of the specific accounting units. It allowed enterprising entities to assess rationally the results of their previous decisions and provided the necessary information for judging and designing alternatives of the future approach.8 The rapid establishment and consensual acceptance of the double-entry system of bookkeeping of records occurred in practice, again according to Weber, thanks to its technical precision. Business people, who switched to the double-entry method of bookkeeping, gained a significant lead over those who did not do that, which in the long-term time horizon was decisive for their further existence on the market.9 Hugo Raulich in this sense speaks of the end of the history of accounting, because if we divide theory from technology double-entry bookkeeping is at its peak:

“In the fifteenth century, the history of accounting ends, because the theory of accounting perfected its development already a hundred

4 Jan KELLER, Sociální jednání z hlediska marxistické sociologie [Social Action from the Perspective of Marxist Sociology], Brno 1988, p. 10. 5 Joseph A. SCHUMPETER, Kapitalismus, socialismus a demokracie [Capitalism, Social- ism, and Democracy], Brno 2004. 6 Bruce G. CARRUTHERS – Wendy Nelson ESPELAND, Accounting for Rationality: Double-Entry Bookkeeping and the Rhetoric of Economic Rationality, in: American Journal of Sociology 97, 1991/1992, No. 1, pp. 32–33. 7 Kenneth S. MOST, Sombart’s Propositions Revisited, in: The Accounting Review 47, 1972, pp. 722–734; Basil S. YAMEY, Notes on the Origin of Double-Entry Bookkeeping, in: The Accounting Review 22, 1947, pp. 263–272; James L. STRACHAN, A Synthesis of and Inquiry into the Contribution of Double-Entry Bookkeeping to Capitalism, (The Acad- emy of Accounting Historians Working Paper Series, No. 43, Vol. 3), Harrisonburg 1984. 8 Basil S. YAMEY, Scientific Bookkeeping and the Rise of Capitalism, in: The Economic History Review 2, 1949, pp. 99–113. 9 Max WEBER, The Agrarian Sociology of Ancient Civilizations, London 1988, pp. 65–66. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 131

years earlier and has not changed to this day and could not change. Any advances, which occurred in accounting, do not affect the theory, but only the technology of bookkeeping records, i.e. how to adapt records with an easy and efficient method suiting the purpose of accounting.”10

Raulich by his claim points to the development of the technology of accounting lasting several centuries, which was put to use during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Italy. He finds the beginnings of this development, just like a number of other authors, who have published on this topic here or are now publishing,11 with the scribes and officials of ancient Babylonia, Egypt and India, because “bookkeeping had its first base in counting and in written expression.”12 From them, the Greeks and Romans adopted their knowledge, but he considers the Arabs to be the key mediators of the cultural transfer, under whose influence the obligation to keep regular accounting became a component of for instance Spanish trade law.13 Thanks to the rapid domestication of the original method of bookkeeping, this custom was subsequently integrated into Christian culture and became an indelible part of the Christian method of trade, for the purposes of which it was further transformed. The technique of bookkeeping accepted by the Christian tradition is labelled by Raulich as the accounting of capital, the most perfect version of which was precisely double-entry bookkeeping.14 The decisive moment with which the end of the history of accounting is generally identified is the publication of the work by Luca Pa- cioli called Summa de arithmetica, geometria, proportioni et proportionalita, which came out in Venice in 1494 and included also the crucial eleventh tractate called De computis et scripturis, which became the first ever printed handbook to the double-entry technique of bookkeeping in history.

10 Hugo RAULICH, Dějiny účetnictví [The History of Accounting], Praha 1938, p. 38. 11 Alfred EISNER, Nejstarší památky a spisy účetnické [The Oldest Bookkeeping Monu- ments and Treatises], Praha – Dvůr Králové 1920; Josef FIALA, Dějiny účetnictví [The History of Accounting], Praha 1935. Currently, see particularly: Miloslav JANHUBA, Moment z historie účetnictví [A Moment from the History of Accounting], in: Základy teorie účetnictví, Praha 2007, pp. 89–101; Olga MALÍKOVÁ, České účetnictví v kontextu historického vývoje a analýza vybraných faktorů hodnotově ovlivňujících účetní výkaznictví [Czech Accounting in the Context of the Historical Development and Analysis of Se- lected Factors Affecting the Quality of Bookkeeping Record Keeping], Liberec 2009; IDEM, Účetnictví včera a dnes [Accounting Yesterday and Today], Liberec 2010; etc. 12 H. RAULICH, Dějiny, p. 3. 13 Ibidem, p. 28. 14 Ibidem. 132 Pavla Slavíčková

Unlike the rest of the Summa, which did not arouse any special attention, Pacioli’s discussion of bookkeeping is considered to this day as a knowledge base for practical accounting by the double-entry order.15 Luca Pacioli himself, at least according to the information available to us, was born in 1445 in Sansepolcro, where he apparently also acquired his first knowledge of practical mathematics from the local artists and mathematician Piero della Francesca. In Venice, where he left to study at age nineteen, he became acquainted with the merchant Antonio de Rompiasi, who besides the raising of his sons helped also in the business where he apparently mastered a practical knowledge of the keeping of accounting records. In 1470, Pacioli left the post of tutor and de- parted Venice for some time for Rome, before finally entering the order of the Friars Minor in 1477 following the example of his two brothers. Shortly afterwards, he himself began to lecture in mathematics, namely first at the university in Perugia and later also publicly in Rome. Thanks to that, he became a generally known and popular figure with access to the highest social circles. Still during his work in Perugia, Pacioli started working on the above-mentioned Summa, which he then had for purely practical reasons published thanks to the support of patrons at the publishing house of Paganino di Paganini in Venice.16 After 1496, Pacioli worked at the university in Milan and was also accepted at the court of Luigi Sforza, where he became acquainted with Leonardo da Vinci, with whom he continued to be tied by close friendship. At the end of his life, he returned to the friary at Monte Casale in his native Sanse- polcro, supposedly to help them with economic problems through his knowledge of bookkeeping, but according to his own words already at that time Pacioli felt tired and after a few years died. Although during his life Pacioli was known particularly for his teachings on mathematics, this part of his work has completely disappeared from awareness, whereas the eleventh tractate created a generally accepted knowledge model of double-entry bookkeeping technique and thus became the subject of cultural exchange in many countries in Western Europe and beyond. The essence of Pacioli’s so-called Vene- tian (Italian) double-entry method of bookkeeping is a series of three books, in which all accounting examples were to have been recorded:

15 Miloslav JANHUBA, Základy teorie účetnictví [Fundamentals of the Theory of Ac- counting], Praha 2007, p. 107. 16 IDEM, Luca Pacioli. Učitel matematiky a účtovnictva – život a dielo [Luca Pacioli. The Teacher of Mathematics and Accounting], in: Luca Pacioli. Tractatus XI Particularis de computis et scriptoris, Praha 2004, pp. 74–75. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 133

“At the beginning I mention that right after the inventory, three books are necessary, because they help with greater adeptness and serve for greater ease. They are called the memorial (first record book), the second the journal (daily) and the third the quaderno (main or balance book).”17 The memorial serves for the first detailed capturing of all of the operations performed in the form of who, what, when, where, with explanations and all of the data.18 Pacioli literally says:

“The memorial or according to some vachetta or squartafoglio is the book in which the merchant records all of his trades, small and large, which take place day by day, hour by hour. He records and in detail describes in this book everything regarding the sales and purchases (even of other businesses), in that he does not leave out anything, he clarifies: who, what, how and where with all the details.”19

Since anyone in the office had access to the memorial and could record in it, Pacioli did not recommend that data on immaterial property also be listed in it, which often happened in practice. The memorial was to be the basis of these accounting units, which in a short time period registered a great amount of business transactions. He did not expect that the owner of the company would supervise everything, quite the opposite. Considering that he himself often had to deal with trade outside the operational centre, those who remained at home recorded in the memorial, “women or apprentices … and so those who did not repulse customers must sell and take money, pay and buy according to the order which the principal gave them. And according their possibility, they must record every affair in the memorial, mentioning the simple money and weights as they are.”20 In that, emphasis was not places

17 I have worked with the Slovak translation: “Na začiatku podotýkám, že hned po inventári třeba tri knihy, pretože napomáhajů väčšiu obratnosť a slúžia na väčšie po- hodlie. Jedna se nazýva memoriál (prvý zápisník), druhá žurnál (denník) a tretia kvaderno (hlavná nebo bilančná kniha).” Tractatus XI Particularis de computis et scriptoris, Praha 2004, p. 22. 18 See more also in: Jaroslav KUBEŠA, Racionalizátor účetnictví ze 17. století [Rationalizer of Accounting from the Seventeenth Century], in: Účetnictví 8, 1973, No. 5, p. 195. 19 “Memoriál alebo poďla podaktorých vachetta čiže squartafoglio je kniha, do ktorej obchodník zapisuje všetky svoje obchody, malé aj veľké, ktoré sa uskutočnia deň za dňom, hodinu za hodinou. Do tejto knihy zapíše a podrobne vyloží každú věc, týkajúcu sa predaja a kúpy (aj iných obchodov), pričom, nevynechávajúc ani bodku, objasní: kto, čo, jako a kde, so všetkými podrobnosťami.” Tractatus XI, p. 22. 20 “…ženy alebo učni … a tak oni, aby neodpudili zákazníkov, musia predávať a brať peniaze, platiť a kupovať podľa príkazu, ktorý im principál dal. A podľa svojej možnosti musia každú záležitosť zapisovať do spomínaného memoriálu, menujúc jednoducho peniaze a váhy, ako sú.” Ibidem. 134 Pavla Slavíčková on which payment system the client used. Unlike the journal and main book, it was possible to list in the memorial the amount in the currency in which the trade was in fact realized. The second book, the journal, was a kind of secret book, into which the records from the memorial were brought, namely including the registry items in chronological order, in briefer form and according to the accounts of the main book: “In the journal (which is your secret book) you will be able to openly place and state everything that was found from your material and material things. In that, you refer everyone to the one – paper, which you write yourself or someone else for you.”21 The records from the journal were to be subsequently rewritten in the main book22 following the instruction: “In it, you write everyone debt- or or lender according to the beginning letter and you attach to it the number of the relevant page.”23 The scribe was to transfer every item from the journal to the main book, namely twice, first in Having to do (Dover avere) and second in Sent (Aver dato), “because there you speak to a debtor with the word per (for whom) and the lender the preposition a (to whom).”24 The item of the debtor is written on the left side, the item of the lender on the right. With the item of the debtor, it should refer to the page, where the item of the lender is and vice versa, thanks to which it was illustrated that these two record correspond to each other. And “the balance sheet, which can be made from the books, is created.”25 The sum of the records in the column Having had to be the same as the sum of the item Sent, if they were different, it was clear that there is a mistake in the records and it was necessary to negotiate a correction.

21 “V denníku (ktorý je tvojou tajnou knihou) budeš möcť otvorene vyložiť a povedať všetko, čo si našiel zo svojich hnuteľností a nehnuteľností. Pritom se zakždým odvo- láš na ten-ktorý list, ktorý si písa sám alebo niekto iný za teba.” Ibidem, p. 27. 22 “There are two phrases in the journal that are used especially in Venice, Italy: one of them is per, and the second a, and what are they to mark. In such a journal, two phrases are used (as was mentioned): one is per, the other a, each has its specific meaning. The word per marks the debtor debitor( ), either one or more. The item can never be put in the journal correctly (if it is to be written in the main book), unless it is first marked with these two mentioned phrases. At the beginning of each item, it is marked firstper , because first you must mark the debtor, and then immediately as the lender. They are separated from one another by two lines (virguls) like this | |, as was shown in another example.” Ibidem, p. 27. 23 “Do neho zapíšeš všetkých dlžníkov a veriteľov podľa začiatočných písmen a pripojíš k nim číslo príslušných listov.” Ibidem, p. 31. 24 “…pretože tam oslovíš dlžníka slovkom per (komu) a veriteľa predložkou a (prečo).” Ibidem. 25 “…tak vzniká súvaha, ktorú možno z knihy zostaviť.” Ibidem. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 135

With the development of entrepreneurial activities, the number of accounting cases with individual subjects (accounting units) rose slightly, and so further books began to appear with the purpose of clarifying them.26 A cashier journal was established to capture the operations in cash, for the other operations a loan journal, auxiliary books were separated from the main book, thanks to which only the accounts of a more summary nature (so-called synthetic) could be carried over to the main book. That simultaneously meant that the originally critical memorial gradually lost in importance and was replaced by a collection of accounting documents.27 In that way, the so-called expanded form of Ital- ian bookkeeping was created before 1800, which included the cashier’s book, the loan journal, the main book and a number of auxiliary books. From the remnant of accounts in the main book, two final accounts were composed at closing: the deliberate account (property) and the account of the business results (profit and losses).28 Pacioli’s synoptic methodology of how to keep books with the double-entry system comprised the basic system for bookkeeping for the entire subsequent period in Western Europe regardless of which country was in question. The received idea of Pacioli’s simple model was further developed creatively on the theoretical level, just like it was adapted for the specific needs of the evolving practice. Indisputably, Domenico Manzoni deserves our attention, who issued a book in Venice in 1534 entitled Quaderno doppio col suo giornale secondo il costumo di Venetia, which Štursa labelled as a faithful copy of the work by Pacioli with a graphic complementation of the bookkeeping of trade cases.29 Unlike the eleventh tractate, however, Manzoni did not use a memorial and instead of that recorded all of the accounting cases in one compiled item, which can be labelled as the beginning of the compilations, later typical for the German milieu.30 The beginnings of personification theory are also

26 Bohumil ŠTURSA, Stručné dějiny účetnictví [A Brief History of Accounting], Brno s. d. (1930s), p. 7. 27 Olga MALÍKOVÁ – Josef HORÁK, Finanční účetnictví [Financial Accounting], Li- berec 2010, p. 75. 28 Ibidem. 29 B. ŠTURSA, Stručně dějiny, p. 8. 30 Of the other authors of treatises of Italian origin, we should not forget also the BeBe-- nedictine monk Don Angello Pietra and his treatise Indirizzo degli Economi, o sia ordi- natissima istruttione da regolamente formare qualunque scrittura in un libro doppio issued in 1586 in Mantua, Father Lodovico Flori and the treatise Trattato del modo di tenere il libro doppio domestico col suo esemplare issued in 1636 in Palermo, or Giovanni Dome- nico Peri and Il Negoziante issued in 1638. Outside of Italy, one particularly excelling was the Dutchman Simon Stevin and his work Hypomnemata Mathematica, in the 136 Pavla Slavíčková connected with Pacioli’s technique, although their labelling does not come until from the nineteenth century when their sovereign domination up to that time also ends. It is referred to specifically in the 23rd chapter where it says:

“Imagine that this trade is a person, your debtor for everything that you give him and spend on him in whatever way. And on the other hand for everything that you take and get from the trade, make him a lender as you would a debtor who pays you back in payments. And for everyone who you bill with him, you will be able to ensure what it brings you, or profit or loss etc.”31

The personification of accounts is based on the concept that every type of economic means is entrusted to a feigned administrator, who keeps the relevant account on him. From this point of view, this theory was satisfied with a justification of the practical accounting rules on the necessity of a double-entry record of each bookkeeping case, hence it is a theory of the formalistic type.32 If we leave the romanticising interpretation of Pacioli’s significance, the main creator of the personification theory is again considered the Italian Lodovico Flori and his treatise Trattato del modo di tenere il libro doppio domestico.33 This movement had its peak period in the eighteenth century, when in that spirit they derived the operation of records in debit and credit in the teaching of bookkeeping. The five-account conception, as Janhuba writes, worked with personified accounts: owner – owner bis – administrator of the company – agent – correspondent.34 In connection with the development of

fifth volume of which he discusses bookkeeping. Prince Moriz was to have given the stimulus to write the work, from whose classes on bookkeeping the book came. In France, a similarly crucial role was played by Mathieu de la Porte, who i.a. issued in 1685 in Paris a booklet entitled Le guide des negocians et teneurs de livres and somewhat later in 1704 again there it briefer version called La science des negocians et teneurs de livres ou instruction generale, which was later issued repeatedly, namely even in a Ger- man translation in 1762 in Vienna and still served as a textbook in the nineteenth century. 31 “Predstav si, že ten obchod je osoba, tvoj dlžník za všetko, čo mu dávaš a vynakladáš naňho akýmkoľvek spôsobom. A naopak, za všetko, čo z obchodu vyberáš a dostá- vaš, urob ho veriteľom, ako by byl dlžníkom, který ti spláca po částiach. A tak zakaž- dým, keď s ním chceš účtovať, budeš môcť zistiť, ako ti vynáša, či zisk alebo stratu etc.” Tractatus XI, p. 48. 32 Jaroslav KUBEŠA, K začátkům dvojřadové materialistické účtové teorie [On the Begin- ning of the Two-Column Materialistic Account Theory], in: Účetnictví 2, No. 12, 1967, p. 466. 33 Issued in Palermo in 1636. 34 M. JANHUBA, Základy, p. 99. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 137 the economy and specifically with the growth of accounting operations kept by one accounting unit, this method ceased to be sufficient. As presented by Kubeša with a reference to Berliner, it worked more with images than with logical terms on the one hand and did not satisfy in the sphere of result accounts, where it had to help with fictitious constructs on the other hand.35 It was therefore necessary to define a new view of the essence and purpose of the individual accounts in a system of double-entry bookkeeping, which would more than on the formal side rely on the material foundation. These so-called materialistic theories relied in the formulation of their essences on the mutual relations between the accounts for the purpose of knowledge and clarification of the economic content and the mutual relation of the captured accounting cases,36 but the chance that some of them were used in practice before 1800 was small. Even Pacioli himself, however, was only a mediator of the method of double-entry bookkeeping, which was at the time used in practice by some trading companies in North Italy. It is a generally known fact that the earliest accounting records kept using the double-entry style come from Genoa from the middle of the fourteenth century, although certain signs appeared already at least fifty years earlier, namely in the local banking sector. A whole series of accounting books using the double-entry style have been preserved also in Venice, the earliest also approximately from the first half of the fifteenth century, whereas for- in stance Florence used simple accounting until the middle of the fifteenth century.37 Precisely the specific accounting records are the only way to

35 J. KUBEŠA, K začátkům, p. 467. 36 The main theoreticians of this movement include Friedrich Hügli, Georg Kurzbauer, J. F Schär and others. 37 For the sake of completeness, we must mention that the discussion of Luca Pacioli was not even the earliest guide to double-entry bookkeeping. In 1906 Karel Petr Kheil summarized the existing arguments, which spoke against this fact, but also rejected the possibility that Pacioli himself drew his description from the work of the native of Dubrovnik living in Naples Benedetto Cotrugli. Specifically, he had in mind his work Della Mercatura e del Mercatore perfetto, which he wrote in 1458, hence a few decades earlier than Pacioli’s Summa was issued, but which went to press only in 1573. Just like Pacioli, Cotrugli speaks of three books (main book, journal and memorial) with the instructions to the accountant: “at the beginning of every year, compare its items (of the main book) with the journal and make of it the main balance sheet, convert all of the profits and losses to your account capital.” According to Kheil, this statement entails the proof that he had in mind the double-entry method of bookkeeping, which many other researchers, most recently Jaroslav Kubeša, however, reject. Karel Petr KHEIL, Benedetto Cotrugli Raugeo (Dubrovčan) [Benedetto Cotrugli Raugeo of Du- brovnik], in: Příspěvek k dějinám účetnictví, Praha 1906. 138 Pavla Slavíčková determine the technique that books were kept in a given land or area at a certain time. The transfer of the technique of double-entry bookkeeping from Italy to the Bohemian milieu could have been facilitated by the active contacts and arrival of Italian builders and merchants to Prague and other places at the beginning of the Early Modern Period. It is precisely in connection with the reign of Rudolph II that Miloslav Janhuba speaks of the penetration of double-entry bookkeeping into Bohemia.38 The proof that Pacioli’s eleventh tractate was known here is testified to by exemplars of the Summa preserved to this day in the collections of monastic or aristocratic libraries, including its first edition. An early printed book from 1494 with Latin and German glosses from the sixteenth century is found for example in the Moravian Land Library in Brno.39 In practice, however, a technique close to double- entry bookkeeping based on monetary incomes and expenditures can be identified at that time only in the accounting of Jewish merchants and currency exchangers, but these sources are generally considered to be a specific exception and often are labelled in the literature as an independent chapter of accounting in the Bohemian lands.40 After all, even the Italian public gained access to Pacioli’s original Italian version of the eleventh treatise relatively late, namely in connection with the accidental rediscovery of the Summa by the Milanese professor of mathematics Lucini in 1869. Only then did the book begin to be spread again and translated to foreign languages. It was published in German for the first time in 1876 thanks to Prof. Ernst Ludwig Jäger.41 In fact, a massive expansion of this technique in practice did not occur in the Bohemian milieu and in place of double-entry bookkeeping accounting records were kept in the German model at the latest from the first quarter of the seventeenth century until 1918 in the business sphere and the cameral form in public administration from 1762 practically until 1914.42 At the beginning of systematic customs in keeping economic registers, a single-balance system of a primitive type is usually discussed, which was later replaced by the technique of single-entry bookkeeping. That, sometimes also labelled as the simple system, developed here

38 M. JANHUBA, Základy, p. 100. 39 Vladislav DOKOUPIL, Soupis prvotisků z fondů univerzitní knihovny v Brně [Catalogue of the Incunabula from the Collections of the University Library in Brno ], Brno 1970, No. 768, p. 204, sign. Mk P74. 40 M. JANHUBA, Základy, p. 110. 41 Rudolf ŠLOSÁR, Dejiny účtovníctva na Slovensku [History of Bookkeeping in Slova- kia], Bratislava 2008, p. 15. 42 M. JANHUBA, Základy, p. 110. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 139 gradually from the thirteenth century, although it received the title only at the end of the eighteenth century to distinguish it from the double- entry style. The basis of the simple accounting style was the keeping of a single entry of accounts, which formed in its conclusion a balance whose top item was profit. All of the economic operations are thus captured in a system of accounts of a homogeneous nature, where the production process along with others is captured in the ongoing balance neutral accounts, which do not enter the final balance in any way. In this system it was not necessary besides the active and passive accounts to distinguish between the expenses and profits.43 This accounting method has many forms and hence it is difficult to prove its origin. In practice, it was very popular and used, later in parallel with the cameral system, for long centuries. Specifically, if we look for instance at the accounting records of Bohemian and Moravian towns, only a minimal shift in the style of accounting appears de facto from the end of the Middle Ages (from which time we have the first preserved collections of ongoing accounting records) until 1800. Perhaps only for the sake of completeness, we should mention that the earliest urban in the sense of municipal accounts were created with a simple list of incomes and expenditures freely written down in an entry in chronological order. This primitive system was used for instance by the scribe, who recorded in the book of numbers in Kutná Hora in the fourteenth century (from which a remnant has been preserved in the form of two pages dated to 1375).44 The testimonial value of these records is limited, we usually cannot read more from them than from whom, possibly to whom, for what and which sum was worked with. A developmentally more advanced version was the division of incomes and expenditures into their own columns, later also books, which mani- festly is the most common form of the record of the simple bookkeeping from the Early Modern Period. Again, it does not take into account the chronological order of the incomes on the one hand and the expenditures on the other, if the accounting operation really took place, nor does it distinguish between the received/paid out cash and receivable or debt. Similarly, regular accounting closings are unknown to it. The

43 Renáta HÓTOVÁ, Z dějin účetnictví [History of Accounting], in: Ekonomická revue 4, 2003, p. 66. 44 Otakar LEMINGER, Pozůstatky knihy počtů města Kutné Hory ze XIV. století [Fragments of the Book of Accounts of the Town of Kutná Hora in the Fourteenth Century], in: Kutnohorské příspěvky k dějinám vzdělanosti české [Kutná Hora Contribution to the History of Czech Education], Kutná Hora 1923, pp. 3–16. 140 Pavla Slavíčková scribe usually summed the items when the records filled the page of the book or at the end of the calendar year (suma particularis), but we would seek a copy of the resultant sums in the sense of the beginning state in vain in the following accounting period. It is similarly true also in the case that the account was closed, typically e.g. with orphan accounts. To say it differently, the expression of the accounting balance, or the profit or loss of a given accounting unit is impossible based on these accounting records. Methodologically this way of bookkeeping was described by the scribe of the New Town of Prague M. Prokop in his book Praxis cancellariae.45 According to him, the incomes and expenditures of the counsellors should be recorded in the book of numbers labelled as the liber rationum in the order in which they held their post. At the beginning of the book, the data on the renewal of the urban council should be listed and further the names of the counsellors should follow headed by the primate, or mayor. Under the name of the mayor and the date he started in the post, the scribe was then to record in an ongoing fashion first the incomes and then the expenditures. At the end of the period, he should always compare the income and the expenditure and make a record of the accounting. The provability of the individual bookkeeping operation was ensured by their approval, which in fact was equiva- lent to transferring the record into the book of numbers. An important element is Prokop’s proposed division of the books of numbers into two parts, of which the first the numbers were to be kept according to the mayor and the second was to be reserved for the recording of municipal debts.46 A comparison of Prokop’s theory with the real form of urban books of numbers was conducted by Miloslav Bělohlávek.47 According to him, the method of keeping the books of numbers in Bohemian and Mora- vian towns in their fundamental principles match Prokop’s regulations. A marked conservatism is evident in the bookkeeping, the form of the entries, the initial and closing formulations of the accounting remain essentially unchanged. Conservatism according to him is reflected also in the use of Roman numerals, which complicated addition and subtrac- tion for the scribes and hence the reason for many inaccuracies and mis-

45 František MAREŠ (ed.), Prokopa, písaře Nového Města pražského Praxis cancellariae [Praxis cancellariae by Prokop, Scribe of the New Town of Prague], Praha 1908. 46 Ibidem, pp. 26–27. 47 Miloslav BĚLOHLÁVEK, Kniha počtů města Plzně 1524–1525 [Book of Accounts of the City of Pilsen 1524–1525], Plzeň 1957. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 141 statements.48 A risk for the provability of the accounting was keeping several different treasuries and a non-existent budget, which the town did not begin to use until from the eighteenth century. Although theoretically the main, so-called income treasury, functioned as the central one in which the surpluses were to be sent, or losses of the other treasuries covered, the system of the entries of these transactions either did not exist at all or were markedly problematic. Since there was no central awareness of the incomes and expenditures, it happened that the missing means were filled by the administrator of the treasury from his own resources.49 Exceptionally, there was a high-quality system in the keeping of the urban accounting within the realm of possibilities then, for instance in the town of Rokycany, which was referred to by Petros Cironis.50 The Income Registry, which has been preserved to this day and was the main book of incomes and expenditures of the municipality, comes from 1599 to 1600. The accounting year in it lasted fromExaudi Sunday 1599 to the same day in 1600. The first part of the book contains entries on all of the annual incomes, the second part of the book comprises records on the municipal expenditures, but besides this it also contains summary statements on the municipal total annual incomes and expenditures including the transfer of the results of the previous year into the following accounting period:

“Income of money from the previous number. From the previous number, which was closed on Saturday after the memorial of the As- cension of Christ Our Lord in 1599 besides payment, there remained after Matyáš Židek, income official, 675 threescore, 52 grosch and half a denar.”51

Quantifying the cash-flow balance (the difference between revenues and expenditures) for the selected reporting period was an important move toward improving the quality of early modern financial reporting. This trend is also evident over the years in other towns in Bohemia and Moravia. In addition to this, another important change, which often

48 Ibidem, p. 35. 49 Ibidem, p. 37. 50 Petros CIRONIS, Účty města Rokycan v letech 1599–1600 [Accounts of the Town of Rokycany in 1599–1600], in: Minulostí Rokycanska, No. 7, Rokycany 1997, pp. 3–21. 51 “Příjem peněz po předešlým počtu. Po předešlém počtu, kterýž zavřín v sobotu po památce na Nebenavštívení Krista pána léta 1599 mimo odvod, zůstalo za Matyášem Židkem, auředlníkem důchodním, 675 kop, 52 grošů a půl denáru.” Ibidem, p. 7. 142 Pavla Slavíčková took place before the end of the sixteenth century, was the introduction of separate (stated in our terms) accounts which individual accounting transactions categorized by the individual economic activities. The subsequent developmental phase was then the division of these accounts into independent books, later also systemic sets intended for the entries of accounting operation performed in the same case. Auxiliary accounting books, for instance treasury journals etc., just like prescribed forms, appeared even later, often at the end of our observed period, which un- derstandably is connected with the growth of the agenda in individual towns. Generally, there is a clear trend in increasing the demanding nature of the content and formal accuracy of the entries made as well as the emphasis on checking them. Nevertheless, considering the increasing complexity of the administration of urban finances, the cities did not overcome their shadows and remained within the accounting style with the original style of simple accounting and missed the opportunities provided by cameral accounting, or double-entry bookkeeping. Cameral accounting is a parallel system to simple bookkeeping, although developmentally naturally later. Its beginnings are usually connected with the court of Maximillian I in Burgundy and dated to the second half of the fifteenth century. Apparently at the advice of his counsellors, the emperor was to have given the order at the end of 1497 and beginning of 1498 for the expansion of this system also to hereditary Austrian lands. The mediators of the transfer under the supervision of the sovereign became Dutch officials, who were called for that purpose to the monarchy on the Danube. Components of the reform were also the establishment of a court chamber that was to oversee the income and expenditure management in the public administration and this provide information to the emperor on if it seems that was to be received and paid was in fact received and paid.52 Although at first glance it was for the Central European area a foreign technique, nothing prevented its adaptation to the local situation thanks to which cameral bookkeeping was successfully domesticated. In its basic form, it was a specific accounting system suitable for income and expenditure management, particularly for following the management of the state or municipality, generally budgetary organizations. The cameral style captured data on the incomes and expenditures of accounting units, but for instance the registration of material property (material, goods etc.) was kept

52 Jaroslav KUBEŠA, Jedno výročí kameralistiky [One Anniversary of Cameralism], in: Účetnictví 3, 1968, No. 11–12, p. 436. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 143 separately in the auxiliary books. The incomes and expenditures were captured in the cameral journal, from which they were copied into the so-called columns. In these, what was to be done (labelled as Instruc- tion or Requirement) was entered on the left, and on the right what was really done (Payment or Remuneration). This principle is usually called the key characteristic of the cameral system.53 The method of bookkeeping in the cameral style arises from the composition of the budget in which, in an ideal case, no financial cash should remain at the end of the accounting period.54 What the first cameral bookkeeping looked like in reality has not been investigated in detail in our milieu.55 What is certain is that the individual entries were not proved with specific accounting documen- tation, a tie between the individual books was not required and journals were not kept, which led to a number of items being charged with a significant delay. Hence, it is possible to say that the bookkeeping itself was not fully reliable and frequently contained also fake items.56 Although part of the original shortcoming were subsequently corrected (it is not possible to speak of a uniform cameral style, because there was a wide range of its versions), the fundamental shortcomings played to the adherents of the double-entry system, who tried to replace this system in practice. One such endeavour occurred at the Austrian imperial court in 1717. Apparently for a smoother course of the transfer to the model mentioned above and also to break the resistance of the officials traditionally standing against any changes and new things, -ac countants from banks and trading companies were called to the central authorities, who were familiar with this system in practice. In this case, however, the transfer was unsuccessful, apparently because of the misunderstanding of these two worlds, when the mentioned agents of the transfer failed to adapt the accounting techniques and habits to the public administration sector and modify it in terms of its needs. The central system in the coming years, although it de facto switched to the double-entry method of accounting, namely in double-entry dailies based on weekly or monthly totals that referred to subordinate organizations from which the entries were transferred to the general ledger, the result was not very satisfactory. As presented by Jaroslav Kubeša,

53 R. HÓTOVÁ, Z dějin účetnictví, p. 67. 54 Ibidem. 55 The most detailed: Hugo RAULICH, Kamerální účetnictví (v podnicích soukromých) [Cameral Bookkeeping (in Private Companies)], Praha 1935. 56 J. KUBEŠA, Jedno výročí, p. 436. 144 Pavla Slavíčková over the subsequent eleven years, during which not one account was possible to close properly, let alone compile a closing, it confirmed that the reform was not a good solution.57 Filip Klipstein literally said on that in 1781: “At that time absolute Babylonian confusion dominated. The cameral accountants understood the mercantile accountants as little as they understood them; it was therefore no wonder if an act was issued that henceforth there would never be talk of a double-entry system ever in state bookkeeping.”58 While the bodies of public administration were discouraged by this unsuccessful endeavour for a long time from the use of the double-entry style, the other subjects particularly from the production and trade sec- tors also for many decades, we can say that even centuries, were fossilised with the system of simple bookkeeping, or the simple bookkeeping style with elements of the cameral, but without there being a clear explanation for that. We can present as an example the analysis of the economic instructions conducted by Václav Černý. According to him, individual estates had their own features and used a broad spectrum of various regulations in keeping accounting records. Particularly, the schemes of accounting sections (titles) were set differently and the problem was to determine the formal unity also within one large estate, because “the accounting officials often had different abilities and inabilities in keeping accounts.”59 Eduard Mikušek went the furthest in the classification of the technique of keeping accounting records in this milieu using the case of the accounting books created at the Lobkowicz manor farm estate in Roudnice. According to the original proposal, this estate was to introduce the cameral system of accounting in its central accounting office following the instructions for the nominated director of the estate Ondřej Jakub Milota in 1784. However, considering the death of Prince Ferdinand Filip neither the establishment of the nominated Milota nor the introduction of the cameral system took place. The guardianship administration for the minor Josef František Maxmilián continued in the existing system of keeping accounting records until 1822, when the administration of the manor farm estate was assumed by his son Ferdi- nand. Under the influence of the cameralistic theory, he gave the stimulus for the introduction of cameral accounting beginning on 1 January

57 Ibidem, p. 437. 58 Filip KLIPSTEIN, Lehre von der Auseinandersetzung im Rechnungswesen, Leipzig 1781, p. 12. 59 Václav ČERNÝ, Hospodářské instrukce [Economic Instructions], Praha 1930, pp. 80– 81. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 145

1825.60 According to Blecha the change to cameral accounting occurred on aristocratic manor farm estates after 1762 in connection with the publication of the book Einleitung zu einem verbesserten Cameral-Rechnungs- Fuss auf die Verwaltung zu einer Herrschaft angewandt, which was written and published in that year in Vienna by Johann Mathias Puechberger.61 Specifically at the Lobkowicz manor farm estate in Roudnice, itwas the use of the so-called. Puteani accounting, hence a system created by the accountant at the Chotkovice estate, Josef František Puteani (1749– 1836).62 Its essence was keeping by the regulatory, i.e. requisite items of implemented payments not only in the main book but also in the journal.63 Whereas in the Early Modern Period, the accounting units in the Bohemian lands sufficed with the simple technique of bookkeeping expanded by the already described components, a more distinctive shift took place at the end of this period at the end of the eighteenth or in the nineteenth centuries.64 Yet, even so the examined subjects preferred the cameral style to the double-entry system. What arises from that for us considering what was said in the introduction? The answer to this question cannot be definitive and it will not be possible to formulate it before the relationship between the methods recording the individual accounting operations, possibilities and limi- tations of the individual bookkeeping styles actually used in practice, the financial administration in the Bohemian lands and the needs of the individual economic subjects will be entirely revealed, because the emphasis on quality in bookkeeping in this period, unlike the present, does not come from the obligation ordered by an external, superior body, but from the internal needs of the specific subject. That is proved as mentioned above by the fact that bookkeeping cases were first written down chronologically to support the memory (they were to serve as a permanent memory of correct management) and only later did the

60 Eduard MIKUŠEK, Otázky skartace duplikátů knih kamerálního účetnictví [Questions of Discarding Duplicates of the Books of Cameral Bookkeeping], in: Archivní časopis 31, 1981, pp. 76–77. 61 Josef BLECHA, Účty a účetní materiál [Accounts and Accounting Material], in: Jindřich Šebánek – Zdeněk Fiala – Zdeňka Hledíková, Česká diplomatika do roku 1848 [Bohemian Diplomatics until 1848], Praha 1971, pp. 323–369, here p. 344. 62 Jiří TYWONIAK, Ústřední správa chotkovských velkostatků a její archiv [Central Admini- stration of Chotek Dominions and Its Archive], in: Sborník archivních prací 23, 1973, pp. 20–21. 63 E. MIKUŠEK, Otázky, p. 77. 64 Here I would mention the comment made in the discussion by Dana Štefanová, who encountered the double-entry method of bookkeeping at the Schwarzenberg dominion in the seventeenth century. 146 Pavla Slavíčková purpose of bookkeeping gradually change. The principle of consistency ever more entered the accounts, the material was classified by the content of the items and it was possible to follow the movement of individual components of the property equity as well as the cash-flow balance. The system did not allow for a determination of profit or loss, because it took into account the incomes and expenditures (the mentioned balance), and not the costs and benefits, through the difference of which the economic result could be attained. The number of bookkeeping operations, however, did not exceed a tolerable level, property was not registered within accounting, just like there was no need to determine the state of the account in a shorter than annual interval. In other words, bookkeeping had a particularly legal purpose, it served for instance as a means of evidence in litigation or for the needs of external checks, but an economic purpose that would stimulate a shift to the more demon- strably higher quality method of double-entry bookkeeping could not prevail. If we interpret the findings based on the theory of Max Weber and his successors, we can say that Weber’s position is so plausible that it is not possible to reject it entirely, but it is obviously necessary to modify it considering the situation in the Bohemians lands. Hana Kubačáková was the only one who tried to find the reasons accounting units in our cultural area overlooked the advantages offered to them by the double-entry system of bookkeeping and published them in the journal Účetnictví (Accounting) at the beginning of the 1980s. According to her, the first reason lies in the lower literacy of the domestic population, the second in that “the development of production forces in the Bohe- mian lands at that time is on a low level and does not require a wider usage of accounting records in either the production or exchange processes.” The third and final reason is the separation of the Bohemian lands from rest of Europe.65 If we use Weber’s lens on the possible causes this system did not develop in the Bohemian lands, we can calmly set aside Kubačáková’s first mentioned reason, because the one who kept the bookkeeping operation was quite surely literate regardless of the level of literacy of the rest of the population. In the same way, we can set aside the third reason, because, as was shown, bookkeeping with the double-entry system was not unknown here, it was merely not used

65 “…rozvoj výrobních sil v českých zemích je v té době na nízké úrovni a nevynucuje si širšího využívání účetních záznamů ani ve výrobním, ani ve směnném procesu.” Hana KUBAČÁKOVÁ, Počátky účetnictví v Čechách [The Beginnings of Accounting in Bohemia], in: Účetnictví 16, No. 3, 1981, pp. 116–118. The Double-Entry Accounting System Before 1800 147 more massively. Hence, only the second hypothetical reason points in a useful direction. If we shake off the Marxist terminology, which is, however, really distorting the fact that unlike Weber's position it entails the explicit premise of a clear and unilateral influence between the base and superstructure, we can say that double-entry bookkeeping was not implemented here, because there was no real economic pressure, which would force the local subjects to embrace it. In other words, the cameral system completely sufficed for the needs of these subjects. From the Weber’s perspective, it means either to claim that Early Modern Bohemian society was simply not yet capitalist, then Weber’s position remains untouched, or we can modify it so it is useful also for the research of bookkeeping in the Bohemian lands in the period studied here, but that means to abandon hard phrases like “decisive competitive advantage” and speak not about the survival of the strongest but of the survival of the sufficiently strong. Neither of the mentioned possibilities is postulated here as a definitive answer, but as a possible starting point for research, where the second variant clearly offers more promising prospects.

Cultural Intermediaries

151

A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain: Cultural Go-Betweens in Early Modern Europe*

Alessandra Becucci

Introduction

The role of agency in early modern cultural exchanges in Europe has recently become the object of in-depth studies focusing mainly on merchants and brokers.1 In this contribution I specifically consider the role of the agent, which was undoubtedly instrumental to the activity of Eu- ropean court society in the early modern period, in relation to the members of the foreign-born military nobility engaged in the service of the Habsburg Empire in the seventeenth century.2 Bound to spend most of

* The research conducted for this paper and for the related ongoing project was only possible thanks to the generous support of the Francis Haskell Memorial Fund Re- search Scholarship (2012) and of the Visiting International Fellowship in the Hu- manities at the Silesian University in Opava (2013). Some of the passages in this contribution are elaborated from my doctoral thesis L’arte della politica e la politica dell’arte nello spazio europeo del Seicento. ��Ottavio Piccolomi- ni: contatti, agenti e acquisizioni d’arte nella Guerra dei Trent’anni, European University Institute, Florence 2012. All the translations from archival documents are mine. 1 Hans COOLS – Marika KEBLUSEK – Badeloch NOLDUS (edd.), Your Humble Servant. Agents in Early Modern Europe, Hilversum 2006; Marika KEBLUSEK – Bade- loch Vera NOLDUS (edd.), Double Agents. Cultural and Political Brokerage in Early Modern Europe, Leiden 2011; Marika KEBLUSEK, Merchants’ Homes and Collections as Cultural Entrepôts: The Case of Joachim de Wicquefort and Diego Duarte, in: English Studies 92, 2011, No. 5, pp. 496–507. 2 On the court society, beyond the groundbreaking study by Norbert ELIAS, Die hö- fische Gesellschaft. Untersuchungen zur Soziologie des Königtums und der höfischen Aristokra- tie mit einer Einleitung: Soziologie und Geschichtswissenschaft, Neuwied – Berlin 1969; Ronald G. ASCH, Adolf M. BIRKE, Princes, Patronage, and the Nobility: The Court at the Beginning of the Modern Age, c. 1450–1650, Oxford 1991; John ADAMSON, The Princely Courts of Europe, 1500–1750, London 1999; Jeroen DUINDAM, Myths of Power. Norbert Elias and the Early Modern European Court, Amsterdam 1994; IDEM, Vienna and Versailles: The Courts of Europe’s Dynastic Rivals, 1550–1780, Cambridge 2003; Karin 152 Alessandra Becucci the year travelling across Europe with military and diplomatic commit- ments, the members of the Habsburg military elite were forced to rely on networks of agents allowing them to operate at several levels, both for the needs of their career and for the maintenance of their households while on duty. By presenting the case of the imperial general Ottavio Piccolomini, duke of Amalfi, in this paper I discuss the relevance of these agents in relation to the cultural interests of this military nobility. I try to show how these networks determined the choice as to how these noblemen fashioned themselves as members of the imperial elite, ultimately shedding light on the importance of cultural investments in the shaping of a career in seventeenth-century Europe.3 Born a Tuscan count, Ottavio Piccolomini (1599–1656) left for Northern Italy at the age of sixteen. The several posts he held and the advancements in his career, from pike bearer to Governor General of the army in the Spanish Netherlands, took him to operate in different geopolitical spaces – Tuscany, Austria, Bohemia, the Spanish Netherlands and, allegedly, England. These movements naturally triggered processes of adaptation and confrontation with the different cultural milieux he found himself operating in. The rise of his social status – an Italian duke rising to the rank of imperial prince – also implied the adoption of ex- pressive modalities used within the ambit of the Habsburg court. It was essential to be familiar with the court hierarchy and custom with relation to gift exchanging, precedence rules and etiquette. In this context, the process of Piccolomini’s self-fashioning always proceeded alongside the maintenance of a Siennese, Tuscan and Italian identity. The dimension of his mobility indeed brought him in confrontation with the international milieu of the Viennese court, against which his foreign

J. MACHARDY, Social Mobility and Noble Rebellion in Early Modern Habsburg Austria, in: History and Society in Central Europe 2, 1994, pp. 97–139; EADEM, Cultural Capi- tal, Family Strategies and Noble Identity in Early Modern Habsburg Austria, 1579–1620, in: Past & Present 1999, No. 163, pp. 36–75; EADEM, War, Religion and Court Patronage in Habsburg Austria. The Social and Cultural Dimension of Political Interaction, 1521–1622, Basingstoke – New York 2003. 3 I use the concept of “fashioning” as first used by Stephen GREENBLATT, The Re- naissance Self-fashioning: From More to Shakespeare, Chicago – London 1980 to define the process of constructing one’s identity and public persona according to a set of socially acceptable standards. For an elaboration on the concept and a discussion about it see, amongst several others, Mario BIAGIOLI, Galileo Courtier: The Practice of Science in the Culture of Absolutism, Chicago 1993; John MARTIN, Inventing Sincerity, Refashioning Prudence: The Discovery of the Individual in Renaissance Europe, in: Ameri- can Historical Review 102, 1997, No. 5, pp. 1309–1342; Jill BURKE, Changing patrons. Social Identity and the Visual Arts in Renaissance Florence, University Park, PA, 2004. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 153 origin would be associated with a generally Mediterranean identity – ‘Welsche’, in a derogatory form – with reference to one of the two main factions competing within the court society. Piccolomini’s identity was therefore created and confirmed in different places – Florence, Vienna, Innsbruck, Madrid, Brussels – and in different spaces: the court, the city, the battlefield. But it also took shape in the transit between those places, through change of location and of status, through the adjustment to the different duties he performed, and in the balance between his several tasks. In the framework of the renewed interest for the spatial dimension in the social sciences, the aspect of mobility aids in the com- prehension of the shaping of Piccolomini’s social persona and cultural interest within the highly dynamic court society.4 One could think of him as of an ante litteram cosmopolite, grown up within the stimulating environment of the Florentine court, an acquaintance of Galileo Galilei, and grafting his cultural heritage onto several cultural expressions he came in touch with. But mobility alone, though necessary, is not a condition sufficient to develop a cosmopolitan attitude. The concept of cultural exchange seems to be a useful interpretive key to understanding Piccolomini’s self-fashioning at the imperial court with respect to his family and cultural heritage.5 Cultural exchange entails mobility in itself, in the movement of men, things, ideas, and in their active reception. Modalities of cultural exchange are historically determined and are the object of continuous negotiation. From time to time they can recur in the form of appropria- tion, acquisition, commerce, diplomacy, or travel.6 Whatever the reason

4 Alessandra BECUCCI, Ottavio Piccolomini (1599–1656): A Case of Patronage from a Transnational Perspective, in: The International History Review 33, 2011, No. 4, pp. 585–605. 5 Peter BURKE, The European Renaissance: Centres and Peripheries, Oxford – Malden 1998, mainly pp. 6–13; Peter BURKE, Translating Knowledge, Translating Culture, in: Michael North (ed.), Kultureller Austausch in der Frühen Neuzeit, Köln – Weimar – Wien 2009, pp. 69–77; Peter BURKE, Civilizations and Frontiers. Anthropology of the Early Modern Mediterranean, in: John A. Marino (ed.), Early Modern History and the Social Sciences. Testing the Limits of Braudel’s Mediterranean, Kirksville 2002, pp. 123–141: 137; Francisco BETHENCOURT (ed.), Cultural Exchange in Early Mod- ern Europe, Cambridge 2007; Thomas DaCosta KAUFMANN – Michael NORTH, Introduction – Artistic and Cultural Exchanges between Europe and Asia, 1400–1900: Re- thinking Markets, Workshops and Collections, in: Michael North (ed.), Artistic and Cul- tural Exchanges between Europe and Asia, 1400–1900, Farnham – Burlington 2010, pp. 1–8. 6 Stephen GREENBLATT, Shakespearean Negotiations. The Circulation of Social Energy in Renaissance England, Oxford – New York 1988; Donatella CALABI – Stephen TURK CHRISTENSEN (edd.), Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, II. Cities and 154 Alessandra Becucci for it, cultural exchange often takes place through different cultural areas and implies, to a certain extent, the presence and the crossing of frontiers and borders.7 These are indeed particularly complicated to define in relation to early modernity because the expressions are related to concepts of nation and state – and to the relative cultural identities – which are difficult to apply to seventeenth-century Europe. As Renato Pasta writes, frontiers acquire a strong historical sense just in the context of the intense mobility that calls into question identities, and a sense of belonging.8 Ottavio Piccolomini’s Europe had physical and cultural proto-national, regional, and imperial borders and had geographical, cultural, and linguistic frontiers in fieri, in a territory continuously dominated by conflicts for some eighty years.9 Piccolomini’s Europe remained a land of conflict well into most of the nobleman’s life, and frontiers and borders were often being moved following the

Cultural Exchange in Europe, 1400–1700, Cambridge 2007; Bartolomé YUN CASALI- LLA, Príncipes más allá de los reinos. Aristocracias, comunicación e intercambio cultural en la Europa de los siglos XVI y XVII, in: José Enrique Laplana – Aurora Egido (edd.), Me- cenazgo y Humanidades en tiempos de Lastanosa: Homenaje a Domingo Ynduráin, Zaragoza 2008. 7 Borders and frontiers are also the first analytical segment suggested in the- analy sis of cultural exchanges in Rudolph MUHS – Johannes PAULMANN – Willibald STEINMETZ, Brücken über den Kanal? Interkultureller Transfer zwischen Deutschland und Großbritannien im 19. Jahrhundert, in: Rudoph Muhs – Johannes Paulmann – Wil- libald Steinmetz (edd.), Aneignung und Abwehr. Interkultureller Transfer zwischen Deutschland und Großbritannien im 19. Jahrhundert, Bodenheim 1998, pp. 7–20. 8 Renato PASTA, Introduzione, in: Teresa Isenburg – Renato Pasta (edd.), Immagini d’Italia e d’Europa nella letteratura e nella documentazione di viaggio nel XVIII e nel XIX secolo, Firenze 2004, p. 7. I quote from Alessandro PASTORE, Introdu- zione, in: Alessandro Pastore, Confini e frontiere nell’età moderna. Un confronto tra discipline, Milano 2007, p. 9. For borders in early modern Spain and Italy Miguel Ángel MELÓN JIMÉNEZ, Conflictos y diplomacia: las fronteras de la Monarquía Hispa- nica, in: Francisco Chacón – Maria Antonietta Visceglia – Giovanni Murgia – Gian- franco Tore, Spagna e Italia in età moderna: storiografie a confronto, Primo Incontro Internazionale, Identità mediterranee: Spagna e Italia in una prospettiva comparata (secoli XVI–XVIII), Cagliari 5–6 ottobre 2007, Roma 2009, pp. 169–187; Giovanni MURGIA – Gianfranco TORE, Conflitti e diplomazia negli antichi Stati italiani: la difesa dei confini, in: Ibidem, pp. 189–219. 9 For a discussion on the concept of cultural frontier starting from Fernand Braudel, see Peter BURKE, Beyond the Cultural Turn?, in: Peter Burke, What is Cultural History?, Cambridge, UK, – Malden, MA, 2004, pp. 100–126: 116–119 (Frontiers and encounters); Robert HENKE, Introduction, in Eric Nicholson – Robert Henke (edd.), Trans national Exchange in Early Modern Theater, Aldershot – Hampshire 2008, pp. 1–15. As for borders and frontiers in Central Europe, it is worth remembering that Picco- lomini’s most illustrious ancestor, Enea Silvio, later pope Pius II (1405–1464), had contributed to the definition ofGermania ’s borders in a treaty that he wrote, first one from Tacitus’ times, on that territory, Reinhard STAUBER, I confini tra Italia e Germa- nia nella prima età moderna, in: Pastore, 2007, pp. 205–218: 210. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 155 development of the war. Within this framework, the study of Piccolo- mini’s networks of art and luxury consumption provides a precious case for the study of cultural exchange as one of the elements instrumental to the integration of foreign military nobility in seventeenth-century imperial court society. Across these borders Piccolomini moved, and so did most of the objects he commissioned, purchased, acquired, or exchanged. Borders conditioned his choice in terms of artworks and artists availability, of the works’ logistic retrieval, of the difficulties in moving the things and men working for him, of the relation between artists working for him and the Central European cultural, and artistic milieu. On the other hand, the movement of artists and artworks across Europe accounts for the existence of a koinè, a common language in the tastes of European nobility, certainly seconded by kinship within the major European courts and inseparable from the market. In this respect, the definition of these cultural frontiers, often spatial and temporal at the same time, can only be attained with reference to specific episodes of purchase, acquisition, gift giving, and transfer of artworks or artists.10 In the light of this dimensional multiplicity through which the artistic space deploys, it is possible to read Piccolomini’s patronage of artists already working for other patrons, of artists unknown to him and introduced to him by agents and mediators, of artists whose works he knew, and whom he himself contacted and later introduced to other patrons. And, it is precisely in relation to these dynamics that the role of agents and mediators comes in as pivotal. The focus of this analysis is therefore less on the object of the exchange – artworks, books, luxury items in general – than on the actors involved in it, to show how they were in some cases the key element in the process of endorsing cultural dispositions and expressions that, in Piccolomini’s case, could be perceived as in tune with those of the imperial court society.

Luigi Malo, a Merchant Banker

Since brokerage was a widespread phenomenon in early modern Eu- rope, Ottavio Piccolomini’s network is certainly not unique. His case

10 Enrico CASTELNUOVO, La Frontiera nella storia dell’arte, in: Carlo Ossola – Claude Raffestin – Mario Ricciardi (edd.), La Frontiera da Stato a Nazione. Il caso del Pie- monte, Roma 1987, pp. 235–261: 235; Enrico CASTELNUOVO – Carlo GINZBURG, Centro e periferia, in: Giovanni Previtali (ed.), Storia dell’arte italiana. Questioni e metodi, 1. Materiali e problemi, I, Questioni e metodi, Torino 1979, pp. 285–348. 156 Alessandra Becucci stands, though, as a well-documented example of the use of agency by seventeenth-century military nobility for self-promotion through culture at the imperial court. In this respect, this paper will consider in particular three agents operating within Piccolomini’s wide network: the merchant banker Luigi Malo, the diplomat Niccolò Siri, and captain Giovan Battista Formarini. Their mediation was instrumental in some of the cultural processes which Piccolomini’s integration into the imperial court society entailed, and it demonstrates how the action of in-betweens could contribute to orientate the quality of the patron’s choice, influencing the way in which he was perceived at court. Amongst the many characters acting as agents and brokers for the Tuscan nobleman, Luigi Malo is certainly a pre-eminent one, both for the duration of his relationship with Piccolomini, and for the traits their relationship featured within the panorama of the duke’s connections. In their capacity as mediators, while not having a specific profession in common, several of Piccolomini’s contacts shared the function of agency they performed for him. But, Malo is the one who, according to the sources, better embodies the concept of the ‘double agent’ that Marika Keblusek defined in her many contributions to the topic.11 The relation between Luigi Malo and Ottavio Piccolomini was first identified in a study on Piccolomini’s tapestries by Jarmila Blažková and Erik Duverger.12 While tracing the commission of two series of arrases, which are still conserved today in Piccolomini’s castle in Náchod, on the basis of the nobleman’s correspondence with Malo, Jarmila Blažková stressed the remarkable tone of familiarity of some of the missives, and the bound- less trust which Piccolomini had in Malo, both for his honesty as a merchant, and for his taste and art connoisseurship. Besides the important exchange of pieces of advice and opinions, it was Malo who chose for Piccolomini the luxury items, paintings, tapestries, pottery, and so on. Similarly, Blažková noted the peculiarity of the way information was exchanged between the two men. Indeed, while the passing of political

11 Marika KEBLUSEK, Profiling the Early Modern Agent, in: Hans Cools – Marika Ke- blusek – Badeloch Noldus (edd.), Your humble Servant. Agents in Early Modern Europe, Hilversum 2006, pp. 9–15. Keblusek quotes Edward Goldberg’s definition (Edward GOLDBERG, Patterns in Late Medici Art Patronage, Princeton 1983, p. 25): “(…) agent as little more than a term of convenience, denoting anyone who was recognized as in some way in the service of the Medici”; M. KEBLUSEK – B. NOLDUS (edd.), Double Agents. 12 Jarmila BLAŽKOVÁ – Erik DUVERGER, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolomini et le marchand anversois Louis Malo, St. Amandsberg 1970. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 157 information from Malo to Piccolomini appears to be normal in view of the merchant’s capacity as a member of the nobleman’s information network, it seems less obvious that Piccolomini felt at ease to do the same. Regularly, in fact, he informed Malo on the proceedings of the peace conference in Nuremberg or on the movement of the troops, of which the merchant, commissioned with the payment of the Spanish troops amongst other things, must have already been abreast of himself.13 It was then that Erik Duverger, in the second part of the study, traced Malo’s biography, starting from notarial records conserved in the State Archives in Antwerp. In Duverger’s reconstruction, the lack of documents attesting Ma- lo’s birth and death in Antwerp would confirm Italian provenance. To sustain Malo’s Italian birth, the scholar quotes the reference to a “Do- minicus Ludovicus Malo negotiator Italus” in a notarial paper dating from 1653, and publishes other records documenting the merchant as “négotiant et resident en ceste ville d’Anvers”. The absence of a request for Antwerp citizenship – which would have caused him to loose the privileges allowed to foreign merchants – would also confirm a foreign birth, and would explain Malo’s return to Italy at a mature age.14 In 1668, while in Venice, he named a procurer to act on his behalf in Ant- werp, and to take care of the procedure related to the inheritance his daughter Gertrudis received at her maternal grandmother’s death.15 As stressed by Duverger in his study, it is not easy to precisely trace the capacity of Malo’s commercial network, spread between Italy, Spain, the Spanish Netherlands, and England, nor is it possible to define its precise character, though the scholar recalls how in some notarial records the merchant is defined as banker.16 Certainly, Malo’s activity can be reconsidered within the context of the economic, political and cultural action of the many mediators and agents operating at several levels in early modern Europe.17 As for

13 Ibidem, pp. 19–20. 14 Ibidem, p. 74. 15 Ibidem, pp. 74, 75, 95, doc. I. 16 Ibidem, p. 77. 17 Marika KEBLUSEK, The Business of News. Michel le Blon and the Transmission of Politi- cal Information to Sweden in the 1630s, in: Scandinavian Journal of History 28, 2003, No. 3–4, pp. 205–213, particularly note 5 for a bibliography on “double agents”; Badeloch NOLDUS, Dealing in Politics and Art. Agents between Amsterdam, Stockholm and Copenhagen, in: Scandinavian Journal of History 28, 2003, No. 3–4, pp. 215–225; Heiko DROSTE, Diplomacy as a Means of Cultural Transfer in Early Modern Times, in: Scandinavian Journal of History 31, 2006, No. 2, pp. 144–150; Erik THOMSON, For a Comparative History of Early Modern Diplomacy, in: Scandinavian Journal of History 158 Alessandra Becucci

Antwerp, where Malo was based, until about 1640 the town maintained its role of cultural gateway for Central Europe through a stimulating socio-cultural life. In this framework, recent studies have seen the commercial élite as one of the agents participating in the process of aristocratisation which characterized the town in the first half of the century.18 Within this process, cultural and symbolic capital increasingly became pivotal in the achievement and maintenance of a social status, and one’s individual capital could not be separated from that of the social group.19 It was only natural for Malo to connect with the local commercial élite, and to establish bonds with its primarily though not exclusively Ital- ian members. Duverger attempted a reconstruction of the merchant’s network of acquaintances looking at the names of godfathers and god- mothers chosen to baptize his ten children. Most of them were found amongst the members of leading trading families of Antwerp, Italian or of Italian descent, such as the Carenna, the Annoni and the Tassis.20 And, correspondingly, Malo and his wife, Gertruidis Van Veen, would be godparents to the children of the Annoni family.21 Furthermore, the

31, 2006, No. 2, pp. 151–172; Badeloch NOLDUS, An “unvergleichbarer liebhhaber”. Peter Spierinck, the Art-dealing Diplomat, in: Scandinavian Journal of History 31, 2006, No. 2, pp. 173–185. 18 On Antwerp’s golden age and on its “Indian summer” see Patrick O’BRIEN, Urban Achievement in Early Modern Europe: Golden Ages in Antwerp, Amsterdam and London, Cambridge 2001; Bruno BLONDÉ, Art and Economy in Seventeenth-century and Eight- eenth-century Antwerp. A View from the Demand side, in: Simonetta Cavaciocchi (ed.), Economia e Arte secc. XIII–XVIII, Atti della 30ma settimana di Studi, Istituto Inter- nazionale di Storia Economica “F. Datini”, Prato 2002, pp. 379–402; Filip VERMEY- LEN, Painting for the Market: Commercialization of Art in Antwerp’s Golden Age, Turnhout 2003. 19 Bert TIMMERMANS, The Seventeenth-century Antwerp Élite and Status Honour. The Presentation of Self and the Manipulation of Social Perception, in: Toon van Houdt – Jan L. De Jong – Zoran Kwak – Marijke Spies – Marc van Vaeck (edd.), On the edge of truth and honesty. Principles and strategies of fraud and deceit in the early modern period, Leiden – Boston 2002, pp. 149–165: 154; Bert TIMMERMANS, Patronen van patronage in het zeventiende-eeuwse Antwerpen : een elite als actor binnen een kunstwereld, Amsterdam 2008. 20 J. BLAŽKOVÁ – E. DUVERGER, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolomini, pp. 70–72. 21 A provisional family tree of Giacomo Antonio and Francesco Carenna in Antwerp appears in David JAFFÉ, Rubens’s Massacre of the Innocents: The Thomson Collection at the Art Gallery of Ontario, Ottawa 2009, p. 145. Based on the Historische documentatie verzameld door F. Donnet from Antwerp’s State Archives, the tree features Luigi Malo as godfather to Ludovico Carenna, eighth son of the Giacomo Antonio and Maria Annoni, baptized in 1635. Malo’s wife, Gertruidis van Veen, is recorded as godmother to Anna Maria, baptized in 1639, and hypothetically of Ludovica, baptized in 1633. On the Annoni and Carenna see also Giovanna TONELLI, Il notarile come fonte per la storia del commercio e della finanza a Milano (1600–1650), in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Italie et Méditerranée 112, 2000, No. 1, pp. 79–104. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 159 aristocratisation of this mercantile élite, often of foreign origin, was also taking shape through the reproduction of family identities via, amongst other things, the building of monumental burials in prominent churches in town.The natural ties between families of Italian origin found in most cases a physical expression in establishing their households and businesses in the same area, Lange Niewstraat, the center of the commercial life of the town. Malo’s house was located here as well as the most important parish church in Antwerp, Saint Jacob’s church – Sint Jakobskerk – which still stands today.22 In this church, the burial chapels of Antwerp’s élite were housed, including those of Rubens and his in-laws – Élisabeth Fourment, sister to the painter’s wife, and her husband Nicolas Picqueri, merchant and art lover – incidentally godparents to two of Malo’s children. The latter were all baptized in Saint Jacob’s, where their mother was buried in 1643. In 1656, Malo donated to the same church one of the window panes decorated with his family crest.23 Certainly the ties that bonded Malo to these other merchants were stronger than what is possible to document at the moment. Du- verger’s seminal work on seventeenth-century Antwerp’s inventories is enlightening as to the connections between these merchants’ houses and the network of cultural exchanges, art production and market in seventeenth-century Antwerp.24 Marriage bonds were naturally the first of these connections. Luigi Malo married the painter Gertruidis (1602–1643), daughter of Otto van Veen (1556–1629), humanist, pictor doctus, author of emblems and, until 1598, Rubens’ master. Malo’s father-in-law had been active for the archdukes Albert and Isabella, had become the court painter of the governor of the Southern Netherlands in Brussels, Alessandro Farnese (1545–1592), and had decorated some of the most important churches in town with his works.25

22 According to Duverger (J. Blažková – E. Duverger, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolo- mini, p. 74), in 1665 Malo asked his nephew Giovanni Domenico to sell his house, Le Roy Gaspar, in Lange Niewstraat, as he was going on a journey. For the history of the Saint Jacob’s parish in relation to Antwerp’s nobles, patricians, merchants and artists Jeffrey M. MULLER,Institution and Framework: the New Chapter of Canons and Its Choir Space in the St. Jacob’s Church, Antwerp, in: Hans Vlieghe – Katlijne Van der Stieghelen (edd.), Sponsors of the past. Flemish art and patronage 1550–1700, Turnhout 2005, pp. 117–134: 118. 23 J. BLAŽKOVÁ – E. DUVERGER, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolomini, pp.73–74. 24 Erik DUVERGER, Antwerpse Kunstinventarissen uit de Zeventiende Eeuw, 12 voll., Brus- sel 1984–2002. 25 See The last supper, dated 1592, still nowadays in the Vrouwekathedral (Cathedral of Our Lady) in Antwerp. 160 Alessandra Becucci

Besides his paternal kinship with one of the first painters in town, the merchant could count on family representatives in Venice in the person of his brother Giovanni, and in Madrid, through Maria Malo.26 Duver- ger’s hypothesis on the merchant’s Italian origin is confirmed by a passage in his correspondence with Ottavio Piccolomini. I believe that it is possible to affirm with certainty Luigi Malo’s provenance from the Republic of Venice. In November 1650, the merchant recommended to the nobleman the poet Ascanio Amalteo (1630–1667) – “my friend and country mate, I mean from our Republic of Venice” – who was at that time in the service of the archduke Leopold Wilhelm as author of operas and carnival feasts. Through Malo’s mediation, Amalteo was trying – unsuccessfully – to win Piccolomini’s patronage with the dedication of an ode, since the great expenses of the court had induced the Council not to grant him maintenance for much longer.27 “I assisted him in something – Malo writes – as an Italian and much honored person, and in his kind very virtuous and not vicious”. The Venetian origin well explains, then, Malo’s commercial presence in Venice through his brother, which Duverger identifies as his associate already in 1637.28 Fur- thermore, his nationality and the presence of family representatives in the Most Serene Republic of Venice would have certainly helped him in the activity as correspondent and agent for Venetian residents and ambassadors abroad.29

26 J. BLAŽKOVÁ – E. DUVERGER, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolomini, p. 77. 27 A. BECUCCI, Ottavio Piccolomini, p. 206. Státní Oblastní archiv v Zámrsku [State Regional Archives in Zámrsk] (hereafter SOAZ), Rodinný archiv Piccolominiové [Fa- mily Archive Piccolomini] (hereafter RAP), signature 15688, a letter from 6 January 1651, Luigi Malo to Ottavio Piccolomini. Ascanio Amalteo was born in Pordenone from a family native of Oderzo, near Treviso, territory of the Republic of Venice. Af- ter leaving the Habsburg court, Amalteo moved to Brussels and from there to Paris, where he was preceptor and literate at the court of Louis XIV and became intimate of cardinal Mazzarino. Renate SCHREIBER, „Ein Galeria nach meinem Humor“. Erzher- zog Leopold Wilhelm, Wien 2004, pp. 138, 140. 28 J. BLAŽKOVÁ – E. DUVERGER, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolomini, p. 70, recalls a notarial act in the State Archives in Antwerp registering a commercial company entitles to les Sieurs Luis et Jean Malo, marchands. 29 Allen B. HINDS (ed.), Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Af- fairs Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice and in Other Libraries of Northern Italy, 1655–1656, vol. 30, London 1930, pp. 150, 307, 318. Malo is reported as a correspondent from Antwerp: 24 September 1655, Giovanni Sagredo, Venetian ambassador in England, to the Doge and the Senate; 12 May 1656, Francesco Giavarina, Venetian Secretary in England to the Doge and the Senate; 26 May 1656, Francesco Giavarina, Venetian Secretary in England, to the Doge and the Senate; Thomas BIRCH (ed.), A Collection of State Papers of John Thurloe, vol. 6, 1657–1658, London 1742, p. 189, 2 February 1658, Malo to the Venetian resident in London. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 161

An analysis of Malo’s correspondence with Piccolomini confirms the functionality of these networks well into the 1650s. In June 1649, Malo could reassure the Italian nobleman that the battle paintings he was waiting for were kept at his mother-in-law’s in Brussels, waiting for the last two canvases of the series to be delivered by the painter, in order to send all the works on together.30 A couple of years later, in 1651, while pressing Piccolomini for some payment, Malo stressed the difficulties in being paid not only in Antwerp, but also in Spain “where I have everything”.31 The network Malo could count on functioned indeed on a European scale. In June 1647, the merchant could ask Piccolomini a favor for one of his correspondents in Paris. Giovan Battista Fano, an Italian based in Paris, had hosted Malo’s son in his house for six months, treating him very well and insisting that the expenses not be refunded to him. Fano’s son, Carlo, was in 1647 a soldier in the French army in captain Boisselot’s foot guards and, captured in Armentiers, was then a prisoner in Lille. Malo asked Piccolomini to intervene so that his friend’s son was not put in jail and could spend his imprisonment in town or, better, be released with his baggage.32 The motivation for Malo’s establishment in Antwerp is not known, and Blažková’s affirmation that he was based there en tant que fournis- seur du roi d’Espagne et de sa cour is not supported by circumstantial evidence.33 Once again Malo’s correspondence with Ottavio Piccolomini is a precious source to determine when Malo settled in Antwerp and how he defined his activity. As he recalled in a letter to Piccolomini dated 1649, Luigi Malo was already active in Antwerp as early as 1623.34 Fur- thermore, in an undated plea addressed to the Emperor to obtain his first-born son, Domenico Maria, a warm recommendation for the vacant office of Collector of the Dominions of the King of Brabant, Malo -in troduces himself as Assentista d’Anversa.35 Theasientos were loan contracts

30 SOAZ, RAP, 15541, 4 June 1649, Malo to Piccolomini. 31 SOAZ, RAP, 15708, 18 August 1651, Malo to Piccolomini, i miei bisogni che si fanno giornalmente maggiori quanto piu sono le dificoltà di scodere et qui et in Spagna, dove c’ho tutto il mio. 32 SOAZ, RAP, 15410, 13 June 1647, Malo from Antwerp to Piccolomini. 33 J. BLAŽKOVÁ – E. DUVERGER, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolomini, p. 19. 34 SOAZ, RAP, 15529, 26 February 1649, Malo to Piccolomini. 35 SOAZ, RAP, 13859, undated, Malo to the Emperor. 162 Alessandra Becucci through which the Spanish floating debt was managed.36 Since the last quarter of the Sixteenth century the asientos and the activity they generated was the base for Antwerp’s fortune as a financial center.37 Often operated by resident foreign merchants, they were also strongly conditioning the dealers’ liquidity and, therefore, their other activities. In 1647, Malo writes to Piccolomini about the blocking of all the business in town, due to the resolution of the Spanish Royal Council to suspend the assignments to all the Assentisti, with the exception of four Italian enterprises. The uprising of the town traders had then been accompanied by the loss of the credit for the payment office and Malo conveyed to Piccolomini the general anxieties about securing sufficient means to pay for bread for the troops.38 The quality of Antwerp’s merchants’ international contacts and their cultural relevance has been better studied in relation to some particular cases.39 One of these was Malo’s neighbour, Garcia de Yllán, the Ant- werp-based Jewish Portuguese host of queen Christina of Sweden during her journey to Rome. Christina’s arrival in Flanders, as an epochal event, was reported to Ottavio Piccolomini by several members of his network. Luigi Malo, though, was the only one providing him with first- hand information, since the queen was accommodated – Malo wrote – “in this street where my house is, more towards the door of the church [Sint Jacobskerk] in the house of a Portuguese named Garzia Dillan, a very comfortable house where one could spend several months”. Malo was able to write about the journey of Antonio Pimentel, arriving from Spain to meet Christina in Antwerp, on the queen’s liquidity and on her further destinations on the way to Rome. He then concluded by informing Piccolomini on the great quantity of paintings and tapestries “from those taken as booty from Prague, something worth not really of a Queen, but of an Emperor”.40 But how did Piccolomini and Malo first meet? In 1970, Jarmila Blažková linked Piccolomini’s relationship with the Antwerp-based merchant to his sojourn in Nuremberg as imperial envoy to the Con-

36 I. A. A. THOMPSON, War and Government in Habsburg Spain, 1560–1620, London. 1976, pp. 256–273, ‘Administración and Asiento’; Richard A. GOLDTHWAITE, The Economy of Renaissance Florence, Baltimore 2009, p. 257. 37 Marie-Thérèse BOYER-XAMBEU – Ghislain DELEPLACE – Lucien GILLARD, Private Money and Public Currencies: the 16th Century Challenge, New York 1994, pp. 185– 190. 38 SOAZ, RAP, 15422, 20 October 1647, Malo to Piccolomini. 39 Marika KEBLUSEK, Merchants’ Homes, pp. 496–507. 40 SOAZ, RAP, 15951, 23 October 1654, Malo to Piccolomini. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 163 gress for the ratification of the Peace of Westphalia (1649–1651).- Ac cording to Blažková, the contract assigning Malo with the purchases, payments, and placements of money on Piccolomini’s behalf in Flan- ders, Bohemia and Nuremberg was signed in 1644 in front of a notary in Antwerp.41 Some pages later, Erik Duverger confirms that the 1644 contract attesting to Malo’s succession to captain Hieronymous de Bran (d. 1648) in the care of Piccolomini’s purchases of tapestries could not be found in the State Archives in Antwerp.42 Wherever the information was gathered from, it seems possible that Luigi Malo and Ottavio Piccolomini were already in touch at least one year before the supposed contract cited by Blažková was signed. In 1643, in fact, Francesco Useppi, secretary of the Aulic Chamber, military advisor to the Emperor Ferdinand III, who was Siennese as was Piccolomini and one of his close collaborators, already had trading relations with Malo.43 To confirm that the relation must have begun some time before 1644, it is interesting to consider one of Piccolomini’s letters concerning a long-standing question of the attribution of the argenti vivi to him, the mercury mines in Stiria which the Emperor had assigned to him but whose effective possession was not easy to obtain. Piccolomini had unsuccessfully tried for some time to have the affair taken care of and was represented at the imperial court by secretaries, family members, friends, and members of the court. Finally, he had decided to put the matter in the hands of the Malo brothers, writing to his secretary Giovan Battista Formarini that, since they had correspondents in Graz, they would have settled there and brought along all the means needed to begin to extract the argenti in the following August.44 It is then very likely that Piccolomini already knew – and trusted – Malo’s enterprise for a while, before assigning them the care of such an important issue. Malo’s action on Piccolomini’s commission, on his behalf and in his interest, expanded from representing him in the mine affair to pro- curing luxury items requested by the duke, to managing relations with

41 J. BLAŽKOVÁ – E. DUVERGER, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolomini, p. 19. It is not possible to analyze the terms of this contract since no reference to its whereabouts is given, nor the scholar specifies where the information has been gathered from. 42 J. BLAŽKOVÁ – E. DUVERGER, Les Tapisseries d’Octavio Piccolomini, p. 78, No. 1. As General Purveyor of the food supplies for the Spanish Netherlands, Hieronymous de Bran had been collaborating with Malo for years. 43 Archivio di Stato di Siena, Carte Chigi Benedetti Useppi, 27 January 1643. ThThe e ad-address of many of the letters received by Useppi in the State Archives in Siena defines him as the duke’s secretary. 44 SOAZ, RAP, 31951, 8 July / 12 July 1644, Piccolomini to Giovan Battista Formarini. 164 Alessandra Becucci

artists and craftsmen, to suggesting which artworks Piccolomini should buy and the artists he should employ. The correspondence between the two men, and between Malo and the duke’s extended family, speaks about the different items the dealer provided Piccolomini with, mostly tapestries. As a luxury item, in seventeenth-century Europe tapestries played a key role in the exhibition of economic status and social display.45 They represented, for more than one reason, one of the most valuable elements in household furniture and a relevant investment, both in terms of expense and return of symbolic capital. Much more expensive than most of the paintings on the market because woven – of great size – in silk, gold and precious wool, they were often coming from Anatolia, cus- tomized for the client and tailored for a specific room in his mansion. Furthermore, tapestries were also well suitable to be transported from one residence to another, which made them particularly precious both for movements related to the seasonal stays in different localities – according to a “mobile manner of living among the upper classes” which dated back to the middle ages46 – and to the needs inherent to the military or diplomatic career of most of the members of seventeenth-century European nobility. In December 1648, while engaged in negotiations following the peace treaty of Westphalia, Ottavio Piccolomini asked Malo for the price of tapestries and “Cuori to furnish rooms”.47 Malo promptly replied that he had just received “Cuori for His Highness the archduke Leopold Wil- helm, to furnish some rooms”. He specified to Piccolomini the price per anna per single scene, so that the duke could get an idea of what he wanted to buy.48 As for the tapestries, the merchant explained that the

45 Peter THORNTON, Seventeenth-Century Interior Decoration in England, France and Holland, New Haven – London 1978, pp. 96–106. 46 Ibidem, pp. 107, 108. 47 ‘Cuori’ seem to correspond to ‘Corami d’Olanda’ mentioned by Malo in several letters. The termcorame was used in Northern Italy to indicate wrought leather. Manlio CORTELLAZZO – Paolo ZOLLI, Dizionario Etimologico della lingua italiana 1, Bo- logna 1979, p. 283. It was common to cover the walls with wrought leather, either pressed, painted or gilded. Thornton, 1978, pp. 118–123. A fine example of this kind of decoration can be still nowadays admired on the walls of the Knights’ Hall in Albrecht Wallenstein’s Palace in Prague. Ivan P. MUCHKA, The collections and equipment of the Wallenstein Palace in Prague, in: Klaus Bußmann – Heinz Schilling (edd.), 1648. War and Peace in Europe. II. Art and Culture, Münster – Osnabrück 1998, pp. 289–295: 292, 293. 48 SOAZ, RAP, 15504, 22 December 1648, Malo from Antwerp to Piccolomini. Theauna or anna (fr. aune) was the unit of measurement used in textiles and arrases trading. In Antwerp it corresponded roughly to cm. 68, 6. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 165 difference in the price depended on the silk’s quality and refinement, on the figurative scenes as well as on the boscages, scenes with natural elements. Tapestries from Brussels, the merchant wrote, were therefore more expensive than the ones produced in Antwerp. Once the duke had decided, he would only need to let Malo know about the height of the rooms to be furnished. The reference to Malo’s several noble clients in his letters who were possibly interested in purchasing the same items he offered to Piccolo- mini, or who already possessed them, sheds light on the dynamics of emulation which animated the market, influencing the patrons’ choice. Certainly, the close professional collaboration with Leopold Wilhelm (1614–1662) seconded Piccolomini’s endorsement of artists working for a patron such as the archduke. In choosing the work of the same artists, Piccolomini would manifest his patronage and his taste as being on the same level and quality as that of the archduke. Sources are indeed explicit in reporting about the symbolic capital conveyed by these objects. In a letter sent from Brussels in December 1648, Rodrigo Ximenes let Piccolomini know how his tapestries had ennobled the chapel of the Holy Rosary on the occasion of the celebration for the solemnity of the Immaculate Conception.49 In February 1649, Piccolomini wrote again about the corami d’oro and about tapestries with figures without specifying either their quality or the height. A month later Malo had already committed the corami in Amsterdam to the same person who had already made the ones for Leopold Wilhelm, and was at the moment working on the decoration of two chambers for the count Maximilian Hermann Attimis (1607–1684), Master of the Horse for empress Eleonora Gonzaga and chamberlain of the archduke. Malo had asked the weaver he was in touch with for information on some forme de Cuori with silver and turquoise – Picco- lomini’s herald colours – so to be ready to order the items whenever Piccolomini would decide. Certainly, the merchant ensured the duke he would make it so that he also would be well served.50 One week later, Malo was already sending Piccolomini two drawings. The first one was the same one used as the model for the furbishing for the archduke’s

49 SOAZ, RAP, 15008, 19 December 1648, Roderigo Ximenes from Brussels to Piccolo- mini. 50 SOAZ, RAP, 15530, 12 March 1649, Malo from Antwerp to Piccolomini. Piccolomini’s crest featured a silver field charged with a turquoise cross decorated with five golden crescents. 166 Alessandra Becucci rooms; the second one, called Opera della Pace, was instead brand new. The price was set to five florins peranna per scene.51 The acquisition process, therefore, took place in several steps, via the stringent communication between agent and patron. Upon request of a certain item, Malo would operate a first selection within the circle of his contacts, amongst the artists he knew better and whose works he already had sold to other noble patrons, certifying a level of quality suitable for Piccolomini as well. He then would present the patron with projects of the work to be carried out, so that Piccolomini could make changes in terms of aesthetics, price or material. From the above, it is clear how the precedent of the archduke’s choice constituted a title of preference for the merchant in the selection of the items to propose to Piccolomini, while for the latter it was an influential element in the final choice of the object to commission. The rapidity in the communication between Malo and Piccolomini was certainly instrumental in the process. By mid-April, at least some of the tapestries had already been commissioned, since Piccolomini’s secretary, Sebastiano Lutiani, left Malo a reminder for the payment for the weavers.52 Tapestries were a good investment not only because they were easily transportable, but also because the lavish material of which they were woven made them perfect items to be pawned when in need of liquidity.53 Malo would also take care of recovering pawned objects for Piccolomini, acting jointly with the secretary Sebastiano Lutiani. How- ever direct and immediate it might have been in regard to information exchange, and however close as to their mutual trust, the relationship between Piccolomini and Malo could not work without the intervention of other elements of both Malo’s and Piccolomini’s networks. It was bound to include and take advantage of several of the network members, often those in direct contact with Piccolomini, and mainly – as in Lutiani’s case – his secretaries. Lutiani, in turn, would often act through his own family network – brothers and brother-in-law – to take care of Piccolomini’s interests, including the ones the duke had with Malo. In his letters to Piccolomini, he would endorse Malo’s choices and, upon the duke’s order, would take care of the payments, while at times he would choose himself artists to be proposed to the duke. In May 1649, for example, when answering to Piccolomini’s request for tapestries a boscaye, Malo proposed the work of Jan Raes (1574–

51 SOAZ, RAP, 15532, 26 March 1649, Malo from Antwerp to Piccolomini. 52 SOAZ, RAP, 15535, 17 April 1649, Malo from Antwerp to Piccolomini. 53 Guy DELMARCEL, La Tapisserie flamande du XVe au XVIII e siècle, Tielt 1999. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 167

1651), “a man of ability and well serving”, specifying that he was not Van der Hecke [François van den Hecke 1595–1665], already known and hired by the nobleman. He would then wait for Lutiani to let him know the patron’s decision about it.54 That Piccolomini trusted his agents’ eyes and taste, is also accounted for by the correspondence. A few days after receiving Malo’s letter, Piccolomini asked the merchant tore- trieve information on tapestries that Sebastiano Lutiani had seen in his house. Lutiani had reported that the tapestries had been produced by a weaver – possibly Van den Brugge [Conrad van den Bruggen, active in Brussels 1640–1655] – introduced to Malo by the painter Leo van Heyl (1605–1661). In case the weaver could not be identified – Piccolo- mini wrote – Lutiani reported that a painter who lived in Brussels opposite of Duke of Lorena’s house could indicate who he was. Piccolomini then closed the letter by asking Malo to talk to the weaver to find out whether he had something similar to what his secretary has seen in his house or if anyone he knew had any cosa bella to sell.55 The specific request to Malo, then, speaks well of Piccolomini’s ease not only in trusting his taste and reliability, but also in exploiting the merchant regarding his qualified network of contacts, apt to provide him with an item of a quality appropriate to his needs. Nothing less was expected of the imperial envoy Ottavio Piccolomini at the conference for the Ratification of the treaty of Westphalia. Reciprocal visits with the plenipotentiary of Sweden, Charles X Gustav Count Palatine of Zweibrücken-Kleeburg (1622–1660), had already begun and the Tus- can gentleman was probably keen to demonstrate that his hospitality was appropriate for the future king of Sweden.56 The Flemish Leo van Heyl – introduced to Malo as the artist of the admired tapestry seen by Lutiani and a specialist in flowers, insects and small animals and in architectures – was in fact active for the archduke Leopold Wilhelm.57 Already in 1970, Blažková recorded the presence of tapestries signed by van der Bruggen in Náchod. It is likely that the deal was closed in the end, and I assume that van Heyl was involved in the production

54 SOAZ, RAP, 15539, 21 May 1649, Malo to Piccolomini. 55 SOAZ, RAP, 15609, 25 May 1649, Piccolomini to Malo. 56 SOAZ, RAP, 15608, 14 May 1649, Piccolomini to Malo. Piccolomini writes to Malo that he has received all the possible honors. Matthäus MERIAN (Theatrum Euro- paeum, 21 voll., Frankfurt am Main 1646–1738) reports that Piccolomini’s paid a first visit to Palatine Count Carl Gustav on 1 May and that the honor was reciprocated on 23 June. Carl Gustav was declared successor to the Swedish throne by his cousin, Queen Christina, in 1649. 57 Reginald Howard WILENSKI, Flemish Painters, 1430–1830, London 1960, p. 572. 168 Alessandra Becucci as draughter of the design, given the important architectural character that all figurative tapestries in Náchod have. In his role as one of Piccolomini’s essential contacts within the contemporary art scene, the tapestries were not the only item Malo would deal with. In spring 1649, Malo had committed himself with a Pittor di battaglie for the payment of works which, at that point in time, must have already been carried out since the painter claimed his money. The analysis of Piccolomini’s correspondence strongly suggests the identification of the painter as Pieter Snayers (1592–1667), to whom Picco- lomini had allocated a series of paintings in 1639 celebrating the main battles he had fought at the archduke Leopold Wilhelm’s side. In Snayers’ case as well, connections with the archducal court need to be stressed. The painter had, in fact, also worked for archduchess Isabella Clara Eugenia and for Cardinal Infante, as well as for archduke Leopold Wilhelm, and he would later work for Don Juan of Austria.58 In April 1649, Luigi Malo wrote that in accordance with secretary Se- bastiano Lutiani he had promised the Pittore delle Battaglie to settle part of his account. In June, some of the paintings were at Malo’s mother- in-law’s house. The merchant was waiting for the painter to bring to completion of the last two “Battles”.59 Three months later, the artist had finished and was demanding the payment while Piccolomini ordered more paintings. Experienced merchant as he was, Malo proposed to tell the painter that he would get paid once all the “Battles” had been delivered. It was not convenient – the merchant advised – to contract on something that could not be seen and anticipation might induce the painter to hasten the work, impacting its quality.60 Indeed, the correspondence could not be more explicit on the importance of Malo’s mediation at this stage, which is the payment. Piccolo- mini’s economic constraints, due to the great expenses of the diplomatic

58 Kurt ZOEGE VON MANTEUFFEL, Peeter Snayers, in: Ulrich Thieme – Felix Be- cker, Allgemeines Lexikon der bildenden Künstler von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, vol. XXXI, Leipzig 1937, p. 186; Walter F. KALINA, Die Piccolominiserie des Pieter Snayers. Zwölf Schlachtengemälde im Wiener Heeresgeschichtlichen Museum, Viribus Uni- tis. Jahresberichte des Heeresgeschichtlichen Museums, 2005, pp. 86–116; Matthias PFAFFENBICHLER, Das barocke Schlachtenbild – Versuch einer Typologie, in: Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 91, 1995, pp. 37–110. After Piccolomini’s death the paintings passed to the archduke. As part of Napoleon’s war booty, they were given back in 1815 and were conserved at the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Wien until 1945, when they passed on loan to the Heeresgeschichtliches Museum in the same town. 59 SOAZ, RAP, 15543, 18 June 1649, Malo to Piccolomini. 60 SOAZ, RAP, 15554, 3 September 1649, Malo to Piccolomini. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 169 transfer to Osnabruck and Nuremberg, emerge from Malo’s iterated appeals to Piccolomini to be set free from Snayers’ pressing requests for payments. The painter incessantly tormented him with letters and with his wife’s persisting visits to claim the money. The lively dimension of Antwerp’s art market is well expressed by another painter’s request to Malo for his works to be introduced to Piccolomini. The artist had come to know that Piccolomini had commissioned from Snayers some opere da mare e battaglie con figure and intended to propose his work to the duke – Malo writes – per variare, for a change. Malo never names the artist in his letters, though he must have been well acquainted with his work, since he was able to let Pic- colomini know that the painter worked extremely well and for a very convenient price. Probably hoping not to have to deal with Snayers and his emissaries any longer, Malo was also advertising the new artist by writing to Piccolomini that, if painted by him, battles as large as the ones that he had commissioned from Snayers would cost him 100 florins less.61 The new artist had already painted some battles – Malo remembered – for Eccellentissimo Contarini et altri. The name of Alvise Contarini (d. 1653), Venetian plenipotentiary in Münster, was effective in convincing the Italian nobleman to test the ability of “the painter that makes things of the sea”. Malo’s role in these dynamics cannot be stressed enough. While in Nuremberg, Piccolomini could not check on the quality or on the advancements of the works by artists Malo had recommended to him. So the merchant would also take care to give directions as to how paintings should be painted. Piccolomini, in fact, had eventually ordered two little canvases as proofs of the artist’s work. Malo could not agree on the patron’s decision: “I find that they need to be in grande to let the masts of the ship show, and see the sea and the air, as if one could really see them navigating. I have therefore chosen one big [canvas] and one medium-sized, so that Your Excellence will be able to better see the effect”. The merchant reassured Piccolomini that the limit of the budgeted expense would not be exceeded, since the painter would give the two canvases for any price, just to make himself known to the nobleman.62 But the competition pandered by agents was not only based on the artworks’ price. Other factors were involved in patronage dynamics, especially for patrons of the caliber of Piccolomini. Still in July 1650,

61 SOAZ, RAP, 156223, 18 March 1650, Malo to Piccolomini. 62 SOAZ, RAP, 15627, 8 April 1650, Malo to Piccolomini. 170 Alessandra Becucci

Snayers lamented to Piccolomini his misery and his need of money to pay the craftsmen who had made the frames on which the canvases were stretched. He insisted that the sum was not a big deal for an imperial prince like Piccolomini, and that half of it had already been paid before- hand by captain Hieronymous de Bran. But Snayers’ main concern was both on the condition in which his works were kept and, related to this and more urgent, the fact that they could not be admired by other possible patrons. Through his wife, the painter had repeatedly expressed his concern because the paintings had been rolled up for a long time and, if kept like this any longer, were bound to get damaged, which would ruin his own reputation as an artist.63 This would be a loss which could impact the painter’s life considerably more than a delayed payment. In writing to Piccolomini, Snayers openly manifested his main preoc- cupation by asking for the paintings to be exhibited in Piccolomini’s palace. By making them visible Piccolomini would not only enhance his glory for posterity’s sake, but could also keep the promise he had made to Snayers, for the paintings to be mis an jour et principalment devant Sa Majesté Imperiale.64 The painter’s aim was actually declared in Novem- ber 1650, when Piccolomini went back to Vienna, where – the painter pleaded – he would remember Snayers’ works and would show them to the Emperor, so that the artist could be employé par sa dicte Majesté pour peintre er mectre en figure tout ses faicts heroicques apres une paic dans l’empire et impetré de Dieu et par Votre Excellence Son Lieutenant execute.65 So, Piccolomini himself, as part of several networks and the centre of his own network, was recognized in his role as mediator of culture and art values to other patrons, such as his comrades-in-arms, Emperor Fer- dinand III and his brother the archduke Leopold Wilhelm. In doing so, he certainly would have gained himself more of that socio-cultural capital so instrumental in his self-fashioning as a member of the imperial society.66

63 SOAZ, RAP. 15627, 14 April 1650, Malo to Piccolomini. 64 SOAZ, RAP, 13758, 25 July 1650, Pieter Snayers to Piccolomini. 65 SOAZ, RAP, 13759, 21 November 1650, Pieter Snayers to Piccolomini. 66 Both Piccolomini and Snayers died before the payment could be settled. In 1657 Snayers’ widow, Anna Schut, filed a petition for the arrears to be paid - byPicco lomini’s widow, Maria Franziska Benigna Saxe Lauenburg. The notarial document dated 28 September 1657 is reproduced in E. DUVERGER, Antwerpse Kunstinventaris- sen, vol. 7, 1654–1658, Brussels 1993, pp. 424–425. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 171

Niccolò Siri, a Secretary Diplomat

All the same, merchants were not the only ones acting as agents for the imperial military nobility. As a foreign servant in Vienna, Piccolomini was himself an agent for his court of provenance. The ties between Flor- ence and the imperial court were particularly strong due to the blood relation connecting Habsburgs and Medici since the sixteenth century, when Johanna von Habsburg (1547–1578), daughter of Emperor Fer- dinand I, had married the grand duke-to-be Francesco de’Medici. The bond had been further strengthened in the seventeenth century through a politics of marriages, primarily in the person of grand duchess Mar- ia Maddalena of Austria (1587–1629), sister of Emperor Ferdinand II (1578–1637), spouse to grand duke Cosimo II de’Medici in 1608, and author of one of the recommendations for Piccolomini’s arrival in the Habsburg’s territories. In 1626, Claudia de Medici (1604–1648), a sister of Cosimo II, had married archduke of Austria Leopold V and, later, one of the children of the couple, Ferdinand Karl, married one of his first cousins, Anna de’Medici (1616–1676) daughter of Cosimo II. Ferdi- nand and Anna’s first born, Claudia Felicitas (1653–1676) would marry Emperor Leopold I in 1673. In his capacity as a formal and informal contact between the two courts, Piccolomini operated in concert with envoys from the Medici court and was in touch with other Tuscan residents in the Habsburg territories. Naturally, they were ready to operate on his behalf during his absences on military or diplomatic mission. At the turn of the fifth decade of the century, Niccolò Siri (1621–1698) was one of them. A Tuscan gentleman acting as a Medici counselor and representative in Vienna, Siri later became the main correspondent of the Tuscan court in Cracow, from where he was regularly writing to Giovan Battista Gondi (1589–1664), the grand duke’s secretary in Florence, and mediating for prince Mattias de’ Medici’s (1613–1667) candidacy to the Polish throne.67 In April 1652, Ottavio Piccolomini had moved for a few months to his castle in Náchod, Eastern Bohemia, where, following his marriage with Maria Franziska Benigna Saxe Lauenburg (1635–1701),

67 Campori mentions Siri as secretary of the duke of Modena and Reggio, Francesco I Este (1610–1658), since 1651, as referring to Raimondo Montecuccoli. Cesare�� CAM- PORI, Raimondo Montecuccoli. La sua famiglia e i suoi tempi, Firenze 1876. On Siri’s activity in Poland see Domenico CACCAMO, Burattini, Tito Livio, in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 15, 1972, pp. 394, 395 and Tessa CAPPONI-BORAWSKA, Niccolò Siri. Lettere da Cracovia e Varsavia (1642–1645), Warszawa 1993. 172 Alessandra Becucci he had started spending more and more time. Niccolò Siri was then left in charge of the nobleman’s household in Vienna. With this responsibility, Siri was not only keeping Ottavio Piccolomini informed on the Viennese court life, but was also acting as his intermediary to the artists working for him, suggesting the disposition towards them and the steps to be taken with regard to their work. In August 1652 Siri visited the workshop of Cornelijs Suttermans (ca. 1600–ca. 1670) – an appointed painter of the imperial court and brother of the official portraitist of the Florentine court, the more famous Justus Suttermans (1597–1681) – to acknowledge the progress of the artist’s work on Piccolomini’s portrait. Pretending to go and see the painting completed, Siri aimed to discover who had ordered the work in the first place, given that Piccolomini, although knowing about it and having seen the unfinished painting, had not commissioned it. Siri found out that the painter had not proceeded beyond the stage in which Piccolomini had been able to see the portrait before his departure. The painting had been commissioned by the imperial general count Ernst von Abensperg Traun (1608–1668), vice president of the Imperial War Council and military governor of Vienna, together with the portraits of “Signori Conti Coloredo [Rudolf Colloredo, 1585–1657], Montecuccoli [Raimondo Montecuccoli, 1609– 1680], Baden [Wilhelm von Baden Baden, 1593–1677] and Enghefort [Adriaen von Enkefort, 1603–1663]”. The count had ordered the paintings and had promised to pay for them, in case the portrayed noblemen did not. Suttermans had brought to completion Colloredo’s portrait, and had been paid 100 thalers by Colloredo himself for it. But the painter had told Siri that he would not proceed with any other portrait of the group, unless reassured about who was going to pay him. Siri wrote to Piccolomini that he thought the painter was not willing to finish the paintings while thinking he would be paid by count Traun.68 One week later, Piccolomini answered to Siri that if Colloredo and the others had paid for their portraits in order to donate them to Traun, he would have done the same. He then asked Siri to pay for the painting as soon as the money would be there.69 At the beginning of September, Siri suggested to present Traun with a painting to speed up the practice – spedire la causa – for the restitution of at least part of the credit that Piccolomini had with the court, over thirty-seven thousand florins, and which had

68 SOAZ, RAP, 12804, 7 August 1652, Niccolò Siri from Vienna to Piccolomini in Náchod. 69 SOAZ, RAP, 12868, 14 August 1652, Piccolomini to Niccolò Siri. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 173 already been pending for months.70 The painting was possibly the portrait which count Traun had commissioned from Suttermans, though its fate cannot be traced with certainty. As several other artists before him, Cornelijs Suttermans, pittore dell’imperatrice Eleonora, had to plea through written memorandums, and letters, in order to be paid. It is not clear, though, whether the equestrian portrait, for which he still wanted his account to be settled in 1655, can be identified with the Traun commission.71 Be that as it may, Niccolò Siri played an active role in clarifying the affair around the painting, and in trying to help faux steps likely to impact on Piccolomini’s reputation, already debilitated at the court. In fact, rumors were spreading about him being close to financial breakdown, and it was known that without the restitution of the credit due to him, he would never succeed in releasing the goods – including his luxurious tapestries – he had had to pawn. Similarly, Siri played an important part in the relationship between Ottavio Piccolomini and another artist, the Florentine painter Mario Balassi (1604–1667). In summer 1652, Balassi was in Vienna, a guest of Piccolomini, who expected him to decorate the chapel of his castle in Náchod with one of the painter’s canvases. The date of the painter’s arrival in Vienna is not known, but by June he was already thinking to go back to Italy, dissatisfied with the climate and with the treatment received at the imperial court. He had, in fact, presented a drawing for a painting, likely intended for imperial patronage, but after having been rewarded by the Emperor he had lost the commission to the German painter Joachim Sandrart (1606–1688). Kindly rejecting Piccolomini’s invitation to Náchod, Mario Balassi asked to be granted accommodation in Vienna for some time longer, and to receive some money to finish the works he had begun for Picco- lomini, amongst them a painting for the castle’s chapel. The nobleman asked Niccolò Siri to let him know how much should be given to Balassi so that the artist would work with care, would create something rare, and would work with pleasure.72 Not only was Siri abreast then of Picco- lomini’s financial situation, but he could discuss prices with artists and suggest the terms of fair compensation. Considering the six hundred florins requested by the Florentine painter as an excessive price, Siri – from what we read in his correspondence with Piccolomini – was in the

70 SOAZ, RAP. 12815, 11 September 1652, Niccolò Siri from Vienna to Piccolomini in Náchod. 71 SOAZ, RAP, 14860, 20 January 1655, Cornelijs Suttermans to Piccolomini. 72 SOAZ, RAP, 12868, 14 August 1652, Piccolomini to Niccolò Siri and Mario Balassi. 174 Alessandra Becucci position to bargain on the nobleman’s behalf. He finally managed to reduce it to four hundred florins and reassured Piccolomini that, upon his approval, he would pay the artist a first installment of one hundred florins, so that he would paint something worthy of such an excellent patron.73 As applied to characters such as Niccolò Siri, the definition of double agent appears particularly meaningful. In Vienna, in fact, he was acting not only in his capacity as a Medici correspondent and agent, but also as a minister for the duke of Modena, Francesco I Este.74 This position allowed him to assist Piccolomini’s painter in offering his services to the Modenese ruler. Through Siri’s mediation the “Magdalena in her sparks of penitence,” which Balassi was painting in June for Ottavio Piccolomini, was offered at the beginning of August to Francesco I Este, before his departure, Balassi was given a present by Siri of two silver sottocoppe bought upon Este’s order to reward him.75

Giovanni Battista Formarini, a Captain

Imperial and archducal patronage certainly also set an example for the members of the military nobility. The dynamics of emulation were central to the cultural fashioning of a member of the imperial court élite. As from the sources, this process took shape not only in the patronage and protection of the same artists employed by the imperial court, and in the use of the same agents and mediators, but also through the direct purchase of artworks on the same art markets, Venice being one of the main ones. It was natural enough for a career soldier such as Piccolomini, apart from having a network of merchant-bankers, political representatives, and members of his family, to rely on other actors such as his fellow soldiers, both his comrade-in-arms – the abovementioned Rudolph Col- loredo and Walter Leslie (1607–1667), amongst others – and members of companies under his command, subject to him in the military hierarchy. Captain Giovanni Battista Formarini was part of Piccolomini’s household at least since 1640 and, considering the regularity, and the

73 SOAZ, RAP, 12809, 21 August 1652, Mario Balassi to Piccolomini; SOAZ, RAP, 12812, 4 September 1652, Niccolò Siri to Piccolomini. 74 Elena FUMAGALLI, Dipinti e pittori tra Modena e Firenze negli anni di Francesco I, in: Stefano Casciu – Sonia Cavicchioli – Elena Fumagalli, Modena barocca. Opere e artisti alla corte di Francesco I d’Este (1629–1658), Firenze 2013, pp. 25–38. 75 See the documents in Stefano CASCIU – Sonia CAVICCHIOLI – Elena FUMA-FUMA- GALLI, Modena barocca. Opere e artisti alla corte di Francesco I d’Este (1629–1658), Fi- renze 2013, pp. 32–33. A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 175 confidential tone of the correspondence between him and the nobleman, amongst the closest and more reliable acquaintance. Piccolomini’s trust in Formarini can be appreciated in the range of different tasks appointed to him over time. Operating in close contact with other of Piccolomini’s many agents as well as with the nobleman’s nephews, For- marini maintained a regular correspondence with the duke mainly from Vienna and Linz. From these letters, we can understand that he was responsible for drawing up the inventory of his Viennese residence upon Piccolomini’s departure from Vienna for Augsburg, the packing and shipping of the duke’s tapestries, and the assistance to the then agent on duty who was in charge of the administration of the estate of Ná- chod, an inexhaustible source of financial and organizational troubles. Formarini was also Piccolomini’s eyes and ears at the court during the nobleman’s absences, and his provisional representative for the affair of the mercury mines before the thorny problem was put in the hands of the Malo enterprise. But, while the differentiation in the tasks Formarini was asked to perform complies with the features of the abovementioned role of agents in the early modern time, it is nevertheless surprising that Piccolomini entrusted him with the first selection of master’s paintings to be bought. In July 1652, finding himself in Venice on the way to Flor- ence, Formarini wrote to Piccolomini to let him know that one of the Emperor’s valets [Kammerdiener] was also in town to search for paintings for His Majesty, and that he had seen only a few good things in the hands of Venetian painters. On the other hand, he – Formarini – had had the chance to see some beautiful ancient paintings, and some by famous painters in three private mansions. He was keen on informing Piccolomini that there were beautiful things to be bought, in case the general wanted to satisfy the Emperor’s curiosity. This could have been easily done, given that the Emperor’s valet had not seen the private paintings which Formarini had been able to admire, and would not be able to advise the ruler to buy them. As for the prices, in Formarini’s opinion they were not even extravagant, compared to the selling prices in Germany. Attached to the letter which captain Formarini sent Pic- colomini a note with a list of the paintings – unfortunately lost – and told the patron to let him know in Florence whether on his way back to Vienna he should buy some of them.76

76 SOAZ, RAP, 11657, 6 July 1652, Giovanni Battista Formarini from Venice to PiccoloPiccolo-- mini. 176 Alessandra Becucci

That Formarini felt enough at ease to suggest his patron about what, where, how and when he could have obtained paintings in Venice, and that he could comment on their quality as well, is remarkable enough to legitimize the hypothesis that this was not an occasional episode and that the same could occur in any of the many undocumented missions which Formarini, as Piccolomini’s trusted captain, brought to completion for his general.

Conclusions

The three brief examples presented here are meant as a contribution to the evaluation of mediators’ action in early modern cultural processes in Europe. Out of many others – though not as well documented – these cases account for the importance of the action of individuals who, in the early modern cultural context, were not immediately recognized with authority in the artistic-cultural field. And yet, regardless of the role that they mainly played, and the different rapport each of them had with Ottavio Piccolomini, the three agents gained the same trust as for the choice and selection of artworks and artists, and were granted the same freedom of action in negotiating artwork’s prices and times of completion with the artists. Luigi Malo decided the size of the paintings to be commissioned from the new painter appealing for Piccolomini’s patronage, correcting Piccolomini’s own choice. Niccolò Siri decided that the price requested by Mario Balassi for the painting he was carrying out for Piccolomini was excessive and managed to bargain a fair agreement, so that both the artist and the patron could be satisfied. Giovanni Battista Formarini felt confident enough to report to Piccolomini the quality of artworks he had seen in Venetian private houses, convinced that they were rarer than the ones shown to the Emperor’s Kammerdiener by Venetian artists in their workshops. In the end, these three examples suggest that the level of the mediation is the one characterizing the whole cultural episode, bringing the focus, beyond the artwork which was being mediated and eventually received, to the actors and to the modes of the mediation. Certainly the way in which something is passed on and received is as culturally relevant as the object of the reception itself. When it comes to art patronage – and to its value for the shaping of a social persona in seventeenth-century Europe – this kind of multilevel, networked structure, involving several persons and agents for the commission, production and acquisi- A Merchant, a Secretary and a Captain 177 tion of artworks and luxury goods, was certainly the most common one. While better-known cases of imperial, religious or civic patronage stand out as well-studied examples mostly because they can be more easily documented, the three episodes presented here show how present and widely spread the use of art actually was for the promotion of person- alities, like Piccolomini, whose appreciation at the court was primarily dependent on their diplomatic, political, and military ability. Malo’s proposal for Piccolomini to buy items either produced by artists serving the archduke, or artworks similar to the ones he already had sold to other members of the court nobility, shows how the dynamics of emulation worked within the background of the court. On the other hand, by introducing his painter Mario Balassi at the imperial court or presenting His Majesty with paintings bought in Venice which had escaped to the eyes of his envoys, Piccolomini could gain credit as a patron and acquire more of the social capital useful to maintain his reputation even when absent from the court. By taking into account the ways and the modes of the process of exchange, and not only the two extremes between which it takes places, and by looking into less immediately obvious examples of patronage, it will certainly be possible to enrich our understanding of cultural exchanges in early modern Europe.

179

Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician

Janine Christina Maegraith1

Introduction

“Poor relief remains the most beautiful and memorable monument of humanity of a philanthropic prince.”2 With these words, the physician Joseph von Schirt emphasized in his medical survey not only the importance of poor relief as such, but also placed it in the context of Enlight- enment thought and the role of the state. Poor relief and its concept would therefore be the responsibility of the prince, and the physician would provide him with the necessary information on the true conditions of his principality as an agent of transfer. This paper aims to take this case study as an experiment to see, if we can apply the concept of

1 ThThis is paper is based on a talk given at the Workshop “Processes of - CulturalEx Cultural Ex- change in Central Europe, 1200–1800/Procesy kulturní výměny ve střední Evropě 1200–1800” in Opava, 5.–6. December 2012. It forms a preliminary study of the two texts for a planned research project on medical care and social welfare in southwest Germany in which other medical topographies and visitation reports of this area will be consulted and compared. Some preliminary results looking at monastic pharmacy and poor relief haven been published, Janine Christina MAEGRAITH, Klos- terapotheken und ländliche Armenfürsorge am Beispiel südwestdeutscher Frauenklöster, in: Veronika Čapská – Ellinor Forster – Janine C. Maegraith – Christine Schneider et al., Between Revival and Uncertainty. Monastic and Secular Female Communities in Central Europe in the Long Eighteenth Century, Opava 2012, pp. 69–95; and IDEM, Nun Apothecaries and the Impact of the Secularisation in Southwest Germany, in: Continui ty and Change 25, 2010, No. 2, pp. 313–344. I am grateful to Roland Deigendesch, Craig Muldrew and Dana Štefanová for their valuable comments and suggestions. 2 Joseph von SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie des Fürstentums Ochsenhausen, (edd.) Kurt Diemer – Eberhard Silvers – Karl Werner Steim – Hans Joachim Winckelmann, (Documenta Suevica, Nr. 11), Konstanz – Eggingen 2006, ch. XV “Ueber Armuth – Armen und Krankenpflege”, pp. 148–165, here p. 148. “Die Armenpflege bleibt das schönste und unvergeßlichste Monument der Humanität eines menschenfreundlichen Fürsten.” 180 Janine Christina Maegraith agents of transfer to district physicians by looking at their writings and at their application of Enlightenment thought in improving local medical welfare. With this, more light can be shed on the circumstances of a time in transition after the Secularisation of 1803. Since there is hardly enough space to discuss all health issues mentioned in the medical surveys, this paper focuses on poor relief and medical welfare: what ideas of poor relief and medical welfare did the physicians bring with them? How would they envisage a reorganization of poor relief and how would they deal with the destitute ill? Dr. Joseph von Schirt, local physician of the principality of Ochsenhausen, and Dr. Carl Endres, physician of the province of Swabia in Ulm, will be analyzed as agents of cultural transfer on the basis of their medical reports. After the historical and medical context, their biography, texts, aims and their concept of poor relief will be analyzed separately and finally viewed in the light of their possible role as agents of cultural transfer.

The Secularisation of the German monastic holdings in 1803 and the subsequent end of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 were both followed by extensive political, social, economic and territorial changes. The former monastic holdings were passed on to new rulers, who brought with them new administrators and new concepts of government.3 In 1806 the Duchy of Württemberg was elevated to a kingdom and underwent extensive administrational and governmental changes. Württem- berg acquired new territories with the secularized monastic holdings of upper Swabia and was eager to integrate them into its governmental structure. In this context many areas of government had to be reformed, for example the medical matters, which were increasingly regulated and state-controlled.4 The challenge was to integrate the new districts into a common medical structure and to create legal and professional conformity. This created a transitional period especially for the - newdis tricts which were formerly governed by monastic institutions, Imperial knights (Reichsritter) or Imperial cities and were now facing consider-

3 See Vadim OSWALD, Staat und ländliche Lebenswelt in Oberschwaben 1810–1871. (K)ein Kapitel im Zivilisationsprozeß?, Leinfelden-Echterdingen 2000. Oswald stressed the process of attempted conformity and rationalisation. This could also be established in recent research on the Secularisation of the monastic holdings. 4 See for Württemberg healthcare in the nineteenth century Annette DREES, Die Ärz- te auf dem Weg zu Prestige und Wohlstand. Sozialgeschichte der württembergischen Ärzte im 19. Jahrhundert, Münster 1988, pp. 27–28; Dominik GROSS, Die Aufhebung des Wundarztberufs. Ursachen, Begleitumstände und Auswirkungen am Beispiel des Königreichs Württemberg (1806–1918), Stuttgart 1999, pp. 24–27. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 181 able changes. For one of these districts, the former principality of Och- senhausen, a “Medical Topography” has survived from 1805, describing the geographic, economic, demographic, social and medical status of the principality just before it came under the administration of ��Würt- temberg.5 Later, in 1816, a new district physician conducted a medical visitation of the whole district of Biberach, including Ochsenhausen, and drew up a report which bears similarities to a medical topography.6 The physicians wrote from the perspective of a university-trained professional with very high academic standards, which collided with prevailing local customs. These extraordinary documents open up the opportunity not only to create a concise description of a whole district during this transitional period, but also to consider to what extent Enlightenment ideas played a role in the transition of healthcare and social institutions from former small territories to increasingly centralized and bureaucratic modern states which relied on the help of government officials such as physicians.7 If we regard the physicians as a group of professionals, who acted as agents in disseminating an enlightened “medical culture” and in integrating newly acquired territories into an increasingly centralized state, a process of cultural transfer can be observed.

The Agents: District Physicians

Mary Lindemann examines in her detailed study of the medical life of ordinary citizens in Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel the role of the physici. She observes that the procedure of healthcare administration was not in the hands of the higher authorities, but fell to the physici and other local office holders.8 Although their role was crucial, these health professionals have seen little scholarly attention yet; and if, they have been

5 This medical topography has been edited, J.SCHIRT , Medizinische Topographie. 6 Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg (StAL), E 162 Bü. 1714, Medizinalvisitationen im Oberamt Biberach 1816–17. The visitation report has not been edited yet. 7 For the case of Württemberg and its new territories see Vadim OSWALD, Staat und ländliche Lebenswelt in Oberschwaben, Leinfelden-Echterdingen 2000 and Petra SACHS- GLEICH, Verwaltungselite vor Ort – Kontinuität oder Wandel? Württembergs Oberämter in Oberschwaben 1810 bis 1850, in: Volker Himmelein – Hans Ulrich Rudolf (edd.), Alte Klöster – neue Herren. Die Säkularisation im deutschen Südwesten 1803. Katalog zur Großen Landesausstellung Baden-Württemberg 2003 in Bad Schussenried vom 12. April bis 5. Oktober 2003, Ostfildern 2003, vol. 2.2, p. 1235, where she describes the building blocks of ‘modern’ states. 8 Mary LINDEMANN, Health and Healing in Eighteenth Century Germany, Baltimore – London 1996, chapter 2, here especially p. 72. 182 Janine Christina Maegraith studied in the context of the Enlightenment and governmental bureaucracy. She states that historians have linked the spread of a network of physicians to the Enlightenment, especially in northern Germany and “characterized them as extensions of an increasingly intrusive absolutist state”. But Lindemann rightly suggests that physicians must also be considered as members of their communities.9 This dual capacity leads to the assumption that the physici could be regarded as mediators between governmental bureaucracy and their communities or as agents between state regulation and everyday-life of the people. By carrying out governmental healthcare policies, the physicians were aiming to apply enlightened ideas and academic knowledge on local level. This capacity was not entirely new. During the eighteenth century, the role of the district physicians had been part of the official health policies of both the Duchy of Württemberg and Anterior Austria. They conducted medical visitations and controlled the standards of health care. But the small southwest German Imperial territories were excluded from Württemberg or Austrian legislation. This changed in 1806 and Württemberg was eager on their full integration.10 District physicians were embedded within three different networks: the academic network, their local community and the medical legislation of the central government. Therefore they represented intermediaries between these three different levels carefully balancing legislation and medical needs.

Cultural Transfer?

Wolfgang Schmale suggested that processes of cultural transfer need to be disseminated by either groups of people or by individuals.11 Katrin Keller, for example, examines transfers by “cultural mediators” and specifically migrating people, professionals and carriers (transporteurs). She comes to the conclusion that when looking at cultural transfer and their authorities, emphasis should be put on inter-regional differences – not

9 M. LINDEMANN, Health and Healing, p. 73. 10 J. C. MAEGRAITH, Klosterapotheken, pp. 83–85. 11 Wolfgang SCHMALE, A Transcultural History of Europe – Perspectives from the History of Migration, in: European History Online (EGO), published by the Institute of Eu- ropean History (IEG), Mainz 2010-12-03, section 9. URL: http://www.ieg-ego.eu/en/ threads/theories-and-methods/transcultural-history [20.6.2013] Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 183 only on transfers between “nations” or across language borders.12 Dor- othea Weltecke questions in a different context the common impressions of Emperor Frederick II in historiography by looking at him as a possible “promoter of cultural transfer”. She stresses the need to revise these impressions considerably especially if one keeps the specific religious, scientific and cultural context of his time in mind.13 These examples show the far-reaching opportunities of this approach and the present case study attempts to analyze physicians as agents of cultural transfer within their context of inner-regional diversity, migration and academic profession. Physicians can be regarded as an intellectual group of health professionals carrying potential cultural exchange. They were mobile and usually migrating to several places during their career. Quite often the place of their education was a different one from their later practice. Thus representing “migrating professionals” make them an ideal case study for “agents of cultural transfer”. But what aspect of culture were they exchanging? Possible definitions of cultural transfer remain remarkably vague. Jörg Feuchter, for example, refers to the “genuine shorelessness” of the concept as coined by Michael Werner, which seems appropriate especially in regard to the soft definition of “culture”.14 Wolfgang Schmale offers a definition which allows us to use the phenomena such as the Enlightenment and the rise of the modern state, for example, as “cultures”.15 The communication between those “cultures” in this case can be seen as a form of cultural transfer. This can be supplemented by a “medical culture”, which both physicians in question refer to in their texts. Their idea of a “medical culture” reflects a scientific approach with rational explanations versus superstition, raising academic standards and the aim to

12 Katrin KELLER, Zwischen Wissenschaft und Kommerz. Das Spektrum kultureller Mittler im 16. Jahrhundert, in: Wolfgang SCHMALE (ed.), Kulturtransfer. Kulturelle Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert, Innsbruck 2003, pp. 271–286, here p. 283. 13 Dorothea WELTECKE, Emperor Frederick II, “Sultan of Lucera”, “Friend of the Muslims”, Promoter of Cultural Transfer: Controversies and Suggestions, in: Jörg Feuchter – Fried- helm Hoffmann – Bee Yun (edd.), Cultural Transfer in Dispute. Representations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World since the Middle Ages, Frankfurt – New York 2011, pp. 86–106. 14 Jörg FEUCHTER, Cultural Transfer in Dispute: An Introduction, in: Jörg Feuchter – Friedhelm Hoffmann – Bee Yun (edd.), Cultural Transfer in Dispute, pp. 15–37, here p. 20. For a more systematic definition see Cornel A. ZWIERLEIN, Komparati- ve Kommunikationsgeschichte und Kulturtransfer im 16. Jahrhundert – Methodische Über legungen entwickelt am Beispiel der Kommunikation über die französischen Religionskriege (1559–1598) in Deutschland und Italien, in: Wolfgang Schmale (ed.), Kulturtransfer. Kulturelle Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert, Innsbruck 2003, pp. 85–120, here p. 86. 15 W. SCHMALE, A Transcultural History of Europe, section 1. 184 Janine Christina Maegraith regulate health institutions and educate or indeed re-educate people and health professionals – in the hands of an enlightened ruler. As physicians they constituted an academic elite situated between the ruler and the people. This raises the question how the receiving end, the local people, reacted to their actions. Was this a top-down transfer and if, how did the non-academic people perceive this? It might be worthwhile to consider Gramsci’s concept of cultural hegemony as well to incorporate the aspect of an academic elite aiming to implement a new medical culture and to marginalize or, in the case of untrained medical provid- ers, even to eliminate a prevailing popular medical culture.16 However, looking at physicians as quasi socio-medical agents of transfer enables us to analyze not only the period of transition itself but to gain a better understanding of the role of the physician in disseminating academic knowledge on local level.

Enlightenment and Medicine

After 1750 the concept of health and illness experienced a change, and the influence of the “physical surroundings and a reassessment of the effects of the climate and the environment on health and illness” became more important.17 James Riley termed this approach “environmentalism” which called for a medical geography. Here, the focus changed: illness was not only seen to originate in the body but was linked with its environment. Mary Lindemann terms this “new Hippocratism”.18 Hippoc- rates’ treatise “De aere, aquis et locis” had a profound influence on the physician Leonhard Ludwig Finke (1747–1837), who was as a medical officer familiar with the regular medical reports on his district’s living conditions and environment. Finke developed the concept of “medical geography” and also wrote a guideline on how to write medical topographies.19 In order to accommodate this new approach, knowledge of

16 As for example discussed in Antonio GRAMSCI, Selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, (edd.) Quintin Hoare – Geoffrey Nowell Smith, London 1971, pp. 245–246, 333–335, 416–418; on intellectuals see pp. 3–23; David FOR- GACS (ed.), The Antonio Gramsci Reader: selected Writings, 1916–1935, New York 2000, ch. VI. 17 M. LINDEMANN, Health and Healing, pp. 271–272., here p. 272. 18 M. LINDEMANN, Health and Healing, p. 272. 19 George ROSEN, Leonhard Ludwig Finke. “On the Different Kinds of Geographies, but Chiefly on Medical Topographies, and How to Compose Them.” Translated from the German with an Introduction, in: History of Medicine 20, 1946, pp. 527–538. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 185 the specific environment of a locality had to be determined and therefore data on the various environments was collected. This inclination towards a rising importance of statistics has its other origin in the influence of political economics as represented by enlightened thinkers such as August Ludwig Schlözer (1735–1809), who developed a theory of statistics.20 This influence can be observed in Württemberg atthe end of the eighteenth century culminating in the establishment of the “Statistisch–Topographisches Büreau” in 1820.21 Similarly, the appraisal of population statistics by Johann Peter Süßmilch (1707–1767), as explained in his book “The Divine Order in the Changes of the Human Race” in 1741, can be seen in the same context.22 It is within this framework of changes in medicine and political economics during the Enlightenment that the emergence of medical topographies in the German speaking territories published after 1750 has to be seen. Lindemann suggests that neo-Hippocratism guided the writing of those treatises as they discussed climatic and environmental factors.23 Medical topographies are descriptions of a specific locality’s health care including qualitative as well as quantitative evidence. They meticulously collected information on climate, environment, population, patterns of illness and other characteristics of localities. Correspondingly, a growing use of statistics can be observed, for instance with the gathering of population data from parish priest’s reports or from church registers.24

20 Roland DEIGENDESCH, Von Krupp und Krätze: Die „Medizinische Topographie der Stadt Kirchheim unter Teck“ von Carl Gottlieb Gaupp, in: Schriftenreihe des Stadtarchivs Kirchheim unter Teck, No. 32, 2008, p. 48; Ursula A. J. BECHER, August Ludwig von Schlözer, in: Walther Killey – Rudolf Vierhaus (edd.), Dictionary of German Biogra- phy, München 2005, vol. 8, p. 724. 21 From 1822 onwards this Bureau published yearbooks on Württemberg’s history, geogeo-- graphy, statistics and topography: Württemberg, Statistisch-Topographisches Bureau (ed.), Württembergische Jahrbücher für vaterländische Geschichte, Geographie, Statistik und Topographie, Stuttgart 1822–1862/63. Its precursor was Württembergisches Jahrbuch, Stuttgart 1818–1821. 22 Roy PORTER, The Greatest Gift of Mankind. A Medical History of Humanity from Anti quity to the Present, London 1997, pp. 293–294. Friedrich W. BAUTZ, Johann Peter Süß- milch, in: Walther Killey – Rudolf Vierhaus (edd.), Dictionary of German Biography, München 2005, vol. 9, p. 648. Johann Peter SÜSSMILCH, Die göttliche Ordnung in den Veränderungen des menschlichen Geschlechts: aus der Geburt, Tod, und Fortpflantzung desselben erwiesen, Berlin 1741. 23 M. LINDEMANN, Health and Healing, p. 272. 24 Wolfgang Uwe ECKART – Robert JÜTTE (edd.), Medizingeschichte. Eine Einführung, Köln – Weimar – Wien 2007, p. 236; R. DEIGENDESCH, Medizinische Topographie, pp. 48–50. Schirt,�� for example, examines the parish registers and compiles demographic lists for the period 1793 and 1803. They include accounts on the number of births, deaths and marriages in the various parishes followed by an account of 186 Janine Christina Maegraith

Fundamental for the further development of medical welfare and the medical police was Johann Peter Frank (1745–1821) and his “A system of complete medical police” originally published in 1779.25 An “enlightened and enlightening physician”, he saw a clear link between public welfare and personal well-being, in that the state would benefit from healthy citizens. In return, the state was responsible for the provision and supervision of healthy living conditions, regulated by the authorities or so called medical police. He accordingly aimed his work not only at the state authorities but also at the citizens themselves.26 In 1800 Franz Xaver Mezler (1756–1812) wrote a medical topography of Sigmaringen, which became influential as a guideline in the southwest German area. He also established a “patriotic society for physicians and scientists in Swabia” in 1801.27 The role of such learned societies in communicating Enlightenment thought was considerable and their numbers were rising after 1760.28 Incidentally, this society’s ideas served as a model for Joseph von Schirt when composing his own medical topography. One could argue that the collection of data on localities followed the tradition of earlier medical and church visitations. But it was the intention behind this which had changed. Medical topographies were in effect an analysis of the present healthcare system of a locality and contained specific recommendations by the physician-author on its improvements. These recommendations were aimed at the medical authorities of the state and imply the notion, as seen with Frank, that it was the enlightened state which was responsible for the medical welfare of the people which in return should ensure healthy citizens and population growth. Schirt asserts, for example: “all attempts of the ruler should therefore

the present population figures. J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, ch. XVI, here pp. 165–187. 25 Johann Peter FRANK, System einer vollständigen medicinischen Policey, 6 vols. 1779– 1819; 3 suppl. vols. 1812–1827. For a selection in English see Erna LESKY (ed.), A Sys- tem of Complete Medical Police. Selections from Johann Peter Frank, Baltimore 1976. 26 On Frank see Fritz HARTMANN, Johann Peter Frank, in: Walther Killey – Rudolf Vierhaus (edd.), Dictionary of German Biography, München 2002, vol. 3, p. 446. 27 “Vaterländische Gesellschaft der Ärzte und Naturforscher Schwabens”, see Eberhard SILVERS – Kurt DIEMER, Einleitung, in: J. Schirt, Medizinische Topographie, p. 19. Hans-Burkhard HESS, Im Ganzen gesehen – Mensch, Medizin und Umwelt um 1800. Franz Xaver Mezlers Medizinische Topographie von Sigmaringen, Tübingen 1996. 28 Heinz DUCHHARDT, Barock und Aufklärung, München 2007, pp. 134–135. Mezler also published a guideline on how to write medical topographies in 1814, “Leitfaden zur Abfassung medizinischer Topographien”, see R. DEIGENDESCH, Medizinische Topographie, p. 49. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 187 be aimed at quasi sustaining and increasing the population.”29 The new “medical culture” was supposed to render this possible which entailed the training, education and control of other health professionals such as apothecaries, midwives and barber surgeons.30 This in turn suggests that the texts were also intended to demarcate these occupations from the field and the authority of the academic physician.31 Schirt describes in some length the horrible consequences of medical services by un- skilled quacks and how “everybody” practiced medicine.32 This should be seen in the context of increasing professionalization of the physician’s occupation. Changes such as professionalization, the emergence of pure sciences and the further development of the medical and biolog- ical disciplines constituted the foundation of medicine in the first half of the nineteenth century.33 In the wake of this, the occupation of the barber-surgeon was increasingly suppressed in the course of the nineteenth century, the midwives experienced enhanced control and pharmacy developed away from a craft into a scientific discipline.34 Other “unof- ficial” medical practitioners such as executioners were wholly excluded from the field.35 Both the composition of medical topographies and the demarcation of the medical marketplace gave the physician as a medical officer and member of the local elite a new role: he directly transferred the new ideas between the medical authorities of the “enlightened” state and the local people and health professionals of his district.

29 “[…] alle Anstalten des Regenten sollen also gleichsam darauf gerichtet seyn, die Volksmenge zu erhalten und zu vergrößern.” J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, p. 165. 30 “[…] mit dem zunehmenden Grad der medizinischen Kultur wird die Bevölkerung steigen, und mit ihr Wohlstand, Gesundheit und Sittlichkeit blühn; wahre Kenntniß in der Heilkunde wird geschätzt und geehrt […].” J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topogra- phie, p. 193. 31 This can be seen in both texts by Schirt and Endres. See also R. DEIGENDESCH, Medizinische Topographie, p. 49. See also Eberhard SILVERS – Kurt DIEMER, Einlei- tung, in: J. Schirt, Medizinische Topographie, p. 25. 32 J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, pp. 187–191. “Alles trieb hier und treibt noch Medizin.” Ibidem, p. 188. 33 Hans Joachim WINCKELMANN, Vorwort, in: J. Schirt, Medizinische Topographie, p. 12. 34 Dominik GROSS, Die Aufhebung des Wundarztberufs; J. C. MAEGRAITH, Nun Apothe- caries, pp. 313–314. 35 For the district of Ochsenhausen, for example, a pharmacopoeia by the local execuexecu-- tioner, Maximin Fidelis Steigendesch, from c. 1770 survives. I am grateful to Roland Deigendesch for pointing out this reference. 188 Janine Christina Maegraith

Joseph von Schirt (1765–1835)

Biography

Joseph von Schirt was born in the free Imperial city of Überlingen in 1765. His father and his grandfather had been apothecaries in Über- lingen.36 According to his own information, he gained his medical experience in Bohemia and Moravia as field physician for the Imperial army. In 1804 he was appointed district physician of the principality of Ochsenhausen and personal physician to Franz Georg von Metternich (1746–1818). The principality of Ochsenhausen was formerly the territory of the Benedictine monastery Ochsenhausen, which came under the rule of Metternich after its Secularisation in 1803. This rested on a “compensation” agreement based on the Final Recess of the Impe- rial Deputation of 25 February 1803, which laid down that the secular princes and rulers of the German territories were to be compensated for their territorial losses during the Revolutionary Wars with monastic holdings.37 Schirt thus found himself in a principality which still bore the signs of a centuries’ old monastic state. Metternich specified that Schirt’s duty was to maintain the health and well-being of his subjects and to especially consider the poor inhabitants of the principality. In 1815, Joseph von Schirt was appointed district physician in Waldsee, where he stayed until his death in 1835. Schirt’s biography reveals that he had been travelling for his education and training prior to coming to Ochsenhausen. Thus Ochsenhausen was for him a new residence, where the Enlightenment had had not much influence yet and this makes him an ideal case study for an agent of change and cultural transfer.

The Medical Topography of 1805

Schirt’s initial idea to write Ochsenhausen’s medical topography originated in his interest in the above mentioned society of physicians which was founded by Mezler in 1801. This society supported the creation of medical topographies. Thus, when Schirt was appointed physician of Ochsenhausen he saw his duty not only in the medical treatment of its people but also in composing a concise description of its geographical and social environment. It was supposed to inform the “enlightened”

36 On his full biography see E. SILVERS – K. DIEMER, Einleitung, in: J. Schirt, Medi- zinische Topographie, pp. 26–28. 37 Ibidem, pp. 17–18; J. C. MAEGRAITH, Nun Apothecaries, p. 313. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 189 ruler, whose duty he saw in sustaining medical welfare and well-being of his subjects. The full title of his manuscript correspondingly says: “An attempted medical topography of the principality of Ochsenhausen as a contribution to a medical topography of Swabia”.38 He regarded his contribution as one building block of an aspired comprehensive topography of the whole region of Swabia and positioned himself clearly in the tradition of Mezler’s society of physicians. He himself was a member of the “medical-botanical society in Regensburg”.39 With this he placed himself within the scientific tradition of his time, the need to define the inherent order of things which resulted, for example, in the creation of compilations such as herbaria. Schirt finalized his medical topography in February 1805, only half a year after his appointment, and presented it to a publisher in Ulm. But Metternich claimed the authority over the decision whether the manuscript should be published or not. However, Schirt doubted he would have the expertise to decide on this and made its medical duty subject to the above mentioned aim to contribute to a medical topography of the whole region of Swabia, as called for by the society of physicians. He thus denied Metternich’s authority in this but underestimated the fact that censorship was still in full operation at that time. Metternich pro- hibited the publication of the topography on the grounds that he should have asked for permission first. He also referred to some “displeasing” passages in his manuscript which gave rise to the assumption that some of Schirt’s descriptions proved to be too blunt and caused resentment.40 This bluntness, however, was aimed at the situation resulting from the former monastic rule and not at the current prince, which must have led to a misunderstanding and it was not published in his lifetime.41 In 2006, the manuscript was at last published and edited by Kurt Diemer. The contents of Schirt’s topography can be grouped into four main parts: First, he outlined the history of the former abbey. Second, he described the geography of the principality including a brief natural history of the area. Third, he gave a detailed description of the every-day

38 “Versuch einer Medizinischen Topographie des Fürstenthums Ochsenhaußen als ein Beitrag zur Medizinischen Topographie Schwabens”, J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topo- graphie, p. 31. 39 “Medizinisch-botanische Gesellschaft zu Regensburg”. 40 See for an excellent description and further documents E. SILVERS – K. DIEMER, Einleitung, pp. 20–24. 41 The manuscript was bound but it is not clear what exactly happened to it. The later examination of Endres’ text shows, though, that it must have been accessible to some extent. 190 Janine Christina Maegraith life of the inhabitants ranging from agriculture, the description of the people, their religion, diet, clothing, housing, occupation and custom of marriage. And finally, he analysed the existing healthcare services and medical welfare of the district by looking at the physical education of the children, poverty and patient care, population, medicine and medical welfare and some diseases and their therapy. It is this fourth part of his manuscript which synthesizes his impressions from the district’s people and their customs, their environment and his own ideas on healthcare and medical welfare.

Schirt addressed his text to Metternich in the belief that he as enlightened statesman would have the authority in implementing his recommendations. He hoped that a period of peace would create a new era of medicine and saw his duty in elevating the “culture of medical doctrine out of the obscurity in which it had been buried for so many centuries to the disadvantage of the people”.42 Schirt aimed to convince the subjects, “how much I aspire to answer the will of the sovereign and to advance the physical well-being of the subjects, as much as my strength allows.”43 His embeddedness in enlightened medical ideas becomes apparent in his preamble and the language he used to describe the backwardness of the district’s healthcare system. In addition, he believed in the role of the enlightened ruler as the guardian of the subject’s well- being and thus followed a strong notion of German Enlightenment, the “enlightened absolutism”. However, he needed the assistance of the philosopher–physician: “The most prosperous, abundant and rich state is imperfect without the culture of medicine and its police: […].”44 He believed that for this medical topographies were important instruments: “A correct statistical philosophical topography turns the physician into a personal physician of every resident of his district. He examines him in his entire situation, in his circumstances, in his climate, and studies

42 “[…] und die Kultur der medizinischen Doctrin gleich den benachbarten Provinzen aus der grossen Finsterniß empor zu heben, in der sie seit Jahrhunderten zum Nach theil des Volkes in unsrer Gegend begraben lag.” Ibidem, p. 34. 43 “[…] wie sehr ich mich bestrebe, dem Willen des Landesherren zu entsprechen und das physische Wohl derselben, so viel es in meinen Kräften ist, zu befördern.”�� Ibi- dem, p. 34. 44 “Der blühendste, an Ueberfluß und Reichthum vollkommene Staat ist ohne Cultur der Medizin und ihrer Polizei nicht vollkommen: […].” Ibidem, p. 35; see on the concept of enlightened absolutism H. DUCHHARDT, Barock und Aufklärung, p. 142. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 191 him as it were in his own nature.”45 His main objective was to advance the physical well-being of the people by public enlightenment and education, since what he encountered in his district left him in shock: “Not a single ray of a medical Enlightenment, of an introduction of sanitary laws, an expansion of the medical police penetrated the here prevailing darkness.”46

On Poverty and Medical Welfare

Schirt regarded poor relief and medical welfare as an important area of improvement. He was convinced that the provision of the poor and medical welfare were the noblest purposes and duty of a paternal and beneficial ruler. “Poor relief remains the most beautiful and memorable monument of humanity of a philanthropic prince.”47 Putting scientific knowledge in place of religion, for example, he strongly criticized the former practice of the monastery to dispense alms and contrasted it with his rational welfare ideas. He reasoned, “it has long since been proven, that the general dispensing of alms is an allurement for idleness and an appeal to begging; and that charity can only then be regarded as a human virtue, if it continuously supports the ones who suffer through no fault of their own with adequate means, […]”.48 He dismissed the idea of undiscriminating dispensing of alms as it increased poverty and instead stressed the need to foster industriousness. Schirt situates himself within a changed perception of social welfare towards a more centralized and secularized approach. With his dismissal of undiscriminating alms he criticized the formerly practiced idea of charity by the monastic states. Social welfare had been

45 “Eine richtige Statistisch philosophische Topographie macht den Arzt zum Leibarzt jedes Bewohners seiner Gegend. Er durchsieht ihn ganz in seiner Lage, in seinen Verhältnißen, in seinem Clima, und studiert ihn sozusagen in seiner eigenen Natur.” J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, p. 35. 46 “Auch nicht ein Strahl irgend einer medizinischen Aufklärung, einer Einführung von Sanitaetsgesetzen, einer Erweiterung der medizinischen Polizey durchbrach die hier herrschende Finsterniß.” Ibidem, p. 187. 47 J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, ch. XV “Ueber Armuth – Armen und Kranken- pflege”, pp. 148–165, here p. 148. “Die Armenpflege bleibt das schönste und unver- geßlichste Monument der Humanität eines menschenfreundlichen Fürsten.” 48 “Es ist längst erwiesen, daß das unbestimmte Almosenaustheilen Lockung für den Müßiggang und Aufruf zur Betteley ist; daß Wohlthätigkeit nur dann den Namen einer menschlichen Tugend verdient, wenn sie den unverschuldet Leidenden fort dauernd und in ausreichender Maße unterstützt, […].” J. SCHIRT, Medizinische To- pographie, p. 149. 192 Janine Christina Maegraith

re-conceptualized in the course of economic and social factors after the Reformation: state authorities now distinguished between the “worthy” and “unworthy” poor. This change also led to a shift of the responsibility for social welfare away from ecclesiastical institutions towards territorial authorities, as poverty changed from having a religious connotation to becoming a “social phenomenon”, which had to be contained by state authorities.49 Schirt found himself confronted with a high proportion of poverty in Ochsenhausen which he partly blamed on former monastic policies. Contrasting those, he laid out his own ideas about poor relief. First, he established the conditions within the principality and defined six different categories of the poor: the local poor who were ableto work but lost employment after the dissolution of the monastery; the elderly who used to receive alms from the monasteries; widows whose husbands used to work for the monastery and who were now left to raise their children without support; former servants who were often elderly and without means; the shamefaced poor which constituted the largest group, and sick poor who suffered from want of medical treatment and food.50 It is apparent how much the abolition of the monastic employer – more than its former policies – affected the local people. But in addition Schirt observed natural menaces such as fires, floods and thun- derstorms and the consequences of the revolutionary wars as a constant threat of the “exhausted poor peasant”.51 Second, he suggested to the sovereignty the establishment of a poor relief fund to pool and control the means which had formerly been spent as charity. This should be used to organize poor relief in order to ensure all the ones in need had access to help, either in monetary form or in kind. To ensure fairness, a local committee on poor relief should be formed. As possible sources for regular contributions Schirt suggested the following: all funds given to the parish priests to support the poor and all inadequate endowments should be transferred to the fund; any unnecessary expenses for luxury in the parish churches should be stopped and instead regular collections introduced; fines should be accrued to the fund; all personnel of the prince should contribute an

49 See on change in social welfare and for more references on the debate about this his-historical process Wolfgang ZIMMERMANN, Christliche Caritas und staatliche Wohlfahrt. Sozialfürsorge in den geistlichen Staaten am Ende des Alten Reiches, in: Kurt Andermann (ed.), Die Geistlichen Staaten am Ende des Alten Reiches. Versuch einer Bilanz, Ep- fendorf 2004, pp. 115–131; J. C. MAEGRAITH, Klosterapotheken, pp. 72–74. 50 J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, p. 150. 51 “der erschöpfte arme Landmann”, Ibidem, p. 150. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 193 annual input according to their income and all promoted staff should make a voluntary gift to the fund; at every marriage and burial a certain sum should be dispensed; finally, weekly collections of voluntary alms should be conducted. Third, he detailed how to control the spending and the beneficiar- ies: he suggested a catalogue of all local poor to be drawn up. With the knowledge of their exact needs, appropriate help could be organized. A Rumford soup kitchen, where nutritional soup for the poor would be served for free, could be established in the former monastery and the desperate and sick poor would be accommodated in the local Spital Goldbach [hospital or poor house].52 But Schirt also stressed the need on the part of the state to prohibit public begging and to repel vagrants and foreign poor who appeared in “enormous bulk” on the highway. In addition, local idlers and people “without trade and morals” should be urged to take up suitable work.53 In short, the fund’s charity should be strictly controlled and industry amongst the poor encouraged. He then quoted the account of physician Lebrecht Friedrich Ben- jamin Lentin (1736–1804) on the care for the sick poor. Lentin described the inherent problems of the shamefaced poor: because they would not seek help out of their own account, they would plunge into a desperate situation and the physician’s help would then often come too late. Not only was this a deplorable situation but also the cost amounted to more than would have been necessary, would the sick poor have been identified earlier. In addition, the physician had to request help from the poor fund which delayed his actions considerably. He lamented the slowness and the frequent rejection of requests which were based on the missing distinction between the idle and the truly sick poor. The latter were in need of immediate help and any deferment would have lethal consequences. Hence, dispense of free medicine was needed which was not always guaranteed as it had to be approved by the authorities first. The aim therefore was to inform the poor that they were eligible for

52 I will refer to the original Spital in the following. See on the Rumford Soup, Benjamin Thompson Graf von RUMFORD, , in: Idem, Kleine Schriften politischen, ökonomischen und philosophischen Inhalts, Weimar 1797, p. 254. “Nach einer mehr als fünfjährigen Erfahrung […] ergab sich, daß die wohlfeilste, schmackhafteste und nahrhafteste Speise eine Suppe war, die aus Ger- stengraupen, Erbsen, Cartoffeln, Weineßig, Salz und Waßer (in gehörigen Verhältni- ßen) bestand.” 53 J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, p. 152. 194 Janine Christina Maegraith immediate medical welfare and to make their situation known to the authorities.54 Schirt strongly supported Lentin’s ideas and aimed to avoid the situation, where a physician had to watch helplessly while the sick poor either avoided seeking help or the authorities denied it. He thus acknowledged the need for medical charity: the poor should have access to the same quality of medicines, medical care should be secured and for free, and the physicians should be enabled to claim any costs back arising from treating the poor. This was not the case yet; it had to go through a bureaucratic process where the physician often had to bear the cost himself in the end. However, a monastic foundation to help the sick poor, the Spital, had survived. In describing the former regime of the Spital Goldbach, he respected the monastic approach and generosity to medical charity. But in view of the changed situation he strongly urged it to be reformed.55 Especially the accommodation itself was in need of improvements: the dwellings were too small, dirty and they allowed not enough light and air to get in. According to him, this stuffiness nurtured diseases more than that it improved the inmate’s situation. He concludes: “All this resembles more a filthy feeding of human cattle, than the care of the sick poor.”56 Schirt was convinced that better organized lodgings, combined with work and motivation to industriousness, would benefit both the government and the poor in that it would keep the costs low and thus could support more people in need. He therefore suggested taking the foundation money of the Spital and merge it with the poor relief fund to establish a proper work house. This could accommodate a weaving mill and the existing Spital could be altered into a hospital for the poor thus ensuring proper medical care of the sick poor. All this, of course, should be under the authority of the district physician.57 In principle, Schirt proposed to re-organize poor relief in order to create a welfare system where the different facilities such as work house and hospital would collaborate to ensure a more efficient use of the funds. His idea of medical charity and the need to dispense medicines for free to the poor can also be seen in his inspection report of the

54 Ibidem, pp. 153–156. 55 Ibidem, the regime established in 1608 pp. 156–158; and the regime established in 1720 pp. 158–160. 56 “Und das Ganze sieht eher einer schmutzigen Stallfütterung des menschlichen VieVie-- hes gleich, als einer armer Kranken Pflege.” Ibidem, pp. 161. 57 Ibidem, pp. 162–163. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 195 convent pharmacy in Gutenzell in 1812. Just as he acknowledged the benevolent medical charity of the former Benedictine monastery of Ochsenhausen, he appreciated the fact that the convent pharmacy was still working since it supplied an isolated rural area. And the fact that it also dispensed free medicine to the poor must have matched his ideas to improve medical welfare.58 Closely related to this was his objective to improve the dietary situation in the Spital and amongst the inhabitants to create a healthier life style.59 All this he saw in the context of his aim to support the truly sick poor, but to foster industriousness amongst the poor who were still able to work, and not to support idleness, which he blamed on the former approach of the monasteries. This dichotomy between monastic and secular elements mirrored the transitional period after the Secularisation, where remnants of the monastic regimes survived into an era which was characterized by secular and centralized states.

Joseph von Schirt as Agent

Joseph von Schirt emphasized in his preamble that he had not spent much time in the district yet indicating that he just arrived at his new post from somewhere else. Indeed, he had spent time in Bohemia and Moravia prior to his post as local physician in Ochsenhausen and therefore carried experience from other territories into the principality of Ochsenhausen. In addition to his mobility, his notion of a “medical culture” was clearly rooted in Enlightenment ideas and he aimed at applying these in his new community. This he established with his topography in which he highlighted the problematic medical situation of the district to the sovereignty but also to the people. He made specific suggestions how to improve the medical welfare which could be applied on government level or in every-day life of the inhabitants. The latter he aimed to educate in cleanliness, how to eat and dress in a healthy manner, how to ventilate and heat the dwellings and schools properly etc. And he also outlined his concept of poor relief in the hope to initiate improvements in the well-being of the inhabitants. With this he proposed a system of medical welfare which was very much based on the “modern” ideas of secular welfare under centralized control of government authorities.

58 StAL E 162 I, Bü 1149 Oberamt Biberach, Actum [Bericht] Oberamts Physicus D. Schirt zu Ochsenhausen 11. 4. 1812; on his medical inspection of 1812 see J. C. MAEGRAITH, Nun Apothecaries, pp. 324–326. 59 See for example his comments on the former regimes of the Spital, J. SCHIRT, Medi zinische Topographie, pp. 157–160; and his chapter on diet, Ibidem, pp. 96–105. 196 Janine Christina Maegraith

References in his own text give evidence how much he had incorporated current medical standards and ideas as outlined in the introduction. It could be established that Schirt’s intentions in writing this text were influenced by the society of physicians and we can assume that he had other examples as a model. He even refers to Mezler on several occasions. Winckelmann could in addition attest the influence of Frank and his idea of a medical police in several passages.60 His chapter on poor relief also contains a lengthy quote by the Hannover physician Lentin, whose ideas on accessibility and distribution of medical welfare to the shamefaced poor he strongly supported. And finally, he refers to Süßmilch when discussing the demography of the district.61 This in turn is evidence for the hypothesis that Schirt was intending to disseminate and thus transfer the idea of a new “medical culture”. To measure how far his topography could have been a medium of cultural transfer is difficult since it was prevented from publication. It does, however, outline his concept of a “medical culture” and establishes what improvements he saw necessary. But Schirt continued to practice as local physician and worked for a practical application of his enlightened ideas. How he pursued his objectives can for example be seen when he conducted a medical visitation of the convent pharmacy in Gutenzell in 1812. In his role as local physician, Schirt acted as agent of cultural transfer by following his outlined aims and at the same time acted as an intermediary between government and citizens.

Carl Endres (1768–after 1825)

Biography

Carl Endres was born in Niederalfingen near Aalen (Württemberg) in 1768. He studied law in Würzburg before doing a university degree in medicine in Altdorf Würzburg. He was awarded his doctoral degree in Bamberg in 1800. 1799 he served as physician of the Königsegg regi- ment, one of the regiments of the Swabian Imperial circle. In 1800 he became district physician in the free Imperial city of Buchhorn (Lake of Constance) and Wiesensteig (1806 Württemberg). In 1811 he was district

60 H. J. WINCKELMANN, Vorwort, p. 12; J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, pp. 112 and 191. 61 See J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, p. 186 for references on Johann Peter Süßmilch and pp. 12, 124–128, 144, 191 on Johann Peter Frank. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 197 physician in Wiblingen, a former Benedictine monastic holding close to Ulm. 1814 he was appointed to physician of the province of Swabia in Ulm (Landvogtei und Oberamtsarzt). And in 1818 he acquired the position of medical officer of the district government. He held this office still in 1825, but for the following years unfortunately no information on his further career could be obtained.62

The Medical Visitation of the District of Biberach, 1816

In 1816, two years after his appointment to physician of the province of Swabia, Endres conducted a medical visitation of the whole district of Biberach. This exercise was nothing exceptional as he followed a decree of 1814 which called for regular medical inspections in Württem- berg.63 The district physicians were now requested to conduct a medical visitation of their whole district every two years. This should comprise a concise description and inspection of all medical institution such as the pharmacies and hospitals, all health professionals such as local physicians, barber surgeons, midwives and veterinarians, spas and baths, schools, prisons and all other matters which would fall under the medical police such as diet, drinking water, local diseases and vaccinations of the inhabitants. In short, the district physician was to report on the comprehensive health care situation of his district.64 This came close to a medical topography which is how Endres perceived his duty. In his introduction he explained that with his report he was at the same time presenting a medical topography, although in two years he did not have the time to collect all the necessary information. The report was submitted to the Section for Medical Affairs under the Home Office together with his suggestions and comments.65 The district he was assigned to was a conglomerate of several former patrimonial departments, amongst them the free Imperial city of Biber- ach, the former Benedictine territory of Ochsenhausen and the former Cistercian territories of Gutenzell and Heggbach. The district was

62 StAL E 179 II, Bü 269, Medizinal Rath D. Endres; revidiert 1825. 63 In 1814 the central government of Württemberg revised the regulatory regime for medical matters and adapted it to the new district organization in the kingdom. See DREES, Sozialgeschichte der württembergischen Ärzte, pp. 27–28. 64 August Ludwig REYSCHER (ed.), Vollständige, historisch und kritisch bearbeitete Sammlung der württembergischen Gesetze, Stuttgart–Tübingen, 1828–1851, 19 vols., here vol. 15, No. 2261, General-Verordnung, die Organisation der Medicinal-Verfassung im Königreiche betr., 14./22.3.1814, pp. 726–747, here pp. 741–746. 65 StAL, E 162 I, Bü 1714 Medizinalvisitationen im Oberamt Biberach 1816–17. 198 Janine Christina Maegraith therefore comprised of several regions which had different historical and political origins and were merged under one district government since 1813. Endres saw himself confronted with problems resulting of missing conformity and old customs so that he acted as agent of transfer within the district between the formerly independent territories.66 Endres was fully aware of this and was convinced that the changes were to the best advantage “[…] after through the latest political events the largest part of the country stepped out of its former fragmentary existence under the scepter of wise and powerful governments.”67 Now, in his view, medical affairs could be controlled effectively by the central government authorities. Endres was a very conscientious medical officer and meticulously followed the instructions given in 1814. In addition, his own convictions led him to submit a concise report:

“It is not my intention to reveal myself as an accuser or informer; my aim is to point out the diseases of the people and their underlying causes, but especially to highlight the ailments in the provisions for the sick poor, as they attracted my attention during my visitation travels and collected reports and investigations, and of which I believe that these ailments have their origin not in the present administration but rather in former institutions, the former fragmented governmental structure and the character of the people arising from these structures.”68

In his opinion, the former political environment contributed to the difficult situation he encountered in the district. No wonder he ventured to create a medical topography to grasp the entirety of the problems.

66 See on political and territorial reforms after 1806 Meinrad SCHAAB, Das Ende der alten Ordnung 1802–1849, in: Landesarchivdirektion Baden-Württemberg (ed.), Der Landkreis Biberach, Sigmaringen 1987, vol. 1, p. 135. 67 “[…] nachdem durch die Ereignisse der neueren Zeit der groesste TheilTh eil dieses LanLan-- des aus seinem ehemaligen fragmentischen Daseyn heraus unter den Scepter weisser u maechtiger Regierungen getretten ist; […]”, StAL, E 162 I, Bü 1714 Medizinalvisi- tationen im Oberamt Biberach 1816–17, report by Endres, fol. 24 [henceforth: StAL, Endres, report]. 68 “Ich habe keineswegs die Absicht, mich als Anklaeger oder Denuntiant preysgeben zu wollen; Mein Ziel ist, auf die Krankheiten des Volks u die ihnen zugrunde liegen- de Ursachen, vorzueglich aber auf die Gebrechen in der Verpflegung kranker armen aufmerksam zu machen, wie sie mir auf meinen visitations Reyssen nach den einge- zogenen Nachrichten u. Erkundigungen erschienen sind, und von denen ich glaube, dass sie weniger in der gewaertigen Administration, als vielmehr in den frueheren Einrichtungen, dem zerstueckelten Regierungs Formen, u. den daraus abzuleitenden Karakter des Volks ihren Grund u Ursprung haben moegen.”, StAL, Endres, report, fol. 2. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 199

That he used some very blunt language in his descriptions, similar to Schirt, might have enticed him to the excuse at the beginning, that he was not an “accuser”. However, correspondence ensued after the report with the people concerned, defending themselves against his accusations. For example, he described the schools in Ochsenhausen as being pure agony as the children had to endure bad heating, ventilation and corporal punishments. “The cruelness and addiction to beating of the school despot can lead to infirmity and lifelong disease amongst some children, the same should therefore be mandated to a stricter inspection, but his bull’s pizzle should be withdrawn as an improper and dangerous correction instrument for children.”69 Likewise, he sharply criticized one of the apothecaries in Biberach, Zink, for being absent from his shop and leaving only an untrained assistant in the dispensary behind. This was succeeded by a heated correspondence between the apothecary Zink, the physician Endres and the governmental authorities.70 Endres’ ideas were rooted in Enlightenment thought. His intention to compose a medical topography rather than only a report moves him close to Schirt’s aim in 1805. He also referred to both Mezler and Frank and, similar to Schirt, stressed the need of better training and proper education of the people and health professionals such as midwives and barber surgeons.71 He described the district as remaining in deep obscurity and governed by superstition where the monasteries had ruled, which had never made a step forward. The peasants had according to him only known to act as subjects and not as citizens, merely following the intentions of the ruler and the magistrates. “In- dustriousness and diligence, talent and science did not find any protection in those traps of misery and oppression.”72 He regarded the new secular government as the means out of this “deep obscurity”.

69 “3tens die Grausamkeit und Schlagsucht des Schul Despoten über manches Kind Siechthum lebenslängl. Krankheit bringen kann, so ist derselbe einer strengeren Auf- sicht zu empfehlen, ihm aber der Ochsenziemer als ein für Kinder durchaus nicht geeignetes, sondern vielmehr schädliches Corrections Instrument abzunehmen.”, StAL, Endres, Visitation der Schulen in Ochsenhausen, 7. April, Recess. 70 StAL, Endres, 1817. 71 Ibidem, fol. 24 for Mezler and fol. 13 for Frank. 72 “Industrie u. Gewerbefleiss, Talent u. Wissenschaft fanden in diesen Tappen des Elends u. der Unterdrueckung keinen Schutz.” StAL, Endres, report, fol. 18. 200 Janine Christina Maegraith

The Inspection of the District of Biberach

Endres’ report can be classified in five main parts: his introduction, the inspection of the convent pharmacies of Gutenzell and Heggbach, the inspection of Ochsenhausen, the one of Biberach, and lastly the catalogues of the district’s health professionals. Endres’ inspection report developed into a comprehensive description and the introduction to his medical report resembles almost a medical topography. He ventured to describe the history, geography and population of the district similarly to Schirt’s manuscript. One can even find whole passages, which he must have copied in part from Schirt’s topography.73 This raises the question about the accessibility of Schirt’s manuscript to Endres as some passages even have the same wording. In this case Schirt acted quasi as agent for Endres transferring his ideas and impressions. They might even have met, given that Schirt was called away to Waldsee in 1815, and Endres appointed physician of the province of Swabia in Ulm in 1814. The introduction is followed by the inspection report of the convent pharmacies in Heggbach and Gutenzell. As an enlightened medical professional he regarded both institutions as superfluous and antiquated. But it could be shown that Endres’ testimonial was heavily contested and that all his judgments should therefore be read with great caution.74 Then Endres examined all health related institutions and health professionals of Ochsenhausen, its pharmacy, prisons, schools, the “Spital Goldbach” and the local midwives. His overall impression was that of a backward and extremely bad situation which had to be considerably improved. His judgments were correspondingly harsh and when looking at his report on the “Spital Goldbach”, which he termed a “dwell- ing of misery”, one has to assume that since Schirt’s recommendations nothing much had been changed – probably because his text remained unpublished. Endres even quoted Schirt in his conclusion: “That the Spital Goldbach resembles more a filthy feeding of human cattle than an institute for the poor or sick, is already apparent from the fragmentary description of its facility.”75 He suggested to abolish the whole in-

73 For example on women’s clothes, StAL, Endres, report, fol. 10–11; J. SCHIRT, Medi zinische Topographie, pp. 106–107. 74 This has been analyzed in J. C.MAEGRAITH , Nun Apothecaries, esp. pp. 326–328. 75 “Wohnung des Elends”, and “Daß der Spital Goldbach mehr einer schmutzigen Stallfütterung des menschlichen Viehes als einem Kranken oder Armen Institut ähn- lich sehe, ist schon aus der fragmentarischen Beschreibung seiner Einrichtung in die Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 201 stitution and to merge it with the Spital in Biberach, or to turn it into a palliative institution after considerable improvements. Regarding the dietary regulations of the institution he dismissively pointed out, that the diet for the healthy inmates should “at least be changed in that way, that humans will be treated as humans and not as grass eating animals.”76 With the same taxonomy he then examined healthcare in Biberach. He inspected the two municipal pharmacies, prisons, schools, the local midwives, drugstores and the “Spital Heilig Geist”. Again, his impressions were very negative and he expressed his opinion frankly. Clearly, Biberach’s health institutions did not comply with his medical and academic standards either. But the “Spital Heilig Geist” received a better verdict than Ochsenhausen.77 His suggestion for further improvements included, for example, bigger windows and better ventilation; a fact he suggested for other institutions as well. Otherwise he thought the Spital and its medical provisions admissible. Only considering the provisions of the inmates he asked to reconsider provisions in kind. He had wit- nessed how the inmates, who were able to cater for themselves, took their provisions in kind and sold them to purchase brandy and coffee instead. He suggested they should board with the other inmates and be encouraged to work since they were a source of idleness otherwise.78 Finally, the report contained detailed catalogues of the health professionals. They list the physicians, barber surgeons, veterinarians and midwives, giving their personal information and details on their education.79 This concise report by Endres is testimonial to the aforementioned period of transition from monastic-mercantilist regions to the integration into a secular central government with its concern of stand-

Augen springend.”, StAL, Endres, Visitation des Spitals in Ochsenhausen u. Durch- gang der im Unt.Amts Bezirk befindliche Hebammen, 7. April 1816; Schirt says also in connection to the Spital Goldbach: “All this equals more a filthy feeding of human cattle, than the care of sick poor.” [“Und das Ganze sieht eher einer schmutzigen Stallfütterung des menschlichen Viehes gleich, als einer armer Kranken Pflege.”] J. SCHIRT, Medizinische Topographie, pp. 161. 76 “[…] aber wenigstens dahin gesehen werden, daß der Mensch als Mensch und nicht als grasfressendes Thier behandelt werde.” StAL, Endres, Visitation des Spitals in Ochsenhausen u. Durchgang der im Unt. Amts Bezirk befindliche Hebammen, 7. April 1816. 77 StAL, Endres, Actum 5. May 1816. 78 Ibidem. 79 StAL, E 162 I, Bü 1714 Medizinalvisitationen im Oberamt Biberach 1816–17, Verzeich-Verzeich- nis Wund-, Heb- und Tierärzte, Verzeichnis der Hebammen. 202 Janine Christina Maegraith ardization to smooth the political and social integration of the newly acquired regions.

Poor Relief and Medical Welfare

Endres showed with his assessment of the poor houses in Ochsenhausen und Biberach similar emphases as Schirt: he stressed healthy environment, diet and medical welfare, but also condemned idleness and postulated the advancement of industriousness. And in his introduction he emphasized that a medical topography should especially discuss poor relief and medical welfare for the poor.80 What were his ideas on poor relief and medical charity? Endres went along the suggestions of Schirt, in so far as Endres even copies his categorization of the poor and summarized the quote given by Lentin. He especially emphasized the issue of the shamefaced poor sick, which was according to his experience much worse in rural than in urban areas. This was the case, because “the costs for treatments were usually assigned to the local communities, and on the one hand the local executive body rejects the certificate of poverty, while on the other hand such sick people would rather perish than let themselves be treated on community costs, and then because their families would be exposed to lifelong reproaches and abuses.”81 He thus observed how the shamefaced poor eluded any welfare.82 The issue of shame and humility was in his opinion a huge problem which he suggested should be overcome with exact knowledge of the actual social status of all inhabitants. He called for transparency of the actual social situation of the inhabitants but also for accessible medical welfare in the communities. Whereas this transparency would lead to better access to medical welfare by the poor, it also ensured control on the side of the authorities. Here he obviously went along with Schirt’s argument and focus on a new poor relief system, which was according to his and Schirt’s descriptions not working. He urged therefore to establish a sys-

80 StAL, Endres, Bericht, fols. 26–31. 81 “Auf dem Lande sind solche Fälle noch häufiger als in den Städten; Weil die Kur Kosten gewöhnlich auf die Commun Cassen angewießen worden, so verweigern auf einer Seite die Ortsvorstände die Armuths Zeugnisse, während auf der anderen solche Kranke lieber zu Grunde gehen, als daß sie sich auf Kosten der Commun kurie- ren lassen, u nachher weil ihre Familien lebenslängl. Vorwürfen u Beschimpfungen sich aussetzen.” StAL, Endres, Bericht, fols. 27–28. 82 The issue of the shamefaced poor was not a new one and Brian Pullan already described this for Renaissance Venice, see Brian PULLAN, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: The Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to 1620, Oxford 1971, pp. 267–270. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 203 tem where the destitute ill would have instant access to support and medical treatment. This Armenanstalt resembled again the system proposed by Schirt in 1805. The institution should be organized on bailiwick level (Landvogtei) with a committee on poverty in every district, and a local poor relief institution in every community. To finance this, a poor relief fund on bailiwick level would have to be established. This fund would be composed of the same modes of income as Schirt suggested for his poor relief fund. In addition, the work houses should be collaborating with the poor relief fund so that all the “able” poor could be sent to work. In general, Endres adopted Schirt’s and in turn Lentin’s proposal for a new poor relief and medical welfare system, where the focus would be on identifying the sick and shamefaced poor so that they would gain access to medical charity; to establish a poor relief fund; and to identify the “able” poor, to give them work and to thwart idleness.

Endres as Agent

Unlike Schirt, Carl Endres did not travel as far as Moravia, but he did travel within the different districts of the southwest German territories and thus carried diverse experiences and training along. The district of Biberach was, as mentioned above, a conglomerate of formerly independent territories and comprised regions with different social, political and medical customs. In attempting to create uniform healthcare in this heterogeneous space, Endres transferred his idea of a “medical culture” and crossed former borders: from the former free imperial city of Biber- ach, to the former Benedictine territory of Ochsenhausen to the former Cistercian territory of Gutenzell. This makes a strong case to adopt the approach of cultural transfer when looking at different regions within the same language area as well as at regions with different languages, if one takes the political and social disparities into account.83 Endres saw himself in the same tradition of medical enlightenment as Schirt and aimed at writing a medical topography. He even referred to some of the same authors as Schirt, for example Frank, Mezler and Lentin. But he acted on behalf of a decree and was diligently following legislation and conformity in medical issues, codes of practice and the training of health professionals. His report is hyper-critical and signifies a clash between established institutions and local customs on one side, and his academic approach towards medical standards, education and the aim

83 As, for example, proposed by K. KELLER, Zwischen Wissenschaft und Kommerz, p. 283. 204 Janine Christina Maegraith to regulate medical welfare on the other. Although such dichotomies might simplify matters too much, it is striking to see how his views created an outcry in the district of Biberach – for example after the inspection of the convent pharmacy in Gutenzell and the pharmacy Zink in Biberach. It might also have been a precarious factor that he was a “foreign” physician suggesting inconvenient reforms. He described the district, its inhabitants and their reality with the eyes of an outsider and from the perspective of academic elite. But Endres acted as an agent of cultural transfer and introduced the application of academic medical standards and proposals for improvement, as in the case of the pharmacies Zink and Gutenzell, which had been updated and significantly improved following his suggestions.84 His visitation report, which was sent to the central government, was to some extent considered and implemented. He acted between the inhabitants, the local physicians and other health professionals, and the local and central government. This way he disseminated his idea of a “medical culture”.

Conclusion

In order to approach the subject of processes of cultural exchange in Central Europe this paper focused on the question, if we can consider the role of the district physicians in disseminating Enlightenment ideas of medical welfare as the one of an agent, on the grounds that the acting physician aimed his report at the government in order to improve the medical welfare of the people. If we compare the conduct and subsequent influence of both physicians, we can see distinct differences in their practice but also similarities in their actual ideas and attempted implementation. Both played the role of agents of cultural transfer in a territory in transition: from monastic to secular government with a growing role of the state, administration and new professional standards, especially in medical welfare. They transferred their ideas of a new “medical culture” across inner- regional borders and acted as agents between state authorities and the local people of the district. Both had brought their ideas with them from elsewhere and had spent little time in the district of their practice before. And finally, both used a similar medium to convey their ideas to the sovereignty, the medical topography or medical visitation re-

84 StAL, Endres, 1817 and J. C. MAEGRAITH, Nun Apothecaries, p. 328. Medical Surveys in Central Europe and the Role of the ‘Enlightened’ Physician 205 port respectively. In both texts we could even find passages of the same wording which implies that a cultural transfer and transfusion of knowledge can be found on this academic level as well, here from Schirt’s topography to Endres’ report. Both showed enthusiasm in proposing to change old remnants of the former regimes into enlightened and improved institutions. In that it conveys an impression of a time in transition: former territories of monastic or municipal governments were now incorporated into the Kingdom of Württemberg which aimed at con- forming those territories in all aspects, one of which was being medical matters. This called for substantial changes in the existing institutions such as hospitals and pharmacies, and in reforms in training and control of health professionals. In spite of the enthusiasm shown by physicians such as Schirt and Endres, these procedures could take a long time and they definitely caused tensions and sometimes open conflicts. Where Schirt and Endres differed were the methods with which they attempted to implement their ideas: Schirt acted as local physician for several more years in the same region and aimed at influencing existing local customs with his medical concept and thus chose a gradual transfer. One example discussed earlier was the convent pharmacy in Gutenzell, which he inspected in 1812 and where he highlighted its importance for local medical welfare – although refuting monastic ways as being antiquated in 1805. One could argue that his approach was a more diplomatic one, although his highly critical language in his text was so controversial that it probably contributed to its ban to be published. This way, possible conflicts did not arise in the first place, since the text did not find a readership. Endres, on the other hand, provoked open criticism and dispute rather than a more discreet course of action. With the report being public, it was a more prompt way to transfer his ideas; also he did not stay for a long time in the district. Similar to Schirt, he stressed the immediate need of reforms by defining profound shortcomings of medical welfare. But while Schirt’s topography remained unpublished, Endres’ report had some impact – and through him Schirt’s ideas were partially disseminated. The case of Endres reveals that although he could implement to some extent Enlightenment thoughts with improvements in healthcare, there also arose resistance against proposed changes. The process of transition and adaptation of a new “medical culture” could result in a clash of ideas and thus was not a smooth path. But both succeeded in disseminating to some extent their ideas of a “medical culture” amongst the local people. With the physicians as socio-medical agents, elements of Enlightenment thought arrived at 206 Janine Christina Maegraith

local level and shaped people’s everyday lives. However, the physicians acted as an academic elite, refuted local popular medical culture and aimed at replacing it with their own ideas. This revealed certain arrogance on the side of the physicians which inevitably led to conflicts. The language they used was harsh and caution should be applied when reading their texts, for example when they compare the condition of the Spital with a cattle shed. The question remains, therefore, if these ideas were pressed upon the people since it was the prevailing popular medical culture which was criticized and which the physicians wanted to be replaced with their own culture. The case study thus shows that the concept of cultural transfer is a useful one to explain how this process of transfer occurred and how far it reached. And it shows the significance of the actual carriers of these ideas, the agents of cultural transfer, who had in this case a crucial role in reaching out to people’s everyday lives. But it does not sufficiently explain the resulting conflicts. It would therefore be fruitful to apply the concept of cultural hegemony which could highlight the struggle between the two cultures of an emerging academic elite and the local people. The next step would then be to examine in more detail the effects of their transmission on the level of popular medical culture and to compare their surveys with other medical topographies of Central Europe. The Challenge of Histoire Croisée

209

Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison: On the Formation of Late Medieval Urban Identities in Prague and Wrocław from the Perspective of Histoire Croisée

Martin Čapský

Like the phenomenon of comparative history, the study of the formation of urban identities has also been developing especially in recent decades. We can often connect the basic elements of a shared identity with the cult of the patron of the parish church, with the memory of the ruling dynasty, with the functioning of the oldest market, but also with purposeful distinction towards other town communities. Self-identification processes of town communities did not take place in an isolated space, but were based on communication with their surroundings. We could speak about the mechanisms of the observation, evaluation, amendment, or, on the contrary, rejection of certain characteristics that jointly created the memory of an urban community. Neighbouring or rival communities could compete by the construction of a complex of prestigious architecture, the presentation of town attributes, the effort to have their coats of arms improved, by the use of the red colour of their seals, the acceptance of important intellectuals into the services of the town or during various town celebrations. The position of one town with respect to the neighbouring ones was always compared in all these aspects. The official memory of the town, having the form of literature in some cases (council annals, chronicles) or of signs used in verbal and symbolic communication, represented an important part of the identity of an urban community. This rivalry was passed on also into the sphere of politics.1

1 This study was made using financial means from the CSF grant GA ČR P405/11/P510. Cf. for instance the anthology Irmgard Christa BECKER (ed.), Stadt als Kommu- nikationsraum. Reden, Schreiben und Sehen in Großstädten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, 210 Martin Čapský

Put briefly, the transformation of the land communities in the Late Middle Ages, accompanied by an increase in the respect for some towns, must have necessarily reflected also in the processes of the -construc tion of town identities. If I restrict my considerations to the Lands of the Bohemian Crown, I can state that a number of town communities gradually became the movers of events at various stages of the Hussite revolution in the fifteenth century. However, only Prague and Wrocław managed to retain significant and long-lasting power activity. The two cities were also developing their legitimization strategies in the long run with the aim to defend their own political ambitions. Theses declaring that the city was the head of the kingdom were written in Prague (I will use this shortened designation for the conurbation of the Old Town and New Town of Prague) at the beginning of the 1420s. Prague was even supposed to assume part of the sovereign’s powers at the time of an interregnum. Who did not hold Prague – wrote an unknown author loyal to the city council – was not entitled to be considered the ruler of Bohemia.2 Wrocław did not remain behind, either. Several decades later, a scribe from Wrocław wrote in his chronicle, which became the official memory of the city, that his community was the second seat of the kingdom. A king of Bohemia who does not accept the pledge of loyalty from the Silesian dukes and from the land communities of the duchies on the soil of Wrocław is not a legitimate ruler of this crown land.3 Such a categorical standpoint is not known for any other town in the Lands of the Crown of Bohemia. However, this is by far not the last of the analogous elements identified in the development of the two cities. In both municipalities, we observe the presentation of their community as a “town chosen by God” or a “shield of the faith” at a certain stage of their development in the Late Middle Ages. This argumentation usually escalated during an armed stage of the religious conflict between the Catholics and the Hussites. At this stage, the influences of charismatic preachers also strengthened in both cities. These preachers could push through their will in political decisions even against the will of the city councils. At the same time, especially in Wrocław, the burghers were

Ostfildern 2011. For more detail, see also Ralph ANDERSSON,Obrigkeit und Architek- tur – Reichsstädtische Rathäuser in politisch-kommunikativer Funktion, in: Rolf Kießling (ed.), Stadt und Land in der Geschichte Ostschwabens, Augsburg 2005, pp. 73–130 and Bernhard KIRCHGÄSSNER – Hans-Peter BECHT (edd.), Stadt und Represänta- tion, Sigmaringen 1995. 2 Václav LEDVINKA – Jiří PEŠEK, Praha [Prague], Praha 2000, pp. 252–253. 3 Peter ESCHENLOER, Geschichte der Stadt Breslau, T. I–II, (ed.) Gunhilde Roth, Münster 2003, p. 172. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 211 closely observing the events in Bohemia. The two city communities did not develop their remarkable political activity and (which interests us above all) the legitimization strategies of their acts separately, but reacted to each other to a certain extent. Although higher level of incoming stimuli can be documented in Wrocław, it does not mean that Prague would not respond to the events in the metropolis of Silesia. The methods used by the intellectuals of Prague and Wrocław were similar. We can speak about the level of discourse similarity inherent to the medieval intellectual world as well as about similar rhetorical strategies caused by their movement on the same political field. When interpreting these methods, we can use the approaches of historical comparison and of cultural transfer. It is so especially if we focus our attention on the self-presentation of the two cities, which is unique within the framework of the Central European space of the Late Middle Ages. The comparison emphasises likening the mutually delimited entities and the identification of their typical and different characteristics. Transfer, on the contrary, is perceived as a transmission, reception and adjustment of values, norms or behavioural patterns between cultures. In research focused on transfer, the identification of different and similar features is only the initial step, while the emphasis is put on capturing the very process of reception.4 However, we are on unstable ground here. When considering the relations between Prague and Wrocław, we cannot omit the time successiveness of some phenomena, the interconnection between the two milieux, but also the impossibility of consistent distinction between autochthonous and received elements. The thesis of the initiatory role of the image of an opponent of the “true” faith/Hus- site, which brought about changes within the urban society of Prague/ Wrocław, becomes the key precondition of the reflections presented below. Religious legitimization of the resistance to King Sigismund of Luxembourg led Praguers to construct the notion of their city as the head of the kingdom. Likewise, the inhabitants of Wrocław developed their concept of the “second seat” of the kingdom at the time of their rebellion against King George of Poděbrady, i.e. a sovereign who was, on the contrary, regarded as a defender of Hussitism. These selected examples lead me to consider the utilisation of the approaches for which the term histoire croisée or, in German historiography, “Verflechtungsge- schichte” has become established.

4 Hartmut KAELBLE, Die interdisziplinären Debatten über Vergleich und Transfer, in: Hart- mut Kaelble – Jürgen Schriewer (edd.), Vergleich und Transfer. Komparatistik in den Sozial-, Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften, Franfurt/Main 2003, pp. 469–493. 212 Martin Čapský

Current researchers usually locate the approach emphasising mutual influencing of two entities on the virtual boundary between historical comparison and cultural transfer, and the authors usually take into consideration the theoretical bases of both methods.

Histoire Croisée

The authors of the initial studies in this book remind us there was a close interconnection between the beginnings of the cultural transfer theory and research into the relations between the French and German cultures of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The credit for the formulation of the fundamental theses belongs to the literary scholars Michel Espagne and Michael Werner whose ideas were creatively taken up by the German historians Matthias Middell and Wolfgang Schmale. The innovation of the perception of the earlier history of the two neighbouring ethnic groups was based on the questioning of the model of the unilateral radiation of culture, and on the stressing of the mutual influence between the two national cultures. The issues of why some individuals and institutions drew inspiration from the “foreign culture” and others did not, of the level of reception in the domestic milieu and of a detailed analysis of the clash/interaction of the two cultures appeared at the core of the research.5 This research emerged as a response to the crisis of national historiographies, which included also the French universalistic model, and it did not conceal its inspiration from the comparative approaches. Michael Werner did not forget to emphasise that even the initial notion of cultural transfer was not free of nationalist ideas, especially as regards the notion of asymmetric radiation of French culture applied not only to the nearest neighbours of France, but for example also to the milieu of the French Canada. Studies focused much more on the recipients, their transformation and, above all, on their active participation in the process of the cultural transfer itself, started to appear in reaction to this movement. The focal point of the research was thus moving ever more from the originator to the recipient. The second stream of the revision of the earlier research pointed out the problematic omission of the heterogeneity of the studied milieux. The epithets English, French or German, which were applied to the research focused

5 Christiane EISENBERG, Kulturtransfer als historischer Prozess. Ein Beitrag zur Kompara- tistik, in: H. Kaelble – J. Schriewer (edd.), Vergleich und Transfer, pp. 399–417. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 213 on the nineteenth century, took over the simplifications inherent to the nationalist constructs of the nation in an absolutely unreflected way. The attempts at the disruption of the monolithic perception of national units led to the revelation of multi-layered networks of bonds and stimuli on whose basis the seemingly separated milieux were communicating. The researchers inspired by the cultural transfer theories had to work much more with interdisciplinary stimuli based on the study of communication and the media. The acceptance of the concepts taking into account the heterogeneity of the “national units” affected not only their internal consistency, unquestioned previously, but also their spatial borders. If we perceive each milieu as a social space, we must admit that unlike geographic delimitation, social space is in perpetual motion, if only because it is filled by entities that are formed based on various bonds. Once again, we may take into consideration the theses by Michael Werner, who stressed that this is happening based on economic, national, educational and other criteria.6 The questioning of the diversity of the initial and target milieux could not remain without response concerning the perception itself of the process of cultural transfer. The very term “process” refers to a defined beginning and end, to the initial and final form of the ideas, patterns or values that travel between the source and the addressee. In such a case, we can also speak about the degree or level of the reception. However, it is almost impossible to determine these points for communities that are in intensive contact. The networks of contacts and links even created transitional zones at their imaginary boundary which differed from both compared “national units”. Michael Werner emphasises that it is precisely here that he sees one of the epistemic dangers connected with research influenced by the concept of cultural exchange. It lies in the possibility of neglecting the issues connected with the source entities in favour of the following of the process itself. He therefore pro- poses to perceive the followed phenomena as an analysis of processes and objects in motion and, at the same time, in the given temporal and spatial context. Instead of abstracting from the relations between the two entities, the histoire croisée concept emphasises their importance and dynamic transformation. Permanent mutual influence thus takes place between France and Germany in the Modern Era, which are often used as an illustrative example of the mentioned principle, also under the

6 Michael WERNER, Transfer und Verflechtung. Zwei Perspektiven zum Studium soziokul- tureller Interaktionen, in: Helga Mitterbauer – Katharina Scherke (edd.), Entgrenzte Räume. Kulturelle Transfers um 1900 und in der Gegenwart, Wien 2005, pp. 95–107. 214 Martin Čapský influence of mutual negative delimitation; however, this process does not rule out in any way the processes of cultural exchange taking place concurrently.7 Unlike cultural transfer, the research influenced by the approaches of histoire croisée considers the bonds and mutual contacts among the subjects under investigation in more depth. We can apply the transfer of news, patterns or topics also to the political field. Stereotypiza- tion represented an important means of distinguishing oneself from the neighbouring nation. Against a stereotype, it was more easily possible to develop the (once again) typified features of one’s own identity. In the Late Middle Ages, the synonym “a Bohemian = a heretic” was becoming such a similar stereotypical designation spread outside the kingdom of Bohemia itself. A narrower delimitation can also be considered from the view of the population of Wrocław, where an inhabitant of Prague was regarded as a heretic. The information about the events in Bohemia penetrating into the awareness of the inhabitants of Wrocław thus went through a selection created by the notion of a land inhabited by heretics and, at the same time, by the image of their home community as a shield of Christianity. The extant sources document the spread and rapid transfer of various “certain news” circulating in the streets of Wrocław. The topics were usually variations on external or internal danger to the city. Negative news corresponding to the stereotypical image of the adversary had the highest chance of being maintained in the collective memory. Thanks to continual inflow of negative news, the “great community” of Wrocław (in Latin, communitas or universitas civium) could be kept in permanent tension and more easily manipu- lated against the city council, which was allegedly or really negotiating a ceasefire with the “Hussite king”. Although according to the scribe and chronicler from Wrocław Peter Eschenloer, the common people were led by preachers who were turning them against the administrative bodies of the city, the reality must have been much more complex.8 The

7 Arnd BAUERKÄMPER, Wege zur europäischen Geschichte. Erträge und Perspektiven der Vergleichs- und transfergeschichtichen Forschung, in: Agnes Arndt – Joachim C. Häher- len – Christiane Reinecke (edd.), Vergleichen, Verflechten, Verwirren? Europäische Geschichtsschreibung zwischen Theorie und Praxis, Göttingen 2011, pp. 33–60 and Michael WERNER – Bénédicte ZIMMERMANN, Vergleich, Transfer, Verflechtung. Der Ansatz der Histoire croisée und die Herausforderung des Transnationaliter, in: Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Zeitschrift für historische Sozialwissenschaft 28, 2002, pp.607– 636. 8 P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, p. 256. For more detailed information on the term “great community”, see Gudrun GLEBA, Die Gemeinde als alternatives Ordnungsmodel. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 215 preachers could not influence all the information about Bohemia flowing into the city, much like – to the scribe’s regret – it was out of the control of the city council. The range of contacts between the two cities, including business relationships, written and personal contacts, travel- lers passing through them, diplomatic deputations or messengers and many others, predetermined the variety of the incoming news. We can use the term “selective reception” for its acceptance and incorporation in the collective memory.9 I am using the notion of “selective reception” with respect to the various types of audiences addressed in the process of political communication. Martin Kintzinger and Bernd Schneidmüller speak outright about a plurality of the publics typical of the older period; in order to achieve approval or consensus, each of these publics must be approached using the corresponding language code. A language code or “transfer medium” denotes the form and composition of the means used for public staging.10 Not only was the choice of the communication means important for the initiator of the communication, but some topics echoed differently among the addressees. The reason is that the statement of the existence of contacts and bonds alone is insufficient to explain why the rumours of the connection between the Hussites and some burghers of Wrocław were spreading with lightning speed in the streets of the city, arousing the crowd to actions. The term “selective reception” is thus closely interlinked with a communication expectation on the part of the recipient. This communication expectation of plurality publics suppressed individual reactions of the burghers of Wrocław, who often maintained their own contacts with the world across the Bohemian border, in favour of a crowd reaction. The collective memory was becoming the determining key. Despite such emphasised and unreflected role of the collective memory, we cannot neglect in our considerations the particular interests of the persons or institutions which included the selection and spreading of information in their strategies. Dissemination of news concerning the treason of particular individuals or institutions

Zur sozialen und politischen Differenzierung des Gemeindebegriffs in der innestädtischen des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts. Meinz, Magdeburg, München, Lübeck, Köln 1989, pp. 12–39. 9 Histoire croisée thus gets into contact with the approaches analysing the social networks. Cf. Felicitas BECKER, Netzwerke vs. Gesamtgesellschaft: ein Gegensatz? Anregun- gen für Verflechtungsgeschichte, in: Geschichte und Gesellschaft 30, 2004, pp. 314–324. 10 Martin KINTZINGER – Bern SCHNEIDMÜLLER, Politische Öffentlichkeit im Spät- mittelalter. Eine Einführung, in: Martin Kintzinger – Bern Schneidmüller (edd.), Poli- tische Öffentlichkeit im Spätmittelalter, Ostfildern 2011, pp. 7–60 and Ch. EISEN- BERG, Kulturtransfer, pp. 399–417. 216 Martin Čapský

(the city council) became one of the main power means used by John of Želiv ( Jan Želivský) during his dictatorship in Prague in 1421. Repeated gatherings of the crowd (the “great community”) took place on this basis, accepting decisions initiated by Želiv.11 Research into the reception and transformation of information on the part of the recipient and their reaction to the incoming stimuli is the second necessary step connected with the methodological procedures of histoire croisée. As opposed to the approaches connected with research into cultural transfer, however, the researchers put more emphasis on unreflected reception, or even on negative attitude towards the incoming stimuli. These stimuli do not originate from a single centre, but are effected via multi-layered networks that interconnect the monitored subjects. However, abstracting from existing contacts would be artifi- cial on our part and would move the monitored subjects onto the level of abstract models.12 The emphasis on negative delimitation is not a mere intellectual game: it enables us to broaden the research fields of many traditional topics. The issue of the dissemination of the echoes of Hussitism abroad may serve us as an example of the use of this model in Bohemian historiography. We may thus include a much broader range of the impacts of “Bohemian protoreformation” in our considerations. Apart from the for- tunes of real or presumed sympathisers with Hus’ reformatory teaching and their actions, independent topics include also the manifestations of the disciplining of town communities by the town councils, the statutes adopted in the neighbouring dioceses or the simple dishonouring of the burghers accused of the “Bohemian heresy”, i.e. all the cases connected with referral to the “source of the heretical contagion” in Hussite Bohemia. All these manifestations document the transformation, travel and utilisation of a simplified image of a Hussite in the mental world of Late Medieval Europe. They thus evidence the reflection of Hussitism, latently present even in remote areas that lacked factual contact with the Hussite domain.13 The contacts of two city communities – Prague and Wrocław – will be in the centre of my attention. I will concentrate on the issue of how much the image of the enemy added dynamics to the transformation of the self-presentation of both cities and to what extent the visual and

11 František ŠMAHEL, Husitské Čechy. Struktury, procesy, ideje [Hussite Bohemia: Struc- tures, Processes, Ideas], Praha 2001, pp. 79–90. 12 A. BAUERKÄMPER, Wege zur europäischen, pp. 33–60. 13 František ŠMAHEL, Die hussitische Revolution III., Hannover 2002, pp. 1913–1966. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 217 rhetorical strategies of both cities corresponded to each other. I will focus on two selected topics in the following lines. The first topic will be self-presentation of the two cities as centres connected also with political power. The second part of my considerations will be devoted to the constitution of the image of a “city chosen by God”. I will attempt to use the partial conclusions acquired in this way to answering the question of whether the approaches outlined by Michael Werner and Béné- dicte Zimmermann in the concept of histoire croisée can be utilised in the simultaneous analysis of the Late Medieval history of Prague and Wrocław.

The “First” and the “Second” City of the Kingdom

The position of Prague within the topography of the duchy and later of the kingdom of Bohemia was always exceptional. The narrow pro montory above Vltava River controlling a nearby crossing point was an important cult centre of Bohemia in the Early Middle Ages apparently even prior to the construction of the ducal castle. The long-time effort seeking the assertion of the ducal and later royal family of the Přemyslids was therefore connected with gaining control of the Prague promonto- ry, its fortification and interconnection with the sovereign’s power. The settlement, at first located below the castle itself, soon spilled over to the right bank of Vltava River. In the 1230s, the sovereign had the local settlement enclaves encircled by a common wall, thus creating the basis of the so-called Greater Town of Prague. The Lesser Town of Prague was situated under the castle, which was gradually losing its older toponym Prague (Praha) and started to be named Prague Castle. In the middle of the fourteenth century, King and later Emperor Charles IV founded the so-called New Town of Prague before the gates of Old Town, and surrounded it with an outer wall. However, the Old Town fortification belt was maintained, and the newly delimited complex thus remained open to the gates of Old Town. The settlement unit was made complete by the complex of Hradčany (the castle district) and by the settlement around the castle of Vyšehrad, which protected the right bank of Vltava.14

14 For the most recent summary of the oldest development on the area of the medieval Prague, see V. LEDVINKA – J. PEŠEK, Praha, pp. 45–155 and Jan VLK et al., Dějiny Prahy I. Od nejstarších dob do sloučení pražských měst (1784) [The History of Prague: From the Earliest Times to the Unification of the Prague Towns], Praha 1997, pp. 52– 98, 127–140. 218 Martin Čapský

By means of this brief excursion into the form of the settlement of Prague, I wished to stress the traditional role which first the Prague Castle and then also the conurbation of the same name played in the oldest political and administrative history of medieval Bohemia. The position of this central point of the duchy/kingdom was incontestable and none of the Bohemian town communities aspired to it. The key land and royal administrative bodies had their seat at Prague Castle. However, the conurbation of Prague itself sought its share of the power ever more intensively during the Late Middle Ages. As a culmination of this development we may perhaps consider the election of George of Poděbrady as the king of Bohemia in 1458 attended by the land’s nobility, which took place at the town hall of the New Town [of Prague], rather than in some of the buildings of Prague Castle.15 However, the sovereign’s power respected the significance of Prague as the key urban fortress of medieval Bohemia already in earlier times. Written documents of this relationship can be traced back to the beginning of the fourteenth century at the latest. In 1316, King John of Bohemia issued a charter confirming the rights and privileges of the Greater Town of Prague. In the arenga of the charter, he directly stressed that the city was the seat and the head of the Kingdom of Bohemia (Civitas Pragensis, sedes et caput regni nostri Bohemiae). It was not merely an empty title. At that time, a part of the patriciate of Prague sought to gain influence on political decisions. The representatives of the patrician families of Prague and also of Kutná Hora (the latter held a share in the extraordinarily profitable silver mining) had participated in the negotiations on the ascension of the Luxembourg dynasty to the throne of Bohemia that took place several years earlier.16Although these political ambitions were not fulfilled and the families of the old patriciate gradually left the political scene, the formulation that Prague was the centre of the kingdom appeared also in the charters of the following sovereigns of Bohe- mia. Before the location of the New Town of Prague, Charles IV assured the burghers of Old Town that the construction of the new settlement complex would not be detrimental to their rights. In a charter written in German, the sovereign’s chancellery also stated that unser Groser stat zu Prage, die unsers kunigreichs zu Behem stul und hoep ist. When composing

15 Petr ČORNEJ, Husitská Praha 1402–1485 [Hussite Prague 1402–1485], in: Dějiny Pra- hy I. Od nejstarších dob do sloučení pražských měst (1784), Praha 1997, pp. 246–247. 16 Lenka BOBKOVÁ, Civitas Pragensis, sedes et caput regni nostri Bohemiae, in: Kateřina Jíšová et al. (edd.), V komnatách paláců – v ulicích měst. Sborník příspěvků věnovaných Václavu Ledvinkovi k šedesátým narozeninám, Praha 2007, pp. 51–68. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 219 the charter, the sovereign’s protonotary repeatedly used the phrase unser hoepstat or unser hoepstat zu Prage, and Charles IV was turning to unser hoepstat burgern.17 His son, Wenceslas IV, also acted in the same spirit. His chancellery again used the phrase that Prague (or the Old Town of Prague) is the seat and the head of the Kingdom of Bohemia. We encounter this formulation for the first time in a 1379 charter by which the king confirmed the Old Town’s rights.18 Unlike his predecessors, the king used this phrase more often than only when confirming old privileges. The ruler mentionedunser haupstate also in 1393. In 1413, the king justified the expansion of Prague’s privileges and the awarding of ten-year freedom from the collection of the royal tallage by stating that Prague die unsers kunigreichs zu Behem stul und hawpt ist.19At that time, the sovereign left the not-very-comfortable complex of Prague Castle, finding a new base with his court in several residences built on the territory of the Old Town of Prague. This further strengthened the contacts and often also the personal interconnection between the sovereign’s court and the Prague urban society. Although Prague did not acquire a normatively defined share in the administration of the land before the outbreak of the Hussite wars in 1419, its influence on the administration of the land’s affairs was strengthening. This development was radically accelerated by the Hussite revolution. The participation of royal towns led by Prague in land diets became reality after the end of the first stage of the Hussite battles. Sigismund of Luxembourg only confirmed this fact when gradually describing Prague as sedes et caput regni nostri Bohe- miae and metropolis et caput egregium in a series of charters issued in 1436, stressing with respect to the newly asserted role that it was the head of the royal towns (que caput omnium ciuitatum eiusdem regni existit).20 The reconciliation between Sigismund of Luxembourg and the Prague conurbation was in sharp contrast with the appeals of pro- Hussite burghers of Prague from the spring of 1420. An anonymous intellectual connected with the university milieu prepared appeals, written in Latin and Czech, rejecting Sigismund’s ascension to the throne of Bohemia. At present, they are particularly important for us because they include the first self-stylisation of Prague as a representative of the

17 Codex iuris municipialis (=CIM) I, (ed.) J. Čelakovský, Praha 1886, pp. 72–76, No. 48. 18 “das wir denselben burgern und derselben Grossenstat zu Prage, die unsers künig reichs zu Beheim stul und hawpt ist”. CIM I, pp. 161–162, No. 98. 19 CIM I, pp. 176–178, No. 111 and pp. 208–209, No. 131. 20 CIM I, pp. 221–222, No. 137; pp. 224–225, No. 138 and pp. 228–229, No. 140. 220 Martin Čapský

Crown (the kingdom) documented in writing. At the same time, the author piled up arguments for the rejection of Sigismund of Luxem- bourg’s ascension to the throne of Bohemia. The commitment of the defence of the faith was intentionally put above the dynastic rights there. Apart from his share of the responsibility for the burning at the stake of John Hus at the Council of Constance, Sigismund of Luxembourg was blamed also for a number of his earlier acts he had committed during the life of Wenceslas IV, including violence against other members of the Luxembourg dynasty.21 The declaration of Prague’s claims to determine the course of political events appeared also in an appeal addressed to the Bohemian nobility (Porok Koruny české ku pánóm českým o korunování krále uherského/Rebuke of the Crown of Bohemia to the Lords of Bohemia on the Coronation of the King of Hungary), created in reaction to the improvised coronation of King Sigismund in St Vitus’s Cathedral at Prague Castle in July 1420. The text, stylised in a similar spirit as the complaints of the Widowed Crown (Koruny ovdovělé), criticises the representatives of the Bohemian nobility who participated in the coronation without having an affirmative standpoint from the towns, including the main ones, i.e. the towns of Prague. Prague is the head of the kingdom, said the anonymous writer. A king who fails to win the assent of this head is not a legitimate ruler. The shift from the declarative description of Prague as the capital city of the kingdom, used by the sovereigns of Bohemia, to its fulfilment with a political content was thus completed in the university intellectual milieu. The tense interpretation of the position of the Prague conurbation on the power map of the Kingdom of Bohemia required that the writer gather more arguments. This also shows that it was a newly set up political programme which needed to be defended. Prague was therefore presented as the centre of both secular and ecclesiastical administration of the whole kingdom. The writer gathered a list of offices and symbols in which the modifier “of Bohemia” was- re placed by the modifier “of Prague”, with both designations functioning as synonyms. If the Kingdom of Bohemia played a decisive part within the union of the Lands of the Bohemian Crown, Prague was in turn the head of Bohemia. The unknown author of the pamphlet - empha sised that the supreme administrator of the archdiocese used the title of archbishop of Prague, rather than of Bohemia. The title of supreme

21 Petr ČORNEJ, Husitské skladby Budyšínského rukopisu: funkce – adresát – kulturní rámec [Hussite Compositions of the Bautzen Manuscript: Function, Addressee, Cultural Framework], in: Petr Čornej, Světla a stíny husitství (události – osobnosti – texty – tradice). Výbor z úvah a studií, Praha 2011, pp. 25–57. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 221 official of the land – the burgrave of Prague – was also connected with the city. And the silver groschen (grossus in Latin), which was minted with the symbols of the Bohemian lion and of the crown, was named the Prague groschen. Only the one who is acknowledged also by the towns of Prague is worthy of both the lion and the crown, wrote the author of the versed composition.22 The author of the so-called Soběslav’s Rights Soběslavova( práva), an intentionally created forgery that originated in the city office of Prague in the late 1430s or early 1440s, went even further. The text claiming to date back to the late twelfth century purposefully documents a number of alleged political rights of the Prague conurbation. The peak of the political ambitions of the “capital city of the kingdom” can be seen in the provision according to which the burgrave of Old Town of Prague becomes the head of the land during an interregnum. This clause was a direct reaction to the power vacuum in the Bohemian lands created by the death of Albert II of Habsburg, who had no heir at the time of his death. The subjects of his extensive union were waiting with tension whether his pregnant queen gives birth to a male descendant. Numer- ous negotiations concerning the future holder of the thrones of Hunga- ry and of Bohemia started in advance. Prague could base its ambitions on a precedent from the recent past, as it had seized the performance of a number of the sovereign’s rights after the rejection of Sigismund of Luxembourg’s successor rights to the throne of Bohemia. And it went even further with its ambitions now. Apart from the administration of other royal towns of Bohemia, the councillors of Prague claimed sovereignty also over the supreme officials of the land, who were according to the tradition chosen from among the domestic nobility. The burgrave of Prague became the temporary head of the land administration and his background was ensured from the means of the Prague towns. The burgrave of Prague allegedly also held the power to summon the land diet. These extreme ideas, which were apparently circulating in the milieu of the councillors of Prague, had no chance of implementation in practice, however. The city did not hesitate to strengthen its importance also thanks to the provision of the base used for many sovereign political acts. It was in the prestigious hall of the council house of Old Town of Prague that Albert of Habsburg was accepted as the king of Bohemia

22 Porok Koruny české ku pánóm českým o korunování krále uherského [Rebuke of the Crown of Bohemia to the Lords of Bohemia on the Coronation of the King of Hungary], in: Jiří Daňhelka (ed.), Husitské skladby budyšínského rukopisu, Praha 1952, pp. 61–79. 222 Martin Čapský in 1439, and that George of Poděbrady was elected to the throne of Bo- hemia nearly two decades later.23 The strengthening of the prestige of the council house of Old Town was due to the concurrence of changes on the political field of post- Hussite Bohemia as well as due to purely utilitarian reasons: the dev- astated Prague Castle complex lacked prestigious spaces capable of ac- commodating a greater number of people. The councillors of Prague made use of the opportunity that offered itself and attempted to include the venue of their meetings among the key political and symbolic centres of the Lands of the Bohemian Crown. For this purpose, the town hall building had to undergo an extensive reconstruction, which was partially caused also by the increasing demands of bureaucratisation of the city administration. The councillors therefore purchased one of the houses adjacent to the town hall, added new rooms to it and had a new council hall built. The outer façade of the house gained new prestigious decoration, to which the significant inscription Praga mater urbium was added at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The town hall, however, was not the only building to which the Calixtine community that controlled the Prague conurbation paid attention. Significant parts were added also to the Church of Our Lady before Týn, whose western façade is turned towards the central Old Town Square (and to the town hall situated there) and which also served as the seat of the elected Arch- bishop of Prague John of Rokycany (Jan Rokycana). Its central figurative symbolic decoration connected with the defence of the Hussite reformation of the church aroused the displeasure of the Catholic part of the crown lands. Where protests were to no avail, mockery came. This is probably one of the reasons why the chronicler from Wrocław Peter Eschenloer added an anecdotal story about the fate of the decoration of the archiepiscopal seat to his chronicle. Once again, he pointed out the attention with which the symbolic communication emanating from the Prague conurbation was followed in other crown lands, and also the way the neighbouring, mostly Catholic, regions coped with its content. Archbishop John of Rokycany had the figure of a king wielding a sword in one hand and the chalice in the other set in the gable of the western façade of the Church of Our Lady before Týn. The king was thus presented as a defender of Hus’ reformatory teaching. But storks made their nest in the chalice, the chronicler from Wrocław wrote in his work,

23 V. LEDVINKA – J. PEŠEK, Praha, pp. 252–253 and P. ČORNEJ, Husitská Praha, p. 254. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 223 feeding their young with snakes, toads and other small vermin, as their nature commanded them. The chalice was soon so full that the frogs and snakes were falling to the street, and there were so many of them that they scared the Bohemians in Prague. It was impossible to remove the chalice without damaging the statue, which is why the bishop had one of the men climb to the chalice and cover it, so that it could not serve as a nest again. The symbolism of the chalice overflowing with venomous snakes and frogs was evident, but even this did not move the Bohemians to give up their heresy, concluded the chronicler.24 Even this anecdote does not change anything on the fact that the Old Town of Prague, or Prague was perceived as the political centre of the Lands of the Bohemian Crown. No other Bohemian town was described by the sovereigns as the “seat of the kingdom”. Even Kutná Hora, the largest Bohemian Late Medieval town after Prague and a community famous far behind the land’s borders thanks to silver ore mining, did not have the honour. The attitude of the sovereigns of Bohemia is aptly documented by a charter addressed to the royal town of Kolín, which is situated ca twenty kilometres from Kutná Hora. Kolín was respected as another town fortress protecting the nearby Kutná Hora mines. The king of Bohemia therefore increased its privileges in the 1560s, describing the town as a community located “in the heart of the kingdom”. However, neither Kolín itself, nor the explicitly mentioned Kutná Hora were granted any epithet.25 We can see a different image in the milieu of the Silesian duchies, which were attached to the Bohemian state during the second third of the fourteenth century and which gradually created one of its crown lands. At the same time, a new model of a union controlled by the sovereigns of Bohemia was connected with the introduction of the term Lands of the Crown of Bohemia, which became their legal and symbolic keystone lasting until the eighteenth century. The Polish historian Bogusław Czechowicz recently presented a thesis, according to which we may encounter an ambitious plan in the milieu of the Silesian duchies heading towards the replacement of Prague’s primacy.26 In 1420,

24 P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, p. 469. 25 “in corde regni nostri sita”. CIM III, (ed.) J. Čelakovský, Praha 1948, pp. 487–488, No. 282. 26 Bogusław CZECHOWICZ, Dvě centra v Koruně. Čechy a Slezsko na cestách integrace a rozkolu v kontextu ideologie, politiky a umění (1348–1458) [Two Centres in the Crown: Bohemia and Silesia on the Paths of Integration and Division in the Context of Ideol- ogy, Politics and Art], České Budějovice 2011. 224 Martin Čapský

Sigismund of Luxembourg issued a privilege for the Silesian city of Wrocław; in its text, we can find a passage mentioning the city as the second seat and head of the kingdom (of Bohemia): altera sedes et caput eiusdem regni est.27 According to Czechowicz, Wrocław sought to replace Prague as the “capital city of the kingdom”, thus extending its ambitions to the whole crown union. We thus return to the concept of histoire croisée and its interpretations of the perceived neighbourhood. The Wrocław office denoted Wrocław with a term that was a direct allusion to the description of Prague’s privileged position. In the given context, it is not at all significant whether the second seat of the kingdom meant the second residential city after Prague, or if a possible alternative to the Prague conurbation was merely suggested in this way. A much more important question is whether or not Wrocław was building the same privileged political position that Prague enjoyed, how it reflected this possible position or to which audience it subsequently addressed its ambitious notions. Even in this case, we must return on the imaginary time axis as far back as the Early Middle Ages. In the eleventh century, the region surrounding the middle reaches of Oder River was part of the Piast state and Wrocław was one of its administrative centres controlling trade route crossings. The centre with a ducal residence made use of its advantageous protected position on a river island. A bishopric of the same name, subordinate to the archbishoprics of Gniezno (Poland) was founded in its neighbourhood. During the second third of the thirteenth century, the settlement surrounding this centre transformed into the form of an institutional town, no longer located on the river island, but on the left bank of Oder River. The duke of Wrocław also later moved his residence to the urban complex. The process of the partition of the ducal lines and fragmentation of their family domains continued in Silesia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, gradually leading to the strengthening of the influence of the Bohemian kings in the Oder region and the attachment of Silesia to the Kingdom of Bohemia. Concurrently, however, the importance of towns was growing in the diminishing family dukedoms, as the dukes drew a significant part of their incomes from them. The Duchy of Wrocław in particular was characterised by a significant and gradually increasing asymmetry between the significance of the city and of the neighbouring nobility. After his accession to the ducal throne in 1290, Duke Henry V

27 Codex diplomaticus Silesiae XI, (edd.) H. Markgraf – O. Frenzel, Breslau 1882, p. 181, No. 39. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 225 the Fat issued a charter highlighting the participation of the burghers of Wrocław on his enthronement, naming the nobility of the Duchy of Wrocław only on the second place. This model was copied also by other sovereigns.28 When an agreement forming a feudal tie between the king of Bohemia and the duke of Wrocław was reached in 1327, which pre- destined future transfer of the land of the childless Piast ruler into the hand of the sovereigns of Bohemia, the king did not hesitate to come to Wrocław and confirm all the privileges of the city for the future.29 At that time, the Duchy of Wrocław was perceived as the core of the former Piast domain in the Silesian Oder region and Wrocław as the most important urban fortress with the biggest economic potential in whole Silesia. However, we do not find evidence of the assumption of an attitude towards Prague in the local sources. The power activity of the city council was limited by the boundaries of the conglomerate of the Silesian duchies and its ambitions were heading towards the controlling of the office of the governorhejtman ( ) of Wrocław. The reason is that the representative of the royal power in the Duchy of Wrocław was regarded as the most important royal office in Silesia, granting its holder the right to intervene against disturbers of the peace. This representative of the sovereign also had a more advantageous position in the negotiations with the Silesian dukes, who stood on the second level below the sovereign family in the aristocratic hierarchy. Following brief episodes in the middle of the fourteenth century, the Wrocław city council managed to acquire the gubernatorial office in 1425 through the decision of Sigis- mund of Luxembourg, and retained it virtually permanently until the Thirty Years’ War in the seventeenth century. The longing of the councillors of Wrocław to gain control of this key office is evidenced also by the circumstances accompanying its handover. The city covered a part of the king’s debts and even accepted the fact that Sigismund divested the office of the incomes and pledged them to third persons, while the city had to pay for the operation of the governor office from its own resources. At the same time, however, Wrocław gained an important argument supporting its self-presentation as the head of all of Silesia.

28 Mateusz GOLIŃSKI, Wrocław od połowy XIII do początków XVI wieku [Wrocław from the Middle of the Thirteenth to the Beginning of the Sixteenth Centuries], in: Ce- zary Buśko – Mateusz Goliński – Michał Kaczmarek – Leszek Ziątkowski, Historia Wrocławia, t. I. Od pradziejów do końca czasów habsburskich, Wrocław 2001, p. 119. 29 Ibidem, p. 134. 226 Martin Čapský

At the beginning of the 1430s, it was thus turning to the neighbouring duchies claiming: das Bresslaw in der Zlesie die hauptstat ist.30 Apart from its effort to gain control of the governor office, Wrocław was also strengthening its role in the power system of late medieval Si- lesia. The Silesian duchies divided into two categories: the duchies with their own ducal dynasty and the duchies under the direct rule of the king of Bohemia, or more precisely of the Crown of Bohemia. In the latter, the king was represented by an appointed governor. The dukes confirmed their fealty to the Crown by the profession of loyalty to the sovereign. At the same time, however, they were gathering at their own colloquia, electing the so-called elders of the ducal league from their midst and issuing legal rulings. The meetings, informal at first, were becoming ever more institutionalised from the end of the fourteenth century, and the sovereign of Bohemia gradually delegated some powers to it. Wrocław entered the negotiations with the ducal leagues as an independent partner and later as a part of a bloc of duchies immediately subordinated to the Crown, the so-called immediate duchies, attempting to act as the chief representative of their league.31 A different course of the creation of Wrocław’s privileged position is thus shaping up. While Prague as the urban community, profiting from the proximity of the sovereign’s residence, gained an indisputable position within the Kingdom of Bohemia in the form of the designation sedes et caput regni nostri Bohemiae already at the beginning of the fourteenth century, no one awarded such an epithet to Wrocław. The position of the metropolis of Silesia was different also from another point of view. Prague played no factual role in the political system of the Kingdom of

30 It is significantsignifi cant that the royal governor of Świdnica answered this rhetorical strat-strategy with an attacking retort. He claimed that the sovereign was the only head of Silesia, rejecting hierarchical subordination to Wrocław. Cf. Archiwum państwowe Wrocław, f. Dokumenty miasta Wrocławia, No. 1951. For an elaboration on the city’s political ambitions connected with the holding of the gubernatorial office, see Ewa WÓŁKIEWICZ, Capitanus Slesie. Królewscy namiestnicy księstwa wrocławskiego i Śląska w XIV i XV wieku [Capitanus Slesie: Royal Governors of the Principality of Wrocław and Silesia in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries], in: Jerzy Pysiak – Aneta Pieniądz-Skrzypczak – Marcin Rafał Pauk (edd.), Monarchia w średniowieczu – władza nad ludżmi, władza nad terytorium, Warszawa 2002, pp. 169–225 and Martin ČAPSKÝ, Hejtmanský úřad v politických aspiracích pozdně středověké Vratislavi [The Gu- bernatorial Office in the Political Aspirations of Late Medieval Wrocław], in: Lenka Bobková – Martin Čapský – Irena Korbelářová et al. (edd.), Hejtmanská správa ve vedlejších zemích Koruny české, Opava 2009, pp. 77–102. 31 Most recently: Martin ČAPSKÝ, Zrození země. Komunikující společenství pozdně středo věkého Slezska [Birth of the Land: Communicating Societies of Late Medieval Silesia], Praha 2012. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 227

Bohemia during the fourteenth century, while the sovereigns (dukes of Wrocław and kings of Bohemia) repeatedly entered negotiations with the city community, or city council of Wrocław, recognising its power significance, albeit very unwillingly. We thus encounter the two cities in incomparable positions in the fourteenth century. The kings of Bohemia did not deny Prague’s symbolic capital, and Wrocław’s factual political power. During the Late Middle Ages, we can observe a series of steps by the Wrocław council and the intellectuals connected with it, who were purposefully formulating theses about a leading position of their home community. Wrocław thus sought the role of the political centre of Silesia. The gradual transformation of the conglomerate of the Sile- sian duchies into a single political unit – a land with common bodies such as the land diet and the land court – was playing into the hands of the burghers of Wrocław. A space for the construction of new reference points of the collective memory was opening within the framework of this process. Institutionalised memories of the fight against the enemies of Christianity were becoming a unifying feature of the Silesian community. This included the shared memory of the Mongols, who ravaged a great part of Silesia in 1241, defeating Duke Henry II the Pious in the memorable Battle of Legnica in 1241, the Hussites or later the Ottoman Turks. The “discovered” tradition of the oath to the new sovereign became another unifying symbol. According to Wrocław’s notions, it was to take place solely in their city and the oath was to be attended by all Silesian rulers. The Silesian community gradually accepted this ritual as their own as well, insisting on it and regarding it as an “old custom” already at the end of the fifteenth century.32 In the chronicle by Peter Eschenloer of Wrocław from the second third of the fifteenth century, we can find evidence of the permanent echoing of the notion of Wrocław as the second city of the kingdom, as it had been mentioned already in a 1420 charter: Ap wol andire zu Prage hetten gehult, were is doch mit Bresslow andirs, wann Bresslow sey der andir stul des konigreichs zu Behemen, do alle fursten, lande und stete in Slesien und sunst nydert andirswo hulden sulden.33 The chronicler and city scribe pro- tested against the oaths of loyalty made by the Silesian dukes to new King Ladislaus the Posthumous in Prague, rather than in Wrocław, as

32 Martin ČAPSKÝ, Przestrzeń jako miejsce pamięci. W sprawie hołdów książąt śląskich składanych władcom czeskim [Space as a Place of Memory: In the Feudal Tributes of Silesian Dukes Made to Bohemian Rulers], in: Śląski kwartalnik historyczny – Sobótka 66, 2011, No. 2, pp. 3–14. 33 P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte p. 171. 228 Martin Čapský urged by the city council of Wrocław, in view of the “tradition”. As Es- chenloer’s chronicle functioned as the city’s official memory, it can be assumed that it respected the interpretative line of the city council. The intended audience of the work was the city community, a fact on which we must base also the interpretation of this brief passage. The scribe worked within several geographic and political spheres. The narrowest of them was the sphere of the city, delimited by the city walls and virtually filled by the respective institutions. In view of the position Wrocław had gained within the Duchy of Wrocław, the boundaries between the duchy and the city are unclear in the work: the acts of Wrocław conflate with the acts of the whole duchy. Therefore, the next superordinate political unit is Silesia. The third one are the crown lands, which are however often narrowed to the Wrocław – Bohemia axis (the latter being, in turn, often represented by Prague). Finally, the fourth level is represented by bonds across the borders of the crown lands – to the papacy, to the emperor or to the candidates of the throne of Bohemia. However, the mentioned passage shows that for the chronicler, the key sphere was Silesia, rather than the crown lands as the whole. It was the dukes who went to Prague, where the king was in the grasp of the heretics, in breach of the common acts of the political representation of Silesia. The main reproach is addressed to the dukes. Emphasising of the claim that Wrocław was the second seat of the kingdom can be interpreted in a single way: it is there – and not in Prague – that the key political rituals connected with the functioning of the land – i.e., Silesia – should take place. The term second seat of the kingdom thus within the chronicler’s notion stands in for the phrase “capital city of Silesia”, which was hardly defensible at that time, as it did not correspond to any historical tradition and not even to the chronicler’s present situation, because Silesia was still lacking institutionalised central bodies. We know from the reactions of Wrocław’s political partners that the attempt to present the community as the “head” of Silesia had been rejected by the representatives of the Silesian duchies back in the 1430s. It therefore seems that the term “second seat of the kingdom” was a rhetorical strategy, an attempt of Wrocław to make use of Prague’s indisputable position to strengthen its own status in its political sphere. The burghers of Wrocław emphasised their position of the second city of the crown lands also after the election of a Calixtine nobleman, George of Poděbrady, as the new king in 1458, which they rejected. The council argued that had they been invited, the Calixtines would not have prevailed in the election and the “arch-heretic” would not have Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 229 been elected.34 In the chronicler’s argumentation, the disregard of Wrocław – the second seat of the kingdom – represents the neglect of all of Silesia as a crown land, which was not invited to the election that took place at the Town Hall of the Old Town of Prague. Yet the scribe did not question the central position of Prague even at this moment. Instead, he rather used its role as a representative of the burgher estate to strengthen the position of his home community within the political sphere he followed.35 The argumentation of the chronicler from Wrocław was thus not targeted against Prague, but rather using its status of a generally comprehensible symbol in the crown lands. After all, the deputation from Prague that came to Wrocław to negotiate about the conditions of their agreement with the royal election resorted to similar argumentation. Eschenloer himself wrote in his chronicle that the envoys emphasised the validity of the election act, as it took place in Prague, which was the head of the Crown (do der cron howpte ist), and the burghers of Wrocław did not question this argument. They merely required also their own presence.36 Like the councillors of Prague within the Kingdom of Bohemia, their counterparts from Wrocław sought the strengthening of their city’s position within their land using a tense rhetorical strategy based on the argumentation with the existence of a “capital city”. Given the division of Silesia into several duchies, however, the intellectuals of Wrocław could not lean on “historical arguments” or even on quite fictitious “legal acts”, as the Praguers had done; they merely derived their argumentation from the methods of explanation used by Prague. If we return to the concept of histoire croisée, we can say that Prague’s symbolical position was a model imitated by Wrocław. The addressees of Wrocław’s rhetoric were the power elites of Late Medieval Silesia, within which Wrocław sought to assert itself. The Silesian dukes were well aware of Prague’s position. The shift from the argumentative line of “the second city of the kingdom/Crown” to “Wrocław – the capital city of Silesia”,

34 “Item Breslow vor andiren steten, als der andir stil dis konigreichs zu Behem, sulde billich zu sucherr küre seine geruffen gewest.” See P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, p. 210. 35 Generally on the Prague election, see Petr ČORNEJ – Milena BARTLOVÁ, Velké dějiny zemí Koruny české VI (1437–1526) [The History of the Lands of the Bohemian Crown VI (1437–1526)], Praha – Litomyšl 2007, pp. 154–155. On the reaction of the Silesian milieu in more detail, see Martin ČAPSKÝ – Dalibor PRIX, Slezsko v pozdním středověku [Silesia in the Late Middle Ages], in: Zdeněk Jirásek et al. (edd.), Slezsko v dějinách českého státu I. Od pravěku do roku 1490, Praha 2012, pp. 383–384. 36 P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, p. 215. 230 Martin Čapský with which Bartholomew Stein opened the text of the oldest topography of the city at the beginning of the sixteenth century, was natural. However, this shift could only take place in the second half of the fifteenth century, when Silesia became a fully-fledged political land.37 The question remains why the chancellor of Sigismund of Luxem- bourg used the formulation of the second city of the kingdom in 1420. It is a uniquely documented act so far in a series of charters issued by Sigismund’s chancellery during the sovereign’s 1420 stay in Wrocław. In view of a series of the sovereign’s steps, including the punishment of the participants in the 1418 rebellion against the city council, the restriction of the guild privileges of local craftsmen or the restriction of the access to the city council from outside a predetermined circle of persons, this confirmation privilege might have been issued upon request of the patriciate of Wrocław. Sigismund would thus strengthen the status of the city, now controlled by a close circle of the patrician elite. However, we definitely cannot speak about a manifestation of the sovereign’s strategy preferring Wrocław at the expense of Prague.38

The Chosen City

The Hussite wars, which struck the Bohemian lands in the fifteenth -cen tury, contributed to the transformation of the positions of both Prague and Wrocław within their respective political fields. Both cities maintained their reputation of impregnable strongholds. Their own units as well as the hired ones represented an appreciable military force. The political positions of both cities were further strengthening as their enemies and allies alike were running out of financial means. Moreover, both communities were connected also by the evocation of the image of the “chosen city” beyond the framework of the usually reminded notion of the town community as civitas christiana, which appears in many urban sources. Both Wrocław and Prague stylised themselves as endangered Christian communities, and this self-reflection was used

37 Scriptores rerum Silesiae, T. XVII. Descriptio totius Silesie et civitatis regie Vratisla- viensis per M. Bartholomeum Stenum, ed. Hermann Markgraf, Breslau 1902, p. 34. 38 Cf. AP Wrocław, Dokumenty miasta Wrocławia, sign. 1490. On the events in Wrocław in more detail, see M. GOLIŃSKI, Wrocław, pp. 178–179. The idea of the construction of the sovereign’s alternative residence in Wrocław was presented by B. CZECHO WICZ, Dvě centra, pp. 145–155. However, relevant evidence proving such a statement is lacking. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 231 also by the chroniclers. The danger as well as proofs of God’s favour, demonstrated through miraculous victories, were becoming part of the official city memory. Lawrence of Březová, the scribe of the New Town of Prague, opened his chronicle by stating that he would further focus on the events that had taken place in the most Christian Kingdom of Bohemia and Margraviate of Moravia. The author included his explanation of the designation of Bohemia as the most Christian kingdom in the following paragraph. It was in Prague in 1414 that the masters of the Prague University started to administer both the body and the blood of Christ, providing a model of Communion under both kinds also to the laity, which was spreading quickly. If Bohemia was the most Christian according to the chronicler, Prague was its head. The chronicler and scribe of the New Town thus expounded the concept of his chronicle in its very introduction: legitimization of the attitudes of the Hussite Prague, which violated the custom of obedience to the secular authorities in order to remain faithful to the “truth”, as the Hussites described Christ’s teaching. They were opposed on this path not only by the Roman Church represented by the pope, but also by Sigismund of Luxembourg, the future Holy Roman Emperor and the sitting King of Hungary and Bohemia, along with the representatives of radical Hus- site movements, which did not respect Prague’s moderate positions based on the university interpretation of the Scripture.39 The elements of differentiation represent an important part ofthe construction of the identity of an individual or an institution, used also in the approaches of histoire croisée. This is true also of medieval towns. The inhabitants of the walled territory defined themselves - inopposi tion to the settlements behind the city gates, to the rural areas or to the communities of other towns. The creation of the image of “being different”, for example by emphasising some (although fictitious) features, was necessary for the forging of the feeling of difference. The religious aspect was added to the series of the designations of the stereotyped rival in the Hussite period. A burgher of Kutná Hora, the town that was regarded as the main urban rival by the Hussite Prague, could thus be illustrated on several negative levels at the beginning of the 1420s. First of all, he was a German, although a “domestic” German, but even so – he was regarded as a “guest” and did not belong to the community of the “Czech language”. At the same time, the inhabitant of Kutná Hora

39 Fontes rerum Bohemicarum V, ed. Josef Emler, Praha 1893, pp. 329–330 and P. ČORNEJ, Světla a stíny, p. 65. 232 Martin Čapský was described as an obstinate opponent of Hus’ teaching participating in the persecution and torture of Hussites. The “burgher of Kutná Hora” thus allegedly deviated from God’s law, with which a number of negative features was connected, ascribed to him in Hussite versed compositions. Prostitutes, dice and pastimes including dancing were allegedly tolerated in Kutná Hora. In the eyes of Hussites/Praguers, its burghers thus committed adultery and other sins that were consistently persecuted at the early stage of the Hussite movement. According to an analysis carried out by Petr Čornej, Kutná Hora was the second town community most often mentioned in the chronicle by Lawrence of Březová; it played the part of the needed negative mirror used to create the notions of loyalty to Christ’s teaching in his home community. The third most often mentioned locality is Tábor, the seat of the radical Hus- site movement, against which the chronicler also adopted a negative attitude. This made a more profound sense as well. In the eyes of the radi- cals, Tábor was the chosen community, thus competing with Prague for domination in Hussite Bohemia. The chronicler therefore described the stories of some sects connected with Tábor, including their sexual ex- cesses, with unconcealed satisfaction. The imaginary map of Lawrence’s chronicle mostly remained limited to Bohemia itself; it was within it that the chronicler construed the domestic rivals of Prague. Through their stereotypization, he strengthened the self-reflection of Prague as a chosen community surrounded by enemies, with Sigismund of Lux- embourg as their chief leader. Silesia and its metropolis were only mentioned marginally.40 Wrocław, Silesia, was faced with quite a different problem. Its main town rival was located beyond the borders of the land. No negative attitude of the local community towards Prague or the initiators of the church reform can be documented in written sources at the beginning of 1420, when the declaration of the first crusade against the Hussites was being prepared. The anti-Hussite measures, such as the ban of trading with the “heretics”, were strengthening in the local milieu only in the 1420s, when the conflict was lengthening. The negative image of the Hussites was spreading thanks to the echoes of military campaigns as well as the narrations of refugees from Prague. Clergymen and lay- men alike sought asylum behind the walls of Wrocław. The city had to expend large amounts of money for the fight against the Hussites, who were gradually becoming its chief enemies. The city council acquired

40 P. ČORNEJ, Světla a stíny, pp. 58–76. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 233 information about the movements of the Hussite armies and the events in the Hussite domain using a sophisticated information network. It thus concurrently played the part of an information node which was utilised also by other actors in local political events. While the Hussite wars exhausted Wrocław financially, they also added to its weight in the negotiations with the Silesian dukes. Furthermore, they helped subdue internal conflicts in the community pressed by the movements of the Hussite armies and by the activity of the permanent Hussite garrisons in Silesia. It seems that the common image of the Hussite enemy strengthened the unity of the community, being intentionally used by the city council. Priests known for their escalated attitude against the Hussites were preferred as the candidates for preacher benefices to which the city held the rights of presentation. Subsequently, their speeches to the believers added to the strengthening of the image of a city surrounded by enemies. This feeling persisted also after the end of the first stage of the conflict and the acceptance of Sigismund of Luxembourg to the throne of Bohemia. The burghers of Wrocław continued monitoring any movement beyond Silesia’s southern border. After all, the chronicler and city scribe Peter Eschenloer appealed to the unity of the burghers at the very beginning of his chronicle, adding that without it, they would be at the mercy of their enemies.41 News about the events in Bohemia were reaching Wrocław through various channels, hence naturally finding different circles of recipients. One of the characteristic features of a religiously excited community of pre-Modern time is the violation of the segmentation of the public space of medieval towns and the ad hoc creation of communication publics stemming from it. The councillors, used to discussions in the council hall, now had to repeatedly defend their steps before the summoned “community”. What caught them unawares the most, however, was the tight attitude of people of the street formed by the preachers of Wrocław. People grumbling in pubs and malt houses or at markets created an audience reacting to a different type of news from those with which the city council was dealing. Moreover, their interpretative code was different as well. Apart from the information gathered and distributed by the city council, we must count on an infinite number of rumours, whispers, news brought by pilgrims, refugees, travelling mercenaries, journeymen, prostitutes and others who were creating the information ken of non- elite classes of the urban population. The merchants of Wrocław also

41 P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, p. 158. 234 Martin Čapský relied on their own information networks. There was always a certain distance between these “information worlds”. The city council therefore maintained tools through which it was trying at least to check the content of the circulating news. It addressed the general population using community gatherings and the announcement of news before the city hall, at marketplaces or through priests during services. The growing distance between the arena of the city politics and the arena of everyday functioning of the community posed danger to the exercising of power on the part of the city administration. The grumbling of the community, acting based on “reliable rumours” concerning poor management by the city council, injustice before the city court or a danger of the imposition of new taxes, might unexpectedly swiftly grow into violent actions of the crowd directed against the councillors.42 A look at the events of the 1450s and 1460s in Wrocław shows that the image of enemy/heretic became so hard-set part of the subconscious of the city community that it significantly restricted the space for negotiations between the city council and the Bohemian sovereign’s court. Each obliging step immediately aroused a wave of opposition. The chronicler Peter Eschenloer did not hesitate to write that the decisions concerning the fate of the city were no longer made at the city hall, but at the pulpits, guild meetings or in the streets. Those who were yelling the most loudly were getting the most attention, concluded the chronicler. This statement alone proves that a generally comprehensible and therefore much simplified notion of the inhabitants of the Hussite Bohemia and of Prague was circulating through the community, and that this notion usually had a priori negative connotations.43 At the same time, however, the chronicler himself defends the steps of the city council, which opposed the sovereign, differentiating its “disobedience” from Prague’s earlier “disobedience” towards King Sigis- mund of Luxembourg. The legitimacy of the attitude of the burghers of Wrocław is contrasted with the steps undertaken in the centre of the heresy. The danger posed to the orthodox Christianity, represented by Wrocław, was personified by the acts of the land administrator and later King George of Poděbrady and of John of Rokycany, the elected Arch- bishop of Prague. Thus named, the enemy was naturally given space already at the beginning of the chronicle. Eschenloer described in detail

42 Více Carl A. HOFFMANN, „Öffentlichkeit“ und „Kommunikation“ in den Forschungen zur Vormoderne. Eine Skizze, in: Carl A. Hoffmann – Rolf Kie��ßling (edd.), Kommunika- tion und Region, Konstanz 2001, pp. 69–110. 43 P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, pp. 176 and 249. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 235 the subterfuge through which George of Poděbrady had seized Prague as well as repressions of the Catholics he had launched there together with John of Rokycany. According to his narration, all priests who rejected to accept the liturgical practices of the Hussites were forced to leave Prague. The burghers loyal to Rome were oppressed, while the Calixtines/heretics gained the upper hand. However, no one dared to speak out against the Hussites in public. Wrocław burghers thus gained a clearly defined rival against whom they declared their orthodoxy.44 However, Eschenloer continues in his theses, indirectly accus- ing Praguers of the death of the juvenile King of Bohemia Ladislaus of Habsburg called the Posthumous. In this way, he retrospectively justi- fies the decision of the Wrocław city council, which refused to profess loyalty to the former king on the soil of Prague – among the heretics.45 The image of the capital city of the kingdom appears at several places in the work of the chronicler of Wrocław, ranging from quite neutral passages, in which Prague is described as a venue of political negotiations, to evident allegories of heresy. It turns out that the chronicler was well informed about the events in Prague. Apart from an anecdotal description of the history of a statue of George of Poděbrady, he presents also news which he regards as evidence of God’s grace towards his home community. Religious squabbles in the streets of Prague in 1458 thus allegedly prevented a campaign of George of Poděbrady, newly elected King of Bohemia, against Wrocław: from halfway, the sovereign and his army had to return back to restore the position of the Calixtines. The city on the River Oder was saved for the moment.46 Several pages later, the proof of God’s grace was followed by an image of the Hus- site Prague as a memento for the inhabitants of Wrocław. The scribe directly puts an extensive lament concerning a weakening of the legitimacy of the city council of Wrocław and strengthening of the influence of preachers and of the crowd from the street (where each vociferator regarded himself as a councillor) in direct connection with the “decline of Prague”, where a similar development had also taken place. Once

44 Ibidem, pp. 162–162. 45 Ibidem, pp. 197–199. 46 Ibidem, p. 243. George of Poděbrady had to similarly return to Prague in 1464, when he dwelt in Kłodzko near the borders of Silesia. In their correspondence with the pope, the burghers of Wrocław explained that his fast return was caused by discord in Prague, describing those loyal to Rome as “children of God” and the Hussites as “the children of the Devil”. (“etliche czwetracht…, die undir den kindern den gotis und des tewffils entstanden ist.”). Ibidem, p. 436. 236 Martin Čapský again, the chronicler turns to God’s love, which will hopefully not allow Wrocław to meet a similar fate.47 We should not forget, however, that the scribe still perceived Prague as the capital city of the kingdom, which found itself in the hands of the heretics for the moment. We can thus find also other than negative attitudes in his work. A representative deputation from the city went to Prague after a ceasefire mediated by papal legates was agreed between George of Poděbrady and Wrocław, and the chronicler described its prestigious reception with pleasure. The deputation was welcomed by twelve trumpeters, who were blowing their trumpets for a full hour. The bells in all churches of Prague were ringing by order of the archbishop. The king himself sent wine, tasty pâté and a powerful deer along with large pikes and carps to the guests’ table. This also makes it clear that the burghers of Wrocław still respected Prague as the capital city of the Crown of Bohemia and perceived such ceremonial reception in its streets as a strengthening of their own prestige. The peace with the king eventually foundered, however. Wrocław obeyed a new appeal of the pope and joined the opposition against the king.48 The relationship between Prague and Wrocław remained asymmetri- cal, and the Calixtines did not regard Wrocław as their main rival. The Hussite wars in the Lands of Bohemian Crown entered another armed stage in the second half of the 1460s, with the royal armies operating on several fronts. The Silesian adversaries of King George of Poděbrady suffered a crushing defeat in 1467, which temporarily paralysed their forces. The victory was received with much delight in Prague. The vic- torious units entered the gates with trumpets blowing, showing the captured booty, including the pride of Wrocław’s arsenal, a mighty gun. In Eschenloer’s chronicle, this presented the humbled Wrocław with another negative image connected with the capital city of the kingdom. The chronicler interpreted the humiliation of his home community as a proof of the disruption of order, i.e. of disunity and disobedience towards the authority of the city council. The preconditions for future victories were created along with the restoration of order. While in the case of the construction of primacy within the land, the intellectuals of Wrocław positively elaborated on the model of Prague and worked on its image in this spirit, they used Prague as a negative mirror as regards the image of the “chosen community”. The sufficient reason was that

47 Ibidem, p. 250. 48 P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, p. 341. Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 237 the capital city of the kingdom was controlled by Hussites, who were regarded by the burghers of Wrocław as heretics posing a threat to the unity of Christendom.49

Conclusions

The asymmetric relation of Prague and Wrocław manifested itself in both of the presented examples. The position of Prague as the capital city of the kingdom was determined above all by the domestic political field and its close contact with the sovereign and his court. The way to the dynamization of some processes, the roots of which can be found in the previous decades, opened during the Hussite revolution. The interregnum caused by the refusal to accept Sigismund of Luxembourg on the throne of Bohemia and the subsequent power vacuum enabled Prague to take over the performance of some rights of the sovereign, above all in relation to other Bohemian royal towns. The fact is that the councillors of Prague lost this position after Sigismund’s accession to the throne of Bohemia in 1436 and never regained it. Prague was much more successful on the newly forming field of the estates, and its representatives participated in the elections of the future sovereigns from those times on. The designation “the first seat of the kingdom”, which only had a prestigious meaning at first, was thus gradually filled with political content. Wrocław’s position was quite different: its leading role within the Duchy of Wrocław was absolutely unquestionable and could not be ignored. The sovereigns of Bohemia approached the city in this way already in the first half of the fourteenth century. The inclusion of the league of the Silesian duchies under the sovereign power of the kings of Bohemia changed the political map of Central Europe, while bringing new dynamics to the Silesian Oder region. Many ducal families, the bishop of Wrocław as well as Wrocław itself had to redefine their positions in the newly established power arrangement. The ambitions of the involved, not excluding Wrocław, were aimed at a single objective: to become the decisive force in Silesia. Generations of the councillors of Wrocław sought the assertion of their city as the centre of the land. The takeover of control of the Wrocław gubernatorial office, whose holder was unofficially perceived as the sovereign’s first representative

49 For more information, see P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, pp. 627–628; Václav FILIP – Karl BORCHARDT, Schlesien, Georg von Podiebrad und römische Kurie, Würz- burg 2005, pp. 153–158, P. ČORNEJ – M. BARTLOVÁ, Velké dějiny VI, pp. 246–247. 238 Martin Čapský in Silesia, was a step towards the realisation of this plan. However, even this was not sufficient for their city to be respected as the “head of the land”. It seems that the councillors of Wrocław were forced to change their rhetorical strategy. Instead of the “head of Silesia”, they started to speak about the second city of the Lands of the Bohemian Crown. They could base this political ambition, which was still aimed above all inside Silesia, on the unchallenged position of Prague. These efforts of the intellectuals of Wrocław bring us back to the ground of interpretations influenced by the approaches of histoire croisée. The formulation “second seat and head of the kingdom”, perhaps only prestigious at first, was getting real political significance in the extant texts and in the endeavours of the city council, being finally replaced by the designation “capital city” of Silesia under the new political and administrative situation at the close of the Middle Ages. Once again, the intended audience of this political argumentation was above all the Silesian duchies. The construction of Wrocław’s primacy in Silesia, based on the analogical position of Prague, was springing leaks in the 1450s and 60s, during the new round of the Hussite wars. Tension was aroused by the second constitutive feature of Wrocław’s identity – the fight against the enemies of Christianity. The passages about the devastating Mongol raid of 1241 were an inseparable part of the annals of Wrocław compiled during the Late Middle Ages. This anchored a point of reference in the memory of the community, which was moreover connected with the location of the town. What made this point of reference even more important is that it helped incorporate the history of Wrocław in the legends of the patron of Silesia, St Hedwig, whose son – Henry II the Pious – fell in the battle against the raiders. The strong influence of this notion on the memory of the community is evidenced i.a. by the repeated and very successful recruitment of units from Wrocław fighting in the campaigns against the Turks. The iconographic monuments, in which the depicted Tartars took over some features first connected with the Hussite units, and later with the Turkish ones, is another significant document. In brief, we can state that the notions of Prague and Wrocław as the “chosen cities” were, once again, legitimized by argumentation which became a set part of the historical memories of both urban communities. The claim of a leading position in the land and the notion of fulfilment of God’s will created a complementary pair in the thought of the burghers. However, it was again true that Prague played a much more important part in the construction of Wrocław’s own identity than vice versa. In accordance with the interpretative methods of histoire croisée, Urban History Between Cultural Transfer and Historical Comparison 239 we can speak about stereotypization of the adversary, which formed the basis of the selective reception of news reaching Wrocław through various information channels. The events on the streets of Wrocław became the most marked example of this selective reception of news. Any hint of contact with the Hussites, including rumours of such contacts, had the potential to arouse unrest against the city council. However, the negative image of Prague was circling on various levels and in various connotations. The intellectuals of Wrocław used Prague as a negative mirror when creating the image of their own city and, at the same time, as an exemplary model of a failure. Peter Eschenloer regarded the gaining control of Prague by George of Poděbrady in 1448 above all as a disturbance of the order. The scribe perceived the city as a community of burghers enjoying full rights, with a clearly defined role of the city councils in its administration. However, amicably acting councillors were losing their authority at the time of intensified anti-Hussite atmosphere, and the city was controlled by preachers. In hindsight, Pe- ter Eschenloer did not hesitate to state that at that time, the number of Wrocław’s councillors equalled the number of its drunkards, gamblers and knaves. And as everyone must have seen, these [people] were in control, had the power in their hands, being even praised and called the best from the pulpits. The lowly ruled their betters. This is how Prague had fallen, said Eschenloer, and so would Wrocław fall as well, unless it were rescued by the grace of God.50

50 P. ESCHENLOER, Geschichte, p. 250.

241

Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication Between Dukes and their People: Histoire Croisée and Medieval Sources 1

Przemysław Wiszewski

Communication is a phenomenon consisting in the continual negotiation of shared spaces by the originators and recipients of messages. Information exchanges have never been transmissions of identically understood content between senders and addressees. The desire to transmit information has been connected with a persistent overlapping of diverse interpretations of the same phenomenon, the transection of various interpretive approaches to the meaning of signs used by participants in communicative relations. At the same time, communication has been and continues to be not only an exchange or transfer of information. It is also an ongoing affirmation of its participants’ affiliation with a particular community. As a result, studies of communication must encompass investigations into the transfer of ideas (codes of communication and their constituent elements), but also on the identities of those sending and receiving information. Additionally, any procedure designed to verify the correctness of conclusions drawn based on observations of the flow of ideas should be centred around indications of the influence on social life exerted by ideas arising out of the adoption, collision or synthesis of interesting concepts possessed of meanings determined through previous deliberations. These types of investigations must, in turn, involve not only studies of the culture of a particular social group and its contacts with neighbouring cultures, but also must

1 The article was prepared as part of work on the project Cuius Regio. An Analysis of the Cohesive and Disruptive Forces Determining the Attachment and Commitment of (Groups of) Persons to and the Cohesion within Regions, (decision of the Polish Minister of Science and Higher Education No. 832/N-ESF-CORECODE/2010/0). 242 Przemysław Wiszewski account for political and economic factors and events closely coupled with the ideas held under the spotlight. On a theoretical level such investigations should be facilitated by the methodological reflection presented in the course of discussions on histoire croisée by Michael Werner and Bénédicte Zimmerman. The term itself was initially applied in an instinctive manner by historians. It served to emphasize the specifics of research on social groups differenti- ated by their ethnic and national composition, exploring specific phenomena of culture and issues of contact, drawing inspiration from and acceptance of patterns and models from outside. This type of research was linked with attempts made in the last part of the twentieth century to overcome the traditional blueprint imposed by comparative history,2 which emphasizes comparisons of the static characteristics of models formed through synthesis of the real characteristics of phenomena as recorded in the source materials (the concept of the nation, social relations, the economy in France and Germany, etc). In exchange, focusing on tracking the contacts and the flow of ideas in a diachronic perspective was proposed, with an emphasis on changes occurring over time (so-called Transfergeschichte). A synthesis of both concepts was proposed by researchers promoting the idea of “shared history” or “entangled history”, which, in their view, were complementary procedures. What was accentuated, however, was the broad and shared scope of the borrow- ings and relationships linking both parties engaged in the contact.3 Werner and Zimmerman, essentially accepting the idea that mutual relations between communities should constitute the focal point of research, placed emphasis on the multi-faceted nature of investigations, on the periods of contact and intersection in the happenings of large social groups. They perceived this phenomenon primarily as an attempt at linking various perspectives and disciplines in the analysis of a specific phenomenon, while the interdisciplinary aspect of these studies was not intended to lead to the creation of one vision, a coherent declaration resolving a particular research question. The analytical plurality of the

2 For a brief introduction, see Hartmut KAELBLE, Die Debatte über Vergleich und Trans- fer und was jetzt?, in: H-Soz-u-Kult, 08.02.2005, http:// hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin. de/forum/id=574&type=artikel Accessed 31 October 2013. 3 Cf. Matthias MIDDELL, Kulturtransfer und Historische Komparatistik. Thesen zu ihrem Verhältniss, in: Idem (ed.), Kulturtransfer und Vergleich, (Comparativ. Leipziger Bei- träge zur Universalgeschichte und vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung 10, 2000, No. 1), Leipzig 2000, pp. 7–41; IDEM, Historische Komparatistik und Kulturtransferfor- schung. Vom bilateralen Beispiel zu Beiträgen für eine globale Geschichte, in: Eurostudia. Transatlantische Zeitschrift für Europaforschung 4, 2008, No. 2, pp. 1–11. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 243 separate aspects of a given issue harmonized with the techniques of the relevant disciplines was to generate a picture presenting a broad range of differing perspectives on the same material. This programmatic multiplicity, displaying similarities with the “thick description” ethnologi- cal procedure elaborated by Clifford Geertz, was supposed to expose what was key in the development of meanings of defined phenomena in social space. Doubtlessly, this type of procedure is in line with the contemporary tendency towards negation of the cognitive value in the domination of one metaphor, one metanarration shaping the representation of “the way things were”.4 It draws attention to the variety of potential ways of viewing the past by those considering it today, in turn bringing historical research closer to the anthropological perspective in the humanities. The research described in this manner was, however, oriented towards the events of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Only recently have attempts been made at introducing what remains a quite vaguely defined methodology for such research into investigations of the Mid- dle Ages in Europe. Two hurdles impede this practice – differences in the quantity and informational quality of sources, and the differences in social structures for realities before and after the conventional date of 1789. Our sources from the Middle Ages are often narrow and of a pragmatic nature. The messages contained in them are expressed in a stereotypical form of commonly applied stylistic devices and themes. These, in turn, describe the mentality of narrow social groups at a very specific moment in time. This hampers the development of the models used in comparative history, and renders it practically impossible to follow the transfer of ideas due to the fragmentary nature of the sources. It does, however, make the histoire croisée perspective an interesting one, emphasizing the many different angles from which an issue can be viewed; in this case, a multiplicity emanating from the breadth of unique sources placed under analysis. Thus the question arises of whether research methods resulting from studies on the history and civilization of the age of nations can be applied to the unique sources of the Middle Ages. It is no accident that I have chosen the exchange of information about power as the subject of these deliberations. Without communication, authority vanishes. When messages formulated by rulers and the ruled in their reciprocal communications are not understood, the ties

4 See Michael WERNER – Bénédicte ZIMMERMANN, Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity, in: History and Theory 45, 2006, pp. 31–33. 244 Przemysław Wiszewski that bind a community together through the acceptance of authority are broken. These ties function only in conjunction with the clear communication of who can demand what from whom. Without them, structures grounded in mutual obligations and dependencies collapse. They cannot be reconstructed by any other means than the discovery of a plan accepted by all parties for the exchange of information. This does not mean that messages formulated in the course of communication have always been understood in exactly the same way by both sides of the relationship. Nonetheless, they must seek out points of convergence in the expectations of the most important targets and senders of messages describing authority. What is of key significance is the answer to the question of whether these interactions led to transformation – and thus to intersections of meanings and their reconciliation. Was this also an expression of domination, the stronger side of a relationship dictating terms to the weaker one? In the Middle Ages, authority was presented through symbols, images and familiar – which is not to say uniformly understood – concepts in a given community. This did not lead to a stagnation of these notions and the perpetuation of distinct cultural circles devoid of reciprocal influences. On the one hand, the aforementioned differing ways of interpreting the same signs led to the formation of diverse interpretations of messages in spite of the same set of symbols being applied. On the other hand, the collection of symbols used within the confines of that same group of people communicating with one another itself changed. This was the result of both the conscious creation of a new vision of power, as well as of the discovery of new, more exact means of transmitting information. In this article, I will use changes in the manner of the presentation of Piast family members’ power in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries as examples of new ideological solutions associated with the source of rulers’ particular position in the social order. The selection of these cases was linked with the specificity ofthe sources illuminating them, or rather their absence. The negligible quantity of sources hinders an examination of interpretations assigned to the meanings of messages by parties involved in the communicative process. Interpretations of particular sources constitute a characteristic interpretative space to a greater degree than a classic, logical sequence of evidence focused on the dependencies between successive elements in the process of forming arguments does. It is particularly difficult to establish a procedure for determining the credibility of the hypotheses proffered. One attempt at introducing a mechanism offering verification is the tight coupling of the interpretation of messages displaying Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 245 an ideological slant with political events recorded in other sources, so as to grasp the link between the reading or creation of information by contemporaries and decisions taken by their originators and recipients. Three issues can be identified at the heart of these deliberations. First, the issue of what conditions facilitate change in the previous language used in describing power (political crisis? cultural change?). Sec- ond, the issue of the permanence of changes proposed (why did some of them establish themselves while others disappeared shortly after their introduction?). Third, determining the extent of the changes (did the new solutions impact the entire system of communication, the rules of the political game and social life, or were they merely derivative of changes occurring in social, political and cultural realities?). Finally, it is necessary to pose the question to what degree a historian of the Middle Ages is able to identify the conditions and the moment of change in the perspective of societies subjected to that change? Should the historian be satisfied with establishing the product of the communication process and deciphering the messages contained in sources only by referencing them to the context created by known circumstances surrounding the emergence of the message and the internal structure of the information? In the first history of the Piast princes, written by an anonymous chronicler at the beginning of the twelfth century, the question of the source of authority was answered in a manner that left no room for doubt. The ruler – the only one for the entire community – was selected by God, in concert with his subjects. The ruler was obliged to rule in compliance with divine law and with the admittedly imperfect customs of his people. From among the more or less overt prohibitions on actions and descriptions of objectionable behaviours of the ruler, one of them – in the context of considerations of cultural influences – is particularly significant: the ruler should not bow to any external influences. While he should listen to his advisors, he and only he was to bear full responsibility for his decisions. He could also in no way bend to his neighbours; his duty was to protect at all costs not only the people from pillage, but also the fatherland (patria) and the fundamental component of the core values – the freedom of Poles understood as independence from their neighbours.5 And while Master Vincent, another chronicler of the history of the Polish dynasty, introduced a number of changes to the details of this

5 Przemysław WISZEWSKI, Domus Bolezlai: Values and Social Identity in Dynastic Tradi- tions of medieval Poland (c. 966–1138), transl. Paul Barford, (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450; vol. 9), Boston 2010, pp. 244–256, 333–342. 246 Przemysław Wiszewski picture, he did not negate its basic outlines: the simultaneously divine and social source of authority and the strong, unquestioned bond between the ruler, his people and their customs.6 Ultimately, at the turn of the thirteenth century the author of the Chronicle of Greater Poland unequivocally condemned all attempts at favouring outsiders by rulers, including the adoption of their customs.7 Convictions nurtured among the power elites – not only Polish ones – of the immutability, self-suf- ficiency and specificity of the idea of Piast power may indicate that -ex ternal influences on it went unnoticed. Even if notions were dressed up in narrations borrowed from external cultural traditions. This was the nature of the Master Vincent’s chronicling activities, striving to link the antique tradition with a home-grown vision of the scope of power and duties enjoyed by the Piast rulers.8 This suggestion meant that changes, both those concerning the idealistic vision of the ruler embedded in the discourse of chroniclers as well as those perceivable in political decisions closer to everyday life and expressed in legal acts, were of an evolution- ary character. Rulers introducing these changes and those surrounding them avoided sharp distinctions between the “old” and the “new” image of authority. This enabled protection of those elements of the perception of the ruler shared by the governing and the governed, the points at which their interpretations of the world intersected. By avoiding sudden changes, they also avoided ruptures; rather, an attempt was made to weave a delicate fabric serving as the vision of reality for the targets of messages formulated by the ruler’s court.9

6 Brygida KÜRBIS, Sacrum i profranum: dwie wizje władzy w polskim średniowieczu [Sac rum and Profanum: Two Visions of the Power during the Middle Ages in Poland], in: Studia Źródłoznawcze 22, 1977, pp. 19–40; Przemysław WISZEWSKI, „Griphus rex…” Wokół natury władcy w „Kronice” Kadłubka [“Griphus rex…”. On the Nature of a Ruler in the ‘Chronicle’ of Master Vincent], in: Inter laurum et olivam (Miscellanea Mariae Bláhová Professorissae dedicata), (Acta Universitatis Carolinae, Philosophica et His- torica 1–2/2002; Z pomocných věd historických XVI), Praha 2007, pp. 403–413. 7 See Przemysław WISZEWSKI, Rex in regno suo?: wokół wyobrażeń i propagandy władzy królewskiej Piastów (do 1296 r.) [Rex in regno suo: On Ideas and Propaganda of Royal Power of Piasts (until 1295)], in: Martin Wihoda – Lukáš Reitinger et al. (edd.), Proměna středovýchodní Evropy raného a vrcholného středověku: mocenské souvislosti a paralely, Brno 2010, pp. 416–483, here earlier literature as well. 8 In his chronicles, this shrewd observer also examined other layers of cultural inspira- tions, see the seminal work by Jacek BANASZKIEWICZ, Polskie dzieje bajeczne Mistrza Wincentego Kadłubka [Polish Oldest History by Master Vincent Called Kadlubek], Wrocław 2002. 9 See e.g. Paweł ŻMUDZKI, Nowe wersje opowieści Galla Anonima w dziele Wincente- go Kadłubka [A New Version of a Story by the So-Called Gallus Anonymus in the ‘Chronicle’ by Master Vincent], in: Andrzej Dąbrówka – Witold Wojtowicz (edd.), Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 247

Sources available to us indicate, however, that at times these changes took on a more complicated dimension. Adoption by the Piasts of the symbols of power and gestures designed to propagate power as applied by their neighbours can be observed from the beginning of the dynasty’s history. In the tenth and eleventh centuries, the cult of the saints protected by the imperial court, foundational activity benefiting the devotional centres of the Imperial Church (Reichskirche), similarities in the designs of coins struck by Boleslaus the Brave and Mieszko II Lambert to those of imperial and Anglo-Saxon coins, and even the shape of their proud palatia – these all closely followed patterns known from the west.10 However, it should be emphasized that the majority of these gestures, particularly those from the beginnings of the Piasts’ reign, were directed outwards as acts of communication intended to be received by the aristocracy of the Empire.11 Their usefulness remains unclear, particularly their content in communication with the subjects of Poland’s rulers themselves. The clearest example of this is the issue of the royal crown ofthe Piast dynasty. The royal dignity was desired by Boleslaus the Brave and Mieszko II Lambert, rulers closely associated with the Empire and crowned in the very same year 1025, which was later forgotten by their descendants.12 This is indicated by the fact that there is no known contemporary source suggesting that the coronation of Boleslaus II the Bold (1076) was associated with the royal dignity of his grandfather and

Onus Athlanteum. Studia nad Kroniką biskupa Wincentego, Warszawa – Szczecin 2009, pp. 312–325. 10 P. WISZEWSKI, Domus Bolezlai, pp. 451–524, recently Grzegorz PAC, Kobiety w dynastii Piastów [Women in the Piast Dynasty], Toruń 2013, pp. 313–418, earlier literature in both works. 11 See Przemysław WISZEWSKI, Different Visions for Different Publicity? Early Piasts’ Propaganda of Power (up to 1054), in: Sławomir Moździoch – Przemysław Wiszew ski (edd.), Consensus or Violence? Cohesive Forces in Early and High Medieval Societies (9 th–14 th c.), (Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies, vol. 1), Wrocław 2013, pp. 319–335. 12 The only source materials concerning the 1025 coronation come from the territory of the Empire; in my view, the hypothesis of the 1000 coronation is highly doubt- ful, itself not found in Polish sources prior to the times of Gallus. See Edward SKIBIŃSKI, Koronacje pierwszych Piastów w najstarszych źródłach narracyjnych [Royal Coronations of the First Piast Rulers in the Earliest Narrative Sources], in: Józef Do- bosz – Marzena Matla – Leszek Wetesko (edd.), Gnieźnieńskie koronacje królewskie i ich środkowoeuropejskie konteksty [Royal Coronations in the City of Gniezno and their Central European Contexts], (Colloquia Mediaevalia, vol. II), Gniezno 2011, pp. 214–230. 248 Przemysław Wiszewski great-grandfather.13 The royal majesty of Boleslaus the Bold was rescued from obscurity only by the pen of the immigrant chronicler Gallus who, at the beginning of the twelfth century, brought order to the Piasts’ history in accordance with the norms of the western world’s authorities. There are no traces to be found in the chronicles of the long lasting battles between Boleslaus I the Brave and Henry II the Pious. However, echoes of the royal coronation of Boleslaus I the Brave were linked by the chronicler with the visit to Poland by the Emperor Otto III in 1000.14 It can safely be assumed that the true date of the coronation, which took place a quarter of a century later, escaped the memory of his informers and sources available in Poland. Yet it also did not suit the chronicler’s concept of history in which the emperor’s authority dominated over that of the remaining holders of power, Even if Boleslaus III the Wry- mouth had the right to revolt against it in defence of the natural rights of Poles.15 Taking into consideration the politics of Boleslaus III the Wrymouth, who fought to the end all attempts at oversight of his activities by the German rulers, the ideal order of the world of power as suggested by the chronicles did not meet with acceptance of its local readers.16 Probably the situation changed little upon his death. The oldest son, Ladislaus II the Exile, expelled from the country by his younger brothers, assumed many of the customs observed among the aristocrats of the Empire. He became a vassal of the emperor, his son Boleslaus fought alongside Frederick I in Italy, and his daughter Ryksa entered into a marriage of political usefulness for Barbarossa.17 However, the younger sons of the Wrymouth, remaining in Poland, continued the traditional symbolic politics of their antecedents. And their political accomplishments were

13 Krzysztof SKWIERCZYŃSKI disagrees, yet when indicating Boleslaus II’s potential motivation drawn from the deeds of his great-grandfather, Boleslaus I the Brave, he refers solely to the chronicles of Gallus. At the same time, contemporary sources from 1076 presented by the author emphasize Boleslaus II’s independence in taking decisions in the context of the ruler's particular political situation, see idem, „O majestacie królewskiej potęgi!” Koronacja Bolesława II Szczodrego [“Oh, the Majesty of Royal Power!” A Royal Coronation of Boleslaus II the Generous]��, in: J Dobosz – M. Mat- la – L. Wetesko (edd.), Gnieźnieńskie koronacje, pp. 104–113. 14 Karol MALECZYŃSKI (ed.), Anonima tzw. Galla Kronika czyli Dzieje książąt i władców polskich/Galli Anonymi Cronicae et gesta ducum sive principum Poloniae, (Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Seria II/Nova Series, vol. II), Kraków 1952, pp. 19–20. 15 P. WISZEWSKI, Domus Bolezlai, pp. 339–340. 16 See Stanisław ROSIK, Bolesław III Krzywousty [Boleslaus III the Wrymouth], Wrocław 2013. 17 See Mariusz DWORSATSCHEK, Władysław II Wygnaniec [Wladyslaw II the Exile], Kraków 20092. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 249 observed by contemporaries and descendants as they represented con- tinuation of the policy designed by first rulers of Poland. Master Vin- cent Kadlubek, in describing at the turn of the twelfth century the battles waged between Boleslaus IV the Curly and Frederick I Barbarossa, erroneously presented the Polish prince as the victor. He did not mention, however, the forced tribute paid by the Curly in 1157 to Frederick in Krzyszków, near Poznań.18 This deformation – or creation – of the collective memory most certainly advanced the political objectives of the Piasts, but also clearly indicated the strength of the traditional view of their authority as independent of all influences. The situation remained unchanged even when newcomer descendants of Ladislaus II the Exile from the Empire attained power. Indeed, in moments of political crisis Boleslaus I the Tall appealed to the patronage of Barbarossa over him.19 However, in no way did he differ in ideological declarations from the uncles governing the remaining territories of Poland. He could have introduced changes into the economic order or Church life, but the manner in which his subjects were presented with the nature of his authority underwent only minor – seemingly – changes. The first of them was Boleslaus’ labelling himself as ruler using the particular title of dux Silesiae.20 His uncles, Boleslaus IV the Curly, Mieszko III the Old and Casimir the Just, always used the title inherited from their father, Boleslaus III the Wrymouth, of duces Poloniae.21 While their power in reality encompassed fragments of the old Piast dominion, they declared their allegiance to one family of rulers and one tradition of authority. Boleslaus I the Tall deviated from this tradition only in 1175, 12 years after arriving in the land taken from his father. The title used at the time of “Prince of Silesia” expresslyemphasized his distinctness from the senior Mieszko III the Old, mentioned in the very same document as “Prince of Poland”.

18 See Magdalena BINIAŚ-SZKOPEK, Bolesław IV Kędzierzawy. ��Książę Mazowsza i princeps [Boleslaus IV the Curly: Duke of Masovia and Princeps], Poznań 2009. 19 Benedykt ZIENTARA, Bolesław Wysoki. Tułacz, repatriant, malkontent [Boleslaus I the Tall: The Wanderer, the Repatriate, the Malcontent], Kraków 2008 (article repubrepub-- lished in book form). 20 Schlesisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1: 971–1230, (ed.) H. Appelt, Graz – Köln 1963–1971, No. 45. 21 See e.g., Codex diplomaticus Majoris Polonia I, (ed.) I. Zakrzewski, Poznań 1877, Nos. 20, 23, 35 (I used the electronic version without pages, only with the numbers of the charters. Thus, subsequently only charter numbers will be cited. It is available at http://www.wbc.poznan.pl/dlibra/docmetadata?id=20061). 250 Przemysław Wiszewski

The use of this title was of deep significance in the context of internal politics and of building awareness of the separateness of the dominion held by Boleslaus I the Tall from the remaining Piast lands.22 However, what is of greatest importance for the issue discussed in this article is the question of where Boleslaus drew his inspiration for using it. It is difficult to say whether he himself was fully convinced as to the title. Apart from the one example cited above, he did not use it. The document itself was drawn up not in the prince’s chancellery, but rather by Cistercian monks who in all likelihood came from the abbey in Pforta, Saxony. The use by the Welfs of the titledux Saxoniae is attested to in the second half of the twelfth century, and may have served as a model for the title given to Boleslaus. On the other hand, the authorities of Saxony were frequently described using titles containing the central municipalities of their dominion (dux in Bruneswich). Perhaps the reason for the Cis- tercians refraining from using this form in respect of Boleslaus lay in the desire to differentiate the reach of his authority from that under the Bishop of Wrocław. The latter was consistently referred to as episcopus Wratislaviensis, in Wratislavia23. However, the paucity of sources in this case only allow for the statement that the duke, in spite of resistance to the official use of this title, did bring it to the awareness of his family and surroundings. That this title gained acceptance as the appropriate one for describing the scope of power enjoyed by the rulers of Wrocław is attested to by the fact that from the moment of Boleslaus’ death (1201), his son and successor, Henry I the Bearded, consistently used it as his primary title. His descendants devised to do the same. In my opinion it is likely that the use of this title by Boleslaus, and later by the entire Silesian line of Piasts, was the result of the adoption of western patterns for manifesting an authority that defined itself through control over a specified territory and its inhabitants. However, the wavering and subsequent rapid acceptance was an expression of the conscious introduction of an ideology of authority that differed from the remaining Piasts. Instead of participating in the traditions of the whole clan and sharing the title to authority (duces Poloniae), Bole-

22 See Przemysław WISZEWSKI, Region wrocławski – region śląski. Podziały terytorialne a kształtowanie wspólnoty regionalnej w XI – pierwszej połowie XIII w.: esej źródłowy, [Terri- torial Divisions and Formation of a Regional Community Between the Eleventh and First Half of the Thirteenth Centuries] in: Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka 66, 2011, No. 3, pp. 20–25. 23 Kazimierz DOLA (ed.), See Statuta capituli ecclesiae cathedralis Wratislaviensis ex anno 1482/1483, Wrocław – Opole 2004, pp. 2, 4, 6. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 251 slaus I the Tall, but to an even greater extent Henry I the Bearded, emphasized the bond with their own family, its traditions and its land. This was a family harbouring by a controversial provenance, rooted in the oldest son of Boleslaus III the Wrymouth, Ladislaus II the Exile, who had been expelled from the country and deprived of the right to his father’s inheritance. The decision to distance himself from the other Piasts – themselves hostile towards the progeny of Ladislaus II the Exile up to the close of the twelfth century – was understandable in the case of Boleslaus I the Tall. The constant emphasis on Henry I the Bearded’s authority over Silesia and rejection of titles encompassing all of Poland is consistent with a trend observable across the entire dynasty. In the first quarter of the twelfth century, it became common among the Piasts to apply nomenclatures accenting the regional nature of their power. Only the dukes of Greater Poland made use of the title ‘duces Poloniae’, but this appellation had lost its greater territorial significance. The remaining dukes selected titles accenting their ties to the regions of their dominion – Masovia, Kuyavia, and the lands of Kraków, Sandomierz, Opole.24 Their nomenclature did not, however, exert the decisive influence on how they were viewed by their neighbours. The papal Curia continued to apply the collective ‘duces Poloniae’ to them,25 but in special cases one may find listings of regional titles.26 Considering the chronological precedence of Boleslaus I the Tall, it is likely that his emphasis on the regional nature of his power was the catalyst for the change in the nomenclatures used by his kin. Following the deaths of the sons of Bole- slaus III the Wrymouth, all of the Piasts began to use titles emphasizing the regional dimension of their authority, perhaps following the example provided in Silesia. In this situation, it was a fully rational act by Henry I the Bearded to apply the title of ‘Duke of Silesia’, as this was consistent with the new manner of communicating the scope of the Piasts’ power. What is more, at the beginning of his reign he may have applied this nomenclature in order to accent the distinctness of the power inherited from his father from the sphere of influence of his uncle, Mieszko IV Tanglefoot, who pushed claims to the lands of his deceased brother (Boleslaus I the Tall), and, following an armed conflict in 1201, acquired their southern

24 For example, Codex diplomaticus Majoris Polonia I, No. 68, 209. 25 Ibidem, No. 70, papal confirmation of the document cited above (No. 68). 26 Ibidem, No. 85. 252 Przemysław Wiszewski

portion with the capital in Opole.27 From the first decade of the thirteenth century, Mieszko consistently used the title of ‘dux de Opol’, dis- tancing himself from his nephew (dux Slezie). In contrast to his father, Henry I the Bearded himself actively participated in the political machi- nations of all the Piasts. By using a local nomenclature, he forfeited the right to appeal to the tradition of authority over all of Poland. However, he accomplished something greater – congruence of the language of his proclamations with the expectations of his neighbours throughout the entire country. As we have indicated earlier, during this time the remaining Piasts were abandoning the use of the common title ‘dukes of Poland’, preferring to apply territorial definitions.28 What was new, and potentially difficult for contemporaries of Boleslaus I the Tall to understand, in the times of Henry I the Bearded had become a feature of the language of power common to all members of the Polish political elite. A quarter of a century, during which the inherited quality of the power of particular dynastic lines in the lands of the clan’s former patrimony took root, was enough for the benefits of emphasizing territorial aspects of power to triumph over devotion to tradition. In keeping with the changes in the nature of the power wielded by the Piasts, the manner of its presentation also changed. That said, the question remains of whether in the case of the remaining Piasts this was effected under the influence of the adoption of cultural norms present in the territory of the Empire, or rather of those emanating from Silesia. Except for the Silesian line, the Piasts introduced provincial references into their nomenclature a quarter of a century later than Boleslaus I the Tall did. It seems most likely that they decided to implement this custom under the influences coming out of Silesia, but also from the lands of the Empire. At the same time, and unlike Bole- slaus I the Tall, out of care to maintain the coherence of the language of power they referred to earlier traditional titles used for provincial rulers (such as that known to us from the chronicle of Gallus Anonymous, ‘Magnus, comes Wrotislauensis’29). They were, however, imbued with

27 See Benedykt ZIENTARA, Heinrich der Bartige und seine Zeit: Politik und Gesellschaft im mittelalterlichen Schlesien, (Schriften des Bundesinstituts für Kultur und Geschichte der Deutschen im östlichen Europa, vol. 17), München 2002. 28 The richest work on the ducal nomenclature of the time has recently been published concerning Masovia by Janusz GRABOWSKI, Dynastia Piastów mazowieckich. Studia nad dziejami politycznymi Mazowsza, intytulacją i genealogią książąt [Dynasty of Piasts, Dukes of Masovia: Studies on the Political History of Masovia, Titulature and Gene- alogy of Dukes], Kraków 2012, pp. 248–254, 268–297. 29 Anonima tzw. Galla Kronika czyli Dzieje książąt i władców polskich, II, 4, p. 69. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 253 a different character. The group of meanings that could be associated at the beginning of the twelfth century with the comes – steward of the province, caretaker and leader of the local elite with whom decisions were taken jointly concerning relations with the prince30 – was assigned to dukes. While the rulers of Silesia decided to introduce a rather radical innovation to the language of power, essentially creating the name of a province (Silesia), the dukes of the remaining Piast lands only modi- fied the existing interpretive nexuses of the image of power andthe ruler in communication with the surrounding environment. A new portrayal of power was forged at the point of contact between the model introduced in Silesia and local traditions alive in the remaining regions of Piast dominion. Did one of these solutions come closer to the mark than another from the perspective of cooperation with the immediate surroundings? The sources do not provide us with much information concerning the perception of the changes taking place in the nomenclature of the rulers. However, the new titles were both a signal and an element in a range of changes to the system governing the exercise of authority. At more or less the same time we can observe that more and more representatives of mid- and upper-level administration were given titles including the names of the towns and capitals of territories in which they performed their duties. The chronology of their emergence suggests that the appearance of a new, regional ducal nomenclature had an influence on the labelling of civil servants with names derived from localities/centres of local power. The thirteenth-century changes concerning civil servants are practically identical in the entirety of the Piast lands. Slightly different offices sprang up in Silesia, but the manner in which their names were taken from localities did not differ from the conventions of other Piast territories.31 This was no accident. By using the inherited title of the Silesian dukes, appropriate only for their line, the local rulers clearly demarcated the distance between themselves

30 See Karol MODZELEWSKI, Comites, principes, nobiles. Struktura klasy panującej w świetle terminologii Anonima Galla [Comites, principes, nobiles: Structure of the Rul- ing Class in the Light of Terminology of the so Called Gallus Anonymus], in: Stefan K. Kuczyński et al. (edd.), Cultus et cognitio. Studia z dziejów średniowiecznej kultury, Warszawa 1976, pp. 405–407; for a synthetic approach see Ambroży Bogucki, Komes w polskich źródłach średniowiecznych [Comes in Polish Medieval Sources], Toruń 1972. 31 See Ambroży BOGUCKI, Ze studiów nad urzędnikami nadwornymi w XIII w. [Studies on Court Officials of the Thirteenth Century], Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 29, 1977, No. 2, pp. 117–142; IDEM, Studia nad urzędnikami śląskimi w XIII w. [Studies on Court Officials in Silesia During the Thirteenth Century], in: Czasopismo Prawno- Historyczne 36, 1984, No. 1, pp. 1–28. 254 Przemysław Wiszewski and their civil servants. Dukes in the remaining provinces of Poland did much the same. However, outside of Silesia the differences between the nomenclature of dukes and of their civil servants shrank with the passage of time and the increased subdivision of duchies. Already in 1230, Ladislaus Odonic ‘dux Polonie’ was joined by Bronissius – ‘Dei gracia nobilis comes Polonie’32, and in 1238, a document issued by Duchess Viola (‘ducissa de Kalis et de Ruda’) providing the names of top-rank civil servants in her company made mention alongside the palatine of two castellans – ‘Andreas castellanus de Kalis, Bronis castellanus de Ruda’.33 Pride of place in the company of Boleslaus V the Chaste, Duke of Sandomierz, belonged in 1238 to ‘Pacoslaus palatinus Sandomirie’.34 Among the elite of Silesia no such phenomenon can be observed. Dukes referring to themselves as ‘duces Slesiae’ were not surrounded by civil servants whose authority would be defined by the space of ‘Si- lesia’. However, in the last part of the thirteenth century, the Silesian dukes followed the example of Henry IV the Righteous (Probus) and changed the previous, simple nomenclature into one composed of two parts: a general designation (duke of Silesia) and a detailed specification of the scope of power (ruler of city X). This change can be justified on practical grounds: the desire to define precisely and differentiate the rulers for the benefit of others. And while this pragmatic motivation did play a certain role in the dissemination of the new nomenclature for the Silesian dukes, it was not the decisive one in its creation. This assertion is supported by the fact that we may observe a division of lands between individual rulers in Silesia far earlier. What is more, this was a widespread occurrence in other lines of the Piast dukes, particularly among the rulers of Greater Poland, Kuyavia and Masovia. Be that as it may, in this case the two-part construction was not applied; rather, only the seat of power was given (Duke of Kalisz, of Poznań, etc.). Whence, then, the tendency to construct an extended nomenclature in Silesia? In 1272, Henry IV the Righteous was for the first time named in one of his documents as ‘Henricus dei gratia dux Slesie et dominus Wratislauie’.35 The introduction of this nomenclature may have been

32 Codex diplomaticus Majoris Polonia, vol. 1, No. 126. 33 Ibidem, No. 214. 34 Ibidem, No. 221. 35 Schlesisches Urkundenbuch IV. (1267–1281), (ed.) W. Irgang, Köln – Graz – Wien 1988 (further cited as SUB IV), No. 163, p. 118, verses 2–3, see Winfried IRGANG, Das Urkunden- und Kanzleiwesen Herzog Heinrichs IV. von Schlesien (1270–1290), in: Idem, Schlesien im Mittelalter. Siedlung – Kirche – Urkunden. Ausgewählte Aufsätze, (edd.) Norbert Kersken – Jürgen Warmbrunn, (Materialien und Studien zur Ost Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 255 influenced by the elaboration of the document’s final version byits addressees, members of the Order of Malta from the monastery in Strzegom. As they possessed strong bonds with their order’s Bohemi- an-based monasteries, we may admit attempts to transfer to Silesia the structure of the nomenclature characteristic for the Prague rulers. All the more so when considering that Henry IV the Righteous, who had to agree to such a proposal, was excellently versed in the culture of the Bohemian court. After his father’s death he was raised in the court of King Ottokar II of Bohemia. This ruler and mentor to Henry IV used the title ‘dei gratia Bohemiae rex, dux Austriae, Stiriae, Karinthiae marchioque Morauiae, dominus Carnioliae, Marchiae, Egrae ac Portus Naonis’ (1271).36 For Henry IV, acquainted with the substance behind this form of the presentation of authority, it was a natural procedure to adopt the formula contained in it. At the same time, it generated the effect of imitatio imperii by replicating – on a small, Silesian scale – the Bohemian model. In spite of this benefit, neither Henry IV himself nor his kin rushed to embrace permanently a nomenclature accenting the local dimension of their power alongside its regional (Silesian) one. In the documents of Henry IV only the Silesian nomenclature can be found alongside the new one through the entire decade of 1280–90. The presence of the expanded, two-part nomenclature was thus correlated not with the content of the document (for example, a particularly ceremonial one), but rather with the customs of selected civil servants from the ducal chancellery.37 The decision to jointly use the uniform title of “dukes of Silesia” united Silesian rulers for over a century in one community of dynasties invoking a shared tradition of power, its sources and character. The uniform nomenclature implied the functioning of dukes within the boundaries of a common space of authority, shared with other kin. The change introduced by Henry IV the Righteous in the structure of the nomenclature did not bring any changes to this situation. It was when Hen- ry IV began to use it consistently that it spread among Silesian dukes irrespective of their political affiliations. Around 1288, Henry IV began using seals with the rim inscription ‘SIGILLUM HENRICI QUARTI

mitteleuropa-Forschung, vol. 17), Marburg 2007, pp. 428–429, which highlights the exceptionally early use of this form in the document prepared by the Order of Malta. 36 SUB IV, p. 106, No. 147, verses 23–24. 37 W. IRGANG, Das Urkunden- und Kanzleiwesen Herzog Heinrichs IV., pp. 409, 414. 256 Przemysław Wiszewski

DEI GRATIA DVCIS SLESIE ET DOMINI WRATIZLAVIE’.38 Dur- ing nearly the exact same period Henry V the Fat, ruler of Legnica and regional political rival to Henry IV, altered his seal which had previously contained an inscription emphasizing exclusively the Silesian range of his authority. He began applying a new one which read ‘SIGILLUM HENRICI DVCIS SLEZIE ET DOMINI DE LIGNITZ’.39 Other dukes followed his lead, and from the start of the fourteenth century there remained no Silesian duke restricting his nomenclature to the “Silesian” portion alone. The manner in which the change to the formula used in constructing the nomenclature for Silesian rulers occurred attests to the strength of the bonds linking this group, including with respect to the construction of a common space for communication. This observation does not, however, provide an answer to the question of why this particular formula was selected? For a choice was made, considering that there was a competitor existing at that time for expanding the nomenclature of Silesian rulers. From the beginning of the thirteenth century Conrad I, Duke of Głogów, used a seal with the inscription ‘CONRADVS DEI GRATIA DVX ZLESIE ET POLONIE’, placing emphasis on his and his brothers’ joint claims to a portion of the lands of Greater Poland, the inheritance of Henry II the Pious.40 This form of nomenclature was, however, exceptional among the descendants of Henry II the Pious, and was rarely used by Conrad in official documents.41 When Conrad’s son, Henry of Głogów, assumed power in the Duchy of Głogów, he began around 1281 to use a seal with the phrase ‘SIGILLVM HENRICI DEI GRATIA DVCIS SLESIE ET GLOGOVIE’.42 While his use of this formula invoked the suggestion of his father, its tenor was different. The

38 Zenon PIECH, Ikonografia pieczęci Piastów [Iconography of Piasts’ Seals], Kraków 1993, pp. 224–225. 39 Ibidem, p. 227. 40 In 1256, Conrad and his brothers Ladislaus and Henry III lobbied Pope Alexan- der IV for the return of those lands, see Schlesisches Urkundenbuch III (1251–1266), (ed.) W. Irgang, Köln – Graz – Wien 1984 (further cited as SUB. III), p. 117, No. 201, (the petition was submitted ex parte dilectorum filiorum… ducum Zlesie, without the Greater Poland title); on the duke see Tomasz JUREK, Konrad I Głogowski. Studium z dziejów dzielnicowego Śląska [Conrad I of Glogow. Study in the History of Partitioned Silesia], in: Roczniki Historyczne 54, 1988, pp. 111–141. 41 It is only in 1251, in a document strongly influenced by Lubiąż, that we find the title Conradus dei gracia dux Zlesie et Polonie, SUB III, p. 27, No. 20. Even in Alexander IV’s bull of 1256, in which the pope took him as well as Henry and Ladislaus into his care, the concise duces Zlesie was used, SUB III, p. 137, No. 202. 42 Z. PIECH, Ikonografia pieczęci, p. 232. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 257 young duke suggested that the Głogów lands, his family’s heritage, was something separate from Silesia. What is more, he declared them the equal of Silesia. In doing so, he indicated that these lands and the tradition of his family’s authority were equal in prestige to the common heritage of the Silesian Piasts. From this perspective, the Duchy of Głogów was not a part of Silesia, and the Duke of Głogów was not a member of the community of Silesian Piasts. Indeed, both the duchy and its rulers were to construct their own, separate identity. This formula was thus entirely different in its expression from that promoted by Henry IV. The idea that the ruling family of Głogów was distinct from their ‘Si- lesian’ kin and collective traditions was similar to the concept of power known in the duchies of the southern part of the Odra Basin, which later became Upper Silesia. It was here, since the times of Mieszko IV Tanglefoot – ‘dux de Opol’ – that the scope of authority was defined through reference to the local centre of power as the marker of the space of power. With the passage of time, the use of a ducal title served to emphasize the functioning of a separate, complete commonwealth of living and deceased rulers belonging to a specific, local duchy (Opole, Racibórz, Cieszyn, etc.).This is evidenced most pointedly by a fragment of a document describing the conditions of the tribute paid by the Duke of Racibórz, Lestek, to King of Bohemia, John of Luxembourg in 1327. Lestek declared that he was doing so ‘suo heredum et successorum suo- rum ducum Rathiborensium nomine’.43 As in the case of the nomenclature of Duke Henry of Głogów, the basis for establishing the dynasts’ collectivism was affiliation with the ruling group of a particular local power. Inasmuch, however, as in the case of duchies situated in the southern territories of the Odra Basin, the tendency to construct a tradition of power founded on small, independent duchies lasted until the beginning of the fifteenth century, in Silesia proper it never took root. The model suggested by Henry IV the Righteous proved to be the more attractive one. It accented in a balanced yet hierarchical manner the exercise of power in a local dominion (duchy) defined by the name of the capital city (Wrocław, Legnica, Głogów etc.), but in the context of a share in power over the whole of Silesia. ‘Silesia’ as present in ducal nomenclature was an element serving to emphasize the link between a ruler and the tradition and community of the descendants and kin of

43 Lehns- und Besitzurkunden Schlesiens und seiner einzelnen Fürstenthümer im Mittelalter II, (edd.) C. Grünhagen – H. Markgraf, Leipzig 1883, p. 380, No. 1. 258 Przemysław Wiszewski

Henry I the Bearded.44 The close of the thirteenth century seems to be a turning point in which the Silesian Piasts became firm in their conviction that they enjoyed particular and common rights to Silesia. So particular, in fact, that in their character they did not extend to any of the other lands of historical Poland. While in the thirteenth century the rulers of Silesia, exercising authority over a portion of Greater Poland, referred to themselves with the title of dukes of Poland (Greater Po- land), the situation had already changed by the fourteenth century. The Duchy of Głogów’s ceremonial nomenclature under Henry of Głogów, invoking that of the Henry IV Righteous and Bohemian traditions45 and appearing simultaneously in his documents and seal during 1301–1309, emphasized his right to power over all of Poland46 while also specifying its actual scope by highlighting the particularity of Silesia as the ruler’s proper heritage (in documents: ‘heres Regni Polonie dux Slezie dominus Glogovie et Poznanie’, in seal: ‘SIGILLUM HEINRICI DEI GRA- CIA HEREDIS REGNI POLONIE DVCIS SLEZIE DOMINI GLO GOVIE ET POZNANIE’).47 This nomenclature was adopted by his descendants with their aspirations to power over Poznań and Gniezno through the 1330s.48 The identification of these Piasts with any broader

44 See Tomasz Jurek, Die Entwicklung eines schlesischen Regionalbewusstseins im Mittelalter, in: Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung 47, 1998, No. 1, pp. 25–26. 45 This is supported by the presence of the phrasedominus X et X. A similar form without this element, but with the names of entire provinces, was used by Ladislaus I, and in one case also by Henry of Głogów, see Rościsław ŻERELIK, Dokumenty i kancelaria Henryka III księcia głogowskiego [Charters and Chancellary of the Duke Henry III of Glogow], (Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis, No. 683, Series Historia 42), Wrocław 1984, pp. 51–53; Winfried IRGANG, Das Urkunden- und Kanzleiwesen Herzog Hein- richs III. (I.) von Glogau (†1309) bis 1300, in: Idem, Schlesien im Mittelalter, pp. 455– 456. Differently, however, from that known to us from the legend of Henry's seal, the one from the chancellery of Ladislaus I did not take root. 46 Tomasz JUREK, Dziedzic Królestwa Polskiego. Książę głogowski Henryk (1274–1309) [Heir of the Polish Kingdom: Henry, the Duke of Glogow (1274–1309)], Poznań 1993, pp. 49–50. 47 R. ŻERELIK, Dokumenty i kancelaria Henryka III, pp. 82–83. A different view of the seal's dating was offered by Tomasz JUREK,Studia nad dokumentami księcia głogowskiego Henryka I (III) [Studies on Charters of Henry I (III), the Duke of Glogow], in: Studia Źródłoznawcze 32–33, 1991, pp. 51–52. In this case, we are inclined to agree with the specialist in ducal sigillography, Z. PIECH, Ikonografia pieczęci, pp. 233–234, who concurred with the dating suggested by R. Żerelik. 48 Z. PIECH, Ikonografia pieczęci, pp. 236–237. On its use in documents, see Rościsław ŻERELIK, Dokumenty i kancelarie książąt głogowskich w latach 1250–1331 [Charters and Chancellaries of Dukes of Glogow, 1250–1331], (Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis, No. 902, Series Historia 59), Wrocław 1988. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 259 form of organization of dominions – a kingdom – was not as strongly and universally emphasized as that with the idea of Silesia. It is difficult to indicate conclusively the causes underlying the spread of the unique nomenclature of Silesia’s duchies. Its pragmatic function – more precisely defining the scope of power – is clear, but this cannot be considered decisive. There were no changes of a fundamental nature taking place in the division of Silesian lands at the end of the thirteenth century. If the new nomenclature had been associated with the increase in administrative divisions, it would have emerged in the mid-thirteenth century. A new phenomenon could be observed at the close of the thirteenth century, the aspirations of Henry IV the Right- eous, followed by those of Henry of Głogów, to fight for hegemony in Poland. In this context it can only be suggested that the new form of nomenclature had a more ceremonial than traditional slant. It also allowed for placing emphasis on the special status of the Silesian duchies versus those of the remaining Piasts. However, it is difficult to consider such emphasis on regional separatism in the context of a struggle for power over the entire Piast heritage as a shrewd manoeuvre. Perhaps it is for this reason as well that the formula for describing power – ‘duke of the region, ruler of the city’ – was not highly regarded by the other Piast rulers. It is worth emphasizing that the majority of Silesian dukes declined to involve themselves in the fight over supremacy in Poland, but all of them adopted the nomenclature advanced by Henry IV the Righteous. This undoubtedly indicates the strength of the communication links binding the ducal clan. Emphasizing the commonwealth of the family, unity of the region and construction of local traditions of power in the context of a regional community – all of these factors may have been responsible for establishing this formula in Silesia.49 Indeed, it was an exceptionally accurate means of describing the political realities and the aspirations of leaders.

49 For more on the subject, including several of the aforementioned conclusions, see Przemysław WISZEWSKI, Destrukcyjne, czy spajające region? Grupy społeczne na średniowiecznym Śląsku w kontekście aktywności politycznej (czwarta ćwierć XII–XV w.) [Destructive or Region Binding? Social Groups in Medieval Silesia in the Context of Political Activity (Twelfth to Fifteenth Centuries)], in: Sobótka 67, 2012, No. 4, pp. 103–138; IDEM, Region-Integrating or Region-Disintegrating? The Social Groups of Medieval Silesia Examined in the Context of their Political Activity (from the Last Decades of the Twelfth Century to the Fifteenth Century), in: Przemysław Wiszewski (ed.), The Long Formation of the Region Silesia (c. 1000–1526), transl. by Katarzyna Hussar, (Cuius regio?: Ideological and Territorial Cohesion of the Historical Region of Si- lesia (c. 1000–2000); vol. 1), Wrocław 2013, pp. 129–166. 260 Przemysław Wiszewski

Let us now look at an analogical situation involving the transfer of a model from the royal court in Prague to Silesia which concluded with the rejection of the new forms. On multiple occasions the Piasts looked to foreign models as a way of communicating a message to their subjects that they were unable – for a variety of reasons – to express using the traditional instruments of power. At times, however, we may pinpoint in the sources the moment when, under the influence of external models, new forms of messages were introduced with the intention to describe phenomena previously taking place in the practice of exercising power, which before had been depicted by using traditional symbols. In this case it was not possible to speak of the problem of the traditional language’s inadequacy for evolving mechanisms of power. Quite the opposite, as here we can rather see an attempt at developing new mechanisms through changing the language defining the manner in which power functioned. Such efforts did not, however, always end successfully, or at least their effects appeared with some delay. A good example is the attempt to formalize the rules of succession and replacement of the ruler introduced by Duke of Silesia Henry I the Bearded. In April 1228, he presented what was at first an entirely uncontroversial document concerning financial issues of the abbey in Lubiąż. Its contents do not generate any particularly intense emotions among historians. However, among the formulae applied in its message, there is an important novelty: the duke presents his son, Henry II the Pious, in a novel fashion. It is here that for the first time we may encounter in historical sources the title ‘our son, Henry, the younger Duke of Silesia’50. For the first time in known sources, the wives of rulers were given alongside those of the rulers themselves. Indeed, Hedwig of Silesia, wife of Henry the Bearded, had been named in her husband’s documents, but only in exceptional situations.51 Anne of Bohemia, wife of Henry II the Pious, cannot be found in earlier sources. Meanwhile, the document discussed here bears the seal of Anne, bearing the proud title of ‘younger Duchess of Silesia’. Interestingly, Henry II the Pious did not introduce an analogical term into his seal. He continued using the sigillum known previously with the more general phrase ‘Henry, son of Henry, Duke of Silesia’.

50 SUB I, p. 211, No. 287. 51 Also in the context of her husband’s political activity, such as during negotiations in Głogów concerning the understanding between Ladislaus III Spindleshanks and Ladislaus Odoniec, assisted by Henry I the Bearded in 1209, where Hedwig and Hen- ry I the Bearded’s son was christened, Codex diplomaticus Majoris Polonia I, No. 65. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 261

The gathering of Henry the Bearded’s entire family and the ceremonial listing of its members in a document, combined with the special nomenclature for Henry II the Pious in the charter and of his wife in her seal, suggest the possibility of a presentation of the young couple as co- rulers of the duchy. We are unaware of any earlier example of a similar joint, official presentation of two closely-related Piast dukes and their spouses bearing a nomenclature suggesting shared rule. Additionally, such an act was performed in the context of foundational activity for the benefit of their family’s home monastery. This gesture was something entirely new, or at least such is the suggestion based on the sources available. At the same time, both the title of the Pious and the entire procedure for presenting the new position of the ducal couple leads one to perceive a conscious effort at imitating the political behaviours of the Bohemian Přemyslids. This imitation took place in the context of a deep crisis in the system of power which had been functioning prior to that time. In 1228, the dominion of Henry I was rocked by events that exposed all of the difficulties resulting from a lack of a clear system for the transfer of power and substitution of the ruler. Abducted and imprisoned by Duke Conrad I of Masovia, then beset by illness after being released, the ruler was not in a condition to exercise power effectively. In theory, he could have been replaced by his son, Henry II. However, during the life of his father, he had no such formal privileges suggested by an appropriate appellation for his position in the hierarchy of power over the duchy. At almost the same time, Ottokar I was striving for acknowledgement of the hereditariness of the royal power of the Přemyslids and securing of the succession following his death. Ottokar I, in spite of resistance by a portion of elites, decided to indicate his successor while still alive. In 1216, it was officially announced that this would be his son, Wenc- eslaus. In 1228, Ottokar I conducted the ceremonial coronation of his son as the King of Bohemia. The ceremony was held on 6 February of that year in the Prague cathedral of St. Vitus. Immediately thereafter, Wenceslaus was referred to as the ‘younger king’ or the ‘younger King of Bohemia’.52

52 Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris regni Bohemiae II., (ed.) G. Friedrich, Pragae 1912, p. 309, No. 311, verse 13, document of Siegfried, Archbishop of Mainz, enshrining Wenceslaus and his wife, 9 February 1228 and p. 309, No. 312, ? of February 1228, issued by iunior rex Bohemiae. Similar nomenclature is found in remaining documents before the death of Ottokar (except for two, Ibidem, Nos. 319, 323). 262 Przemysław Wiszewski

In the meantime, just two months later, the aforementioned document of Henry the Bearded was issued in which his son was ceremoniously presented as the ‘younger Duke of Silesia’. It is difficult to believe this is mere coincidence, especially considering that Anne, the ‘younger Duchess of Silesia’ referred to in the document must have known as the daughter of Ottokar I about the honour bestowed upon her brother. The legend of Anne’s seal affixed to the 1228 document is worthy of -par ticular attention. The wife of Henry II the Pious is referred to as ‘iunior ducissa Slesiae’, analogically to the title used by Wenceslaus I in his seal after 1228 (‘iunior rex Boemorum’). In this context, the similarity in structure and time at which the two nomenclatures – Bohemian and Silesian – appear in the documents is difficult to call a coincidence. Par- ticularly when considering that we have no trace of a link between servants of the royal chancellery, the Silesian Cistercians of Lubiąż and local dukes. It can very reasonably be assumed that this gesture by Henry I the Bearded, who had to express his consent to his son’s and daughter- in-law’s titles, was aware of the imitation of the gestures of Ottokar I performed towards his son, Wenceslaus I. Why, then, did the Duke of Silesia decide to make such a gesture? Indeed, he ran the risk that, by introducing a new manner of defining power, he would imply the division of his authority between himself as the true ruler and his son as the younger duke. Henry I the Bearded must have been aware of the knotty implications of the simultaneous presence – not to mention joint rule – of a ‘younger’ and ‘older’ duke. Indeed, since 1209 he himself had been engaged in the ongoing conflict in Greater Poland between the jointly-ruling Ladislaus Spindleshanks and his nephew, Ladislaus Odonic (son of Odo), which lasted until the death of the elder duke (Spindleshanks) in 1231. It should, however, be noted that in this particular case there was no formalization of a nomenclature in which the attribution of age would indicate a place in the hierarchy of power. Indeed, in 1218 Spindleshanks used the title of ‘magnus dux Poloniae’.53 However, considering that he was the sole ruler of Greater Poland at that time, there was no need for him to emphasize he was the ‘grand’ duke of the province to differentiate himself from another ruler. We may suppose that in this way he rather wanted to set forth his claims to authority over all of Poland (Polonia) as the oldest duke of the Piast dynasty. This hypothesis is supported by the use of that title by Mieszko the Old, father of Ladislaus Spindleshanks.

53 Codex diplomaticus Majoris Polonia I, No. 95. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 263

His use of the relevant nomenclature was still recalled between the third and fourth decades of the thirteenth century. Conrad I of Masovia made mention in one document of the investitures performed by ‘dux Mescho magnus’.54 In turn, Odonic was given the title ‘iunior dux Poloniae’, but it would appear that this was purely for purposes of identification. He was not referred to as such in any documents jointly with his uncle.55 We may find examples of the use of the appellation ‘iunior’ among the Piasts far earlier. As early as in 1177, when Duke Mieszko III the Old as ‘dux tocius Polonie’ issued a document for the monastery in Lubiąż, witnesses included all of the contemporary Piasts wielding power: Bole- zlaus dux, Kazemirus dux, Misico iunior dux, Lizstek dux.56 Mieszko iunior was the son of Mieszko III the Old. In support of the argument that Mieszko the Old did not use the term iunior to indicate hierarchy within the clan is the fact that Mieszko “the younger”, himself deprived of having his own duchy, was named here before Leszek, son of Boleslaus IV the Curly, the then ruler of Masovia. The age of a dynast determined his place on the list of dukes. Additionally, all dukes were named exclusively as duces Polonorum. Thus Mieszko was referred to as ‘the younger’ so as to differentiate him from ‘the older’ Mieszko III, his father. If it were not for the seal of Duchess Anne and the concurrence in time with the coronation and new nomenclature of her brother, it could be supposed that the term ‘Henricus iunior dux Slesie’ was also intended solely to differentiate Henry II the Pious from his father, Henry I the Bearded. It is likely that some of those who were aware of the previous policy of the Piasts regarding communication of the nature of their power understood this fact in just that way. Both of the aforementioned considerations, however, argue against such an explanation for this occurrence, as does the fact that – as we shall see – Henry I the Bearded quickly abandoned this way of referring to his son. Without going into detail, we would indicate that this interesting charter was exceptional for another reason as well. The official inclusion of women among participants in the exercise of power was remarkably exceptional. Henry I’s wife, Hedwig, had previously used her own seal – a symbol of the right to establish and confirm the law, and thus of authority over the people. She was now joined by Anne, who additionally introduced into her seal

54 Ibidem, No. 125. 55 As iunior dux Poloniae see Ibidem, Nos. 116, 126, 128. 56 Ibidem, No. 22. 264 Przemysław Wiszewski for the first time the title of ‘younger Duchess of Silesia’.57 It seems more likely that women had significant influence on the transmission of new models for describing power to the Silesian court. Hedwig served as the intermediary through which a new perspective on the role of duchess in the context of the exercise of power came to Silesia and the Piast dynasties. In turn, it was through Anne Přemyslid that information reached Silesia about the possibility of applying a sequence of gestures publically extending power over a specific territory and population from a duke to his descendants and those of his closest kin. By applying Bo- hemian examples, Henry I the Bearded built a clear network of personal bonds and power, presented to his subjects in the document of 1228, to guarantee the continuity of rule over Silesia. Of no less importance may have been efforts to raise the prestige of the Silesian Piast line through explicit indication of its aspirations and its allies. This could undoubtedly have been a consequence of the events that had taken place half a year earlier in Gąsawa. On 24 November 1227, Henry I the Bearded and Duke Leszek I the White of Kraków were to hold a conference with the Duke of Greater Poland Ladislaus Odonic and local elites at a gathering convened in Gąsawa. In unclear circumstances, possibly during Leszek and Henry’s visit together to the sauna, the encampment was attacked. Leszek was murdered, and while Henry I the Bearded was rescued from death by one of his knights, he failed to avoid severe injury. We do not know for how long and where he underwent his recovery. His wounds must have been very serious, however, considering that the Duke of Silesia was entirely absent from the heated struggle for power over Kraków that followed the death of Leszek. For an extended period, Henry I did not feature in documents concerning Silesia. The first document in which he was again named as an active participant in a legal act is the aforementioned message from April 1228. This was an element of a demonstration of family unity headed anew by Henry I the Bearded. It is possible that during the old duke’s convalescence some of his duties were performed by his son, himself at least 20 years old. Yet during this time he did not independently issue any documents, and thus did not usurp the authority of the ruler for himself. From the moment in which this document

57 On the seals of Silesian duchesses, see Przemysław WISZEWSKI, Średniowieczne księżne śląskie wobec świata – świadectwa sfragistyczne [Medieval Duchesses of Silesia Facing the World: The Testimony ofSeals], in: Wojciech Dzieduszycki – Jacek Wrze siński (edd.), Kobieta – Śmierć – Mężczyzna. Funeralia Lednickie (Spotkanie 5), Poznań 2003, pp. 149–157. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 265 was issued, the situation was different. Henry I the Bearded remained the source of power, but his son could exercise it in his absence with his full consent and with all the attributes appropriate to the ruler. It is very possible that Henry I’s authority was significantly dimin- ished following the events in Gąsawa. Not only was he himself injured, but his knights also suffered physically at the hands of the assailants. Above all, he did not exact revenge for this harm. This could have been viewed as a stain on his honour.58 In this situation, repeating the actions of the Bohemian king by ceremoniously investing the young ducal couple with the power to rule over Silesia served to secure continuity of rule in case of any unexpected events. Primarily, however, this gave expression to the total independence of the Silesian line from anyone’s claims to sovereignty over their authority, emphasizing the inheritability of power within the family. The elder duke also protected himself – in the same manner as the Bohemian ruler – from the possibility of potential competitors from among the elites and his relatives exploiting his dissatisfied adult son, deprived of his own dominion and exercising some authority in the absence of his father. In April 1228, during a breakthrough moment for his monarchy when he was engaged in preparations for joining the fight for hegemony among the Piast dukes, Henry I the Bearded enjoyed the support of his son, who he acknowledged as his co-ruler of Silesia. Yet it is not possible to escape the impression that he did so when under intense pressure, and it was not easy for him to imitate the Bohemian models. During his stay in Henryków on 6 June 1228, Henry I the Bearded issued an important document during the ceremonial consecration of the altar in the newly-erected monastery church. In it, he approved transfer to the monks of property once belonging to Nicholas, his notary and the proper founder of the cloister, together with a small gift from himself and his son. The latter is listed as both expressing consent to his father’s decision and as having the right to prayers in the convent in exchange. However – and this is an important difference – in this document we cannot find any reference to a ‘younger Duke of Silesia’. Henry ‘junior’ was described here as simply ‘filius noster Henricus’.59 This was no accident, nor a slip of the pen by the scribe. The circumstances in which the document was issued were particularly solemn. Confirmation by the duke of the monastery’s foundation was the expression of his ultimate

58 I am currently preparing for publication a separate article treating the concept of honour among thirteenth-century Piasts. 59 SUB I, p. 214, No. 290. 266 Przemysław Wiszewski consent to the loss of a portion of land to the benefit of the Church, and to the establishment of a new monastery belonging to an order particularly supported by the dukes of Wrocław. Following Lubiąż and Trzeb- nica, Henryków was the third such object founded by Silesian Piasts of Boleslaus I the Tall’s line. Indeed, later monasterial tradition suggested that in expressing consent to the creation of a new monastery, Henry I the Bearded insisted that Henryków be considered an endowment from Henry II the Pious. This demonstrates the enormous significance to -Si lesia’s inhabitants of the moment in which the ceremonial consent of the duke to a foundation was obtained. Particularly considering that it was associated with the act of the consecration of the monastery church, participated in by two high-ranking bishops, of Poznań and of Wrocław. Desiring to be acknowledged as a powerful, dignified and virtuous ruler, Henry had to care for the inclusion in his diploma of the most august titles for the witnesses to such an event. In spite of all this, Henry II the Pious was not named in it as ‘the younger Duke of Silesia’. What is more, over the following two years, Henry ‘iunior’ was consistently named in official ducal documents as merely ‘the son of the Duke’. This change again suggest a significantly broader range of functions associated with the term ‘iunior’ alongside the name of Henry II the Pious than merely differentiating the son from the father. This function was also performed adequately by the extended expression applied by Henry I the Bearded in his later documents ( filius ducis Henrici). Consistent elimination of the short appellation ‘iunior’ and replacing it with a longer but more precise one indicating the kinship of both dukes demonstrated that it was the first one which had borne additional content, one not accepted at that moment by the older duke. Clearly, Henry I the Bearded felt that, despite all the possible benefits that could be gained from styling his own court in a manner similar to the royal court in Prague, there was no need to suggest the existence of two centres of power in the Duchy of Silesia. In the eyes of his subjects and of people from outside the family, he and only he was to be the ruler of his monarchy. Omission by Henry I the Bearded’s servants of the title “the younger duke” in the years 1228–1230 should not, however, deceive us. Henry II the Pious’ position at his father’s side underwent changes following the events of 1228. From that time on, he began appearing far more frequently than in previous years. Most importantly, he was treated by political players viewing Silesian politics from the outside as jointly responsible for the duchy. It is in their correspondence, and not that of his father, that he was referred to as the “Duke of Silesia”. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 267

One excellent example of this is the content of a document from 5 January 1230, containing a settlement concluded by Henry I the Bearded with the Bishop of Wrocław, Lorenz. The conflict between the ruler of Wrocław and clergymen had begun long ago and was to continue for many, many years. It concerned tithes and other revenues from new villages founded on ducal lands. At the beginning of 1230, the duke, faced with a difficult political situation, decided to resolve the matter amicably. The role of intermediary was performed by a papal legate, Bishop Wilhelm of Modena, whose chancellery issued a document of interest to us here. This is a particularly significant finding, as it is in this document that we may find a sentence declaring that Henry I the Bearded had renounced a portion of his rights “with the consent of his son Henry, the younger Duke of Silesia”.60 For the dignitary from outside the province there was no doubt that, irrespective of the official nomenclature, Henry II the Pious could be referred to as the “younger duke”. It cannot be excluded that the use of this title was a sort of echo of the legate’s contacts with Duchess Anne Přemyslid. It is also, however, possible that the use of iunior was natural for the legate and those around him as a shorthand distinguishing Henry II the Pious from his father. A newcomer from outside may not have appreciated the subtle shades differences betweenfilius Henrici and iunior dux. Henry I the Bearded was aware that of key importance for establishing the authority of power across the entire province and country was the capacity to transmit the right image of power to elites. This was to be effected by ceremonial manifestations of power and by the creation of a vision of social order presented to his subjects that would serve the ruler and the dynasty as a whole. Let us look from this perspective at the contents of the act known to us from 1228 in which Henry I confirmed his endowment to the Cistercian abbey in Henryków. Its primary component was land in the possession of the ducal notary Nicholas. Duke Henry declared generally that

“Nicholas, our late notary, placed in our and our son Henry’s hands the manors which he possessed on our land so that we would plant the flower of the Cistercian order in Henryków, for the glory of the Lord, the Blessed Virgin and St. John the Baptist, and that we would construct a monastery for the servants of Christ in the service of the Lord under that [Cistercian – P. W.] rule.”61

60 Ibidem, p. 227, No. 308. 61 Ibidem, p. 214, No. 290. 268 Przemysław Wiszewski

In this one short sentence we may observe a litany of consequen- tial suggestions, whose importance is revealed by comparing them with previous documents concerning the foundation of the monastery. Just three years previously, the Duke of Greater Poland, Ladislaus Odonic, had granted certain privileges benefiting the monastery in Lubiąż and “the daughter of that monastery [i.e. the abbey in Henryków – P. W.], which should be erected in the lands of Nicholas, notary of the Duke of Silesia”.62 The duke left no room for doubt here: Nicholas had funded the monastery out of his own pocket, without the involvement of the dukes. The circumstances surrounding the creation of the new monastery were described in a similar manner by Archbishop Vincent, who issued certain privileges to both of the monasteries.63 Later on, it was acknowledged that Nicholas’ lands were feudal territories given to him by Henry, which he had to return to the duke in order for a monastery to be constructed on them. However, documents of Odonic and Archbish- op Vincent indicated that at least three years prior to the consecration of the altar in Henryków, and while Nicholas was still alive, the lands where the abbey was to be located were treated as the notary’s inherited property. He had already then undertaken intense efforts to found the monastery, and was perceived as its promoter and benefactor. The reasons may have been quite diverse, among them legal ones, for why the notary Nicholas decided in the end to hand his estate over to Henry I. For us, however, of greatest importance is the content of a document issued by the latter. In it, Nicholas was portrayed as having performed one service for the monastery: providing inspiration to the duke to consider the foundation. The entire associated effort was taken up by the ruler. It is Henry I the Bearded who appears as the vital, decisive middleman between the will of his subject and the sacrum with its representatives. From the perspective of the concept of power being investigated here, it is significant that the ducal gift and efforts were not only an element of Henry I the Bearded’s activities. His son, Henry II the Pious, appeared in the document as being equally responsible for the creation of the abbey. It was he who, along with his father, was the addressee of the deceased notary’s entreaties, and he also bore joint responsibility for the successful realization of the foundation initiative. In this way Henry I sent a clear signal to his contemporaries: nothing final, nothing associated with the eternal order could take place in Silesia

62 Ibidem, p. 184, No. 252. 63 Ibidem, p. 185, No. 253. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 269 without the consent of the ruler nor the participation of his son. To- gether they constituted the apex of the social order, and thus mediated between their subjects and God, between the mutable earthly world and the eternal one. This statement had to be repeated so emphatically that it would be accepted by those around them, and that in spite of the sus- pension of use of the formal ducal nomenclature of Henry II the Pious. As the aforementioned entry in the document of the legate Wilhelm of Modena demonstrated, this nomenclature had not been forgotten. Such a situation in which a father wielding authority made use of his son’s assistance by entrusting him with a significant amount of duties was nothing unusual from at least the eleventh century. From a functional perspective, the initiatives taken by Henry I the Bearded in the 1230s evoked traditional models of the Piast monarchy’s operation. However, the issue of joint participation of the ruler’s family in his office also possessed messaging and prestige implications. It was here that Henry was an unquestioned innovator in his family, which seems to have caused him certain difficulties. By liberally making use of models from outside, he tried to communicate information particular to the political situation he was in. In describing the mechanisms of exercising power, he emphasized the literal co-participation of his son in dominion over Silesia. His special role during the life of his father was highlighted by his share in the founding of a Church institution tightly coupled with a family tradition. After decades, the Cistercians themselves stressed that just as Boleslaus I the Tall had founded the abbey in Lubiąż and Henry I the Bearded had done so in Trzebnica, Henry II was to be the founder of the Cistercian convent in Henryków. Before the mid-twelfth century, the Piasts were not inclined to invest their adult sons with separate powers during their lifetimes. If they did so, it was the result of civil war, something illustrated by the case of Ladislaus Herman. After 1138, the help of sons was often needed but they were rarely granted the title of duke. And if they were, precise indication was made of either the distinctness of the younger ruler’s dominion from that of his father, or of the honorary nature of that title. This last case is of particular interest to us, as it indicated the model to which Henry the Bearded may have been referring to in the eyes of his subjects. As we recall, Mieszko III the Old as the ‘highest duke of the Poles’ named his son, Mieszko junior, in documents as a duke of ‘the Poles’. A similar appellation was used in respect of his uncles and paternal cousin. None of them, however, were defined as the ruler of a territory dependent on him alone. Everyone was a member of a group under the rule of Mieszko III the Old, ruler of the entire community of Poles. 270 Przemysław Wiszewski

Their dependence was as natural as it was ambiguous, and in practice difficult to enforce. Let us add that it had nothing in common with kinship in the scope of any creed. In 1228, Henry I the Bearded applied a term similar to that used half a century earlier by Mieszko III (‘Mieszko junior dux Polonorum’). However, in publically emphasizing the fellowship of authority linking him with his sin, he also precisely indicated its territorial scope, as well as extending the significance of this fellowship over the entire family – including its female members. To do so, he used a model taken from outside, but from which he quickly withdrew. The layering, ‘intersecting’ of two interpretations for one phrase – iunior dux – used in the local (iunior = younger namesake of older duke) and the broader context (iunior dux = younger ruler jointly participating in the power of the older, expected to be his successor) generated ambiguity in communication. In the face of diverging interpretations of this nomenclature and due to changes of Henry I the Bearded’s opinion as to the role of his son in the duchy, use of it ceased. It was restored in 1234, but by then had already acquired a classic identificational pronunciation. In a document by Henry I from November 1234, its issuer is given as ‘Henry, Duke of Silesia and Kraków by the Lord’s grace’. His son is described as ‘Henry the younger, Duke of Silesia and Poland by the Lord’s grace’.64 This was a document issued on behalf of the abbey in Gościków, which had previously received the aforementioned documents from Ladislaus Odonic, or which at least referred to him with the phrase ‘Ladislaus the younger Duke of Greater Poland’. Perhaps it was a local custom, expectations concerning communication, that breathed new life into the nomenclature of Henry II. It came into permanent use during the final four years of Henry I’s reign. In 1235, Pope Gregory IX issued a bull in which both dukes were addressed in a similar manner.65 At the same time, we can observe in documents from that year a reference to the age of Henry I the Bearded, about whom it was written ‘antiquus’ – ‘old’, including when mention was not made of his younger son and namesake.66 Thus, between 1228 and 1234, the context in which the contentious adjective was used underwent change. In 1228 its broader political context, associated with the Prague-sponsored vision of the ruler’s family, was not entirely clear to addressees. In 1234, however, it reflected what in Poland

64 SUB II, p. 46, No. 73. 65 Ibidem, p. 62, No. 96, verses 1–2: Gregorius episcopus… nobilibus viris Henrico duci Slezie et Cracovie ac Henrico iunioris filio eius. 66 Ibidem, p. 58, No. 88. Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 271 was a traditionally accepted definition of the age-based relationship between two namesakes. This encounter between two cultural models of the description of power and the ruler did not bring about any change in the model of communication. In comparing the two situations described above of the intersection between the influence of Bohemian court culture and Silesian realities in the communication of power, it is difficult to indicate unambiguous factors determining the extremely different result of that encounter. In both cases, the internal political situation in Silesia provided fertile ground for the acceptance of the Bohemian model of ducal nomenclature, yet this was only realized at the twilight of the thirteenth century. Unfortunately, it is not possible to gauge the strength of the attractive- ness enjoyed by the Prague court’s culture in Silesia at the beginning and at the end of the thirteenth century. It may only be supposed that even if it was not as well-known to the court of Henry I the Bearded as to that of the Righteous, it was Duchess Anne who succeeded in transmitting cultural models alive among the elites of the southern neighbour. This is indicated by her successful foundations of the Poor Clares, the Knights of the Cross with the Red Star in Wrocław, and of the Benedic- tines in Krzeszów. The decisive factor thus remains not the attractive- ness of the culture and accessibility of information on its functioning. What is of greater significance is the local context being prepared to absorb new models. The title of ‘younger duke’ did not perform its function fully in the eyes of the Piasts. The concept of power behind it was alien to them, and the term itself was less than unambiguous. In the end, the initiator himself of its implementation ceased to use it in the broader context of interest to us here. The only person who consistently continued to apply it was Anne, wife of Henry II. Even after the death of Henry I the Bearded, she used a seal which labelled her as “the younger duchess”, as Hedwig, Henry I the Bearded’s wife, was still alive and it was her who – at least in Anna’s eyes – deserved the title of “Duchess of Silesia”. The authority of the duchess-widow was unquestioned, as was the hierarchy in the ducal family. Women had an easier time accepting such a description based on imported customs than did their husbands and sons. The realities of Silesia were better reflected in the nomenclature revolution initiated by Henry IV the Righteous. However, here too it is difficult to provide a straightforward and convincing answer to the question of why it was accepted this time. Indeed, as I have indicated above, at the close of the thirteenth century the Silesian dukes were very heavily engaged in the struggle for hegemony over the remaining Piast lands. 272 Przemysław Wiszewski

Yet it was precisely at this time that they would have benefitted from applying a nomenclature similar in form to that used by their kin in the remaining parts of Poland, rather than promoting a new model for describing power imported from the outside, and one which additionally emphasized both the cohesion of the Silesian dukes’ commonwealth and their distinctness from the remaining Piasts. It can only be suggested hypothetically that the most important role was played by the mechanism of competition within the Silesian line itself. Henry IV the Righteous wanted to highlight his dominant role in the region via a sort of imitatio imperii, aping the structure of the Bohemian kings’ titles. His contemporaries from the Silesian branch of the family themselves sought to equalize their status and to apply an identical form of nomenclature. In the long run, they were simply separated even further from the remaining Piasts, coming closer in respect of the practice of communication to the language of power used within the Bohemian kingdom. A comparison of two situations in which the models offered by the royal court of the Přemyslids as concerns the presentation of power may have influenced the dukes of the Piast dynasties indicated the fundamental difficulty in grasping the mechanism by which these influences worked. The observer basing on the preserved, official sources is eluded by the key moment at which the influence of interest impacts the current practice of the presentation of power. Sources designated for the addressee remaining outside the inner circle of the ducal family present an official version of the image of power and the ruler, and in it there is no room for submission to external influences. Indeed, we may state hypotheses based on chronological alignment of the phenomenon studied. We are not, however, able to pick out the moment at which the two worlds really intersect – the moment at which the Piast duke and his milieu accept the symbolic element of the description of his authority, the element whose form arose outside of the local context in which he lived. This does not imply exclusion of the phenomenon itself fromthe scope of investigations – recognizing and transferring to the local context the social and cultural phenomena previously existing outside of it. It is precisely in the context of a lack of continuity in the message of the sources that it becomes beneficial to invoke the idea ofhistoire croisée and the multiplicity of interpretations promoted by it. The space constructed using such interpretations, a space containing examples of various ways to decode the significance of the cultural phenomenon under study in both time and the social context, allow us to catch moments of convergence of cultural circles and the divergent paths of interpretation of phenomena both within the sphere of those cultures and within one Conceptions of the Thirteenth Century Piast Power and Communication 273 of them, but in various social groups. This type of investigation makes it possible to determine the level of openness in the researched communities at a specific moment in time, to understand the mechanisms hindering acceptance of changes in interpretation, and as a result in the real functioning of the local cultural context. The strength of research conducted in such way, meaning the analysis of multiple points of view on a given phenomenon, is also their weakness: the absence of a precise, unbroken, linear logical proof. Is this not, however, the nature of all historiography describing the world prior to 1789?

Social Elites and the Processes of Cultural Transmission

277

Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule in Processes of Cultural Transfer by the End of the Thirteenth Century 1

Robert Antonín

“The glory of the princes shines more abundantly, if the subjects live in peace and order, because the reputation of their royal grace and diligence in protecting the subjects even spread with their progeny and the immortal reminder of their good name, which has always deserved a noble effort, is maintained among the people. They deserve eternal salvation with the Lord, if their subordinates whom they manage and protect with good and well-established practices and honour- able provisions from offenses, such as to protect not only the body but also the soul from falling into danger, and so bring their subjects through strict laws on the path of justice proven, pleasing and useful for all.” 2

The quote with which we open this reflection is not an excerpt from one of the medieval “princely mirrors”, which already from Charle- magne’s times brought besides summaries of political philosophy of the Latin West also practical advice and lessons on how to rule. It is the

1 This text was created within the project OP VK 2.3 “Historicising Central Europe” (CZ.1.07/2.3.00/20.0031) carried out by the Institute of Historical Studies at the Sile- sian University in Opava. 2 Miroslav FLODR (ed.), Privilegium českého krále Václava I. z ledna 1243 pro město Brno [Privilege of King of Bohemia Wenceslas I from January 1243 for the town of Brno], Brno 1993, p. 5: “Gloria principum per pacem et subditorum quietem larguis elucescit, cum fama clementie ac diligentia protectionis eorum extenditur in posteros et memoria nominis eorum, quam continue studio virtutis acquirunt, aput homines permanet immortalis; salutem quoque perpetuam a domino promerentur, cum sub iectos, quibus presunt, bonis consuetudinibus et institutis honestis ab enormitatibus, quibus non solum corpora, sed eciam intolerabilia pericula sustinerent, retrahunt et ad iusticie tramitem conversacionemque probatam et acceptam et utilem universis iuris severitate perducunt.” 278 Robert Antonín initial passage of a great privilege issued by King Wenceslas I for the burghers of Brno in 1243. Although content analysis of the charter has proven that the royal notary Reinbot based its stylisation on the knowledge of the text of at least one of the two privileges by Austrian Duke Leopold VI for Enns (22 April 1212) and Vienna (18 October 1221), the adjustments he made in the arenga indicate that Wenceslas’ chancellery paid due attention to this part of the charter, expressing the basic ideas of the ideology of sovereign power.3 The initial passage of the Brno privilege thus represents a suitable example of the use of a set of categories through which the sovereign ideal was defined in the Middle Ages in sources of diplomatic character. The king is presented here first of all as a peacemaker and protector of his people. Subsequently, the relationship is emphasised between a good rule and the promise of the eternal life, which is only deserved by sovereigns who govern and protect their subordinates through “good established customs and respectable regulations of transgressions” and bring them “through strict lawfulness to the time-tested path of justice, pleasing and useful to everyone.” The sovereign, in this particular case Wenceslas I, is presented as a shepherd who fulfils all the basic preconditions of the medieval notions of the ideal rule, as a navigator who leads his flock safely towards the Kingdom of Heaven. It is an interpretation corresponding to the period notion of the sovereign ideal, which we encounter in the given time horizon throughout the geographic space of

3 For the text of the arenga of the privilege by Leopold of Babenberg, see Urkunden- buch zur Geschichte Babenberger in Österreich II. Die Siegelurkunden der Babenberger und ihrer Nachkommen von 1216 bis 1279, (edd.) O. v. Mitis – H. Fichtenau – E. Zöllner, (Publikationen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 3/II), Wien 1955, n. 237: “Gloria principum latius uberiusque per pacem et quietem subditorum elucescit, quando fama clementia et diligentia protectionis eorum extenditur in posteros. Salutem quoque merentur a domino, cum eos, quibus presunt, bonis et honestis consuetudinibus et institutis ab enormitatibus, quibus non solum corpora sed et anime perdentur, cohibent et ad iusticie tramitem conuersationemque bonam et cuilibet proximoque suo utilem iuris seueritate perducunt.” For the relationship between the Brno, Vienna and Enns privilege, cf. Miroslav FLODR, Brněnské městské právo, Brno 2001, pp. 33–36. On the importance of ideological use of arengas from the viewpoint of medieval propaganda, cf. Heinrich FICHTENAU, Arenga. Spätantike und Mittelalter im Spiegel von Urkundenformeln, (Mitteilungen des Instituts für Öster- reichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 18), Graz – Köln 1957, pp. 38–40, and further passim; IDEM, Monarchische Propaganda in Urkunden, in: Idem, Beiträge zur Mediävistik. Ausgewählte Aufsätze, zweiter Band: Urkundenforschung, Stutt- gart 1977, pp. 18–36; Brigitte BEDOS-REZAK, Ritual in the Royal Chancery: Text, Image, and the Representation of Kingship in Medieval French Diplomas (700–1200), in: Heinz Durchhart – Richard A. Jackson – David Sturdy (edd.), European Monarchy, Stuttgart 1992, pp. 27–40. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 279 the Latin West. In this context therefore arises the question whether this concurrence evidences cultural transfer from West to East in the sphere of ideas of a just rule (like was the case for example with the acceptance of the mental code of chivalry), or whether other principles of construction of collective consciousness played their part in the relatively quick transformation of the mental world of the Bohemian elites in the thirteenth century.4

In order to satisfactorily deal with the suggested issues, we need to turn our attention first to a brief characterisation of the development of the sovereign ideal in medieval social philosophy. Also in this respect, we witness intercultural transfer taking place within the world of ideas. It is known that the medieval thought drew upon a number of stimuli from Late Antique tradition, from which the Stoic teaching was inspir- ing above all for further development of the Christian thought on the level of reflections of society. The Stoic moral philosophy inspired early medieval thinkers above all by its doctrine emphasising the subordination of personal interests to the needs of the whole. This position of the Stoics arose from an interpretation of the world controlled in the end by fatal (divine) regularity, a world in which a human can achieve happiness in life (representing the sense of living) only if he or she lives precisely in accordance with the world order. The prerequisite of human “effort for happiness” for the Stoics was the development of the natural talents of the individual, whose aim was to master virtues that represented the key to a life realised according to the divine order. In this way, they revived the teaching of the four cardinal virtues, coming from Platonic times of Antique philosophy, because the main Stoic spiritual powers, through whose mastery a person comes closer to a happy life were precisely: prudence, temperance, courage and justice.5

4 I presented a summary of the issues connected with the sovereign ideal in medimedi-- eval Bohemia in: Robert ANTONÍN, Ideální panovník českého středověku. Kulturně- historická skica z dějin evropského myšlení [The Ideal Ruler of the Bohemian Middle Ages: A Cultural-Historical Sketch from the History of European Thought], Praha 2013. The conclusions and hypotheses presented further in this text are also based on this work. 5 Cf. John M. RIST, Stoická filosofie [Stoic Philosophy], Praha 1998; Anthony A. LONG, Hellénistická filosofie. Stoikové, epikurejci, skeptikové [Hellenistic Philosophy: Stoics, Epi- curians, Skeptics], Praha 2003, pp. 140–254, esp. pp. 220–254; cf. also PLATON, Ústava [The Republic], Praha 1996, pp. 3–140; Leo STRAUSS,Obec a člověk [The City and Man], Praha 2007, pp. 58–147; on Plato’s influence on late antique and early medieval philosophy, see the imposing summary by Endre von IVÁNKA, Plato christianus, Praha 2003. 280 Robert Antonín

The terms mentioned above in and of themselves form a parallel between the Stoic and the Medieval, Renaissance and Modern thought, as the case may be. Besides that, however, we find a similar connection also on the level of the construction of the ideal of sovereign power and reign over the people. The Stoic ruler is primarily a wise person, in whom the general order of existence works as a living force realis- ing through him what is reasonable and truly good for the whole of human society. The ruler’s justice comes from his wisdom and art of governance, which manifest themselves outwardly in the ability to give everyone precisely what corresponds to his value. These ideas penetrate into medieval thought mainly thanks to Cicero’s treatise De officiis and Seneca’s work De clementia. Their authors, despite different opinions on the ideal form of government, understand the ruler’s virtue mainly as knowledge leading to justice, with which the ruler administers public affairs.6 The close connection between Christian and Late Antique social thought and thus also the ability of the medieval culture to take over Antique stimuli is understandable. We cannot overlook that Chris- tian teachings of the church fathers and exegetes of the first centuries after Christ are also a child of the Late Antique world. The moral-ethic and political-social visions of Early Christianity, on which St Augustine based many of his considerations, grew from the same cultural milieu as the Late Antique philosophical systems and just like them patristics reacted to the crisis which afflicted the Mediterranean world. The opinions of the first Christian thinkers thus emerged on the one hand as answers to the question of the cause of the situation in which the affected civilisation circle found itself and on the other hand as endeavours to find a way out of it.7

6 I used the following edition: Marcus Tullius CICERO, O povinnostech. Rozprava o třech knihách věnovaná synu Markovi [De Officiis: Report on the Three Books Devoted to his Son Marcus], Praha 19702; Lucius Annaeus SENECA, O laskavosti (shovívavosti) [De Clementia], in: Seneca, O duševním klidu, Praha 1999, pp. 277–315; on the importance of Stoic thought in the Middle Ages cf. Peter STACEY, Roman Monarchy and the Renaissance Prince, Cambridge, UK, 2007, esp. pp. 23–72 and further passim. 7 In summary on Hellenistic philosophy, cf. Arthur Hilary ARMSTRONG (ed.), Fi- losofie pozdní antiky. Od staré Akademie po Jana Eriugenu [Philosophy of Late Antiquity: From the Old Academy to John Scottus Eriugen], Praha 2002; on partial schools Anthony A. LONG, Hellénistická filosofie, pp. 255–279; on the crisis of the Roman world and the coexistence of the so-called “Antique” and the so-called “Medieval” in the Early Middle Ages to the Carolingian Renaissance in general historical consideration, see Jacques LE GOFF, Kultura středověké Evropy [The Culture of Medieval Europe], Praha 20052, pp. 41–75, 155–183; Johannes FRIED, Das Mittelalter. Geschichte und Kultur, München 2008, on the development of political thought at the time of early Christianity, cf. Petr POKORNÝ, Rané křesťanství [Early Christianity], in: Vilém Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 281

Also for that reason, one of the fundamental aspects of Christian teachings is the vision of escape – escape from the secular world, which will be made possible to the elect at the time of the Last Judgement. The answers to the questions of the functioning of society and the place of the ruler’s government in it are also subjected to this aspect, i.e. questions which stood outside of the interest of the exegetes in the first three centuries after Christ and were asked at the beginning of the fourth century after the conversion of Emperor Constantine the Great, accompanied by the story of the vision of the Cross and the inscription in hoc signo vinces (“in this sign, you will conquer”) on the evening before the Battle at the Milvian Bridge (312). At that time, it was necessary to explain the relation between Constantine and his successors on the one hand and the Old Testament kings as well as the first truly Chris- tian king on Earth, Jesus Christ, on the other hand. Within this, the exegetes found various Biblical analogies with the life stories of Con- stantine – whether it was his identification with St Paul based on the immediate call by God into battle, or parallels between Constantine and Moses, whose staff was later in the Middle Ages part of the treasury of the Byzantine emperors.8 Indisputably, the most elaborated social-philosophical interpretation of the patristic time was the work by Augustine, particularly his treatise De civitate Dei. The ideas contained in it preserved their validity throughout the Middle Ages and its conception of the social arrangement and role of the sovereign in it became the basis for the medieval reflection of the sovereign ideal. Augustine’s vision of ruling as service (to God) as a consequence refused the idea that the authority of the earthly ruler should be based on itself. The holy bishop here combined

Herold – Ivan Müller – Aleš Havlíček (edd.), Dějiny politického myšlení II/1. Poli- tické myšlení raného křesťanství a středověku, Praha 2011, pp. 13–49; on early exege- sis, cf. Wolfgang STÜRNER, Peccatum und Potestas. Der Sündenfall und die Entstehung der Herrschaftlichen Gewalt im mittelalterlichen Staatsdenken, (Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters 11), Sigmaringen 1987; Renate PLETL, Irdisches Regnum in der mittelalterlichen Exegese. Ein Beitrag zur exegetischen Lexikographie und ihren Herrschaftsvorstellungen (7.–13. Jahrhundert), (Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe III, Bd. 881), Frankfurt am Main – Berlin – Bern – Bruxelles – New York – Oxford – Wien 2000, particularly pp. 153–165. 8 Cf. Eugen EWIG, Zum christlichen Königsgedanken im Frühmittelalter, in: Theodor Mayer (ed.), Das Königtum. Seine geistlichen und rechtlichen Grundlagen, (Vor- träge und Forschungen 3), Lindau – Konstanz 1956, pp. 8–10. On the conversion of Constantine the Great, cf. anthology The conversion of Constantine, ed. John W. Eadie, New York 1971; on his time, see Averil CAMERON, The later Roman empire: AD 284– 430, London 1993. 282 Robert Antonín the period need to create a type of ideal ruler with the original requirement of Christian teachings for the equality of people, according to which it was not thinkable and correct that the equal were ruled from above by the equal. As against that, Augustine’s king ruled as a servant of God, based on the grace of God. As such, he was the mediator of divine commands and also of the grace shown by Him, and both of them, i.e. justice and grace, transformed in the secular world in mercy, were to appear in his behaviour towards his subjects. In summary, it can be said Augustine built his image of the city of God on three central ideas: Pax, Ordo, Iustitia (Peace, Order, Justice), after whose achievement harmony comes in which society is to await the arrival of the Divine Kingdom of Christ.9 Already in the work by St Augustine, Christian teachings on sovereign power thus reached the point which was captured in one of the last works by Reiner-Franz Erkens, who defined the legitimization means of the power of medieval rulers through three of its basic aspects: 1) instal- ment of the sovereign by God, 2) the role of the sovereign as the representative of God on Earth and 3) the responsibility of the sovereign for the development of the secular world (close to a priest’s responsibility for the believers). Sovereigns got in the position when their reign achieved legitimacy thanks to its sacral dimension, but at the same time it was, precisely considering that sacral dimension, subject to the moral-ethical imperative of God’s commandments.10 These ideas of Augus- tine’s pervade the centuries regardless of the development of Scholastic methods and are treated both by Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth century and by early Humanists in the fourteenth century.11

9 E. EWIG, Zum christlichen Königsgedanken, pp. 8, 16; Paul J. E. KERSHAW, Peaceful Kings. Peace, Power and the Early Medieval Political Imagination, Oxford 2011, pp. 64– 68. 10 Franz-Reiner ERKENS, Herrschersakralität im Mittelalter. Von den Anfängem bis zum Investiturstreit, Stuttgart 2006, pp. 29–31; here, Erkens extends his older considerations, cf. for instance IDEM, Sakralkönigtum und sakrales Königtum. Anmerkungen und Hinweise, in: Idem (ed.), Das frühmittelalterliche Königtum. Ideelle und religiöse Grundlagen, (Ergänzunsbände zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Alterkunde 49), Berlin – New York 2005, pp. 1–8; still inspirational on the field of research into the sacral character of sovereign power is the already classical work by Fritz KERN, Gottesgnadentum und Widerstandsrecht. Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der Monarchie, (ed.) Rudolf Buchner, Münster – Köln 19542; cf. also John van ENGEN, Sacred Sanc- tions for Lordship, in: Thomas N. Bisson (ed.), Cultures of Power. Lordship, Status, and Process in Twelfth-Century Europe, Philadelphia 1995, pp. 203–230. 11 ThThe e literature on Augustine’s work is very extensive. For a basic summary of his po-political philosophy, cf. Henning OTTMANN, Geschichte politischen Denkens. Von den An- fängen bei den Griechen bis auf unsere Zeit, Band 2: Römer und Mittelalter, Teilband 2: Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 283

The direct connection of the ruler with the sphere of the supernatural, underscored in the case of the ideal of the Christian ruler by the sacral nature of his office, has a wide range of analogies within the European cultural area, where we encounter it both in the ideas of ancient thinkers and in the understanding of the power of the Germanic kings of pagan times. The fundamental impulse in this respect was brought to historical research by cultural-anthropological research, revealing the unified basis of the conceptions of power of those who rule society, the base which arises from the primary illusion of the participation of the ruler (king, chieftain, shaman, prince, emperor) in a supernatural component of reality. It is possible to summarise that in the pre-Christian bases of European civilisation magical qualities were connected with the person of the chieftain/king, being transferred through his personality to the entire tribe, guaranteeing not only fertile fields and the smooth course of coexistence with nature, but also, primarily, luck in warfare. Those are all motifs that we still encounter in the sources of the Carolingian period.12

Das Mittelalter, Stuttgart – Weimar 2004, pp. 13–42, here on pp. 40–42 see an overview of further literature; cf also Robert A. MARKUS, Marius Victorinus a Augustin [Marius Victorinus and Augustine], in: Filosofie pozdní antiky, pp. 384–469, on his social philosophy here cf. pp. 455–469; of Czech works on this topic, most recently Lenka KARFÍKOVÁ, Augustinus a jeho dvojí vklad do dějin politického myšlení [Augus- tine and his Dual Contribution to Political Thought], in: Dějiny politického myšlení II/1, pp. 74–122; on the place of Plato’s philosophy in Augustine’s interpretation of the world, cf. E. von IVÁNKA, Plato christianus, pp. 199–235. 12 James Georg FRAZER, Zlatá ratolest [The Golden Bough], Plzeň 2007; Jean-Paul ROUX, Král. Mýty a symboly [King: Myths and Symbols], Praha 2009, pp. 90–111; Günter DUX, Die Genese der Sakralität von Herrschaft. Zur Struktur religiösen Weltverständ nisses, in: Das frühmittelalterliche Königtum, pp. 9–21; Henry FRANKFORT, King- ship and the Gods. A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Region as the Integration of Society and Nature, Chicago 1948; Gábor KLANICZAY, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses. Dynastic Cults in Medieval Central Europe, Cambridge, UK, 2002, pp. 19–78, plus further relevant literature; cf. also texts in anthologies Rolf GUNDLACH – Hermann WE- BER (edd.), Legitimation und Funktion des Herrschers. Vom ägyptischen Pharao zum neuzeitlichen Diktator, (Schriften der Mainzer Philosophischen Fakultätsgesellschaft 13), Stuttgart 1992; Franz-Reiner ERKENS (ed.), Die Sakralität von Herrschaft. Herrschafts legitimierung im Wechsel der Zeiten und Räume. Fünfzehn interdisziplinäre Beiträge zu einem weltweiten und epochenübergreifenden Phänomen, Berlin 2002. On the issues of Romanic Heerkönigtum cf. Walter SCHLESINGER, Das Heerkönigtum, in: Das Königtum, pp. 105–142; Tilman STRUVE, Die Begründung monarchischer Herrschaft in der politischen Theorie des Mittelalters, in: Zeitschrift für historische Forschung 23, 1996, pp. 289–290; Otto HÖFLER, Der Sakralcharakter des germanischen Königtums, in: Das Königtum, pp. 75–103; from the viewpoint of development in the Bohemian lands, see František GRAUS, Kirchliche und heidnische (magische) Komponenten der Stellung der Přemysliden. Přemyslidensage und St. Wenzelsideologie , in: František Graus – Herbert Ludat (edd.), Siedlung und Verfassung Böhmens in der Frühzeit, Wiesbaden 1967, 284 Robert Antonín

Out of these pre-Christian notions, a significant influence in creating the actual ideal of sovereign power in the Christian West had predominantly Germanic variations on the mentioned “magical” type of king (Heerkönigtum), which connected the ideal with the conviction of the selection of the ruling dynasty that had a close relation to the supernatural sphere and from among whom the new kings were chosen. Alongside this, the pagan model of the “war kings” introduced into the medieval world the motif of election and acclamation. The above-mentioned patristic teachings supplied an element of stability to magical interpretation of the successor system of sovereign power. The syncretism of both models turned the sovereign into the bearer of the basic values of peace, order (reflecting itself in the maintenance of the hierarchy of the world), justice (as well as the law connected with it) and mercy. Almost at the same time with this process there was gradually a cleansing of the Jewish tradition of the Old Testament kings, which manifested itself in the creation of several basic typological figures, with whom the Eastern Roman emperor and later also the Frankish kings were identified on the symbolic level. Although the imperial idea was interrupted at that time in the West, the symbolic value of Old Testament kings – and particularly that of David – played a significant role in the creation of the ideological support of the renewed empire of Charlemagne. However, it was known already by his predecessors. The first in Frankish literary tradition to be labelled as David was Chlothar II (626/627), and in the 720s the comparison to Solomon appeared in the Frankish sources in connection with Dagobert I. Not long afterwards, Clovis II was identified with the both Old Testament kings.13

pp. 148–161; summarily: Dušan TŘEŠTÍK, Mýty kmene Čechů. Tři studie ke „starým pověstem českým“ [Myths of the Tribe of the Bohemians: Three Studies on “The Old Bohemian Legends”], Praha 2003. 13 Other than the works cited in the previous note on the transfer from pagan to ChrisChris-- tian interpretation of the substance of sovereign power and their syncretism on the Anglo-Saxon example, cf. William A. CHANEY, The Cult of Kingship in Anglo-Saxon England. The Transition from Paganism to Christianity, Berkley – Los Angeles 1970, especially pp. 7–42; further on the phenomenon on the sacral aspect of sovereign power and its priestly dimension in early medieval Anglo-Saxon world pp. 43–117; spreading of the Christian ideal in the Germanic world of the Carolingians is summarised by Paul J. E. KERSHAW, Peaceful Kings, pp. 68–131; cf. also Otto BRUNNER, Vom Gottesgnadentum zum monarchischen Prinzip, in: Das Königtum, pp. 279–305. For a general reflection on the role of the king in nascent Christianized society, see Bruno DUMÉZIL, Chrześcijańskie korzenie Europy. Konwersja i wolność w królestwach barbarzyńskich do V do VIII wieku [Christian Roots of Europe: Conversion and Free- dom in the Barbarian Kingdoms from the Fifth to Eighth Centuries], Kęty 2008, pp. 317–371, pp. 419–487. On the rediscovery of Old Testament motifs in the Eastern Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 285

However, the sovereign ideal that Pope Stephen II offered to Ma- jordomo Pippin in 754 included one more influential thought tradition, which had its pregnant expression in the work by Bishop Isidore of Seville. As a summary characterizing his conception of royal power, his analysis of the words regnum and rex in the ninth book of the Etymolo- gies can be used: “The word kingdom comes from the word king. So as kings were called by that, they dominate (control), similar to the kingdom after the king. The king is named for the fact that he rules. As the priest comes from “ordain”, the king from “rule”. He does not rule who does not repair. Who then does the right thing, retains the name of the king; who commits sin, loses it. Therefore, the elders had this proverb: you will be king if you act correctly, if you do not act so, you will not be king. Royal virtues are mainly these two: justice and compassion, but compassion with the king gets greater praise, because justice is inher- ently strict.”14 It is clear from the citation how crucial the active reign of the king in itself is for Isidore; its real performance is one of the a priori prerequisites of his rank, and thus also of his power. Passivity of the sovereign meant a return to Old Testament times, when the Divine law was not followed, and as such was connected with the concept of the total destruction of the social order. Isidore composed his concept of royal power in the general thought of the end of the empire and beginning of a new epoch, when this is replaced by the Church itself headed by the pope and his bishops. The profane kingship existing within ecclesiae had the role of ensuring the operation of the secular, i.e. political sphere, but not transcending the Church itself. The main role of the king remained primarily supervision of peaceful coexistence in society, for which the Church lacked the power instruments. The motif of the sovereign’s mercy is crucial here, however. A substantial part of Isidore’s teaching reflected also in practice. Already at the Fourth Council of Toledo (633),

Roman Empire, cf. E. EWIG, Zum christlichen Königsgedanken, pp. 11–15; on the issues of Germanic kingdoms on the territory of the former Roman Empire, cf also Ivan MÜLLER, Barbarská království (500–700) [Barbarian Kingdoms (500–700)], in: Dějiny politického myšlení II/1, pp. 123–154; J. FRIED, Das Mittelalter. Geschichte und Kultur, pp. 35–57. 14 ISIDOR ZE SEVILLY, Etymologiae IX ( jazyk) [Etymology IX (Language)], Praha 1998, pp. 50–51. “Regnum a regibus dictum. Nam sicut reges a regendo vocati, ita regnum a regibus. Reges a regendo vocati. Sicut enim sacedors a sacrificando, ita rex a regendo. Non autem regit, qui non corrigit. Recte igitur faciendo regis nomen tenetur, peccando amittitur. Vnde et apud veteres tale erat proverbium: Rex eris, si recte facias: si non facias, non eris. Regiae virtutes praecipiuae duae: iustitia et pietas. Plus autem in regibus laudatur pietas; nam iustitia per se serva est.” 286 Robert Antonín it was adopted by the Gothic-Hispanic Church, and the king is labelled by the council as minister Dei marked with the virtues (justice and piety), which he is to use to maintain a peaceful coexistence among the people. Clementia (mercy, compassion) is attached to these virtues at the Fifth Council of Toledo (653).15 The concept of Isidore and Augustine mentioned above in combination with the Germanic Heerkönigtum created the ideological basis of the Carolingian kingdom and empire. The Carolingians led by Charle- magne continued in the fulfilment of the ideological programme based on the terms pax – ordo – iustitia – pietas – clementia, were the defenders of Christianity and the Church itself – Charlemagne is titled inter alia as devotus sanctae Ecclesiae defensor. Their activity especially in the field of the enforcement of laws corresponded to the growing influence of Biblical-Augustinian pacifism focused against the traditional Germanic law of vendetta and wergeld. The sovereign ideal took the form of the king as pacifier – rex-pacificus in whose person the requirement for the virtue of temperance, placidity and constancy in decisions resonates. This programme was maintained by Charlemagne also within the imperial ideology, whose main theme is peace and the unity of the secular city (Augustine) led by the emperor. Both – peace and unity – were fundamentally connected with Christian faith, which represents the only path to redemption. Even the power of the emperor was tied to obligations; he is the shepherd leading the people to the eternal kingdom of Christ. Through the idea of peace used as wax, the unity of ecclesiastic and secular power was finally sealed in the person of the emperor.16 The idea of the peace and unity of the Christian collective, the history of which will end with the arrival of Christ’s kingdom, was projected in the second half of the ninth century, and particularly then under the reigns of the emperors of the Saxon and Salian dynasties, into further

15 Cf. E. EWIG, Zum christlichen Königsgedanken, pp. 25–36; T. STRUVE, Die Begründung monarchischer Herrschaft, pp. 293; Paul J. E. KERSHAW, Peaceful Kings, pp. 107–118; on the development of the royal idea in connection with the expansion of Christian thought in Visigoth Hispania, cf. Bruno DUMÉZIL, Chrześcijańskie korzenie Europy, pp. 569–643. 16 Cf. E. EWIG, Zum christlichen Königsgedanken, pp. 58–69; F.-R. ERKENS, Herrscher- sakralität im Mittelalter, pp. 133–155; T. STRUVE, Die Begründung monarchischer Herrschaft, p. 294; Josef FLECKENSTEIN, Rex canonicus. Über Entstehung und Bedeu- tung des mittelalterlichen Königskanonikates, in: Idem, Ordnungen und formende Kräfte des Mittelalters. Ausgewählte Beiträge, Göttingen 1989, pp. 193–210, especially pp. 196–97. In general context: Walter ULLMANN, The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship, London 1969 and Hans H. ANTON, Fürstenspiegel und Herrscher ethos in Karolingerzeit, Bonn 1968. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 287 symbolic transformation of the person of the sovereign. The ruler of the times of the Ottonians and first Salians were no longer perceived as vicarius or minister Dei, but directly as vicarius Christi – the representative of the only true king-priest, who has the right to rule over the entire world. In this context, we speak about “Christocentric” conception of sovereign power. Therefore, it was precisely under the reigns of the Ot- tonians and Salians that a fundamental expansion of ceremonial practice connected with sovereign power and its demonstration occurred. The manifestation of sovereign charisma through ritual acts performed within ceremonies (coronation, royal entry into town, oaths, participation in religious services etc.) was from this viewpoint not connected only with self-presentation of the ruler. It primarily actualised the order of the world, which was hidden in the ceremony as such and was revealed in its course through ritual acts. Gábor Klaniczay in this perspective correctly speaks of the period of the reign of the Saxon dynasty and the first Salian emperors as a period of the liturgical-symbolic expression of the holy nature of sovereign authority.17 The ideal of the sovereign described above, supported by functional and ecclesiastical thinkers until the middle of the eleventh century, was subsequently shaken by the process characterised in a simplified way as the “Investiture Contest”. Its course has been described in much detail and it is not necessary here to disentangle in a complicated way the consequences and events included in the dispute, opened in 1075 by Pope Gregory VII and King of the Romans (and later also Holy Roman Em- peror) Henry IV and concluded in 1122 by the compromise Concordat of Worms between Pope Calixtus II and Emperor Henry V.18 From the viewpoint of the interpretation of the origin and essence of sovereign

17 Ernst Hartwig KANTOROWICZ, The King’s Two Bodies. A Study in Medieval Political Theology, Princeton 1957, especially pp. 42–78; cf. also Hagen KELLER, Ottonische Kö- nigsherrschaft. Organisation und Legitimation königlicher Macht, Darmstadt 2002; Stefan WEINFURTER, Idee und Funktion des „Sakralkönigtums“ bei den ottonischen und salischen Herrschern (10. und 11. Jahrhundert), in: Legitimation und Funktion, pp. 99–128; Egon BOSHOF, Die Vorstellung vom sakralen Königtum in karolingisch-ottonischer Zeit, in: Das frühmittelalterliche Königtum, pp. 331–356; Therese BRUGGISSER-LANKER, Krönungsritus und sakrales Herrschertum: Zeremonie und Symbolik, in: Edgar Bierende – Sven Bretfeld – Klaus Oschema (edd.), Riten, Gesten, Zeremonien. Gesellschaftliche Symbolik in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, (Trends in Medieval Philology 14), Ber- lin – New York 2008, pp. 289–319, especially pp. 290–292; G. KLANICZAY, Holy Rulers, pp. 115–120; Ludger KÖRNTGEN, Königsherrschaft und Gottes Gnade. Zu Kon- text und Funktion sakraler Vorstellungen in Historiographie und Bildzeugnissen der ottonisch- frühsalischen Zeit, (Vorstellungswelten des Mittelalters 2), Berlin 2001. 18 Cf. at least Uta-Renate BLUMENTHAL, Der Investiturstreit, Stuttgart 1982; Werner GOEZ, Kirchenreform und Investiturstreit 910–1122, Stuttgart 2000; Wilfried HART- 288 Robert Antonín power, the most important event of the mentioned conflict apparently occurred in its first phase, in 1077 before Canossa Castle. The story of the king kneeling in the snow for several days, barefoot and dressed only in the robe of a penitent became a part of every proper compendi- um of medieval history, and not only that. Henry, requesting the pope’s forgiveness before Canossa, made – apparently unaware – the first step towards a new definition of the sovereign power of the King of the Ro- mans/Holy Roman Emperor, and of a medieval king in general. Canos- sa did not mean a revolution in the view of sovereign power, but it still started a process of seeking new buttresses of the power of secular rulers. The new thought code, of which also the work by John of Salisbury became a part, rested predominantly on a rediscovery of the tradition of Roman law and adopted a clear form already in the first third of the thirteenth century, for instance in the collection of the Constitutions of Melfi (or Liber Augustalis) by Frederick II, issued in Melfi in 1231.19 However, the entire twelfth century lay between Canossa and Melfi. The development which the idea of secular reign underwent at that time in European thought showed that the sacral kingship of the tenth to eleventh centuries, which within theoretical considerations of reform ecclesiastical thinkers found itself in crisis, not only survived this crisis but came out of it strengthened. Already the citations from Roman law – more precisely its collection in the form of the Justinian Code – in the charters of King of the Romans Conrad III (1138–1152) revealed that the path of seeking new pillars of secular reign over the Latin West would be based precisely on the ancient tradition – that is also one of the reasons why today’s medieval studies speak in connection with the twelfth century of another of the European renaissances, taking place on several levels of social and cultural reality. In terms of the development of the sovereign ideal, central roles were played mainly by two “Re

MANN, Der Investiturstreit, (Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte 21), München 20073; Johannes LAUDAGE, Der Investiturstreit, Köln 20062. 19 On Henry’s humiliation before Canossa from the perspective of the sovereign ideal cf. F.-R. ERKENS, Herrschersakralität im Mittelalter, pp. 190–200; cf. also Stefan WEINFURTER, Canossa. Die Entzauberung der Welt, München 20062; of the Czech works, see most recently: Ivan MÜLLER, Zápas mezi mocí světskou a duchovní (1050– 1200) [Struggle between Secular and Sacred Powers], in: Dějiny politického myšlení II/1, pp. 451–456. On the importance of the constitution of Melfi in terms of the conception of sovereign power, cf. E. H. KANTOROWICZ, The King’s Two Bodies, pp. 97–107 (see also further in the text); on the placement of the constitution in the political context and particularly the relation of Frederick II to the pope, see Wolf- gang STÜRNER, Friedrich II. (1194–1250 II: Der Kaiser 1220–1250, Darmstadt 2009, pp. 170–262, see there in detail on the publication of the constitution pp. 189–201. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 289 naissance” aspects: “rediscovery” of the system of ancient virtues, which were only later called by Thomas Aquinas the cardinal virtues, and then the already mentioned turn of attention to positive law.20 The first of the above-mentioned aspects is reflected already in the work Moralium Dogma Philosophorum by William of Conches, one of the members of the School of Chartres and a tutor of the later King of England Henry II of Plantagenet. In this treatise dealing with the characterisation of virtue, William adapted Cicero’s work mentioned above De officiis and connected it with citations from Seneca and other ancient authors. Based on them, he developed a teaching on personal characteristics and virtues of the sovereign which, manifested outwardly in royal acts and his conduct in general, reflected the ruler’s habitus – i.e. legitimacy and authorisa- tion to power.21 In this way, William gave the teaching on virtues a new ethical-moral dimension, and the revival of ancient material performed by him represents an important milestone in the history of the medieval political thought. A sufficient reason for this claim is already the fact thathis student, John of Salisbury, built on that in many ways. Judged by the current state of the preserved manuscripts, his work Policraticus became one of the most copied political-philosophical works of the High Mid- dle Ages. That did not happen immediately. Salisbury’s text did not receive heightened attention until the beginning of the thirteenth century, when it was however – which was important – read by influential creators of the intellectual milieu of the Latin West, including Lothar

20 On the inclusion of Roman law in the charters of Conrad III, cf. F.-R. ERKENS, Herrschersakralität im Mittelalter, pp. 210–212; on John of Salisbury in this context, cf. E. H. KANTOROWICZ, The King’s Two Bodies, pp. 95–97; on the cultural transformation of the twelfth century in the wider context, cf. J. LE GOFF, Kultura středověké Evropy, pp. 103–148, 438–452; on the twelfth century Renaissance from various perspectives, cf. Marc BLOCH, Feudální společnost [Feudal Society], Praha 2010 pp. 89– 92, 122–127, 135–138 and passim. 21 On that, cf. Karl UBL, Engelbert von Admont. Ein Gelehrter im Spannungsfeld von Aristo- telismus und christlicher Überlieferung, (Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung Ergänzungsband 37), Wien – München 2000, pp. 59–60. On the reversal in the twelfth century, cf. Peter von MOOS,Geschichte als Topik. Das rhetorische Exemplum von der Antike zur Neuzeit und die historiae im „policraticus“ Jahanns von Salisbury, (ORDO: Studien zur Literatur und Gesellschaft des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit 2), Hildesheim – Zürich – New York 1988, pp. 491–492, there especially Note 968 including references to the further literature; on the influences and thought tradition from which Salisbury drew; cf. Max KERNER, Johannes von Salis- bury und die logische Struktur seines Policraticus, Wiesbaden 1977, especially pp. 9–54; on the person and work of J. Salisbury, cf. the papers printed in the anthology The World of John of Salisbury, ed. Michael Wilks, (Studies in Church History – Subsidia 3), Oxford 1984. 290 Robert Antonín of Segni (later Pope Innocent III) and particularly Hélinand of Froid- mont, a Cistercian and troubadour active at the court of King of France Philip II (Philip Augustus), who was the author of a text lost today adapted from Salisbury’s text De regimine principum. Hélinand’s treatise was subsequently used as a model by the French Dominican Vincent of Beauvais, who included it in his encyclopaedic work Speculum maius, thus becoming – probably without knowing it – the greatest distributor of the political thought of John of Salisbury in medieval Europe.22 Although the spread of Salisbury’s theses was a matter of the thirteenth century, his ideas themselves belonged to the twelfth century. Besides the inspiration by William of Conches, also the second aspect of the then “Renaissance” thought is evident in it: a return to the tradition of ancient law. Work with the Justinian Code and theses contained in Gratian’s Decree (Decretum Gratiani), which is clear in the work Poli- craticus, announces a penetration of Roman law into theoretical consideration of sovereign power and its essence. It is precisely here that the new model of the ideal of the medieval ruler was elaborated, based on the principle of rex imago aequitatis (king as the image of justice), which however, and it must be emphasised, did not disturb the concept of rex imago Christi, because Christus ipse ipsa iustitia (“Christ is justice itself”). The fundamental change was represented by something else: a shift from a liturgical explanation of the syncretism of the king and Christ to a legal explanation. In Salisbury’s conception, the sovereign’s person had two interlinked aspects, which can seem ambivalent to us from today’s perspective: the private and public aspects. As a private person, the king is subject to Divine law, but as a public person he is the one who implements this Divine law in the earthly world. In other words, he is the one by whose acts the order (ordo) of Christian society is realised, the administrator, through whom “Justice” reigns. When taken to the consequence, Salisbury’s sovereign is both servant and lord of this “Justice”.23 The sovereign remained the mediator of God’s grace

22 On that, cf. Max KERNER, Johannes von Salisbury im späten Mittelalter, in: Jürgen Miethke (ed.), Das Publikum politischer Theorie im 14. Jahrhundert, München 1992, pp. 25–47, here pp. 30–31; cf. also P. MOOS von, Geschichte als Topik, p. 139, there also see in Note No. 337 the extensive commentary on the literature on the topic; K. UBL, Engelbert von Admont, pp. 61–63; out of classical works: Wilhelm BERGES, Die Fürstenspiegel des hohen und späten Mittelalters, (Schriften des Reichsinstituts für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 2), Monumenta Germaniae historica, Leipzig 1938, pp.72–86. 23 For the publication of Salisbury‘s political philosophy, see Clement Ch. J. WEBB (ed.), Ioannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Policratici sive de nugis curialium et vesti- Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 291 and justice in the earthly world. The abandonment of the direct tie between the secular ruler and Christ, which the reformed papacy usurped for itself, led to a movement of the secular princes closer to God on the more general level. How long the process of the desacralization of royal power still took is evidenced inter alia also by the phenomenon of king- healer, whose first appearance is connected in France and England precisely with the twelfth century. At the same time, also in other corners of Europe in an attempt to support the idea of sovereign sacrality, there was usage of the ideological traditions, which we have connected above with the reign of the Carolingians, Ottonians and Salians.24 Nevertheless, something else belongs to the characteristic of the twelfth century and its Renaissance nature, which is connected with the above-mentioned return to the ancient system of virtues and the legal system: the beginning turn to the world of people, expressed in courtly culture. Its impact on further development within European thought, as well as historical development itself, was deeper than it could seem at first glance. Courtly culture and its innovative construction of gender roles in society, connected with the advancement of the chivalric ethos, led to the creation of a habitus, based on which a substantial civilisa- tional shift took place. It certainly did not happen overnight and in all of the corners of Europe at the same time. Despite that, however, the medieval West through it started on a path leading to the cultivation of passion (although never absolute) through the adoption of the principles of courtly etiquette. The means used for that gradually began to get beyond the control of the church and after long centuries, courtly culture became primarily a secular affair of the medieval world.25

giis philosophorum libri VIII, T. I/ II, Frankfurt am Main 19652; out of synthetic works on the political philosophy of John of Salisbury , I worked besides those mentioned above also with Klaus GUTH, Johannes von Salisbury (1115/20–1180). Studien zur Kirchen-, Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte Westeuropas im 12. Jahrhundert, (Münchner Theo logische Studien, hist. Abt. 20), St. Öttilien 1978; on this cf. also W. BERGES, Die Fürstenspiegel, pp. 131–142. 24 The presented context is summarised by F.-R. ERKENS, Herrschersakralität im Mittel alter, pp. 212–214; W. BERGES, Die Fürstenspiegel, pp. 35–37; G. KLANICZAY, Holy Rulers, pp. 155–158; J.-P. ROUX, Král, pp. 222–257; on the healing abilities of the kings, see M. BLOCH, Králové divotvůrci; Joachim EHLERS, Der wundertätige König in der monarchischen Teorie des Früh- und Hochmittelalters, in: Paul-Joachim Heinig et. al., Reich, Regionen und Europa in Mittelalter und Neuzeit, Festschrift für Peter Moraw, Berlin 2000, pp. 3–20. 25 The classic work on this topic is Joachim BUMKE, Höfische Kultur. Literatur und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter, München 200210, cf. also Wojciech IWAŃCZAK, Po stopách rytířských příběhů [Tracing Chivalric Stories], Praha 2001; on the phenomenon of courtly culture as a milieu of the civilisation process, see there particularly pp. 381– 292 Robert Antonín

The expansion of courtly culture is reflected in the development of the sovereign ideal on several levels at the same time. Chiefly, the ideal of the secular ruler absorbed into itself the characteristics connected with the ideal of the Christian warrior – a knight, whose conduct no longer took place only within the limits of the set ethical-moral system, in which the then world was dressed by the clergy, but also within the courtly principles drawing from the ancient tradition of personal virtues. The concept of the sovereign, whose legitimacy and preordination was to be verified according to the new morality formed in this way by his military successes, as if returned to the original Germanic tradition of the king who through his military luck ensures the prosperity of the entire society. However, this time period sees also the development of the ideal sovereign of the type rex-litteratus – i.e. the educated sovereign, who uses one of the revived ancient virtues – wisdom – for the spreading of Divine justice in the world. Both of these aspects will be investigated in detail in the context of the sovereign ideal in the Bohemian lands.26 All of the transformations in the understanding of sovereign power described above coalesced as if into one within the constitution of Fre- derick II issued in 1231 in Melfi and known as Liber augustalis. It was Frederick, who as rex-litteratus issued and conceived the constitution. At that same time, as a result of the transformation we mentioned in connection with the development in the twelfth century, the ideas of the ancient authors are present in Liber augustalis, primarily from Seneca’s treatise De clementia, which are literally cited. Naturally, the popularity of Seneca’s Stoic philosophy is not only an affair of the first third of the thirteenth century. As I tried to emphasize in the introductory passages of this consideration, St Augustine still stood with one foot in the “pagan” tradition as did Isidore and other church fathers. The favourable acceptance of Seneca and his ideas in the Middle Ages was, besides the

582; on that cf. also Norbert ELIAS, O procesu civilizace. Sociogenetické a psychogenetické studie I. Proměny chování světských horních vrstev na Západě II. Proměny společnosti. Ná stin teorie civilizace [The Civilizing Process: Socio-genetic and Psycho-genetic Study I. Changes of Secular Behaviour of the Upper Classes of the West II. Changes in Soci- ety. Outline of a Theory of Civilization], Praha 2006–2007. 26 For an example of the usage of the scheme of the new king-knight, see Heinz KRIEG, Herrscherdarstellung in der Stauferzeit. Friedrich Barbarossa im Spiegel seiner Urkunden und der staufischen Geschichtsschreibung, (Vorträge und Forschungen 50), Ostfildern 2003, particularly pp. 115–138; on the Bohemian context, see Wojciech IWAŃCZAK, Po stopách rytířských příběhů, pp. 50–87, on the beginning of the type “rex-litteratus”, cf. Hartmut KUGLER, Alexander der Grosse und die Idee der Weltherrschaft bei Rudolf von Ems, in: Hans Hecker (ed.), Der Herrscher. Leitbild und Abbild in Mittelalter und Renaissance, (Studia humaniora, Bd. 13), Düsseldorf 1990, pp. 104–105. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 293 ideological relation to the patristic teachings, the result of the legend of his friendship with St Paul. It made Seneca into an ascetic and almost monastic person and his ideas thus became naturally more approach- able to Christian thinkers. This was also the source of the popularity of the Late Antique philosopher among Cistercians, Benedictines and Augustinians. It was Seneca, not Aristotle, in whose work for instance the Neapolitan legal school sought and found exempla.27 Besides this, the content of the ideas included in Frederick’s constitution prove the mentioned tendency of medieval thought to a legal specification of the sovereign’s power. What remains fundamental here is the concept according to which the emperor is the father and son of justice (pater et filius Iustitiae), its lord and servant. There is a direct connection from this interpretation to the ideal of reasonable rule, which in and of itself does not belong only to the thirteenth century. Already at the time of the reign of the Ottonians and Salians, the ruler was considered as the mediator between Divine reason and human (positive) law, in which Divine reason was to be manifested precisely through the emperor/king. The emperors and kings of the 10th–11th centuries lis- tened through the Holy Spirit to the commands of Divine reason. This long-term direct connection was – metaphorically speaking – a kind of tax given for, taken to the extreme, the sacral dimension of their office, for his chaplaincy nature. This no longer applied to Frederick and along with him to other rulers of the thirteenth century, whose power was not justified liturgically but based on legal argumentation. Frederick as the representative of God on earth, and hence the son of Divine Justice, was in and of himself authorised to become the father of Justice in the secular world. Put simply, the sovereign was no longer the one who announced Divine law and the rule of Justice, because he himself became revived Divine law and embodiment of Justice in the secular world, the ruler who had God’s law safely hidden in the temple of his heart. This motif of the sovereign representing revived justice originating from Ro- man law was spread in the course of the thirteenth century from the person of the emperor also to the persons of the kings and princes all over Europe. However, not even this disrupted the connection between

27 On the importance and reception of Seneca’s work in the Middle Ages, cf. Peter STA-STA- CEY, Roman monarchy and the renaissance prince, Cambridge, UK, 2007, esp. pp. 75– 94; on the relation of “De Clementia” to “Liber augustalis”, see already E. H. KAN- TOROWICZ, The King’s Two Bodies, pp. 116 and further passim. 294 Robert Antonín the king and the sacral sphere – while the royal office lost its chaplaincy character, it was “sanctified” by justice.28 The deepening of the relation between the sovereign’s office and justice was brought into medieval thought by the rediscovered political philosophy of Aristotle. For its spread, the fundamental act was the translation of the treatise Politics by William of Moerbeke, which was created in its entirety around 1265 and became the most used translation of this work in medieval Europe.29 It was soon received also by the Do- minicans Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas, in whose conception Aristotle’s opinions on government further spread. If we leave aside for the moment the questions connected with the origin of sovereign power – i.e., the level where the introduction of Aristotelianism led some medieval thinkers for the first time to the idea on the sovereignty of the people and the dependence of the ruler’s power on it – and focus on the so-far studied level of the consideration of the sovereign ideal as such, then it is clear that the reception of Aristotle’s conception of the execution of government brought the “Angelic Doctor” to further shifts of the perception of the king’s role in society. Aquinas accepts Aristotle’s thesis on a human as a social animal (zoon politikon), i.e. compelled to a collective life, which necessarily leads in human history to the creation of society. That in itself, however, has to be properly governed according to Thomas. In that sense, Aquinas reflects Aristotle’s evaluation of the individual types of government, but continues to consider things within the boundaries of the existing Christian tradition. According to Thomas, the only form of government ensuring the general good, which he identifies with peace, which in turn is fulfilled only if the society is unified, is monarchy.30

28 E. H. KANTOROWICZ, The King’s Two Bodies, pp. 98–121; for a general summary of the victory of jurisprudence in Frederick’s conception of sovereign power, see J. FRIED, Das Mittelalter. Geschichte und Kultur, pp. 291–301. 29 For a modern Greek-Czech publication of Aristotle’s Politics, see ARISTOTELES, Politika I, II, ed. and transl. Milan MRÁZ after W. D. Ross, Praha 1999/2004. 30 On Aristotle’s social philosophy, cf. L. STRAUSS, Obec a člověk, pp. 19–57, on Thomas’ reflection of Aristotle, cf. Stanislav SOUSEDÍK, Tomáš Akvinský [Thomas Aquinas], in: Dějiny politického myšlení II/1, pp. 518–559; on the spread of Aristotle’s teaching in the Middle Ages, cf. Christoph FLÜELER, Die Rezeption der „Politica“ des Aristoteles an der Pariser Artistenfakultät im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert, in: Jürgen Miethke (ed.), Das Publikum politischer Theorie im 14. Jahrhundert, München 1992, pp. 127–138; also W. BERGES, Die Fürstenspiegel, pp. 113–123. In my interpretation, I used the edition of Joseph Mathis (ed.), Divi Thomae Aquinatis doctoris angelici De regimine principum ad regem cypri et De regimine judaeorum ad ducissam Brabantiae. Politica opuscula duo (further as T. AQUINAS, De regimine principum), Torino 1986 [reprint of 1971 edition], which I compared with the Czech translation by S. Sousedík, see Stanislav Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 295

“Let the king understand, therefore, that he has received the duty of being to his kingdom what the soul is to the body and what God is to the world. If he reflects diligently on this, he will on the one hand be fired with the zeal for justice when he considers that he has been appointed to exercise judgement in his kingdom in the place of God; and, on the other, he will acquire kindness and clemency, for he will look upon all of those subject to his government as though they were his own members.”31

With this quotation, it is possible to summarise partially Thomas’ view of the principles of the ideal reign over people in which he devel- ops the idea of the king as the father and son of justice; or the guardian of what is just. This conception is further adopted around 1300 not only by John of Paris, according to whom the sovereign is revived law and revived justice but also by Giles of Rome, whose prince is the living personification of law to which he is superior. It corresponds to Giles’ conception according to which what is living rules over what is lifeless. Therefore, also the prince as revived law rules over the law which is lifeless in itself (it needs the sovereign for its revival). This naturally concerns positive law, i.e. the law ruling among the people. It is subject to the ruler, as the ruler is subject to natural law – i.e. the law derived from the eternal law of God, as the relation of the three levels of law in the world was defined by Thomas Aquinas. The ruler’s exclusive position in the world of mortals thus arises in these ideological concepts of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century inter alia precisely from his role as the mediator. The ruler is hence on the one hand tied by the fundamentals of natural law revealed in the Holy Scripture and on the

SOUSEDÍK, O království ke králi kyperskému [On the Kingdom to the King of Cy- prus], in: Texty k studiu dějin středověké filosofie [Texts for the Study of Medieval Philosophy]. Praha 1994. On human nature to live in society, Aquinas states: “Natu- rale autem est homini ut sit animal sociale et politicum, in multitudine vivens, magis etiam quam omnia alia animalia, quod quidem naturalis necessita declarat…”, see T. AQUINAS, De regimine principum, p. 1; on the need to govern a society thus established, cf. Ibid, p. 2: “Si ergo naturale est homini quod in societate multorum vivat, necesse est in hominibus esse per quod multitudo regatur. Multis enim existentibus hominibus et unoquoque id, quod est sibi congruum, providente, multitudo in diver- sa dispergeretur, nisi etiam esset aliquis de eo, quod bonum multitudinis, pertinent, curam habens”. 31 T. AQUINAS, De regimine principum, p. 16: “Hoc igitur officium rex suscepisse -co gnoscat, ut si in regno sicut in corpore anima, et Deus in mundo. Quae si diligenter recogitet, ex altero iustitiae in eo zelus accenditur, dum considerat ad hoc positum, ut loco Dei, iudicium regno exerceat; ex altero vero mansuetudinis et clementiae lenita- tem acquirit, dum reputat singulos, qui suo subsunt, regimini sicut propria membra.” For the translation, see S. SOUSEDÍK, O království ke králi kyperskému, p. 53. 296 Robert Antonín other hand, as its personification, he is the person standing above positive law, which governs relations in the secular world.32 Based on the development of the legal and political theories of the thirteenth century, the sovereign type rex-iustus, which we have encountered in European thought already since the times of St Augustine, is enriched by a new aspect, which causes a shift also within the ideal of sovereign power. The king is no longer the imitator of Christ, but the mediator of Divine justice on earth. In this perspective, it is possible to speak of a partial “secularization” of his power. The type rex-iustus replaced the type rex-sacerdos characteristic of the 10th–11th centuries. In place of the grace of God making the sovereign, the sovereign is the personification of Divine justice and revived law on earth ( princeps lex animata). Even in this concept, however, the sovereign remains connected with the superterrestrial sphere, through which his rule and person maintains a certain degree of a sacral connotation. The exclusive position of the mediator between the world of God and the world of people, which the king as the hypostasis of the immortal idea of Justice and mediator of law adopted, further strengthens the conception of the sovereign as a mixed personality ( persona mixta).33

Precisely such mixed personality was also Wenceslas I, presented in the arenga of the privilege for the burghers of Brno. Here, the King of Bohemia no longer figures as one who passively heralds God’s law and rule of superterrestrial Justice. He himself became revived Divine law and embodiment of Justice in the secular world, the ruler who had God’s law safely hidden in the temple of his heart. Given the reminded content dependence of Wenceslas I’s charter on Austrian models, a question arises at this point of to what extent the ideas contained in the said arenga were understood in the Bohemian lands around the middle of the thirteenth century. I have already said that text comparison of Wenceslas’ privilege with Leopold’s ones indicate stylistic adjustments carried out at the Bohemian royal chancellery. Reinbot did not work with it as with a mere general makeweight that belongs to such a char-

32 On Aegidius’ political philosophy and its reception, cf. Charles F. BRIGGS, Giles of Rome’s De regimine principum. Reading and Writing Politics at Court and University, c. 1275–1525, Cambridge, UK, 1999; cf. also general observations on political philosophy of the thirteenth century in T. STRUVE, Die Begründung monarchischer Herrschaft, pp. 295–310. 33 Generally on that, cf. E. H. KANTOROWICZ, The King’s Two Bodies, pp. 130–142; on the interpretation of “princeps lex animate”, cf. W. BERGES, Die Fürstenspiegel, pp. 123–126. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 297 ter, he did not copy it word for word; on the contrary, he thought about what it says. From this alone it can be judged that at least the intellectual neighbourhood of Wenceslas I understood the sovereign ideal using the same cultural code as the stylists of the Babenberg chancellery, a code that was later contained also in the Constitutions of Melfi. It remains questionable how much such knowledge went beyond the royal chancellery. In fact, the question concerns the ability of Bohemian society as the recipient milieu to receive the above-presented model of the sovereign ideal and thus also the principles of legitimacy of power. I will therefore devote the second part of this consideration to the conception of the idea of royal justice, which is concerned above all in the mentioned arenga, in the Bohemian sources of the 12–14th centuries. Their analysis will allow us to get to know, at least partially, the mental world of men of letters as well as of their recipients (i.e., readers and above all listeners). At this point, I will thus not focus on the ideal of the sovereign power in Bohemian medieval thought in a complex manner, but rather only on a line of reflections heading towards the constitution of the type rex-iustus.34 Already the chronicler Cosmas at the beginning of the twelfth century knew that in order to maintain real social unity, even on the level of “primitive” communality, human community needs a person who will judge disputes among its members. Cosmas’ adaptation of the legends about the beginnings of the Bohemians is generally known.35 With a critical view of a “cultural anthropologist”, the St Vitus dean looked into the most distant past, reminding the first stages of human coexistence, which had degenerated from the original, almost paradisiacal state with no property differences into a dark age of wars of everyone against everyone. What did the Bohemians do at this key moment at the dawn of their “national” history? In the first stage, they did not submit themselves to a sovereign’s power, but like bees to the hive, they flew towards the one of them who was the most respected for the quality of his morals, i.e. of the virtues, and for his wealth. They did not want him to rule, but to judge them. At the beginning of the history of the Bohemians as a political nation there is thus an effort to introduce order in affairs by means of an impartial and wise judge. Cosmas’ motif is naturally biblical, but it nonetheless corresponds with the basic cultural setting of the human species, which survives and prospers on Earth

34 For an overall summary, see R. ANTONÍN, Ideální panovník, Praha 2013. 35 Summarily on this: D. TŘEŠTÍK, Mýty kmene Čechů. 298 Robert Antonín

precisely thanks to the existence of social institutions. In Cosmas’ time, i.e. in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, these institutions included wise “impartial” court, which was placed by our author to the very basement of the social order. It is known that the period of judges in the Bohemian prehistory was ended by the summoning of Přemysl the Ploughman and his ascension to the ducal seat. This started the rule of a sovereign in Bohemia, who took over also the role of the judge, becoming top representative of proper functioning of the institution of court and thus also of social order as such. Thus in fact “real” rule started, carried out by Přemysl; it was regarded as good, because the first Přemyslid judged and, what is most important, judged well. Both roles of the ruler – judicial activity and outwardly manifested wisdom – were supplemented with new roles: the mythical Ploughman was also the lawmaker and the executor of the capital punishment. These new tasks of the ruler were connected with the divine origin of his power. Cosmas thus already on the example of the mythical founder of the ducal dynasty points out the four social roles connected with the notion of the ideal sovereign as the bearer of justice. Cosmas assessed the quality of the rule of sovereigns presented in his chronicle according to their conduct during court sessions. Thus he, for instance, praised Břetislav I, who was according to him bright in judgement during secular trials (quante discretionis in … humanis iudiciis), while another of his favourites, Boleslas II, advised to his son before his death to judge justly according to the principles of mercy and not to scorn widows and those who have come to his door.36 Yet a case that allegedly took place in in 1060, during the reign of Spytihněv II, remains an example par excellence of a judging duke in Cosmas’ interpretation. According to the chronicler, a widow who had been damaged by an un- named adversary sought the duke, who was just setting out for a war campaign, asking him to come to her defence. He answered her that he would resolve the dispute after his return from war, but the woman ob- jected, stating that if Spytihněv died in the fight, there would be no one to avenge her. At the same time, she reminded Spytihněv of the origin of his power from God, in whose name he was also supposed to judge such disputes. Spytihněv subsequently interrupted the campaign and backed the widow up, i.e. performed a trial. Cosmas found his conduct to be worthy of following and presented it for admiration to his contemporar-

36 Berthold BRETHOLZ – Wilhelm WEINBERGER (edd.), Cosmae Pragensis Chroni- ca Boemorum, (Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum nova series 2), Berlin 1923, pp. 103, 58. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 299 ies, the dukes, on whom he then turned directly, reproaching them for their indifference towards the needy, naming widows and orphans on the first place among them. From the point of view of the author from the late eleventh and early twelfth century, the duke’s task is to judge; if he does not do so, he is not worthy of his office.37 The motif used here by Cosmas is not original. The story of a prince setting out for battle or hunt stopped by a widow asking for justice for her represented one of the generally spread narrative schemes used by men of letters to define a justly and selflessly judging sovereign. The general knowledge of the story is evidenced inter alia by its inclusion among the examples of just conduct presented by John of Wales.38 Even here “one time Trajan sat on his horse, he wanted to go to the battle, one widow grabbed his leg and begged him to enact justice…”. Like Spytihněv, the Roman emperor is also convinced about his obligation, which he holds from God, and delivers his judgement.39 Just king (rex-iustus) was also wise king (rex-sapiens), and vice versa. Following Antique literature, medieval literature brought a number of parables of poor judgement by a wrong judge. As an example, let us present the parable of the trial of donkey and wolf carried out by lion, the king of beasts, which is also included in the collection by John of Wales. In this case, lion is a prototype of a poor judge siding with people of noble birth. Thus, having had the hungry poor donkey executed for taking and eating a little hay fallen out of a passing by wagon, the judge pardoned the wolf who had been hungrily devouring grazing cattle, because according to his statement, the wolf had only acted based on his nature. In a brief explanation on this exemplum, John points out: “…so unjust judges often condemn poor and coarse people to death for small guilt, but excuse the rich and powerful and release them from great sins.”40 The obligation to protect widows and orphans and their rights above all is a constant motif within pieces of advice as well as chronicler assessment of judging kings, sort of a criterion of justness of judgement

37 Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, p. 109. 38 John of Wales’ treatise Breviloquium de virtutibus antiquorum principum enjoyed considerable popularity in the Bohemian lands; it was translated into Old Czech already towards the end of the fourteenth century; I use this for quotations further in the text, see František ŠIMEK (ed.), Staročeský překlad spisu Jana Guallensis O třech stěžejních ctnostech [The Old-Czech Translation of the Treatise by John of Wales On the Three Cardinal Virtues], (Věstník královské české společnosti nauk – třída filosoficko- historicko-filologická, č. 1), Praha 1951. 39 Staročeský překlad spisu Jana Guallinsis O čtyřech stěžejních ctnostech, p. 40. 40 Ibidem, pp. 44–45. 300 Robert Antonín in the horizon of several centuries. A widow stopped the steps of Duke Spytihněv II in Cosmas’ chronicle and the testimony of widows and orphans, whom he in his opinion never denied help, is claimed before God by the defeated Darius in the Czech versed Alexandreis. The so- called Dalimil also regards the protection of widows and orphans as a basic obligation of the king, commenting on the topic in succinct verses: “The ducal office sits in judgement/ and orphans here the petition.” When the same author later wants to criticise the reign of Wenceslas II, he does so precisely by a harsh rebuke of this sovereign’s alleged absence at court:

“He does not sit at the court for the orphans, but gives the inheritance of girls to others. The orphans and widows call to him, widows with daughters kneel before him.

Seeing it, he rides away, and beckons with his hand to a lord to judge [in his stead]. And these lords thus judge the orphans, often adjudging their inheritance to themselves.”41

The sovereign’s law-making activity closely interconnected with the role of judge and also with the king’s participation in God’s wisdom was supposed to be a direct act of the sovereign influencing the functioning and order of the world. At the same time, however, it needs to be stated that the ruler’s law-making role, which comprised an inseparable part of the sovereign ideal, used to be in the Bohemian lands (and not only there) in direct conflict with the real situation especially on the level of land justice. The legislative activities of the Bohemian sovereigns often met with the resistance of the land society, according to whom the law was to be searched for, and therefore based on the tradition that legitimized it. As an example, we can name the monarchic standpoint of Charles IV based on the 1231 Constitutions of Melfi of Frederick II and defended in Charles’ Maiestas. The idea that the sovereign is the sole source of law, i.e. the person who gives laws to the land was incompat- ible with the viewpoint of the land society.42 Apart from this, it needs to

41 Jiří DAŇHELKA et al. (edd.), Staročeská kronika tak řečeného Dalimila II [Old-Czech Chronicle of the So-Called Dalimil], Praha 1988, p. 443. 42 On the sovereign’s position above the law, see Bernd-Ulrich HERGEMÖLLER (ed.), Maiestas Carolina. Der Kodifikationsentwurf Karls IV. für das Königreich Böhmen von 1355, München 1995, pp. 124–126; on the relationship between Maiestas Carolina and Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 301 be emphasised that from the beginning of the development of written culture, it was also in the Bohemian lands the sovereign who issued charters through which he established and confirmed privileges, rights and prerogatives to institutions and individuals, excluded them from the reach of the land court, granted them economic immunity, etc. The idea of the king as the originator of law is thus contrarily fully implemented in this apriori understanding of the ruler as the one who has at his disposal an indisputable possibility to “award a right” and put for instance a town or a monastery outside law, in the strength of the sovereign’s seal to ensure property and privileges of an individual in the medieval world. Despite questionable anchoring of the king’s legislative activity on the level of real practice, the ideas of the origin of laws and of the legal system in the person of the sovereign belonged among stable attributes of the sovereign ideal also in the world of Bohemian medieval authors. Already with Cosmas, we saw a direct connection between the ascension of Přemysl the Ploughman and the creation of laws with which the mythical duke bound the unbridled Bohemians.43 According to the St Vitus dean, the land still followed the rights established by Přemysl in his times. Let us closely watch the imagination of our author. The general rights of the land of the Bohemians of the twelfth century had a long tradition originating in the mythical beginnings of their history. There, however, their establishment was not spontaneous, or natural, resulting from the nature of the human species. The rights and laws

Frederic’s Constitutions of Melfi and other models, cf. the editor’s study, Ibidem, pp. XXI–XXVI; also Bernhard TÖPFER, Zur Staatsideologie in den Prooemia der Kon- stitutionen von Melfi und der Majestas Carolina, in: Evamaria Engel (ed.), Karl IV. Politik und Ideologie im 14. Jahrhundert, Weimar 1982, pp. 150–157; out of Czech authors: Zdeněk KALISTA, Karel IV. Jeho duchovní tvář [Charles IV: His Religious face], Praha 2007, pp. 61–63; František KAVKA, Karel IV. Historie života velkého vladaře [Charles IV: History of the Life of the great Ruler], Praha 1998, pp. 165–167; most recently Martin NODL, Maiestas Carolina. Kritické postřehy k pramenům, vyhlášení a „odvolání“ Karlova zákoníku [Maiestas Carolina: Critical Insights to the Sources, the Declaration and “Withdrawal” of Charles’ Code ], in: Studia mediaevalia Bohemica 1, 2009, No. 1, pp. 21–35, esp. 21–24. 43 Cosmas’ tradition of the origin of laws in the Bohemian lands and its use in historihistori-- cal argumentation of medieval authors of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries has been most recently summarised by Martin NODL, Pozdně středověká transformace Kos- mova mýtu o počátcích práv a zákonů kmene Čechů. Kronikáři dvorského okruhu, Maiestas Carolina, Ondřej z Dubé a Viktorin Kornel ze Všehrd [The Late Medieval Transforma- tion of Cosmas’ Myth about the Origins of the Rights and Laws of the Czech Tribe: Chroniclers of Court Circle, Maiestas Carolina, Ondřej of Duba and Viktorin Kornel of Všehrd], in: Martin Nodl – Martin Wihoda (edd.), Šlechta, moc a reprezentace ve středověku,( Colloquia mediaevalia Pragensia 9), Praha 2007, pp. 189–207. 302 Robert Antonín were established by the first duke; they therefore came into existence along with the constitution of “state” power and lasted continuously. In Cosmas’ chronicle, Duke Přemysl plays the primary part of the man who establishes the law and dies after introducing it.44 Another man who influenced the rights and laws by which Bohemia and the Bohemians abided in an utterly fundamental way was, on the pages written by the St Vitus dean, Duke Břetislav I. The first of his legislative steps was represented by the declaration of the so-called Gniezno Statutes, which allegedly occurred over the relics of St Adalbert before the duke had them moved to Prague. The whole story is sufficiently known and much has been written about it. Despite a strong motif of abidance by virtuous Christian life (concerning strength of faith, pagan and godless acts, but also marriage and the relationship between man and woman generally), to which Břetislav bound his Bohemians by their declaration, thus de facto placating the saint whose grave the Bohemians planned to open after three days of prayers, the fact that the one who declares the new principles of life is none other than the duke must not pass unnoticed. The role of Bishop Severus (Šebíř) is in this case limited to the utterance of brief formulas through which he “gives blessing” to the duke’s words, acting in his role of the spiritual shepherd of the Bohemian “flock”. Another moment when Cosmas’ Břetislav I intervened fundamentally in the land’s customs is the establishment of the seniority order of succession to the ducal seat.45 Despite examples of charters, which grow more numerous in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and evidence legal activity of a number of dukes in the sense of granting of privileges and exemp- tions of ecclesiastical institutions or merchant communities from the land law, despite the famous Statutes of Conrad II Otto (Iura Conradi), revealing that the duke guaranteed the principles of the procedural order of the land court not only on the pages of chronicles and tractates, but also in real political life, the first explicit mention of the sovereign’s actions in the legislative sphere is only represented by a brief reference in The Zbraslav Chronicle, according to which Přemysl Otakar II, wisely ruling the kingdom entrusted to him, had laws written up; besides that, he “refined the coarseness of the Bohemian people, who had lived a miserable beastly existence until that time, with some rules of

44 On the example of Přemysl as the duke who established law, see Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, pp. 18, 21. 45 Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, pp. 85–88. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 303 refinement”.46 In this case, we have no further information about the reflection of the chronicler’s text in reality. Given the fact that Otto of Thuringia ascribed similar activity also to his main hero, Wenceslas II, it is evident that Přemysl’s care for the laws that were abided by in his kingdom needs to be, in this case, regarded as a purposefully used literary cliché based on the generally accepted concept of the sovereign’s law-making role. The general statement of Otto of Thuringia is put in a different light when combined with the testimony of a record that is more distant from Otakar’s time, contained in the chronicle by Beneš the Minorite. He reminds that at the beginning of the 1270s, Přemysl occupied himself throughout the Lent period at Křivoklát castle with the selection of laws and rights from the Magdeburg Law as well as from the laws of other lands, in an effort to improve law existing in his kingdom or possibly to supersede old unsuitable rights; in this, however, he met with an opposition of his barons.47 We do not know whether the described events actually took place. What is important for our reflection, however, is the immediate perception of the sovereign as a lawmaker by fourteenth century chroniclers. Current research emphasises the role that was played in the narrative strategies of the chroniclers from Zbraslav by Otakar’s son Wenceslas II. The chronicler Otto ascribed the part of a unifier of laws, and ultimately thus also the role of the originator of the legal order in the land to him as well. This effort of Wenceslas stemmed from his inward conviction of the necessity to do good for the people he ruled. The strong Augustinian- Thomist motif reflecting in the Cistercian conception of the penultimate Přemyslid’s good reign led the king to an effort to sum up the rights of his kingdom, which had been scattered and utterly imperfect until then, under precisely defined rules of laws and orders. With Wenceslas, we thus already encounter a sign of amending of the law, rather than its mere summarisation. We know that the king’s move against the arbitrariness of individual judges, who according to The Zbraslav Chronicle issued imprudent findings, was unsuccessful. The chronicler puts the blame on the opposition of nobles, in whose hands the finding of law at the land court rested.48 As opposed to the ambiguous case of Přemysl Otakar II,

46 Josef EMLER (ed.), Petra Žitavského Kronika zbraslavská [Peter of Zittaus’ Chronicon Aulae Regiae], Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV., Praha 1884, p. 9. 47 Ladislav DUŠEK (ed.), Benedicti minoritae dicti Cronica et eius continuatio, in: Je rzy Kłoczowski (ed.), Zakony franciszkańskie w Polsce. Franciszkanie w Polsce średniowiecznej, T. I/2,3. Franciszkanie na zemiach polskich, Kraków 1993, p. 363. 48 Petra Žitavského Kronika zbraslavská, pp. 61–62. 304 Robert Antonín there is no doubt that Wenceslas based his legislative activities on actually conducted discussion with experts on both ecclesiastical and lay law, which resulted at least in the implementation of his mining code, ius regale montanorum. When Wenceslas, leaning on the experience and professionalism of his advisers – Gozzo of Orvieto is mentioned above all in this respect – issued his mining code in 1300, he embodied in it de facto all the principles we have discussed in the previous chapter in connection with the sovereign’s role of a just king. First of all, it needs to be emphasised that the issuer of the law, i.e. the lawmaker, is the sovereign himself, who derives his law-making role from the divine origin of his power. According to the presented argumentation, all earthly rights are issued through the mouths of princes, but have their origin in God. If Wenceslas grants rights to his miners, he does so thanks to the merciful power of the Creator, who “is the beginning of all and light of lights”. At the same time, in the light of the initial passages of the mining code, it is solely the sovereign who may amend old unsuitable rights. 49 From the viewpoint of the perception of the law-making role of a Christian ruler, it is necessary to emphasise the fact that the whole code is presented “as if” by Wenceslas himself, who issues, orders, establishes … and above all does not renounce his function of high (appellate) judge, i.e. the last guarantor of earthly justice before God, even though he establishes officials carrying out judicial authority within the mining law in the very first articles. According to the code “of Wenceslas”, the mistakes of urburéř (the official responsible for the payment of the sovereign’s profit from mining), and of the councillors are to be dealt with in the future either by the vice-chamberlain, or directly by the king, i.e. Wenceslas himself, who was established by God after the emperor as the issuer of laws and thus as the only person capable of finding the correct interpretation of law, which de facto originates from himself. The king understands himself as revived law; the mental concept of the mining code thus fully professes the juristic tradition developed throughout the thirteenth century, as I attempted to show already in the initial chapter of this work. We could find more such examples interconnecting in this

49 See Jus regale montanorum, in: Hermenegild Jireček (ed.), Codex iuris Bohemici I., Praga 1867, p. 266: “Pater ingenite, fons totius bonitatis, qui ut humanum genus perfecte uniretur, leges sacratissimas per ora principum divinitus protulisti, auge in nobis supplicibus Tuis ejusdem gratiae virtutem, ut sic fidelibus montanis nostris (quorum non solum regnum nostrum, immo universus orbis terrarum jam labori- bus consolatur) leges edere valeamus, quod nobis ad salutem ipsisque proficiat ad quietem et ineffabili nomini Tuo ad gloriam et honorem.” On that, cf. M. NODL, Maiestas Carolina, pp. 22–24. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 305 respect Ius regale montanorum with general European trends of the foundation of the sovereign power and its legitimacy on jurisprudence.50 One of the tasks of a just sovereign was naturally the punishing of wrongdoers. This also reflected the sacral substance of his office. On theoretical level, the king executed God’s justice on earth. For this reason, he remained for a long time the single social institution on which the right of legal killing of a human was delegated (the state has a similar power at its disposal in many contemporary countries). The pious king, justly and wisely judging, has full authority of the heavens to punish those who disturb the general good, trample on the principles of peace and just order of society. The sovereign’s right to punish is thus limited from two sides at once – from one by the fulfilment of the principles of the ideal sovereign habitus, and from the other by general (social) beneficial effect of the punishment. Any other punishing, following the sovereign’s personal interests is regarded as illegitimate and, in extreme cases, as a manifestation of tyranny.51 The sentencing and execution of a punishment by the sovereign thus in the narrative strategies of Bohemian chroniclers of the observed period necessarily follows only after a just trial, or after an evident transgression of the morally-ethical code of the Christian values that should be followed by society, or after an obvious transgression of legal norms (positive law

50 Jus regale montanorum, p. 282: “Eradicatis igitur hujusmodi ridiculosis ambiguita- tibus, nobis solis competit, cum simus lex animata, in regno nostro leges condere ac conditas declarare. Quis enim tantae superbiae fastidio tumidus est, ut regalem in hac parte sensum conterapnat, nobis invitis sibi tantam regiae dignitatis gloriam usurpando? Sed nos, qui sumus aequitatis et justitiae amatores, ut unusquisque suis terminis sit contentus, nolumus esse in hac parte in nostri regni honoribus negligen- tes, generaliter omnibus nobis in eo contradicentibus hoc edicto perpetuum silentium imponendo.” In terms of the European-wide development on that, cf. E. H. KAN- TOROWICZ, The King’s Two Bodies, pp. 98–121; a summary of the sovereign’s legislative role in the Czech context was presented for example by Dalibor JANIŠ, Práva a zřízení markrabství moravského z roku 1545. Pokus moravských stavů o revizi zemského zřízení. Historický úvod a edice [Rights and the Establishment of the Margraviate of Moravia from 1545: The Attempt of the Moravian Estates to Revise the Provincial System. Historical Introduction and Edition], (Prameny dějin moravských 9), Brno 2005, pp. 26–33. 51 On the issues connected with tyranny in the mental world of medieval intellectuals, see for example the summary by Friedrich SCHOENSTEDT, Studien zum Begriff des Tyrannen und zum Problem des Tyrannenmordes im Spätmittelalter, inbesondere in Frank- reich, Würzburg 1938; Wilfrid PARSONS, The Mediaeval Theory of the Tyrant, in: The Review of Politics 4, 1942, pp. 129–143; Helene WIERUSZOWSI, Roger II of Sicily Rex-Tyrannus in Twelfth-Century Political Thought, in: Spaeculum 38, 1963, pp. 46–78; Gábor KLANICZAY, Representation of the Evil Ruler in the Middle Ages, in: European Monarchy, pp. 69–79. 306 Robert Antonín is de facto based on natural law and through it also on God’s law), or possibly after deeds that disturb general peace and thus attack the stability of social order as such. The so-called “Vyšehrad trial” by Soběslas I, which is described in detail in the work of the anonymous canon from Vyšehrad, is exemplary in this respect. Before the duke condemns the leader Miroslav, his brother Střezimír and an unknown physician (medi- cus) for conspiracy and treason to public execution at Prague’s marketplace, and together with them forces their fellow conspirators Křivosúd, Wacemil and Jindřich to undergo trial by ordeal of iron (ploughshare), which proves their guilt and they are subsequently beheaded by axe, the annalist depicts a remarkable judicial performance which, thought through to the end, prepares the ground for the execution of the said Bohemians, who belonged among the elite of that time. Having captured Miroslav and his brother and imprisoned them at Vyšehrad, Soběslas sets out for Prague (meaning the castle) to pray there in the transformed robes of the king of Nineveh (i.e., in the robe of a penitent) and barefoot. He was there cheerfully welcomed by signing and bell ringing. Then he moved back to Vyšehrad. Subsequently, Bohemian men gathered to him to hear his accusation of the plotters. In it, the duke first of all reminded to the gathered leaders that his power had been bestowed on him by God’s grace; at the same time, he had been elevated to the ducal seat by his brother Vladislas and by all leaders which, as we know, supports the idea of divine choice of his person, in which the Přemyslid blood and the election act as arbiters. While speaking, Soběslas stood in the midst of the circle of the assembled leaders in the manner of a son seeking forgiveness of his father, and tears were flowing down his cheeks when he started to speak. This image describes the duke as a humble man who submits himself back to the womb from which he originated – back to the hands of leaders, who elected him to the ducal seat and who are now to try those who have made an attempt on the duke’s life. All gestures of ducal humility depicted in the chronicle thus refer to a single thing – through the trial, which will end up in Soběslas’ favour, the Přemyslid gains new confirmation of the legitimacy of his reign. From the point of view of a medieval person, the subsequent examination, confession and execution of the leader Miroslav was an utterly adequate consequence of the betrayal of the sovereign and thus also of a fundamental violation of order, which was personified by the duke’s person.52

52 Canonici Wissegradensis continuatio Cosmae, in: Josef Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohem- micarum II, Praha 1874, pp. 208–210; on the historical context, cf. Josef ŽEMLIČKA, Čechy v době knížecí [Bohemia in the Ducal Period], Praha 1997, p. 225; Andrzej Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 307

Be it as it may, in spite of all mercy and goodness to which the sovereign is supposed to stick, he needs to punish heavy sins against peace uncompromisingly. We would hardly find more pious and thus also more merciful king in the Bohemian chronicles than Wenceslas II as presented by the chroniclers from Zbraslav. Yet this ruler even twice, in 1286 and 1287, according to the said chroniclers harshly suppressed unspecified disturbers of the land’s peace in Moravia. The chronicle ascribes some four hundred executions to Wenceslas in this context. In this case, however, the punishments by beheading and hanging are legitimate from the viewpoint of a medieval person. Wenceslas meted them out to criminals who had disturbed peace in the land by robber- ies. At the same time, the king showed no small mercy by having one of the worst villains, Fridrich of Šumburk, punished merely by symbolic cutting a finger off his hand under the oath of his subsequent loyal service. Fridrich allegedly became one of the king’s most faithful friends afterwards. Similarly at least in the scheme of narration, although not in content, describes Peter of Zittau an expedition against Moravian robbers led by young King John of Bohemia several decades later. He was also executing villains and destroying their strongholds, he also pardoned, this time Fridrich of Linava, whose solid castle Račice he had undermined by miners. It seems that in both narrations, the chroniclers use a similar general scheme including exemplary and hard enforcement of law and peace followed by an example of benignant forgiveness creating a strong bond between the punished and the punisher. Záviš of Falkenstein is similarly described as a disturber of peace and a man acting wilfully against the king in The Zbraslav Chronicle. The issues connected with his acts and captivity are too broad to be discussed in depth in this work. From the general viewpoint, however, the overall conception of the relevant passages of the chronicle makes it evident that the extensive description of the ill deeds of Záviš is aimed above all at a justification of his capture, condemnation (about which the chronicler does not speak in more detail, however) and subsequent execution. All this is interconnected with the very founding of the monastery, which the young king pledged to God if he managed to overcome his stepfa- ther’s plots. Záviš is executed as a disturber of the peace. Only a few paragraphs further, however, the chronicler Otto reminds of the fate of

PLESZCZYŃSKI, Vyšehrad. Rezidence českých panovníků. Studie o rezidenci panovníka raného středověku na příkladu pražského Vyšehradu [Vyšehrad: Residence of Czech Rul- ers. A Study of Residence of an Early Medieval Ruler Using the Example of Prague’s Vysehrad], Praha 2002, pp. 68–71. 308 Robert Antonín another disloyal powerful man from Bohemia participating in a conspiracy against Wenceslas, who presented himself in front of the young king as a penitent and was duly forgiven. “The pious and exceedingly good king … did not persist in anger: following the model of the Lord Christ, he pardoned the traitor right away.” We thus see that the Cister- cians follow the above-outlined scheme even in Falkenstein’s case.53 The mentioned examples from The Zbraslav Chronicle document the tension between the necessity to punish and the necessity to forgive, which was fundamentally characteristic of the medieval West. Through them, at the same time, we reach the reflection on another aspect of the ideal of the sovereign’s power, which has been showing all the time through the topic of a just punishment. The imposition of a punishment became utterly indisputable in the moment the accused was convicted of transgressions against peaceful coexistence of society. Along with this, the text of the Cistercians from Zbraslav clearly shows the deep rooting of the sovereign type rex-iustus, which we could see already in the 1243 charter of Wenceslas, in the collective structures of the fourteenth century thought, when also other men of letters treat this sovereign type as something quite natural.

The conclusions and examples presented above show that – in spite of the absence of princely mirrors and tractates containing explicit considerations of the topics of social and political philosophy – as regards the understanding of the legitimacy of power and the sovereign ideal as such, the mental milieu in the Bohemian lands fully belonged to the Latin tradition developed in the Western parts of Europe. Bohemian and Moravian society took this path already in the tenth century within the framework of the process of Christianization; along with it, the local culture received also the basic features of the sovereign ideal created by syncretism of Christian and Germanic (pagan) notions. Here, we need to recall the ideas of František Graus, who showed a good many analogies between the Germanic Heerkönigtum and the pagan notions of the inhabitants of the Bohemian lands.54 They explain the causes of the relatively smooth reception of the new ideology of power, which had much in common with the original pre-Christian notion, given by

53 On Wenceslas’ expedition to Moravia, see Petra Žitavského Kronika Zbraslavská, pp. 29–31; on John of Bohemia’s expedition: Ibidem, pp. 179–180; on Záviš’s capture and death, as well as the pardoning of the unknown nobleman, see Ibidem, pp. 32, 34. 54 F. GRAUS, Kirchliche und heidnische, pp. 148–161. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 309 the common Indo-European basis. It is not off-topic in this context to point out the fact that the ideal medieval ruler is in the metaphorical sense a synthesis of functions, which were held by generations of gods in the archaic tripartite Indo-European theology analysed by Georges Dumézil. Through his sovereignty (first function), the ideal ruler ensures protection of the society and the just division of property, from the position of physical force (second function) he puts into action (not only) land peace, and the fertility and prosperity (third function) of the entire society is connected with his presence in the land.55 The above-emphasized stability of the roots and principles, on which the medieval sovereign ideal was based, as well as its smooth reception within a wide geographic horizon of whole Europe, leads us to the identification of the ideal of sovereign power with a cultural archetype – i.e., with one of the building blocks of the cultural structure of the medieval West, a firm point creating, along with other similar ones, a unified platform enabling understanding and thus also transfer of partial components of the cultural system.56 It was not an accident that I emphasized the aspect of reign understood as an active obligation in the commentary on Isidore’s conception of sovereign power. Taken to its logical conclusion, the emperor, king and prince legitimize their rule by performing it, but it is also possible to reign poorly and a badly ruling sovereign in return loses his legitimacy through his actions. The litmus test of a good reign was provided to the Middle Ages by the mentioned theory of the cardinal virtues complemented by the Christian virtues of faith, love and hope. Their system hence acquired within the medieval theory of the sovereign ideal a fundamental ethical-normative significance – should the ruler be the one who leads his entrusted people towards the heavenly kingdom, his conduct must be a demonstration of

55 Cf. George DUMÉZIL, Mýty a bohové Indoevropanů [Myths and Gods of the Indo- Europeans], (ed.) Hervé Coutau-Bégarie, Praha 1997, particularly pp. 69–127. 56 I understand an archetype on the general level as a collectively shared pattern of perper-- ception, i.e. a symbolic model including a framework of the ideas and conceptions, through which the individual orients in the world – an a priori model. A cultural archetype thus defined is related both to an explicitly defined archetype of analytical psychology, which explains its collective nature, and to the archetypal figures localized by literary science, which present “embodiments” of the cultural archetypes. Hence, I do not perceive the ideal of sovereign power as a mental construct connected with a specific figure, but as a metaphorical embodiment of archetypal events, which are interwoven in the person of the ideal ruler and are demonstrated outwardly. On archetypal events, cf. Mircea ELIADE, Mýtus o věčném návratu. Arche- typy a opakování [Myths of Eternal Return: Archetypes and Repetition], Praha 2003, particularly pp. 9–37. 310 Robert Antonín these virtues. The fact that the medieval world did not take the ethical- moral prerequisites of political theory lightly is reflected in the existence of the above-mentioned princely mirrors. Those are known already from the court of the Frankish kings of the Carolingian dynasty; later, in the twelfth century, their tradition was revived with the above-mentioned treatise Policraticus by John of Salisbury, although he himself did not conceive his work as a princely mirror and the ideas contained in it were further spread by his commentators and propagators (whether they were aware of the fact, or not) such as Helinand of Froidmont, Gerald of Wales, Gilbert of Tournai or Vincent of Beauvais. It is in no way different with the cited work by Thomas Aquinas De regimine principum ad regem cipri. As other authors of this type of source, we can name Aegidius Romanus or Engelbert of Admont and many others.57 I am not hiding the fact that also in the case of this type of source we are working with theoretical postulates. It is actually fixated models in written form of sovereign conduct (behaviour) and it is possible to object that they actually are normative sources, which did not have much in common with reality, but this objection only stands partially, because if we apply in the analysis of princely mirrors the principles of the theory of action (Pierre Bourdieu), the norms of the sovereign ideal in the princely mirrors acquire solid outlines in the real life of society. This can be delimited in the intentions of the theses of P. Bourdieu as an autonomous space, where a game is taking place among those who reside there. The participants enter the game with a certain capital

57 The essential work in this field is the already cited work by W. BERGES, Die Fürsten- spiegel, see there also the extensive analysis given of the relation of princely mirrors to the ethical thinking of the period when they were written, cf. Ibidem, pp. 8–22; H. H. ANTON, Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherethos in der Karolingerzeit, H. H. Anton also selected, translated and commented on these sources from Western Europe in the anthology: Fürstenspiegel des frühen und hohen Mittelalters, (Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters. Freiherr von Stein Gedächnisausgabe 45), Darmstadt 2006; on this topic, cf. also Christine REINLE – Harald WINKEL (edd.), Historische Exempla in Fürstenspiegeln und Fürstenlehren, (Kulturgeschichtliche Beiträge zum Mittelalter und zur frühen Neuzeit 4), Frankfurt am Main 2011; there cf. the study by Karl UBL, Clementia oder severitas. Historische Exempla über eine Para- doxie der Tugendlehre in den Fürstenspiegeln Engelberts von Admont und seiner Zeitgenossen, in: Ibidem, pp. 21–41; on the named authors and their works, cf. above in the text; on Engelbert of Admont, cf. K. UBL, Engelbert von Admont, see there on pp. 58–69 the brief but accurate synopsis of the development of the genre of princely mirrors and their function in society; the basic synopsis of the development of medieval political thought, besides the works already cited, is presented by Dieter MERTENS, Geschichte der politischen Ideen im Mittelalter, in: Hans Fenske – Wolfgang Reinhard – Klaus Rosen (edd.), Geschichte der politischen Ideen. Von Homer zur Gegenwart, Frankfurt am Main 19872, pp. 141–238. Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 311

(economic, social, etc.), whose holding categorises them into a certain social group. The term habitus, i.e. a system of outwardly projected conduct (activities, positions taken, dress, maintenance of contacts etc.), is then related to this categorisation. The conduct of an individual thus according to Pierre Bourdieu is never dependent purely on his will, but is strongly influenced by the dispositions of his habitus. These dispositions are monitored by society (other participants in the game generally). Surpassing one’s habitus thus becomes crossing the social norms and as such is something improper and threatening the social ties, because to act beyond the habitus means to act outside of the expected and hence also outside of the symbolic network of relations, which hold society together. These rules applied twice as strongly for the medieval world based on tradition.58 If we introduce the medieval sovereign on the stage delimited by the theory of Pierre Bourdieu, it is first of all necessary to emphasise that to be the sovereign means to have in one’s hands not only the economic but also the social capital connected with the sacral dimension of the royal office. In order to retain it, however, the ruler must act within the boundaries set by the ruler’s habitus, which he must master. Precisely for this purpose are the princely mirrors created, whose aim is to in- culcate the ruler’s habitus in the sovereign through the construction of an ideal image of sovereign power. By adopting the habitus (the social role, which is expected of the ruler), the sovereign ideal is implemented in the sovereign’s behaviour – in the ideal case, it then forms also his character in the intentions of the teaching on the cardinal virtues. Through this process, the ideal of sovereign power comes down as a basic construction element of the ruler’s habitus from the notional heights of theoretical postulates, accessible only to a part of medieval society, to the “basement” of everyday life, where conduct within its limits brings the king the social capital necessary to rule. In the same breath, it is necessary to emphasise the prerequisite arising from what was men-

58 Pierre BOURDIEU, Teorie jednání [Theory of Practice], Praha 1998; on the reception of his theory within history, cf. at least Sven REICHARDT, Bourdieu für Historiker? Ein kultursoziologisches Angebot an die Sozialgeschichte, in: Thomas Mergel – Thomas Welskopp (edd.), Geschichte zwischen Kultur und Gesellschaft. Beiträge zur Theo- riedebatte, München 1997, pp. 71–93; an analysis taking into account the late medieval English princely mirrors and their use in education with the aid of Bourdieu’s theory of action was conducted by Ulrike GRASSNICK, Ratgeber des Königs. Fürsten- spiegel und Herrschersideal im spätmittelalterlichen England, (Europäische Kulturstu dien: Literatur – Musik – Kunst im historischen Kontext 15), Köln – Weimar – Wien 2004. 312 Robert Antonín tioned above: that the other participants in the conduct, not only the litterati, are able to recognise the mentioned habitus, i.e. that they share the social conception of the ideal reign of the Christian ruler and its manifestations. That certainly is not accessible to the entire society with all the subtleties of a theological theory, which I tried to summarise above in the text. On a simplified level, however, it systematically cap- tures Seneca’s and Augustine’s concepts of the functioning of human society and the place of the ruler in it – i.e. the arrangement of the community on three central ideas: Pax, Ordo, Iustitia (“Peace”, “Order”, “Justice”), and of the characterisation of the sovereign as the bearer of these entities. Through the pastoral activities of the church, thesim- plified theory thus spreads among the nobility, who are moreover in frequent contact with the sovereign court as the place of the intensive self-representation of the ruler’s habitus. At the same time, it penetrates in the form of simple examples even among the common social classes, although it is necessary to presume the use of predominantly simple equations and comparisons connected mainly with visual perception in this social milieu. Sovereign power thus blends here for instance with the pomp which, however, must be connected with generosity and clemency, in order to be different from pride. The measure of a good and thus legitimate rule was precisely its ideal – the thought construct of medieval intellectuals, but based in its essence on the archetypal basis of Indo-European mythology. An ideal, which in the long period stretching from the fifth to the eighteenth centuries became a component of the concepts of a legitimate reign, concepts systematically composed in the ideal type. Although several modifications of the aspects of the ideal type of sovereign power- oc curred within the defined time horizon, at its core, this type remained an unchanged imperative, based on which the sovereign’s conduct as well as the abilities and virtues of medieval rulers connected with that were evaluated. The ideal of sovereign power thus ultimately created a balanced cultural concept assuring the survival of the society as such. We can identify it with the archetype, which became a model worthy of being followed. It is not decisive whether it was a literary or cultural model, because there was not a very big difference between them in medieval society, not yet stripped of magical elements. The ideal ruler, described in medieval literary monuments in accord with the period conception of a just reign, the ruler whose character demonstrates the seven Classical and Christian virtues, the ruler acting as a just, clement king, whose reign is connected with the establishment of order and peace in the land, plays the role not only of literary cliché but also of an Pater et filius iustitiae. The Ideal of Sovereign’s Rule 313 expression or kind of definition of the collective memory. Through him, the complex of supremely binding obligations is captured; these must not be forgotten, because forgetting them brings disintegration of the ties between those who participate in the collective memory. If we real- ise that the ideal ruler is within the functioning of medieval culture and society a term as complex as the term democracy is for today’s Euro- Atlantic civilisation, we can understand that abandoning this collective memory would mean the end of the medieval West.59

59 On collective memory, cf. Maurice HALBWACHS, Kolektivní paměť [The Collec- tive Memory], Critical edition prepared by Gérard Namer with the cooperation of Marie Jaisson, Praha 2009; Pierre NORA, Zwischen Geschichte und Gedächtnis, Ber- lin 1990; Otto Gerhard OEXLE (edd.), Memoria als Kultur, (Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 121), Göttingen 1995; Jan ASSMANN, Kultura a paměť. Písmo, vzpomínka a politická identita v rozvinutých kulturách starověku [Culture and Memory: Scripture, Memory and Political Identity in the Developed Cultures of Antiquity], Praha 2001.

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Castrensis Satane servit: Castles as a Factor of Social Change in Bohemian Narrative Sources at the Turn of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries

Marcin R. Pauk

The diffusion of cultural patterns in both the vertical sense (from elites to the lower social strata) and the horizontal, i.e. geographical sense, must be considered as one of the most important factors of social and cultural change in medieval Europe. The process of the assimilation and imitation of patterns coming from the top encompassed many phenomena, both from the sphere of spiritual, symbolic and material culture, such as kinship structure, principles of primogeniture, mari- tal strategies, the adaptation of heraldic symbols and other elements of knightly culture, the use of seals and written testimonies or finally, such tangible differentiators of social status like the ownership of a fortified residence.1 The promptness to a quick adaptation of new cultural patterns is undoubtedly a good measure of the internal dynamics of the society. The diffusion of cultural patterns, however, has not always been implemented peacefully. I would like to focus my attention on the phenomenon of the castle as one of the most significant factors of social and cultural change during the thirteenth-century transformation of the Bohemian lands. Castra fore neccessaria quis abnuit? – around 1350 such a rather rhetorical question was posed by Charles IV in his codifica- tion of Bohemian land law, the so-called Maiestas Carolina. But, I guess not all of the contemporaries of the emperor would confirm that with equal conviction. A castle was seen by medieval authors as an ambivalent phenomenon. As a starting point I would like to take a look at the assessments – let me say right away, mostly negative – formulated by

1 Georges DUBY, La vulgarisation des modeles culturelles dans la société féodale, in: Idem, Hommes et structures du moyen age, Paris – La Haye 1973, pp. 299–309. 316 Marcin R. Pauk the authors of Bohemian narrative sources in the first half of the fourteenth century. Trying to understand the reasons for their scepticism, if not undisguised hostility towards castles, can bring us closer to the social evaluation of the undeniable cultural innovation. In fact, in all of Central Europe a fortified residence built of stone must be considered a genetically strange and adapted phenomenon, whose functions and forms were developed in the tenth and eleventh centuries in the radically different social conditions of Western Europe. Castles do not take up much space in the sources discussed below – references to them are mostly quite accidental and their presence is treated, regardless of acceptance or disapproval, as so self-evident as if they were a permanent feature of both the physical and social landscapes.

* * *

Written in the second decade of the fourteenth century, the Old-Czech rhymed chronicle by an anonymous author called Dalimil is unique in Central Europe primarily due to the first use of a vernacular language in a historiographical work.2 In relation to the earlier Bohemian historiography, especially the Chronicle of Cosmas and his successors at the forefront, the work contains an abridged reworking of the homeland history elaborated in the form of rhymed prose.3 The narration on the last decades of the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, however, takes on the original characteristics which indicate that the author described the reality of his time without hesitating before the current formulation of personal assessments and commentaries. Nevertheless, any attempt to identify the author proved to be problematic due to the scarcity of information which he left about himself. The so-called Dalimil used to be regarded as a cleric associated with one of the magnate families. However, in his work he conveyed rather the frustrations and fears of the lesser nobility. The crucial phenomena of thirteenth-century transformation of the Bohemian lands, such as an oligarchic turn in the political structure, the influx of foreigners and increase in political importance of the

2 Critical edition: Jiří DAŇHELKA et al. (edd.), Staročeská kronika tak řečeného Dalimila 1–2 [Old Czech Chronicle of the So-Called Dalimil], Praha 1988. (cited below as Staročeská kronika Dalimila) 3 See the most comprehensive survey by Marie BLÁHOVÁ, Staročeská kronika tak řečeného Dalimila v kontextu středovĕké historiografie latinského kulturního okruhu a její pramenna hodnota [Old-Czech Chronicle of the So-Called Dalimil in the Context of Medieval Historiography of the Latin Europe and its Source Value], in: Staročeská kronika tak řečeného Dalimila III, Praha 1995. Castrensis Satane servit: Castles as a Factor of Social Change 317

German patricians of Prague and Kutná Hora, were presented in the chronicle as a real threat to the vital interests of this social class. These feelings were supposed to be strengthened in relation to the extinction of the native dynasty and the embrace of the Bohemian throne by successive foreign rulers – Rudolf von Habsburg, Henry of Carinthia and finally John of Luxembourg. The chronicler formulated it explicitly pointing out especially the threat of the new ruler’s favouring of foreign visitors. The chronicler presented sometimes openly xenophobic and anti-German attitudes and defined also social distinctions in terms of ethnic categories.4 These attitudes were in line with an unconcealed conservatism, probably having profound social reasons. He manifested sentimentality for the past “good old days” and resentment and even contempt for novelties brought by the influence of the courtly culture. A story about adopting new customs was inserted in Chapter LXXV containing a passage about King Přemysl Otakar I’s government5. It was the same ruler who was supposed to embrace bad customs: after his coronation he used to spend time in idleness at Castle Křivoklát near Prague accompanied by his trusted favourite, Smil. The corruption of morals and laziness, which Bohemian noblemen were tempted to follow, were summed up by the chronicler in the following words:

“Staří se jechu doma jako vepři tyti mladí počěchu s óhaři honiti.”6

From this perspective, the chronicler was looking also at the phenomenon of the proliferation of private fortified residences – a phenomenon that acquired a special momentum at that time.7 There are two

4 Zdeněk UHLÍŘ, Národnostní proměny 13. století a český nacionalismus [National Trans- formations of the Thirteenth Century and Czech Nationalism], in: Folia Historica Bohemica 12, 1988, pp. 143–170; see also Jaroslav MEZNÍK, Nĕmci a Češi v Kronice tak řečeného Dalimila [Czechs and Germans in the Chronicle of the So-Called Dalimil], in: Časopis matice moravské 112, 1993, pp. 3–10. 5 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 2, c. 75, pp. 284−285. 6 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 2, c. 75/ 25–26, pp. 284: “The old become to fatten up like pigs at home and the young hunt prey in the forest.” 7 For a synthetic view with references to the recent literature, see Marcin R. PAUK, Der böhmische Adel im 13 Jahrhundert: Zwischen Herschaftsbildung und Gemeinschaftsgefühl, in: Ivan Hlaváček – Alexander Patschovský (edd.), Böhmen und seine Nachbarn in der Přemyslidenzeit, (Vorträge und Forschungen vol. 74), Ostfildern 2011, pp. 272– 275; see also František KAVKA, Hrady a jejich význam v skladbĕ české předhusitské šlechty (1300–1419). Situace na středním Povltaví a dolním Posázaví [Castles and their Importance for the Structure of Bohemian Pre-Hussite Nobility (1300–1419): Situa- 318 Marcin R. Pauk well-known places in his work which express clear opinions on the castles and strongholds constructed by the Bohemian nobility. In Chapter XXXII the chronicler says:

“[…] bude li każdi swoy dwor twrditi nebudem moci prawym mierem byti. Neb bude każdi na swoy dwor hledieti a obce ygeden nebude tbati Nedayme twrzi niekomemu stawieti a pro to nas każdy musi zyuotem zemie braniti w twrzech bude oblenienie A tak zemie jiste zatracenie.”8

Possession of a fortified seat was sharply contrasted here with the sense of responsibility for the whole political community of the Bohemians – obec (community). This term, intersecting the semantics of terms jazyk (language) and země (land), played absolutely crucial role in the political ideology of the so-called Dalimil.9 He understood the interest of the community as a priority over the interests of particular noblemen. The construction of private castles, obviously useful only for individual members of the community, was estimated by the chronicler as a serious danger to a collective identity and nobles’ capability to cooperate. In his mind, a common military action only, by no means a retreat behind the walls of the fortresses, could effectively guarantee the peace and security of the whole community of the realm:

“Obec jest každeho ohrada, ktož ji tupi, minulať jest jeho rada.

tion in the Mid-Vltava River Region and in the Lower Sázava River Region], in: Idem, Ohlédnutí za padesáti lety ve službĕ českému dĕjepisectví, Praha 2002, pp. 196–225. 8 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 1, c. 32, pp. 394–395: “If everyone fortify his manor, we will not live in true peace, because each will watch out for his own house/, and the general community won’t be cared for. Don’t let anyone build a stronghold and everyone may fight for the land with his life, if we get lazy in our castle the land will be certainly lost.” 9 Extensively Zdeněk UHLÍŘ, Pojem zemské obce v tzv. Kronice Dalimilově jako základní prvek její ideologie [The Concept of the Community of the Realm in the So-Called Chronicle of Dalimil as a Principle Element of its Ideology], in: Folia Historica Bo- hemica 9, 1985, pp. 7–29; see also the analysis of the Old-Czech terminology by Josef Macek published as Jaroslava PEČÍRKOVÁ et al., Sémantická analýza staročeského slova obec [Semantic Analysis of an Old Czech Word “Obec”], in: Listy filologické/ Folia philologica 97, 1974, pp. 89–100. Castrensis Satane servit: Castles as a Factor of Social Change 319

ztratě obec, neufaj i do hrada, / bez obcě dobude tebe všeliká sváda.”10

According to the so-called Dalimil, the private strongholds gave Bo- hemian lords a false sense of security and power. Therefore, the castles were a threat to the cohesion of the whole community. However, not in the sense one could expect – as a source of unrest and internal conflict, but because of the dire consequences of particularism and loss of sense of a commonwealth. Dalimil’s critical attitude toward the private castle building in Bo- hemia should be seen in the context of other quite numerous elements of his moral criticism, formulated by the chronicler in different passages of his work. The author consistently enumerated some phenomena which he perceived as negative – these were generally associated with the spread of Western courtly culture in the Bohemian lands. So far the most widely commented has been his reluctance to host tournaments as sharply expressed in Chapter LXXIX of his chronicle. The perceived strangeness of this courtly entertainment was underlined and specified by recalling the person of Hoyer of Friedeburg, a Thuringian newcomer, a courtier and favourite of King Wenceslas I as an alleged precursor of the tournaments at the Prague royal court.11 In fact, the beginning of the tournament games in the Přemyslid state can be dated probably to the second quarter of the thirteenth century, although any identification of a place, where the first known tournament was organised, raises serious doubts.12 Nevertheless according to the so-called Dalimil, it was

10 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 1, c. 4/06–07, p. 129. “Th“The e community is a wall for every-everyone, let be ignored the advice of the man who makes the community weaker. If you loose the community, don’t set your hope on the castle /, without the community, any enemy will defeat you.” 11 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 2, c. 79/61 – 66, p. 327: “Ojieř klánie a turnaj do Čech přinese / a tiem chudobu v zemi vnese. / Od té doby jechu sě na turnejě jezditi / a neužitečne nravy činiti. / Jechu sě dětinných rúch a krovóv na koně krájěti, / aby sě dali v rozličnem rúše viděti.” [“Ojieř brought tournament to Bohemia and thus let poverty enter the land. Since then they set out to tournaments and show useless manners. They put on childish clothes and put harness on horses to show off in various attire.”]. More on personage of Hoyer von Friedeburg and fabular motives linked with him in Czech historiography, see Marcin R. PAUK, Niemieccy przybysze na dworze Wacława I. W kwestii początków migracji rycerskich do Czech [German Newcomers at the Court of Wenzel I. On the Begginings of Chivalrous Migrations to Bohemia], in: DanaDvořáčková-Malá (ed.), Dvory a rezidence ve středovĕku, (Mediaevalia His- torica Bohemica, Supplementum 1), Praha 2006, pp. 87–106. 12 Recently Libor JAN, Počátky turnajů v českých zemích [The Beginnings of Tournaments in the Bohemian Lands], in: Listy filologické/Folia philologica 128, 2005, pp. 1–19, 320 Marcin R. Pauk then that the Bohemian magnates jechu sě na turnejě jezditi / a neužitečne nravy činiti (“they set out to tournaments and show useless manners”).13 As those useless or even harmful habits he considered the care for in- fantile clothes, worn at the tournament in order to contrast with the rest of the participants, and the horses barding sewn with expensive fabrics. Apart from the cost of material, the participation in the tournament was paradoxically supposed to lead to negligence of the former military ef- ficiency in real wars and to the weakening of the Old Bohemian fighting spirit in the knighthood.14 This strong condemnation of a new form of entertainment, however, did not prevent the chronicler from mentioning the victories of Bohemian noblemen in international tournaments and coats of arms allegedly acquired there.15 According to the chronicle, another “novelty of manners” – hunting with a pack of hunting dogs and keeping them within the lord’s house – had equally disastrous consequences. The author developed this topic in the story of the days of King Přemysl Otakar I, in which – as mentioned above – a crisis of traditional virtues started – old noblemen began to gain weight as pigs, and young aristocrats started to chase prey in the woods. Earlier the Bohemian nobles were in the habit of rarely engaging personally in the activities of hunting. They left the hunting activities and chasing the game to their servants. However, now resembling the rabble they live even with hunting dogs under one roof, which, according to the chronicler (showing an astonishing concern for hygiene in his era), has negative impact on the assets and also on the health of the Bohemian elite due to impurities and animal stench: A pro to sě jechu v sboži chuditi a pro psi smrad brzo mřieti (“And therefore they live in poverty together and soon die from the stench of dogs”). Chasing in the forests with the pack of dogs, in accordance with the chronicler’s man-

also Josef MACEK, Turnaj ve středovĕkých Čechách [Tournament in Medieval Bohemia], in: Idem, Česká středovĕká šlechta, Praha 1997, pp. 114–133 and Jana FANTYSOVÁ- MATĚJKOVÁ, Lucemburkové a turnaje [Luxembourgs and Tournaments], in: Dana Dvořáčková-Malá – Jan Zelenka (edd.), Dvory a rezidence ve středověku II., Praha 2008, pp. 419–451. 13 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 2, c. 79/ 63–64, p. 327. 14 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 2, c. 79 / 71–76, p. 327: “Neuměji toho věděti, / by mi kto ráčil pověděti / proč Čechy za lidi stáchu / když turnejě ni klánie znachu. / A když počechu v turnej hráti, / tak za vilu počechu v boji státi. / Žeť jsú někteři dobří tur- nejníci, / jižť jsú u boji praví špatníci.” [“I have no knowledge thereof and someone should tell me why the Czechs were better in fight when they did not know the tournaments. And when they started to participate in tournaments, they ceased to win in battles. Although some are good in tournaments, they are truly bad in fights.”]. 15 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 2, c. 82/25–26, p. 365. Castrensis Satane servit: Castles as a Factor of Social Change 321 ner to use simple antitheses, is contrasted here with the disappearance of the old custom – the political assemblies to be gathered annually in Prague on St. Wenceslas day (28 September) during which the rulers, higher clergy and lay magnates used to deal with the matters of prosperity and peace of the Bohemian lands. Trivial entertainment therefore had to replace one of the most important forms of political activity of the Bohemian nobility. The list of bad habits would not be complete without a sufficiently severe condemnation of dice play. According to Dalimil, gambling pas- sions and the aforementioned tournaments were responsible for the weakening of the noblemen’s vigilance against the conspiracy of the German patricians of Prague and Kutná Hora at the threshold of the Luxembourg period. Engaging in such entertainments Czech magnates allegedly did not notice political ambitions which allied patricians with foreigners. Consequently some of the most prominent lords were captured by the conspirators and the condition of their release from captivity became a shameful agreement – mésalliance of noble daughters with townsmen’s sons. The adoption of another foreign custom, previously considered to be an entertainment for people of humble origin rather than the nobility, brought fatal political consequences for Czech noblemen:

“Tak pání svu kratochvíl i jmiechu a menši zemi hubiechu. […] Pání kostku, klánie plodiechu A měščené s hostmi o nich sě radiechu.”16

Elements of moral criticism scattered in different parts of the work and embedded in different contexts reveal a relatively consistent picture of the chronicler’s worldview. It remains an open question to what extent the views of the so-called Dalimil on these issues were shaped by the principles of ecclesiastical moralism, and to what degree by political imaginations driven by ethnic resentment. An original feature of Dali mil’s criticism of the courtly culture’s reception is certainly its secular and political rather than religious character, atypical for ecclesiastical

16 Staročeská kronika Dalimila 2, c. 98, p. 502: “So lords have their entertainments, and the lesser people destroy the land. Lords are addicted to dice and tournaments, while burghers with newcomers make plot against them.” 322 Marcin R. Pauk polemists of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.17 The chronicler did not indicate its disastrous consequences for salvation, but predicted the disappearance of the old political virtues of community – bravery in combat, wisdom in council and concern for the common good. He sometimes dresses his objections – as in the case of tournaments – in the costume of ethnic resentment. Such beliefs were also at the core of Dalimil’s concern about castles. An original perspective of the Old Czech chronicle is also noticeable in comparison with the views of his contemporaries.

* * *

Completely different reasons stood behind the harsh assessment of castle building by Peter of Zittau, an abbot and chronicler of the Cistercian monastery at Zbraslav near Prague. He sharply contrasted the pious life of monks with lawlessness and violent lifestyle of castle lords and their retinues.18 A dichotomy castrensis – claustralis was most fully developed in rhymed commentary on the events of 1309 which took place in another Cistercian house in Bohemia, at the monastery in Sedlec near Kutná Hora. One of the members of the local patriciate who had gained wealth in the mining of silver ore, Bertold Pirkneri, built a private castle between the city and the monastery – a place fashionably called Pirk- enstein. Apparently imitating the lifestyle of noblemen he did so, as the author of the Chronicon Aulae Regiae aptly summed up, plus curiosi- tate quam necessitate.19 The opposition against King Henry of Carinthia’s government and favouring the Habsburgs caused, however, that he was forced to leave the city as well as his fortress. Its armed retinue quickly turned into a bunch of robbers harassing the neighbouring area. Both the activity of the same troop, as well as the siege of the fortress by the townsmen of Kutná Hora caused huge losses in the goods of the Cis- tercian abbey while the monks were forced to supply the troops. They obtained the aforementioned castle in the form of compensation, but, according to the abbot, Peter, its value did not cover the property dam- age incurred during the siege. These troubles of the maternal convent with castles gave the chronicler an opportunity to comment in verse,

17 Joachim BUMKE, Höfische Kultur. Literatur und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter, München 19999, pp. 583–594. 18 Josef EMLER (ed.), Chronicon Aulae Regiae, Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Praha 1884, pp. 1–337. 19 Ibidem, lib. 1, c. 106, p. 163. Castrensis Satane servit: Castles as a Factor of Social Change 323 in which the abbot of Zbraslav virulently expressed radical opposition between the lifestyle of castrenses (Satan’s servants) and the pious existence of claustrales:

“Castrensis satane servit, cum surgere mane Suevit claustralis: vita utique horum ets maxime inequalis: Nam cum claustralis orat Castrensis operatur, de quo pauper homo postea plorat.”20

The Cistercian chronicler did not see any possibility of symbiosis between these two profoundly different worlds. He considers a close proximity of castles and their lords a real disaster for cloisters and danger for monastic life.

* * *

The third part of my remarks refers to a laconic but significant mention in the Chronica Domus Sarensis, a source describing the foundation and early history of a Cistercian monastery in Žďár on the River Sázava in western Moravia as well as the kin of its founder – the Moravian noble family of Boček of Jaroslavice, one of the most eminent persons at the royal court during the reign of Přemysl Otakar II. Its author, a monk Henry called Sculptor of Austrian origin, pointed out that the founder and patron of the abbey took his origin from the castle named Obřany which was supposedly built by Boček’s father Gerhard:

“…quoddam de castro dictus, quod erat Obersen vocitatum, nobile castellum satis hoc fuit, sed modo ruptum.” 21

20 Ibidem. 21 For the newest edition, see Jaroslav LUDVÍKOVSKÝ (ed.), Cronica Domus Sarensis, Brno 1964, c. 7, p. 182; recent literature on the chronicle: Marcin R. PAUK, Mnisi – fundatorzy – pismo. Cronica Domus Sarensis na tle dziejopisarstwa klasztornego XI–XIV wieku [Monks – Founders – Literacy. Cronica Domus Sarensis on the Background of Monastic Historiography (11th – 14th Centuries)], in: Krzysztof Skwierczyński (ed.), Christianitas Romana. Studia ofiarowane Prof. Romanowi Michałowskiemu, Warszawa 2009, pp. 234–273; Roman ZATLOUKAL, Cronica Domus Sarensis a osobnost jejího autora Jindřicha Řezbáře. Příspěvek k dějinám cisterciáckého kláštera ve Žďáru nad Sázavou [Cronica Domus Sarensis and the Personality of Its Author Jindřich Řezbář. A Contribution to the History of the Cistercian Abbey in Žďár nad Sázavou], in: Vlastivědný věstník moravský 57, 2005, pp. 368–376. 324 Marcin R. Pauk

In fact, however, neither the founder of the Žďár abbey, Boček of Jaro- slavice, let alone his father Gerhard of Zbraslav, took his origin from Obřany, as is confirmed by the contemporary diplomatic sources. The former, who died in 1255, was in the charters most frequently referred to with the title of his office, marshal of Moravia, and resided in the stronghold Jaroslavice near Znojmo, or in a castle Bernekk in his Austrian county, that was given to him by King Přemysl Otakar II.22 The second of the noblemen came from Zbraslav (a Moravian familial patrimony) and his seat was probably an earthwork stronghold (the remnants of which are still preserved today).23 Thus, the builder of the new fortified residence, located in the close vicinity of Brno, was probably only his grandson and namesake Gerhard, who was in the written records consistently called “de Obersen” from 1278 onwards.24 In the last quarter of the thirteenth century, the fortress was experiencing vicissitudes and the period of its existence was not very long: in 1286 the castle was occupied by the royal army to force the aforementioned Gerhard to subordinate to King Wenceslas II. According to the Cronica Domus Sarensis its first destruction had already taken place before 1300. The final end in the function of the magnate residence coincided with the death of Ger- hard’s son and the last male descendant of the family, Smil of Obřany, in 1312. The proximity to a vibrant urban entity to a large extent resulted in the final destruction of the castle in 1316. The townsmen ofBrno conquered and destroyed the fortress. Shortly afterwards King John of Luxembourg granted the very site of the former castle and its dependencies to the town.25 The most interesting for us, however, is not the history of Castle Obřany, but a contemporary chronicler’s opinion about it. He devoted some attention to the name of the fortress, indicating that in Czech it means “a giant’s castle”, and that the Germans translated it as “Oberzez”, i.e. “a high seat”.26 Both etymologies therefore corresponded with the statement that this was a castellum nobile, which

22 The castle in Jaroslavice is first mentioned in 1255. Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris regni Bohemiae (thereinafter CDB) V/1, (edd.) J. Šebánek – S. Dušková, Prague 1974, p. 121, No. 60. 23 Miloslav PLAČEK, Hrady a zámky na Moravě a ve Slezsku [Castles and Palaces in Moravia and Silesia], Praha 1999, pp. 375–376. 24 CDB V/2, (edd.) J. Šebánek – S. Dušková, Prague 1981, pp. 70–71, No. 100; on this castle, see M. PLAČEK, Hrady a zámky, pp. 265–266; Jan KLÁPŠTĚ, Proměna českých zemí ve středověku [The Bohemian Lands in Medieval Transformation], Praha 2005, pp. 131–132; Miloslav PLAČEK – Zdeněk FUTÁK, Páni z Obřan [The Lords of Obřany], in: Brno v minulosti a dnes 19, 2006, pp. 13–45. 25 Codex diplomaticus Moraviae VI, (ed.) P. R. von Chlumecky, pp. 70–71, No. 100. 26 Cronica Domus Sarensis, c. 7, p. 182. Castrensis Satane servit: Castles as a Factor of Social Change 325 met social requirements of its owners and was adequate to their noble rank. The German Cistercian author writing his chronicle around 1300 probably assumed that such a wealthy and politically influential kin- dred should have come from the duly magnificent fortified residence. Therefore, not the knowledge of the facts, but the same idea of the castle as a fundamental social attribute of the highest noble status was enough for the chronicler to move the origins of Castle Obřany to the era before the foundation of the Žďár monastery. In this short passage of the Žďár Chronicle, many of the common issues related to the social impact of medieval strongholds are perfectly focused: a Cistercian monk writing in the monastery under the protection of a noble family saw the problem of castles in a radically different way from his Zbraslav-based colleague a few years later. For him there was a symbol of noble lordship that was a warranty for the peaceful existence of the monastery. It was rather an attribute of the highest pedigree than the nest of Raubritters generating anarchy and disturbance. Chroniclers’ opinions quoted here illustrate the ambivalent emotions associated with the process of the Czech incastellamento, that was intensively going on throughout the second half of the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. Reflections on the significance of castle building in Central Europe as a political and social innovation must be supported by the quantitative data analysis. However, gaining reliable quantifi- cations, which could become a basis for more synthesizing conclusions is hardly possible for this epoch due to the scarcity of written records.27 The cases of castle building and attendant problems (esp. conflicts) described in the diplomatic and narrative sources, although significant, do not provide enough data to illustrate the whole phenomenon and its impact on the society. Therefore, once I made an attempt to obtain even a partial and imperfect set of data that would allow the creation of the chronology of the process of castle emergence in the Bohemian lands in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries on the basis of the written sources, as far as possible verified by the results of archaeological explo- rations. The result was a register of the first recordsterminus ( ante quo) about the existence of a fortified object (in Latin castrum, munitium) in the written sources, including those recorded in the charters as place- related names of their respective owners. On this basis, I have drawn

27 However, see: František KAVKA, Hrady a jejich význam [Castles and Their Signifi- cance], pp. 196–225, whose calculations are based on August Sedláček’s monumental work Hrady, zámky a tvrze Království českého, [Castles, Palaces and Fortified Houses in the Kingdom of Bohemia], Praha 1882–1927. 326 Marcin R. Pauk a table showing the emergence of new castles for the period between 1220 and 1310 divided into decennial intervals:

Tab. 1: Amount of new castles in the written sources in 1220–1310.

years Bohemia Moravia Total 1220–1230 1 – 1 1231–1240 2 2 4 1241–1250 7 – 7 1251–1260 5 8 13 1261–1270 6 3 9 1271–1280 6 8 14 1281–1290 19 9 28 1291–1300 3 3 6 1301–1310 4 5 9 Total 53 38 91

The largest increase of evidence falls in the period between 1270 and 1290. Keeping in mind all the imperfections of the method applied and taking into account that the moment of the object's appearance in the written sources can be quite distant from the exact moment of its construction, it seems likely that this quasi-statistics reflects the actual trends.28 The proliferation of different types of private military architecture in the second half of the thirteenth century is in my opinion one of the major symptoms of the social change. The weakening of the public authority usually inevitably meant an uncontrolled increase in the number of castles and fortresses. This can be only partially interpreted as a natural defensive reaction to the collapse of public order, guaranteed by the authority of the monarch, but in practice it also meant a construction of a castle on no man’s land, or even in a neighbouring estate with the aim of its unlawful seizure. Observation of the chronol-

28 A comparison of our results with those published by Erik Fügedi for the King- dom of Hungary shows surprising chronological similarities. The greatest increase in con¬struction activity in Hungary coincided with the last three decades of the thirteenth century. What is also evident from the data presented by the Hungarian historian is a deep decline of royal castle building activity from approximately 1280 until the beginning of the Angevin reorganization of royal power in the 1310s. See, Erik FÜGEDI, Castles and Society in Medieval Hungary (1000–1437), Budapest 1986, esp. pp. 50–64. Castrensis Satane servit: Castles as a Factor of Social Change 327 ogy of the aforementioned new records on nobles’ castles in Bohemian and Moravian sources clearly shows that the increase in the number of strongholds was closely correlated with the period of weakness of the royal power, especially between the fall of King Přemysl Otakar II in 1278 and the ascent to personal rule by Wenceslaus II in 1289. In the decade 1281–1290 as many as 28 new castles appeared in the sources, while the number of those for the decades preceding and following it amounted respectively only to 14 and 9. This quantitative overview, although very imperfect for obvious reasons, reflects an objective trend in my opinion. The upward trend is easy to observe already in the previous decade, so it appears likely that many castles recorded in 1281–1290 were built a little earlier. Especially the period between 1276 and 1280, chronologically convergent with internal disorder in the last years of King Otakar’s reign and the beginning of the Brandenburg regency, should especially be taken into consideration. It could be some kind of reaction to Přemysl Otakar’s stringent policy toward private castle building – if we take the record of the chronicler Henry of Haimburg at its face value.29 It is also likely that in these figures a certain amount of strongholds is hidden which had been originally built by the king and passed into private hands as a result of internal disturbances. These assumptions seem to be very well confirmed by the provisions of the Prague Landfriede of 1281 which ordered destruction of all fortifications built after the death of King Přemysl without the consent of the margrave of Brandenburg, at the moment the regent of the kingdom, as well as the restoration of forcefully seized royal and ecclesiastical properties.30 Also, an agreement providing for a truce between the warring political factions in 1284 contained a prohibition of the construction of new castles for the duration of this truce.31 More evidence confirming our statistical observations could be provided from contemporary sources. At the end of the Přemyslid period, a phenomenon of castle

29 Josef EMLER (ed.), Annales Heinrici Heimburgensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum III, Praga 1885, p. 317: “In diebus autem suis, ut verum fateor, fuit pax et tranquillitas in omni dominio suo. Fuit quippe rex potentissimus, destruens et edificans muni- ciones multas, humiliens et exaltans multos, super omnes predecessores suos.” 30 Regesta diplomatica nec non epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae II (further cited as RBM), (ed.) J. Emler, Praha 1882, pp. 535–536, No. 1238. 31 RBM II, pp. 565–566, No. 1311: “Hoc etiam est adiectum, quod infra predictum treugarum tempus nulla de novo municio debeat erigi nec prius erecta destrui, sed sic ut nunc per predictum treugarum tempus integra debeat remanere.[…] Ad hec nulla nova municio infra predictarum treugarum tempus erigeretur ab aliquo, sed ille, que a festo b. Martini primo futuro usque ad hoc sunt erecte, integre remanebunt.” 328 Marcin R. Pauk building significantly transformed the social landscape of the Bohemi- an lands and the awareness of this fact is found in the above-mentioned chroniclers’ attitudes. East Meets West – Patterns of Cultural Transmission

331

Ritual in Intercultural Communication in Medieval Eastern Europe

Jitka Komendová

In the history of medieval Eastern Europe, the transfer of entire layers of one culture to another played such an important role that we could find only a few similarly distinctive examples in other parts of contemporary Europe. The beginnings of Kiev’s statehood, the birth of a new sovereign dynasty and with that the joint relations between Scandinavian and Slavonic cultures, the adoption of Christian culture in its Byzantine-Slavonic form and its subsequent spread to extensive areas, inhabited by non-Slavic ethnic groups with entirely different social, economic and religious structures, or the relations between the culture of the medieval Rus’ and the world of the steppe nomads – these are only the most marked examples. Older Russian history is directly framed by two eras of major cultural turning points: the Russian Mid- dle Ages started with the famous “invitation of the Varangians” and traditionally ended with the “opening of a window to Europe” by Peter the Great. Precisely these issues of intercultural relations are among the immensely discussed and highly ideologized topics in Russian historiography and, more broadly, also in intellectual circles as such. Within all these discussions – whether it was the dispute between “Normanists” vs. “anti-Normanists”, the dispute between the supporters of the idea of the “Mongolian yoke” and the Euro-Asians as the supporters of the symbiosis of Rus’ and the Steppe or the dispute between Slavophiles and zapadniks (Westerners) concerning the meaning of the “opening of a window to Europe” – the basic issue was that they almost always came out of a notion of the inequality of cultures: one was always interpreted as “more valuable”, “more developed”, and the other as “insufficient”, “backward”, and “barbaric”. In the course of the twentieth century, ever more Russian researchers realised the necessity of creating a suitable methodology for the interpre- 332 Jitka Komendová tation of the cultural processes of the Middle Ages in Eastern Europe, a methodology that would replace the notion of “influence”, filled above all by negative connotations, that would manage to distinguish cultural layers that had been transferred to a different milieu and adequately interpret the phenomena that had come into existence as a consequence of this cultural exchange and represented a new cultural phenomenon in comparison with both “initial” cultures. Dmitry Sergeyevich Likhachov proposed the notion of “cultural transplantation”,1 which, however, did not become very common. Russian semioticians described intercultural relations using the theory of communication, speaking about “translation” of one cultural code into another. A programmatic part in it was played by the text The Problem of Byzantine Influence on Russian Culture in the Typological Perspective, by Yuri Mikhailovich Lotman.2 These concepts, which resonate especially in the circles of medieval scholars and philologists (not quite justifiably, as they would deserve greater attention also from historians), therefore sought basically the same aim as the concept of cultural transfer elaborated by European and American historians.3 This study intentionally does not engage in the task of describing direct manifestations of cultural transfer in medieval Eastern Europe, but shifts to the meta-level and use the partial case of two rituals to reveal how intercultural communication was interpreted, thus capturing what was regarded as a manifestation of cultural transfer in these cases and, on the contrary, where the foreign roots of the manifestations of this transfer were denied and regarded as a pure manifestation of one’s “own” culture. I chose two rituals for the study of this problem: the so-called крестоцелование, i.e. the oath by kissing the cross, and the Mongol rituals in which the Rurikid princes had participated in the Golden Horde. Both rituals served to create certain relationships between two political subjects, and the sacral as well as the profane components are distinct in both. The urgent question that arose in both

1 Дмитрий Сергеевич ЛИХАЧЕВ, Развитие русской литературы Х–ХVII веков. Эпохи и стили, Ленинград 1973. 2 Юрий Михайлович ЛОТМАН, Проблема византийского влияния на русскую культу ру в типологическом освещении, in: Юрий Михайлович Лотман, Избранные статьи в трех томах, Т. 1, Таллин 1992, pp. 121–128. 3 Cf. the methodological starting points of the anthology Jörg FEUCHTER – FriedFried-- helm HOFFMAN – Bee YUN (edd.), Cultural Transfers in Dispute, Frankfurt am Main – New York 2011. On the definition of the field of research, see Wolfgang SCHMALE, Kulturtransfer, in: Europäische Geschichte Online, Mainz 2012-10-31. Available at: http://www.ieg-ego.eu/schmalew-2012-de (21. 8. 2013). Ritual in Intercultural Communication in Medieval Eastern Europe 333 cases was whether and how the ritual could shape relationships with members of other cultures which were primarily perceived as different religions in the Middle Ages. The kissing of the cross represented an almost universal ritual, which accompanied and confirmed legal acts of various kinds of Rus’ throughout the Middle Ages. In Russian sources, we encounter an oath on the cross (without specification whether by a kiss, or touch) in the Tale of Bygone Years in connection with the conclusion of the 944 treaty with Byzantium. The still extraordinary character of this ritual also shows there – Christians confirm the treaty by an oath on the cross, while pagans, including Prince Igor, swear on their shields and swords.4 Nat- urally, the oath by kissing the cross could become the decisive institute for the creation of relationships within Russian society only after Christianization. Therefore, if we find the first report of this ritual in the Christian Rus’ only as of 1068 (this time, explicitly in the form of a kiss), it was probably relatively soon after it had really significantly established itself in Russian society. The Tale of Bygone Years not only describes, but also interprets the oath by kissing the cross in this context, extensively emphasising its sacral dimension:

“Vseslav ascended the throne in Kiev and God thus showed the power of the cross, as Izyaslav had sworn to Vseslav on the cross and then captured him. For that, God sent pagans against him, while Vseslav was apparently freed by the just cross! […] God showed the power of the cross in order to enlighten the land of Rus’ so that people do not break the oath by kissing the cross. If anyone breaks it, he will be punished here on earth and bear an eternal punishment in the future age. Because the power of the cross is great: the cross defeats forces of the Devil; the cross helps princes in battles; through it, the faithful overcome daemons; the cross protects those who invoke it with faith from attacks.”5

4 Полное собрание русских летописей, Т. 1, Ленинград 1926–1928, p. 38. 5 “Всеслав же сeде Кыевe. Се же богъ яви силу крестную: понеже Изяславъ цeловавъ крестъ и я и; тeмже наведе богъ поганыя, сего же явe избави крестъ честный. […] Богъ же показа силу крестную на показанье землe Русьстeй, да не преступають честнаго креста, цeловавше его; аще ли преступить кто, то и здe прииметь казнь и на придущемь вeцe казнь вeчную. Понеже велика есть сила крестная: крестомь бо побeжени бывають силы бeсовьскыя, крестъ бо князем в бранех пособить, въ бранех крестомъ согража- еми вeрнии людье побeжають супостаты противныя, крестъ бо вскорe избавляеть от напастий призывающим его с вeрою.” – Полное собрание русских летописей, Т. 1, p. 121. 334 Jitka Komendová

Later annals also return to this interpretation: “They forgot the oath to the cross and were humiliated by the power of the cross.”6 Afterwards, reports of the oath by kissing the cross appear throughout the literature of the medieval Rus’. No hierarchic principle was primarily anchored in the ritual: it could create vertical bonds (supe- riority – subordination7) as well as horizontal ones (i.e. bonds based on equality among the participating parties), and it was not restricted socially, either. The kissing of the cross might have been the ritual of a unilateral commitment or a bilateral ritual, which is distinguished between in the written sources: “The Lithuanian prince Andrei, the son

6 “[…] не помянувъ крестнаго цeлованиа и тамо крестъною силою посрамлени быша”. Арсений Николаевич НАСОНОВ (ed.), Новгородская первая летопись старше го и младшего изводов, Москва – Ленинград 1950, pp. 347–378. In the annals from Novgorod, the cross aiding in battle often appears in connection with St Sophia: “и ту ся би съ безбожными оканьною Литвою, и ту пособи богъ и крестъ честьныи и святая София, прeмудрость божия” [“he fought against the abominable Lithuanians and God and the just cross and Saint Sophia, the Wisdom of God, helped him”] or “честнаго креста сила и святои Софьи всегда низлагаеть неправду имeющихъ” [“The power of the just cross and Saint Sophia always defeat those who are not in the right.”]. Ibidem, pp. 73, 83. 7 Evident inequality is shown particularly in the formulation “заводи я къ честьному хресту” [“brought them to the cross”] ( i.e., moved them to make the oath) – cf. for instance: “Томь же лeтe приведе Володимиръ съ Мьстиславомь вся бояры новгородь- скыя Кыеву, и заводи я къ честьному хресту” [“In the same summer, Vladimir with Mstislav brought all boyars from Novgorod to Kiev; he brought them to the cross, then releasing some of them to [return to] their homes, while retaining others with him.”]. Ibidem, p. 21. Owing to the character of the sources, our knowledge of the world of gestures and rituals of the medieval Rus’ cannot even distantly approach the depth with which the ritual of vassalage is studied by Jacques Le GOFF in his work Pour un autre Moyen Age (in Czech: Za jiný středověk, Praha 2005, pp. 335–404; in Eng- lish: Time, Work, & Culture in the Middle Ages, Chicago & London 1980, pp. 237–288.). In his effort to assess the originality of the West European vassalage ritual, Le Goff turns his attention to societies outside Europe – Chinese and African cultures, while leaving Eastern Europe quite unnoticed (which is rather characteristic of the Annales School). Contrary to this, the unfounded notion of an analogy between the oath of the nobility to the Rurikids and the West European ritual of vassalage is traditionally widespread in Russian historiography. This parallel was categorically rejected, both on the level of the character of these relationships itself and on the symbolic level, by Peter Sergeyevich STEPHANOVICH, Der Eid des Adels gegenüber dem Herrscher im mittelalterlichen Rußland, in: Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 51, 2003, pp. 497– 505; IDEM, Боярская служба в средневековой Руси, in: Одиссей. Человек в истории, Москва 2006, pp. 151–160; IDEM, Давали ли служилые люди клятву верности кня зю в средневековой Руси?, Мир истории, 2006, No. 1, no pag. http://www.historia. ru/2006/01/klyatva.htm (3.3.2008) – including the development of this interpretation in Russian historiography. Ritual in Intercultural Communication in Medieval Eastern Europe 335 of Algirdas, kissed the cross for the Pskovians”,8 as compared to: “The prince kissed the cross, and the Novogorodians [did likewise] for him.”9 The reports on the oath by kissing the cross appear so frequently in the annals that we may ask whether they still recorded a particular ritual, or whether the term “kissing the cross” was transformed into a mere stereotypical phrase, being significantly emptied of its content, a synonym of an oath or the conclusion of a deal.10 In my opinion, the fact that there still was a particular ritual hidden behind the formulation is shown by the equivalents of kissing of the cross, i.e. kissing of an icon of the Mother of God11 or of the Saviour12, which appear in the annals. Had the term “kissing of the cross” been regarded as a mere set phrase by the annalists, there would have been no reason to state the change of the sacral object, which represented the midpoint of the ritual oath, in such a particular way. In spite of the orthodox semantics of the ritual, Russian Orthodox Church had an ambivalent attitude to the ritual of kissing the cross.13

8 “На ту же зиму прибeжа во Пьсковъ князь Литовьскыи Одрeи Олгердович, и цeлова крестъ ко пьсковицамъ” – Новгородская первая летопись, p. 375. 9 “[…] крестъ цeлова князь, а новгородци к нему” – Ibidem, p. 325 Cf. also: “Тои же зимe князь великыи Василии Васильевич человаше крестъ к новгородчомъ, а новго- родци къ князю великому человаша крестъ” [“In the same winter, Grand Prince Vasily Vasilyevich kissed the cross to Novogorodians, and Novogorodians kissed the cross to the Grand Prince.”]. Ibidem, p. 418. 10 On this interpretation, cf. – Людмила Петровна КОРОБЕЙНИКОВА, Рукописание Магнуша, короля шведского: мотив «нарушения крестного целования» в художе ственной структуре произведения, in: Древнерусская литература: тема Запада в XIII–XV вв. и повествовательное творчество, Москва 2002, pp. 68–99. The author suppresses the sacral dimension of the ritual as well as of the whole text, regarding “kissing of the cross” as a “context synonym of a peace treaty”, which is perhaps connected with her effort to interpret the text – in a quite unacceptable way, in my opinion – as a “distinctive testimony of phenomena in Russian medieval culture identical to the European Renaissance”. 11 Cf. the formulations: “И цeлова крестъ на всеи воли новгородскои и на всeх грамо- тах Ярославлих” [“And he took an oath by kissing the cross to all the freedoms of Novgorod and to all Yaroslav’s charters”], “и цeлова святую богородицю на всeх гра- мотах Ярославлих и на всеи волe новгородчкои” [“And he took an oath by kissing (the icon of) the Holy Mother of God to all Yaroslav’s charters and to all the freedoms of Novgorod”]. Новгородская первая летопись, pp. 274, 278. 12 In 1273, the Novgorodians confirmedconfi rmed their determination to stand on the side of pod-pod- sadnik Mikhail Mishinich by “и цeловаша на Торжку образъ господень” [“kissing the picture of the Lord in Torzhek”]. Ibidem, p. 322. On the political context of this act, cf. Валентин Лаврентьевич ЯНИН, Новгородские посадники, Москва 2003, p. 224. 13 The Kiev Pechersk patericon contains the story of a man who intended to confirm his false oath by kissing an icon of the Mother of God, but a miracle prevented him from approaching the image. After the foreswearer was revealed, it was once and for all forbidden to make oaths on this icon of the Mother of God. (Киево-Печерский патерик, 336 Jitka Komendová

Even a reinterpretation of the ritual in accordance with the culture of the medieval Rus’ did not fully hide the fact that – as, for instance, the oath in the Germanic society – it had considerable pre-Christian roots.14 A significant role was probably played also by the general issue of the admissibility of an oath, which had to perturb (in connection with the New Testament and the standpoint of John Chrysostom) the Orthodox Church much like the Catholic one.15 However, while the attitude of medieval Catholic Church to an oath has been studied in many works, the approach of the Russian Orthodox Church towards this institute remains very under-researched.16 Despite a certain latent distrust by the Orthodox Church, the ritual of an oath by kissing the cross became one of the central rituals of the medieval Rus’ for centuries. As it was ascribed a significant sacral dimension, however, the question necessarily had to arise whether it could be used also for the creation of political relationships with members of other churches. The Annals of Galicia-Volhynia [Galician-Volhynian Chronicle] record an oath by kissing the cross within a Catholic community.17 If the ritual actually took place in this form, it would have been a rather unique case. In the Catholic world, the kissing of the cross was connected almost exclusively with the liturgical sphere, while an oath on the cross usually had the form of touching the cross by two fingers, rather

(ed.) Лев Александрович Дмитриев, in: Памятники литературы Древней Руси, T. 2, XII век, Москва 1980, p. 430.) 14 On the various forms of oath in pre-Christian period and in the Christianized Rus’, cf. П. С. СТЕФАНОВИЧ, Давали ли служилые люди, no pag. 15 The oaths on the cross incurred sharp displeasure of the Waldensians, Lollards and other heterodox movements because they contradict the Scripture. The refusal to make an oath on a crucifix served as a signum haeresis during trials. I wish to thank Pawel Kras for providing this context. 16 Situations are recorded in the sources when hierarchs of the church directly absolved princes of the obligation to make an oath on the cross. Peter Sergeyevich Stepha- novich put the absolution of the obligation to kiss the cross in connection with the teaching on the inadmissibility of an oath, see Петр Сергеевич СТЕФАНОВИЧ, Крес тоцелование и отношение к нему церкви в Древней Руси, in: Средневековая Русь 5, 2004, pp. 97–99; Hartmut RÜSS, Eid-Altrussland, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters 3, München – Zürich 1986, pp. 1690–1691, does not deal with this problem at all. 17 The Duke of Wrocław Henry IV Probus “выeха вънъ до Воротьславля, а засаду свою посади во Краковe: нeмцe, лутшии свои мужe, обeщався имъ дарми великими и во- лостьми, а самeхъ води ко кресту, как бы не передати города Болеславу. Они же цeлова- ше…” [“left for Wrocław, leaving his garrison comprised of Germans, his best men, in Krakow; he promised them great gifts and manors, and they had to take an oath on the cross that they would not hand the town over to Boleslaw. They swore on the cross…”]. Полное собрание русских летописей, T. 2, Санкт-Петербург 1908, p. 636).

Ritual in Intercultural Communication in Medieval Eastern Europe 337 than kissing it.18 From our point of view, however, it is not principally whether the oath actually had the form of kissing the cross, or the form was only ascribed to it by the Russian annalist based on his experience from his own community. What is important is the fact that this ritual was ascribed to Catholics at all. Of even more importance for us, however, are the reports of oaths by kissing the cross between Russians and Catholics,19 whether they were Hanseatic merchants,20 a Polish duke21 or the king of Sweden Magnus. The Novgorod First Annals [Chronicle] contain an extensive story of a treacherous oath on the cross by German merchants22 which subsequently led to a major defeat of the Novgorodi- ans. However, the annalist did not utilise the situation for anti-Catholic propaganda; on the contrary, the lesson concerning the consequences of the violation of an oath on the cross was aimed at his own community:

“…you kiss the cross, and then violate it, not knowing what is the power of the cross: as the cross defeats enemies and forces of the Dev- il; the cross helps princes in battles; just people protect themselves by the cross against evil spirits; and when people violate an oath on the cross, they will be punished for it here, and they will suffer for it eternal torments on the other side.”23

18 Horace W. Dewey and Anne Kleimola point out the fact that the ritual of an oath by kissing the cross existed also outside Rus’, but played a more significant part only in Serbia, i.e. in another Orthodox milieu; Horace W. DEWEY – Anne KLEIMOLA, Promise and Perfidy in Old Russian Cross-Kissing, Canadian-American Slavic Studies 1968, p. 339, Note 60. I wish to thank Jan Hrdina for a consultation on this topic, as well as for many other stimuli concerning the whole study. 19 The issues connected with kissing of the cross upon the conclusion of peace with Catholics was touched only tangentially by Stefan ROHDEWALD, „i stvorista mir.“ Friede als Kommunikationselement in der Rus’(10. –12. Jahrhundert) und im spätmittel alterlichen Novgorod, in: Nada Boškovska (ed.), Wege der Kommunikation in der Ge- schichte Osteuropas. Carsten Goehrke zum 65. Geburtstag, Köln 2002, pp. 147–172. 20 “[…] Тои же зиме теи же послове немечкыи приихавъше в Новъгород, и товары свои поимахут, и крестъ целовале, и начаша дворъ свои ставити изнова.” ��[��“In the same winter German messengers came to Novgorod, took their goods, kissed the cross and started to build their court again.”]. Cf. Новгородская первая летопись, p. 384. 21 Полное собрание русских летописей, T. 2, p. 585. 22 Новгородская первая летопись, pp. 316–317. 23 “[…] крестъ�� цeлуете и пакы преступающе, и не вeдуще, кака есть сила крестьная: крес- томъ бо побeжени бывают врагы и силы бeсовьскыя, крестъ бо княземъ пособит въ бранех, крестомъ бо огражаеми вeрнии людие побeжают супостаты противныя; иже бо крестъ преступят, то и здe казнь приимут, и на оном вeцe муку вeчную.” Новгородская первая летопись, p. 317. 338 Jitka Komendová

An oath by kissing the cross and the suffering stemming from its violation is the central idea of a small literary work created in Novgorod probably at the beginning of the fifteenth century, referred to as The Testament of Magnus,24 in which King of Sweden, Magnus, describes all the woes of his life prior to his death, urging his children, brothers and the whole land of Sweden: “Do not attack Rus’ if you kissed the cross, as you cannot succeed”, and once again in the conclusion: “Do not attack Rus’ if you kissed the cross: fire and water will be against those who will go, like God punished me with that also.” Even here, the violation of an oath on the cross is not perceived as a treachery by Catholics and the text is – despite its literary framework – once again quite unambiguously directed at the Russian milieu. If a Catholic could also participate in the ritual of kissing the cross, which had such an important sacral part, it meant that despite the repeated condemnation of Catholicism by the Orthodox Church, the Russians were aware of the common Christian starting points of both cultures – kissing of the cross never appears in the sources in connection with the oaths made by pagan ethnic groups. The sources thus in- advertently revealed that the real attitude of Russians to the West was principally different from the viewpoint of the authors of various anti- Latin polemics propagating non-Christian character of Catholicism and warning “Christians” (i.e., the Orthodox) against any contact with this “evil faith” and “unclean law”.25 While the ritual of kissing the cross was fully established in the culture of the medieval Rus’ and understandable to each of its members, the Mongol dominance in Eastern Europe brought the Rurikid princes the experience, no doubt frustrating, of participating in rituals that were absolutely new and incomprehensible to the Russians. The annals describe a ritual that was to be undergone by princes who were to be vested in the Horde with the princedoms that had been their own: according to The Novgorod First Annals [Chronicle], anyone who came to the khan had to be first led over a fire, and had to bow to a bush and fire 26 (or to the Sun and a bush27). Whatever the comer brought to

24 Рукописание Магнуша, in: Наталья Сергеевна Демкова (ed.), Памятники литературы Древней Руси 4, XIV – середина XV века, Москва 1981, pp. 58–60. 25 Cf. Jitka KOMENDOVÁ, Světec a šaman. Kulturní kontexty ruské středověké legendy [A Saint and a Shaman. Cultural Contexts of a Russian Medieval Legend], Praha 2011, pp. 105–113. 26 Новгородская первая летопись, p. 298. 27 Ibidem, p. 299. Ritual in Intercultural Communication in Medieval Eastern Europe 339 the khan as a present was thrown into the fire by magicians. Only then could the man step before the khan. The Lavrentiev Annals [Chronicle] speak about bowing to the fire and idols.28 The Annals [Chronicle] of Galicia-Volhynia name bows to a bush, the sun, the moon, earth, the devil and one’s forefathers.29 Both the profane and the sacral components of the ritual are quite evident from the description. The annalists themselves were aware of it, but translated the religious level of the ritual into the code of the Ortho- dox Rus’ by stating that by participation in the Mongol rituals, people “destroy their souls and bodies”, because no Christian “may bow to anything created, but only to our Lord Jesus Christ”.30 For the Mongols themselves, however, the ritual accompanying the subjection of the Ru- rikid princes to the Golden Horde did not mean an act persecuting the Orthodox religion, but above all an expression of political loyalty and respect to the power of the khans. The Mongols were in essence indif- ferent to the religion of their subjected nations; they did not try to force their faith upon the conquered territories and the domination of the Golden Horde lasting two and a half centuries in Rus’ posed no threat to and caused no restriction of the Orthodox Church.31 The Russians, fully immersed in their culture, thus ascribed to the unknown rituals meanings different from those set in them by the Mongol culture. However, even the authors of the literature of the medieval Rus’ were not united in their explanation of the ritual, accentuating its sacral, or profane component in a different extent, depending on the intention of the given text. In the annalist narrations about Michael of Chernigov, the political and religious meanings of the ritual are strictly separated: “To you, ruler, I bow, because God entrusted you with the rule of this world, but I shall not bow to what these people are to bow to [i.e.,

28 Полное собрание русских летописей, T. 1, p. 327. 29 Полное собрание русских летописей, T. 2, p. 551. 30 “[…] не достоить крестияномъ ничемуже кланятися твари, токмо господу нашему Ису- су Христу” – Новгородская первая летопись, p. 299. Cf. also: “тако есть вeра креси- яньска не кланятися твари, ни идоломъ, нь кланятися Троици, Отцю и Сыну и святому Духу” [“such is the Christian faith – not to bow to creatures or idols but to bow to the Trinity, God, Son and Holy Spirit”]. Ibidem, p. 300) 31 Contrary to distorting ideological interpretations (whether by the Marxists, or Euro- Asians), a very erudite analysis of the relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Golden Horde was presented by Владимир Николаевич РУДАКОВ, Монголо-татары глазами древнерусских книжников середины XIII–XIV вв., Москва 2009. 340 Jitka Komendová a bush and idols].”32 Michael is willing to accept political subjection, but interprets the ritual accompanying this subjection as a religious act and goes to Batu with a direct intention to “reveal his traps with which he deceives Christians”.33 Participation in the ritual, understood as a denial of the Orthodox faith, is absolutely unacceptable for him, and he rather chooses martyr’s death. On the other hand, if a prince subjected himself to the ritual, the annalists interpreted it in different ways: Prince Daniel Romanovich was warned that, like others, he would have to bow to a bush, which he categorically rejected. However, the following sentence: “He bowed according to their custom and entered his [Batu’s] tent” makes it evident that Daniel accepted the ritual. Although the author of this annalist text knew the fate of Michael of Chernigov well, he lamented Daniel’s participation in the Mongol rituals because he understood them as a manifestation of political subjection, not as a violation of the true faith:

“Daniel Romanovich, Grand Prince ruling in the land of Rus’, Kiev, Vladimir, Galicia and with his brother also in other lands, is kneeling here, calling himself a servant; they demand tribute from him and he even does not hope to survive! […] His father was the ruler of the land of Rus’ who defeated Polovtsy and fought in all other lands – and his son has failed to defend his honour: who else will defend it, then?” 34

The Chronicle of Galicia-Volhynia is the only Russian source to describe also the following ritualised audience with the khan, where the prince is kneeling and the khan offers him koumiss to drink, and then wine. In the annals, the khan gives Daniel koumiss, saying: “Daniel! Why did you not come before?! But you are coming now, and that is well. Will you drink black milk, our drink, the mare koumiss?” Daniel answered: “I have never drunk it yet, but now, if you command, I will drink it.” Batu responded: “You are already ours, a Tartar, drink our drink.” Daniel drank and bowed. Then Batu sent Daniel a jug of wine,

32 “Тобe, цесарю, кланяюся, понеже ти богъ поруцeлъ царство свeта сего; ему же ся сии кланяются, то азъ не кланяюся.” – Новгородская первая летопись, p. 301. 33 “[…] обличити его прелесть, им же льстить крестияны” – Ibidem, p. 299. 34 “Данилови Романовичю, князю бывшу велику, обладавшу Рускою землею, Кыевомъ и Володимеромъ и Галичемь со братомъ си, инeми странами, ньнe сeдить на колeну и холопомъ называеться! И дани хотять, живота не чаеть. […] Его же отець бe царь в Руской земли, иже покори Половецькую землю и воева на иные страны всe. Сынъ того не прия чести. То иный кто можеть прияти?” – Полное собрание русских летописей, T. 2, p. 552. Ritual in Intercultural Communication in Medieval Eastern Europe 341 saying: “You are not used to drink milk, drink wine, then.” 35 The political meaning of the ritual dominates in the form in which the scene is described in the annals, but other sources document that this ritual was also viewed above all religiously by the Russians. As anti-Latin polemics show, the consumption of food and beverages with heterodox persons meant a denial of the Orthodox faith for the Russians.36 This is why the confessor warns Michael of Chernigov before his travel to the Horde not to eat their food and drink their drinks there: “Do not walk through fire, do not bow to their idols, do not eat their food or put their drinks into your mouth.”37 The Russians’ fears of drinking koumiss were explained quite unambiguously by William of Rubruck:

“Those among them who are Christians, such as Russians, Greeks and Alans, are said to never drink koumiss; if they drunk it once, they would reportedly cease being Christians and their priests would have to introduce them to the church again, as if they had lapsed from the faith.”38

He himself not only did not share this explanation of the ritual, which had originated in the Russian milieu,39 but even held it against the Rus- sians, because it allegedly became an obstacle to the spreading of Chris- tianity among the inhabitants of the steppes – he says that people do not want to become Christians, because they would have to renounce koumiss, without which it is impossible to live in those lands.40 Catholic

35 “«Данило, чему еси давно не пришелъ? А нынe оже еси пришел – а то добро же. Пьеши ли черное молоко, наше питье, кобылий кумузъ?» Оному же рекшу: «Доселe есмь не пилъ. Нынe же ты велишь – пью.» Он же рче: «Ты уже нашь же тотаринъ. Пий наше питье.» Он же испивъ поклонися по обычаю ихъ […] И присла вина чюмъ и рече: «Не обыкли пити молока, пий вино.»” – Полное собрание русских летописей, T. 2, p. 552. 36 Jitka KOMENDOVÁ, Středověká Rus a vnější svět [Medieval Rus and the Outer World], Olomouc 2005, pp. 110–114. 37 “[…] не иди сквозe огнь, ни поклонишися идолом ихъ, ни брашна яжь, ни питья их не приимаи во уста своя […]” – Новгородская первая летопись, p. 299. 38 “ “ChristianiChristiani�� enim�� Ruteni�� et�� Greci�� et�� Alani�� qui�� sunt�� inter�� eos��eos,,�� qui�� volunt�� stricte�� cus��cus-- todire legem suam non bibunt illud, immo non reputant se christianos postquam biberint, et sacerdotes eorum reconciliant eos tamquam negassent fidem Christi.” – Itinerarium Willelmi de Rubruc, in: P. Anastasius van den Wyngaert O.F.M. (ed.), Sinica Franciscana I. Itinera et relationes Fratrum Minorum saeculi XIII et XIV, Florentiae 1928, p. 191. 39 Cf. “Tunc fecit nos sedere et dare de lacte suo ad bibendum, quod ipsi valde magnum reputant, quando aliquis bibit cosmos cum eo in domo sua.” Ibidem, p. 215. 40 Ibidem, p. 193. 342 Jitka Komendová missionaries did not fear for their faith in the Horde and took a much more pragmatic standpoint to the manifestations of a different culture.41 The third version of the interpretation of the same act is offered by Life of Alexander Nevsky from the end of the thirteenth century. In comparison with Michael and Daniel, Alexander Yaroslavich was the most obliging towards Batu, and profited greatly from his cooperation with the Mongols. He subjected himself to the same rituals as the other Ru- rikids in the Horde, but the author of the exalting text about Alexander for understandable reasons does not describe the ritual, withholding its religious aspect and quite reverting even its political importance, interpreting the whole act as a sign of respect to Alexander on the part of the khan.42 The participation of the Rurikids in the Mongol rituals is described in most detail in the middle of the thirteenth century, immediately after the enforcement of the Mongol dominance. The annals from later years still speak about the travels of the princes to the Horde, but mention them only as a political act, while the local rituals are neither recorded, nor interpreted. Of course, the culture of the Golden Horde remained alien to the Russians, but because of the permanent contact between the Rurikid princes and the khans, it had apparently become ordinary, no longer attracting such attention. Although a stay in the Horde was a common part of the ruler activity of the Rurikid princes, which means that they had to accept and perform the rituals of subjection, these rituals were no longer reflected in the written sources of the medieval Rus’. To what does such absence of information testify? From the point of view of the Orthodox Rus’, the Mongol rituals were still regarded as idolatry, inadmissible for a Christian. However, as whole generations of the Rurikid princes subjected themselves to the rulers of the Horde, if the annalists had continued describing their participation in these rituals, they would have discredited their princes in an unacceptable way. Therefore, they chose to remain silent. The culture of the medieval Rus’ treated both rituals, kissing of the cross and the act of submission in the Golden Horde, in a similar way. The pre-Christian (Slavic-Germanic) oath gets “Christianized” in the

41 Rubruck accepts the local ceremony when visiting Batu: “Flexi unum genu tamquam homini. Tunc innuit quod ambo flecterem, quod et feci, nolens contendere super hoc. Tunc precepit ut loquerer. Et ego cogitans quod orarem Deum, quia flexeram ambo genua, incepi verba ab oratione dicens […]” Ibidem, p. 214. 42 Житие Александра Невского, in: Валентина Ильинична Охотникова (ed.), Памятники литературы Древней Руси: XIII век, Москва 1981, pp. 434–436. Ritual in Intercultural Communication in Medieval Eastern Europe 343 new cultural context, becoming a characteristic sign of Russian Ortho- dox culture. By means of distinguishing who was accepted to this ritual, Russian medieval community expressed whom they regarded as equals, as members of the true faith. The situation concerning the Mongol rituals was more complex, as participation in them meant the conduct of a dialogue where any communication was to be inadmissible from the Orthodox point of view. Russian intellectuals found various ways out of this tricky situation, but always with the same intention: not to admit, under any circumstances, any doubt about the fact that the members of the ruling dynasty were the true defenders of the Orthodox faith who never violated the border between their own and foreign cultures. The rituals we have investigated thus illustratively show how variable the notions can be about what is and what is not part of one’s own culture, how the manifestations of cultural transfer may be assigned quite unexpected interpretations and how the process of “mental adoption” of phenomena originating from different cultural contexts takes place. After all, Russian history knows an example par excellence of this: the Tartar fur cap which was ascribed to the Byzantine emperor Constantine Monomachos and, as such, became the diadem of the rulers of Moscow.

345

Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism (1378–1417) and the Cultural Foundation of their Reception in Central Europe

Jan Hrdina

The historical sciences owe the concept of cultural transfer to literary science and philology, which mastered it as a comparative method. The “testing” of the processes of cultural transfer began to penetrate Eu- ropean historiography from the end of the 1980s, becoming a standard part of the methodological arsenal at the beginning of the third millennium.1 According to one of the later definitions, the processes of cultural exchange take place between different (distinct) cultures, i.e. on the level of cultural assets and practices, which are being transferred and received in the specific target culture in the form of information, texts, images, institutions or ways of behaviour. Both material and nonmaterial assets can be transferred within such processes.2 The difference of the cultural areas and communities is emphasised so much that intra cultural processes taking place within a single identical cultural area are, sensu stricto, usually not the target subject of research.3 On a higher level, the inter- and intra-cultural conception of the exchange can be under-

1 Of the more recent contributions on the topic: Stamatios GEROGIORGAKIS – Roland SCHEEL – Dittmar SCHORKOWITZ, Kulturtransfer vergleichend betrachtet, in: Michael Borgolte – Julia Dücker – Marcel Müllerburg – Bernd Schneidmüller (edd.), Integration und Desintegration der Kulturen im europäischen Mittelalter, (Europa im Mittelalter 18), Berlin 2011, pp. 385–466; Jörg FEUCHTER, Cultural Transfers in Dispute: An Introduction, in: Jörg Feuchter – Friedhelm Hoffmann – Bee Yun (edd.), Cultural Transfers in Dispute. Representations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World since the Middle Ages, Frankfurt/Main – New York 2011, pp. 15–37. 2 S. GEROGIORGAKIS – R. SCHEEL – D. SCHORKOWITZ, Kulturtransfer vergleichend betrachtet, p. 391, with reference to Hans-Jürgen LÜSEBRINK, Interkulturelle Kommunikation. Interaktion. Fremdwahrnehmung, Kulturtrasnfer, Stuttgart 2005, p. 129. 3 S. GEROGIORGAKIS – R. SCHEEL – D. SCHORKOWITZ, Kulturtransfer vergleichend betrachtet, p. 416. 346 Jan Hrdina stood as a historical method subsumed to historical comparison.4 This contribution is also devoted to historical comparison in a single cultural sphere, defined by a unified worldview based on Catholic dogma.

The issue of papal indulgences in the era of the great Western Schism (1378–1417) may serve as a case study of a well followable transfer of “in- tangible goods” of a spiritual character. From the viewpoint of the topic in question, papal indulgences at the end of the fourteenth century can be regarded as a specific “cultural unit”, subject to the categories of the offer (issues by the individual popes) and demand (interest of the recipients). At the beginning of the communication process between the issuer and the recipient stood the pope’s decision or will to issue a spiritual grace (mediated by the papal chancery), which was spread by various means in partibus, and detected by a prospective recipient, who decided to what extent they would use it. If they did so, the process ended with the issuance of a letter of indulgence effective in a (supra-) regional or local community. This general statement is especially true for the pontificate of Boni- face IX (1389–1404), which represented a turning period in the history of the late medieval indulgence system. The popes of the period of the great Western Schism used indulgences in an unprecedented extent not only as a traditional alternative option of penance, but above all as an extraordinary source of finances, which they invested in the stabilisa- tion of papal dominion and in their successful fight against their rivals in Avignon. Unlike his predecessors, Boniface IX started to issue indulgences on a mass scale from the time of his accession to the pontificate.5 A com-

4 Historical comparison with regard to the issues of cultural transfer is systematically pursued at Institut für vergleichende Geschichte Europas im Mittelalter at Humboldt Uni- versity of Berlin under the guidance of Michael Borgolte. The institute presents the outcomes of research in the publication series Europa im Mittelalter – 25 volumes so far, the titles (conference proceedings and specialised monographs) are available at: http:// www.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/bereiche-und-lehrstuehle/migei/forschung/reihen). 5 On Boniface IX (b. around 1350, enthroned 9 November 1389, d. 1 October 1404), see Arnold ESCH, Bonifaz IX. und der Kirchenstaat, Tübingen 1969; IDEM, Bonifa- cio IX, in: Enciclopedia dei Papi 2, Roma 2000, pp. 570–581. On�� the indulgences during Boniface’s pontificate: Nikolaus PAULUS, Geschichte des Ablasses am Ausgange des Mittelalters, Darmstadt 20002, pp. 132–135; Max JANSEN, Papst Bonifatius IX. (1389– 1404) und seine Beziehungen zur deutschen Kirche, Freiburg/Breisgau 1904, pp. 136–178; in a groundbreaking way Karlheinz FRANKL, Papstschisma und Frömmigkeit. Die „Ad instar-Ablässe“, in: Römische Quartalsschrift 72, 1977, pp. 57–124, pp. 184–247. The financial contribution of indulgences connected with Rome’s spiritual potential was assessed by Jean FAVIER, Les finances pontificales à l’époque du grand schisme d’occident, Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 347 parison with the indulgence issues by fourteenth century popes shows a quadruple or quintuple increase.6 How could prospective recipients in the lands of the obedience to Rome detect and perceive this sudden turn? The primary impulse was undoubtedly the jubilee year 1390 at the very beginning of Boniface’s pontificate. Its reception in the lands loyal to the Roman pope was considerable, with bulls announcing the declaration of the Jubilee in Rome travelling to all bishoprics and eminent land ecclesiastical institutions.7 However, some pilgrims of 1390 carried away not only plenary indulgences (for their own persons), but also a letter of indulgence issued by the papal chancery for an ecclesiastical benefice close to them. If we regard the letters of indulgence as the outcome of the transfer of up-to-date information from a single centre (Rome) to the lands loyal to the Roman pontiff, we can, after a spatial comparison of the recipients of these letters, consider the level of “receptivity” of individual historical lands, regions and social milieux (town, countryside, seats of religious orders). This question is justified above all because the reception of papal indulgences in the lands of Central Europe was not homogeneous and of the same intensity, but in many cases rather of a point or cluster character. In contrast to regions with statistically average or negligible occurrence of this privilege, there are areas in which this grace from Rome became literally an everyday standard.

1378–1409, Paris 1966. On the number of letters of indulgence and the preservation of the papal registers, cf. Jan HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny pro země středovýchodní Evropy za pontifikátu Bonifáce IX. (1389–1404). Pokus o kvantitativní srovnání [Papal In- dulgences for the Lands of East-Central Europe under the Pontificate of Boniface IX (1389–1404): An Attempt at a Quantitative Comparison], in: Martin Nodl (ed.), Zbožnost středověku, (Colloquia mediaevalia Pragensia 6), Praha 2007, pp. 35–58; IDEM, I registri pontifici e i diplomi di indulgenza – il pontificato di Bonifacio IX (1389– 1404), in: Bollettino dell’Istituto Storico Ceco di Roma 6, Praha 2008, pp. 91–136; IDEM, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě za pontifikátu Bonifáce IX. (1389– 1404). Komparativní studium [Papal Indulgence Charters in Central Europe under the Pontificate of Boniface IX (1389–1404). A Comparative Study], unpublished doctoral thesis, Faculty of Arts of Charles University in Prague, 2010. 6 A reliable estimate of the number of all letters registered during the pontificate (i.e. also of all those issued) is between 2,990 and 3,540 letters of indulgence, of which 1,662 indulgences are preserved in Registra Lateranensia series. 7 On the Jubilees of 1390 and 1400: M. JANSEN, Papst Bonifatius IX. (1389–1404), pp. 141–161; N. PAULUS, Geschichte des Ablasses, pp. 153–158; A. ESCH, Bonifaz IX., pp. 55–58, 336–338; Jaroslav V. POLC, Svaté roky (1300–1983) [Holy years (1300– 1983)], Praha 1998, pp. 19–27; Arnold ESCH, I guibilei del 1390 e del 1400, in: Jacques Le Goff – Gloria Fossi (edd.), La storia dei Giubilei 1, Roma 1997, pp. 279–293; Hélène MILLET, Le grand pardon du pape (1390) et celui de l’année sainte (1400), in: I Giubilei nella storia della chiesa, Città del Vaticano 2001, pp. 290–304. 348 Jan Hrdina

In three probes for historical regions – the Kingdom of Bohemia, Szepes (Spiš in Slovak, Zips in German) and Transylvania – strongly influenced by the wave of indulgences of the end of the fourteenth century, I will attempt to show the possibilities offered by spatial-social analysis of the recipients of papal letters of indulgence for historical comparison and the issues of cultural transfer and its social footing.

I. Types of Letters of Indulgence

What did these spiritual privileges bring to the recipient? In the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, papal indulgences as a distinctive type of grants of clemency (litterae gratiae) were formulated according to the concise curial style (stilus curiae). They entitled the ecclesiastical institution listed in the dispositio to grant indulgences, which were bound to a benefice, usually of a parish or monastic church, but also of a chapel or altar. The real recipients of the spiritual graces were the mass of nameless believers (the address said omnibus christi fidelibus), who could acquire them from such privileged sanctuaries several times a year in the amount of one to twelve years. This numerically set value was remitted from the punishments for the committed sins, for which the sinners had done penance and confessed, and according to opinio communis of the Late Middle Ages, the suffering in purgatory in the world beyond would be so much shorter. The selection of the festive days in these so-called tariff indulgences depended only little on the will of the supplicant, who is not mentioned in an overwhelming majority of the narratios of the letters. In the first years of the pontificate, the indulgence days mostly coincided with the festivities of the patron saints of the particular benefices and/or with their consecrations. The canon of the prescribed days significantly grew during the 1390s, consisting of Christological and Marian festivities, the day of St John the Baptist, the princes of the apostles, SS Peter and Paul and All Saints’ Day including their octaves as well as of the specific patron saint and the consecration days of the particular church. In accordance with a tradition dating back to the very onset of indulgences, their granting was bound to the fulfilment of the prescribed conditions: a visit to the church, the attendance of a special service, adoration of relics, granting of unspecified alms depending on the social position of the penitent or a contribution to the (re)construction of the ecclesiastical building. By all means not all indulgences were equal in their content and scope: a hierarchy existed among the letters and the quantitative Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 349 increase during the 1390s went hand in hand with qualitative transformations. The value of the indulgences granted was slowly rising along with the increase in the privileged days. While during the first wave of 1390–92, spiritual administrators of churches had declared indulgences on half a dozen days annually at the most and to the extent of two years, at the turn of the century they already offered three- to seven-year indulgences on dozens of preferred days. Apart from quantitative shifts in the amount of the indulgences, Boniface IX broke the existing customs based on the numerically defined value of the graces by an unusual innovation – the granting of so-called ad instar indulgences, which were a hidden form of plenary indulgences.8 The pope skilfully expanded the tradition of so farab- solutely unique privileges which permitted the recipient to declare by his church precisely the same indulgences (ad instar) that were usual at some important sanctuaries, mostly of pilgrimage character, such as Portiuncula Chapel in Assisi, St Mark’s Basilica in Venice or the Cathe- dral of St Mary in Aachen, where an unusually high indulgence corpus had been created according to the tradition. Although these letters never stated directly that ad instar graces would mean full absolution for sins, the notion that it was a peculiar form of plenary indulgences prevailed among clerics and laypersons alike. Their spreading throughout the area of obedience of Rome was in direct connection with the jubilee year 1400 and its reverberations in the following year, when almost one out of every two letters of indulgence leaving the Roman curia was of the ad instar form.9 The time measured for them was very brief, however: they did not stand the criticism of church reformists and Boniface an- nulled all of them in December 1402.10 From the viewpoint of the spread and effect of this extraordinary spiritual privilege, it is interesting to pay attention to its geographic dispersion. Based on the fact that an utter majority of supplications to the papal chancery include, in accordance with the applicant’s wish,

8 K. FRANKL, Papstschisma und Frömmigkeit, pp. 57–124, pp. 184–247. 9 Jan HRDINA, Päpstliche Ablässe im Reich unter dem Pontifikat Bonifaz’ IX. (1389–1404), in: Jan Hrdina – Hartmut Kühne – Thomas T. Müller (edd.), Wallfahrt und Refor- mation. Zur Veränderung religiöser Praxis in Deutschland und Böhmen in den Um- brüchen der Frühen Neuzeit, (Europäische Wallfahrtsstudien 3), Frankfurt/Main 2007, pp. 109–130, esp. pp. 126–129 (with a graph comparing the issue of tariff andad instar indulgences /438 letters/). 10 K. FRANKL, Papstschisma und Frömmigkeit, pp. 220–232. However, it is impossible to unambiguously check to what extent the recipients respected the pope’s decision in the local conditions. 350 Jan Hrdina a precisely specified ad instar sanctuary, this information may be perceived as a reflection of the knowledge ken and land or regional affiliation of the petitioner. The eastern regions of Central Europe seem to form a rather homogeneous communication or “imitation” space in the comparison of ad instar indulgences (i.e. of the church that was the model for the declaration of the indulgences). The “spiritual foundation” of St Mark dominated almost absolutely in Bohemia, Poland and Hungary, but also in Passau and Salzburg dioceses, upon the initiative of the recipients (rather than of the papal chancery). The Central Ital- ian origin of Portiuncula indulgences from Assisi prefigured their great popularity above all on the Italian Peninsula. The petitioners from the British Isles, Dalmatia and Scandinavia also preferred Franciscan indulgences, while most recipients (60 percent) from the Empire rather chose the Venetian model.11 The two main Italian prototypes were gradually joined from the second half of the 1390s (once again at the request of the petitioners) by regional variants of the model for indulgences ad instar, which reflected the period popularity of prominent places of cult in Central Europe. In the Empire, we can thus encounter indulgences following the model of the Maria münster (church) in Aachen, the Benedictine abbey in Einsiedeln or the Cistercian monastery in Belbuck, Pomerania, often in combination with Venetian or Portiuncula indulgences in a single letter.12 Indulgences ad instar according to the church of St Mark in Venice were the most widespread in the Archdiocese of Prague (23 times),13 while a Portiuncula grace was only declared by four churches and the same number of institutes claimed entitlement to combined indulgences. Poor Clares from Krumlov, supported by their protector, Henry of Rosenberg, aimed even higher than the Mediterranean models, having

11 J. HRDINA, Päpstliche Ablässe im Reich, pp. 126–128. 12 The Th e following important places of indulgence are mentioned once: Hamburg, Lüne-Lüne- burg/Stade, Morker, Wismar, Düsseldorf, Königslutter, but also the church of St Pe- ter at Vyšehrad in Prague. A comparison for the Holy Roman Empire on the level of settlement unit leads to the conclusion that in the Empire, ad instar indulgences were concentrated almost exclusively in towns (92 documents, i.e. approximately 90 percent). The recipients of the indulgences include cathedral churches as well as parish churches in towns and – above all – Franciscan and Dominican convents, followed with a small distance by monasteries of the Benedictine order in the country. The number of secular rural churches with ad instar indulgence is hardly a dozen. It is worthwhile to pay increased attention precisely to these benefices, because they turn out in several probes to be the regional places of pilgrimage, almost always under the patronage of a monastery. 13 J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě, pp. 117–124. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 351 impetrated from the pope such absolution for sins that can be achieved in the Holy Land apud sepulcrum dominicum in Terra Sancta. Krumlov, held by the Rosenbergs, thus became “the second Jerusalem” for a brief period from January 1401 until the annulment of all ad instar indulgences in December 1402.14 Aware of the effects of this so far unprecedented privilege, the Benedictines from Břevnov, who had much experience with the effect of Boniface’s indulgences, applied for an identical grace as soon as in September 1401 for the parish church under their patronage in Broumov (Braunau) in the northeast corner of the land, directly referring to the indulgences by Poor Clares in Krumlov.15 This example may serve as pars pro toto for the understanding of the resonance (Wirkungsgeschichte) of these spiritual privileges in regions.

II. The Reception of Papal Indulgences in the Lands of Roman Obedience – Basic Methodology of the Research

From a geopolitical and financial point of view, the Roman papacy did not gain the best part of the legacy of the last universal pope, Gre- gory XI: geographically rather remote, not very accessible in terms of communication, and also with a lower economic potential compared to the Avignon papacy, which counted on the support of the sovereign of France and of the rulers from the Iberian Peninsula.16 The lands that remained loyal to Rome, listed from north to south, included England and Ireland, Scandinavia, the Holy Roman Empire including the King- dom of Bohemia, Silesia, the kingdoms of Poland and Hungary, the part of the Balkans not occupied by the Turks and, above all, the north, central and later also south part of Italy.17 Five historical-geographic

14 Monumenta Vaticana res gestas bohemicas illustrantia (thereinafter MBV) V/2, (ed.) K. Krofta, Praha 1905, p. 957, No. 1702, p. 1039–1040, No. 1812 (9 January and 7 July 1401); Ferdinand TADRA, Ukazování sv. ostatků v Českém Krumlově v XIV. věku [Holy Relics Ostension in Český Krumlov in the Fourteenth Century],in: Časopis českého muzea 73, 1899, pp. 173–174. The letter is absolutely unique, no other identical indulgence ad instar is known as yet! 15 MBV V/2, No. 1837, 22 September 1401. 16 J. FAVIER, Les finances pontificales, p. 163. 17 The lands belonging to the obedience of Rome were depicted the best onamap in: Hubert JEDIN et al. (edd.), Atlas zur Kirchengeschichte: die christlichen Kirchen in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Freiburg i. Br. 1970, map No. 66 – Die Oboedienzen des Abendländischen Schismas, with a concise comment by Odilo Engels, pp. 48*–52*. For more precise delimitation of the geopolitical units, cf. J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny pro země středovýchodní Evropy, pp. 43–45. 352 Jan Hrdina units were taken into account for statistical evaluation: England plus Ireland, Italy, the Empire, Central and Eastern Europe and Scandina- via, 18 in order to make it possible to assess the geopolitical importance of transalpine countries for the Roman papacy. Out of the overall number of ca. 1,660 letters of indulgence documented in the Lateran Registers (Registra Lateranensia) for the papacy of Boniface IX (1389–1404), we find out that the applicants from the Em- pire slightly prevailed on the imaginary indulgence “market” (520 indulgences = 31 percent). The recipients from the Italian Peninsula followed with some distance (375 indulgences = ca. 22.5 percent). One of every five indulgences was heading outside continental Europe to Eng- land and Ireland (330 = 20 percent). The countries of Central and East- ern Europe (the kingdoms of Bohemia, Poland and Hungary) added the same number of indulgences. Scandinavia made the image complete with 60 indulgences (3.5 percent). In geopolitical respect, the letters of indulgence thus reflect the key position of the imperial, or Central European lands for the Roman papacy. More detailed analysis of the spatial reception of indulgences in Cen- tral Europe (from the Rhine to the Carpathians) can hardly be based on graphic evaluation which would be related only to the number of indulgences for individual ecclesiastical provinces and bishoprics. This approach with the use of simple cartograms, commonly used in the interpretation of mass data by numerous researchers, is insufficient, because it does not take into consideration the different area of the individual dioceses (map No. 1).19 The presented comparison is therefore based on a statistically more reliable method based on the ascertainment of precise, or at least approximate areas of the dioceses as the basic units of

18 Similarly proceeded for instance Ludwig SCHMUGGE, Kirche, Kinder, Karrieren, p. 152, and Götz-Rüdiger TEWES, Die römische Kurie und die europäischen Länder am Vorabend der Reformation, (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 95), Tübingen 2001, pp. 13–17. 19 This was silently done for instance by Christiane SCHUCHARD, Die Deutschen an der päpstlichen Kurie im späten Mittelalter (1378–1447), (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 65), Tübingen 1987, pp. 165–182; Andreas MEYER, Arme Kleriker auf Pfründensuche. Eine Studie über das in forma pauperum-Register Gregors XII. von 1407 und über päpstliche Anwartschaften im Spätmittelalter, (Forschungen zur kirchlichen Rechtsgeschichte und zum Kirchenrecht 20), Köln 1990, pp. 12–15; Erich MEUTHEN, Auskünfte des Repertorium Germanicum zur Struktur des deutschen Klerus im 15. Jahrhundert, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bib- liotheken 71, 1991, pp. 280–309, esp. pp. 303–308; L. SCHMUGGE, Kirche, Kinder, Karrieren, pp. 262–265; with certain reservations, the comparison of individual ecclesiastical provinces of orbis christianis is followed also by G.-R.TEWES, Die römische Kurie, pp. 13–18, 21–29, 48–57, 75–87, 361–393. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 353

Map No. 1: Church provinces and dioceses in the Empire in the late Middle Ages.

85 

92 91 94 86 42 87 41 44 95  43 88 34 81 4 52 82 35 83 33 53 54 84 36 3 34 5 90 2 51 96 31 1 55 93 32 56

6 21 97 71 72 73 14 24 64 22 13 7 12 23 8 63 65 11 102 69 62 61 66 68 101 9 67

100 99 98

1 Mainz 31 Cologne 61 Salzburg 81 Riga Exempt dioceses 2 Paderborn 32 Liège 62 Brixen 82 Ösel and bishoprics 3 Hildesheim 33 Utrecht 63 Freising 83 Tartu from other church 4 Verden 34 Münster 64 Regensburg 84 Courland provinces: 5 Halberstadt 35 Osnabrück 65 Passau 85 Sambia 6 Würzburg 36 Minden 66 Seckau 86 Warmia 90 Reval 7 Eichstätt 67 Lavant 87 Pomesania 91 Roskilde 8 Augsburg 41 Bremen 68 Gurk 88 Chełmno 92 Schleswig 9 Chur 42 Lübeck 69 Chiemsee 93 Wrocław 11 Constance 43 Ratzeburg 94 Włocławek 12 Strasbourg 44 Schwerin 71 Prague 95 Kamień Pomorski 13 Speyer 72 Litomyšl 96 Meissen 14 Worms 51 Magdeburg 73 Olomouc 97 Bamberg 52 Havelberg 98 Aquileia 21 Trier 53 Brandenburg 99 Trient 22 Metz 54 Lebus 100 Sitten 23 Toul 55 Merseburg 101 Lausanne 24 Verdun 56 Naumburg 102 Basel

Adapted from: Andreas MEYER, Arme Kleriker auf Pfründensuche , Köln – Wien 1990, p. 14. I wish to thank to Martina Hrdinová and Tomáš Rataj for the elaboration of the maps. 354 Jan Hrdina comparison.20 Only this makes it possible – at least from the perspective of this work – to compare whether the spatial reception of the papal indulgences was taking place identically in the Empire and in the lands of Central and Eastern Europe, or if certain differences occurred synchroni- cally or diachronically. The acquired results can be interpreted on the general level as an indicator of the current intensity of the relationships between the individual regions and the curia and as a symptom of various reactions to the current offer of an extraordinary means of salvation. The reasons for the different reception are sought on several levels: geographic factors (the distance from the curia), social and economic preconditions (the number of inhabitants, the population density, the economic structure and potential) and the ecclesiastical structures (the number of parishes, benefices and monasteries, the patronage relations).21 The Rhine dioceses dominate with the highest number of indulgences in relation to the area of the bishopric (map No. 2): Utrecht (No. 33) and Cologne (No. 31), followed after a smaller distance by Mainz (No. 1), Speyer (No. 13), Worms (No. 14) and Strasbourg (No. 12). Nonetheless, the papal indulgences found a response above all in the eastern parts of the Empire – in the Salzburg and Prague provinces, in the north in today’s Saxony-Anhalt and the south of Lower Saxony and in the Hanseatic cities of Holstein, Mecklenburg and Pomerania. The absolute maximum belonged to the Passau diocese with ca. 140 indulgences in particular for parish churches.22 The universal tendencies that governed the reception of indulgences in the western parts of the Empire are not quite apparent yet. None of the considered criteria has absolute validity: neither the economic development of the regions (unlike the active Rhine and above all Hanseatic

20 Jan HRDINA, Le strutture ecclesiastiche nell’Europa centrale durante il Grande Scisma d’Occidente (1378–1415/1417). Sullo sfruttamento dei registri pontifici per la comparatistica storica, in: Bolletino dell’Istituto storico Ceco di Roma 8, 2012, pp. 21–51, esp. 41–43; IDEM, Husitství a historická komparatistika. Církevní struktury ve střední Evropě v době velkého západního schismatu 1378–1415/17 [Hussitism and Historical Comparative Stu- dies: Ecclesiastical Structures in Central Europe during the Great Western Schism], in: Pavlína Rychterová – Pavel Soukup (edd.), Heresis seminaria. Pojmy a koncepty v bádání o husitství, Praha 2013, pp. 13–47, esp. 36–38. 21 J. HRDINA, Le strutture ecclesiastiche, pp. 27–34; IDEM, Husitství a historická komparatistika, pp. 20–28 (a comparison of the density of the parish and “indulgence” networks). 22 As regards indulgences in the Passau diocese, let me only point out that almost all of them were tariff indulgences, with merely four being to the same extent (ad instar) as in St Mark’s Basilica in Venice, and 85 percent of the indulgences were acquired in the jubilee years and their reverberations. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 355

Map No. 2: Reception of papal indulgences (1389–1404) in relation to the area of the diocese in the Empire.

1 indulgence per XY km2 not included 1–500 501–1000 1001–1250 1251–1750 1751–2250 2251–3000 3001–4000 4001–7000 >7000

Adapted from: A. MEYER, Arme Kleriker, p. 14. cities /Utrecht, Cologne, Lübeck, Stralsund, Rostock/, the cities such as Augsburg, Nuremberg and Leipzig are almost absent), nor the distance from the curia (the disproportion between the Hanseatic cities in contrast to Constance and Augsburg, which were much closer to Rome, but with no indulgences). Even the presence of local members of the curia as intercessors for their “compatriots” at the papal offices23 or the density of the parish network and the benefices are not clearly decisive, although more significant intersections are documented there.24 Con- clusions claiming more general validity can only be brought by detailed

23 Ch. SCHUCHARD, Die Deutschen an der päpstlichen Kurie, pp. 165–182, a map of the origins of the curiales on p. 178. 24 J. HRDINA, Le strutture ecclesiastiche, pp. 27–34; IDEM, Husitství a historická komparatistika, pp. 20–28. 356 Jan Hrdina Fulnek / Fulnek Lukov / Groß Lukau archdiocesan church diocesan church chapter parish church church, chapel castle church monastery (male) monastery (female) hospital Opava/ oppa u Tr / 5× Kroměříž / Kremsier 2× / Olomouc Olmütz g z / Šternberk/ Sternberg Mikulov/ Nikolsbur Rajhrad/ Raigern Pustiměř/ Pustimi r 3× Brno/ Brünn Bystrzyca Kłodzka Habelschwerdt l 2× Opatovice V. Groß Opatowit / Pěčín / Pětschi n Litomyšl Leitomisch z D. Kounice / Kanitz Broumov / Braunau Netín/ Netti n Králova Lhota/ Königshufen Drnholec / Dürnhol z Třebíč / ebitsch Tr Svídnice/ Swidnitz n / Opatowit Jaroměřice/ Jarmeritz Podlažice/ Podlažit z Luka/ Wiese Opatovice Hradec Králové/ Königgrät z Stálky/ Stalle k 2× Batelov / Battelau Frejštejn/ Freistei Želiv / Seelau Pelhřimov/ Pilgra m z Poděbrady / Podiebrad . Hradec / Kutná Hora/ Kuttenberg 3× Jindř Neuhaus ißwasse r Bělá/ We / 5× z / Mn. Hradiště/ Münchengrät Zittau / Melnik / Sez. Ústí/ Alttabor 2× Klokoty / Klokot Č. Řečice / Roth Retschit z Mělník yšehrad V Wyschehrad Soběslav / Sobieslau Prague 13× Č. Krumlov/ × Kruma u 11 Č. Budějovice Budwei s Maršovice Marschowit z Lužec / Luschet Roudnice / Raudnitz Papal indulgences (1389–1404) in the archdiocese of Prague. Papal Zbraslav/ Königsaal Dražice / Draschit z z Doksany/ Doxan n eras Svéráz / Tw / / . Dobrotivá/ Hořice/ Hörit z z 2× Libochovice/ Libochowit Břevnov / Breunau 4× Sv St. Benigna Mýto/ Mauth Zl. Koruna/ Goldenkro 0 10 Map No. 3: Map No. Postoloprty Postelber g Nezamyslice Nesamislit Plzenec / Altpilsen 80 Žatec / Saaz Planá/ Plan 60 Klatovy/ Klattau 3× Plzeň/ Pilsen 2× Chotěšov / Chotieschau km

40 Týn/ Kladruby / Kladra u Horšovský Bischofteinitz 0 20 Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 357 research that will take into consideration the common factors behind short-term and one-off stimuli (the jubilee years 1390 and 1400) as well as the differences between lands, areas, (micro)regions and individual places of indulgence, which are indistinct from the macroscopic view, as will be demonstrated in the chosen investigations. The image of a dense indulgence network in the archbishoprics of Salzburg and Prague, although documented by the investigation only for a single pontificate for the time being, moreover contradicts the usual opinion of the researchers, who according to conspectus editions of abstracts of documents from Vatican sources (Repertorium Germanicum, Repertorium Poenitentiariae Germanicum) catalogue that more than a half of the documents from the papal registers of the second half of the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries concern recipients in the Cologne and Mainz provinces, i.e. regions abounding in economic potential with a significant number of benefices.25 Moreover, these ecclesiastical provinces comprise 52 percent of the area of the Empire, which alone “pre- destines” them to above-half representation.26 The viewpoint of letters of spiritual privilege, rather than of benefice documents, proves a clear shift towards the southeast and south of the Empire, relativizing the usual historiographical notions. A comparison of indulgences in the three Central European kingdoms reveals significant differences (maps No. 3–6).27 Each of the monarchies went through a different “model” of the reception of indulgences. The differences appear already at the beginning of pontificate of Boniface IX. While some Bohemian, Moravian and above all Hungar- ian recipients did not let the double opportunity to acquire indulgences

25 L. SCHMUGGE, Kirche, Kinder, Karrieren, p. 267 according to an analysis of papal dispensations concerning illegitimate birth (de defectu natalium) found out that “dass [sich] über die Hälfte aller Regesten … den Kirchenprovinzen Köln … und Mainz … zuordnen lassen”. Similarly Ch. SCHUCHARD, Die deutschen an der päpstlichen Kurie, pp. 166–167: “Innerhalb des Reiches finden wir wiederum ein deutliches West- Ost-Gefälle: die beiden großen rheinischen Kirchenprovinzen besaßen, gemäß ihren besseren Voraussetzungen, einen erheblichen Vorsprung vor den übrigen Gebieten des Reichs.” “Köln stellte mit 729 († 156?) Personen allein schon über ein Drittel aller deutschen Kurialen, die Provinzen Köln und Mainz zusammen mit 1308 († 300) Per- sonen fast zwei Drittel. Dabei liegen unter allen Diözesen Köln, Mainz und Utrecht regelmäßig an der Spitze.” On the current state of both projects, see http://www. dhi-roma.it/grundlagenforschung.html (20 August 2014). 26 The data of the percentage representation of the area of the imperial provinces (excluding the province of Prague) is listed, without providing the source, by L. SCHMUGGE, Kirche, Kinder, Karrieren, pp. 265–268. 27 J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny pro země středovýchodní Evropy, pp. 51–54 (cartograms). 358 Jan Hrdina

Map No. 4: Papal indulgences (1389–1404) in the diocese of Wrocław.

Odra/Oder

Kożuchów/ Freystadt Głogów/ Glogau

Barycz/Bartsch Chojnów/ Haynau Trzebnica/ Kwisa/Queis Prusice/ Trebnitz 2× Prausnitz 3× Oleśnica/ Prosna Nysa/Neiße Legnica/ Oels Liegnitz 2× 5× Wrocław/ 2×Breslau Stobrawa/Stober 3× Namysłów/ Namslau Wiązów/ Bolków/ Wansen

Bolkenhain Lohe

Oława/Ohle Ślęza/

Karłowice W./

Groß-Karlowitz Neiße Ząbkowice Śl./ Nysa/ Frankenstein Nysa/ diocesan church Otmuchów/ Neiße 2× Krapkowice/ Krappitz Ujazd/ chapter Otmuchau Ujest parish church

church, chapel Odra/Oder monastery (male) Opava/Opawa/Oppa convent (female) Wisła/Weichsel

hospital Olza/Olsa

0 20 40 60 80 100 km

Adapted from: Joseph JUNGNITZ, Die Grenzen des Breslauer Bistums, in: Darstellungen und Quellen zur schlesichen Geschichte. Studien zur schlesischen Kirchengeschichte, vol. 3, Breslau, pp. 1–18 (appendix). during the 1390 jubilee year escape them, those from Silesia and Poland remained reserved. The following years were characterised by a gradual decline, followed by a slow increase in all the lands, first in Bohemia. The peak was once again formed by the jubilee year 1400 and the following year. At that time, several dozens of indulgences in the Bohemian lands seemed to cap the trend, in Poland to make a radical turn, whereas Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 359

Map No. 5: Papal indulgences (1389–1404) in the archdiocese of Gniezno.

dioc. Sambiensis 3× 2× Pregola Gdańsk/ dioc. Vladislaviensis Danzig 2× dioc. Warmiensis dioc. dioc. Caminensis Brda/Brahe Pomesaniensis

Noteć/Netze dioc. Culmensis

Narew

Warta/Warthe Wisła/ Sieluń

Gniezno/ Weichsel dioc. Plocensis dioc. Gnesen Piaski

ubucensis (metropolitan Gąsiorowo L dioc. Poznaniensis see) Płock Poznań/ Posen 2×

Bóbr/Bober Święciechowa/ dioc. Poznaniensis Schwetzkau dioc. Gnesnensis (part) Odra/Oder

d. Gnesn. (part) Jeżów Warka

Barycz/ Bartsch Pilica dioc. Vratislaviensis

Warta/Warthe

Piotrawin

Jędrzejów diocesan church Imielno chapter Bytom/

Beuthen Oder parish church Odra/ Nasiechowice Mogila church, chapel Minoga 2× dioc. Cracoviensis chsel monastery (male) ei Kraków/ Wawrzeńczyce Wisła/ W Krakau Olkusz 6× convent (female) Morava/ 2×

hospital March Pilzno 2× Biecz/ confraternity Beitsch

0 100 km

Adapted from: Kościól w Polsce, Vol. 1: Średniowiecze, Kraków 1966. 360 Jan Hrdina indulgence) indulgence) metropolitan see episcopal see archdiocesan church (with diocesan church (with chapter parish church church, chapel monastery hospital , in: Etudes Historiques Hongroises , in: Etudes Historiques Hongroises Congrès International des Sciences Historiques par la Commission Nationale des Historiens e Zur Frage der demographischen Wertung der päpstlichen Zehnlisten Wertung der demographischen Zur Frage Papal indulgences (1389–1404) in the archdiocese of Esztergom and Kalocsa. indulgences (1389–1404) in the archdiocese of Esztergom Papal Map No. 6: Map No. Adapted from: György GYÖRFFY, GYÖRFFY, György Adapted from: 1980, publiées à la occasion du XV 1, Budapest 1980, p. 80. Vol. Hongrois, Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 361 in Hungary we can fully speak about jubilee indulgence piety with the imposing number of 81 indulgences.28 In the macro-perspective geographic aspect, the research follows in the works by Jerzy Kłoczowski, his conception of a “younger” Eu- rope and his comparative approach to the fundamental ecclesiastical structures.29 The parish system along with the settlement structures has turned out to be one of the significant factors that predetermined the creation of the indulgence networks in the individual regions. The reason is that two-thirds of all the indulgences were acquired by parish, chaplain or altar benefices. In view of the fact that an indulgence is bound to a clerical institution and its benefices, it is not surprising that the basic statistical comparison of the number of indulgences in the ecclesiastical provinces corresponds to the density of the parish network.

Tab. 1: Parish organisations in Central and Eastern Europe in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

Area (thousands of Number Area per parish Province square kilometres) of parishes (square kilometres) Prague 79.5 3,150 25 (end of the 14th C) Esztergom 170.0 3,000 57 (mid 14th C) Kalocsa 155.0 1,600 97 (mid 14th C) Gniezno 200.0 4,550 44 Riga 150.0 900 167 50.0 (100) Lviv 500 (100) (200) 804.5 Total 13,700 (854.5) After: JerzyKŁOCZOWSKI , Młodsza Europa, Warszawa 2003, p. 253 (adjusted).

28 Ibidem, pp. 47–49. 29 Jerzy KŁOCZOWSKI, Młodsza Europa: Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia w kręgu cywilizacji chrześcijańskiej średniowiecza [Younger Europe. East Central Europe within the Medi- eval Civilisation of Christendom], Warszawa 1998, pp. 245–257, esp. pp. 252–253, with a table pointing out that the data for Gniezno (excluding Lithuanian dioceses), Lviv and Riga provinces are only as of the end of the fifteenth century. S. GERO- GIORGAKIS – R. SCHEEL – D. SCHORKOWITZ, Kulturtransfer vergleichend betrachtet, p. 399, speaks about “old” and “new” Europe in a similar sense. 362 Jan Hrdina

Tab. 2: The density of the “indulgence network” in Central and Eastern Europe based on the papal letters of Boniface IX (1389–1404).

Number of Area (thousands of Square kilometres Land indulgences square kilometres) per indulgence

Bohemia 95 52 547

Moravia 28 26 929

Silesia 34 36 1059

Hungary 152 325 2138

Poland 43 173 4023

Bohemia is dotted rather evenly with places of indulgence, followed by Moravia, especially its south and central parts, urbanised Silesia, Hungary (with four times lower occurrence of indulgences) and, in the end, Poland (with an seven times lower presence of indulgences).30 Car- tographic processing revealed significant spatial differences in the dispersion of letters of indulgence also within the framework of the lands under examination. Their further interpretation within the suggested course is needed, and we will attempt to provide it in the following three examples. The difference between the observed historical units in relation to the reception of indulgences can be interpreted based on the differences in demographic, economic, social and political development. In the light of the information discovered, we may add a comparison with respect the Empire to Kłoczowski’s assessment of the Bohemian lands as the most developed historical unit in Central and Eastern Eu- rope at the end of the fourteenth century. In terms of both the parish network density and the indulgence reception level, all four bishoprics of the Lands of the Bohemian Crown are slightly above average compared to the analogical indicators in their western neighbourhood; the Prague diocese in particular is fully comparable to the bishopric in the basins of the Rivers Rhine and Main.

30 We might proceed similarly in the comparison of the number of seats of religious orders, chapters, the density of the urban network, etc. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 363

III. Three Probes into the Conditionality of Indulgence Recep- tion and the Foundation of Cultural Transfer Kingdom of Bohemia

The extraordinary response to papal indulgences predetermines the Bohemian lands for more thorough investigation of the application of indulgences. Our situation is very favourable in comparison with the other case studies, because our research is based on a number of sources created by the central ecclesiastical bodies of the Archbishopric of Prague.31 Although the exceptional preservation and composition of the sources condition the following explanation within the land scale, they might become a methodological guideline of more general validity also in the processing of other historical units. Our scene will be the Prague province, and especially the diocese of Prague, in 1389–1404.32 The Bohemian lands as an integral part of the obedience of the Ro- man pontiff were significantly involved in the reception of the papal letters of indulgence, and their share within the framework of the Holy Roman (German) Empire exceeded the usual average of the imperial bishoprics. We know a total of 123 indulgences with determination of the location, which however do not cover the monitored period with the same intensity.33 Their distribution on the time axis shows a strong dependence on the jubilee years 1390/91 and 1400/01, and they can be viewed as one of the motifs accompanying Rome peregrination. The triggering moment of the interest in the spiritual graces, which had not been widely spread until that time, was the jubilee year 1390. After the pilgrims left the Eternal City, the issue of the letters decreased two to three times. However, their number was slowly growing towards the end of the century, reaching a high in the second Jubilee of 1400 and its reverberation in 1401. The remaining years of Boniface’s pontificate were characterised by a perceptible decline. The Bohemian recipients shared this more generally valid trend without many deviations,

31 On ecclesiastical administration sources, cf. Jindřich ŠEBÁNEK – Zdeněk FIALA – Zdeňka HLEDÍKOVÁ, Česká diplomatika do roku 1848 [Bohemian Diplomatics until 1848], Praha 1984, pp. 146–151. 32 For a more detailed analysis, see J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě, pp. 93–140. 33 Including the presumed deperdita, the real number would approach the value of 220 to 250 indulgences. 364 Jan Hrdina

although the differences among the individual years were not as evident as in the neighbouring lands.34 The first indulgences were connected with the leading land ecclesiastical institutions that maintained regular contacts with the curia – the Břevnov monastery and the chapter at St Vitus in Prague. Later during the 1390 Jubilee, the unusual opportunity was seized by the secular representatives of urban and rural localities and also of monasteries. By 1392, the papal indulgence penetrated most of the regions of Bohemia and Moravia, taken from the point of view of the cardinal directions. The transition from singular application of the graces to the creation of an imaginary network of indulgence institutions was taking place gradually during the 1390s, culminating in the three years of 1399–1401, from which as many as 50 percent of all the graces (61) originate. It is only at that time that we can speak about across-the-board penetration of indulgences in the Bohemian lands and perceive them as a time- conditioned, but omnipresent element of the religious life. The cartogram makes it evident that they occurred in all three dioceses – Prague, Litomyšl and Olomouc (map No. 7–8). However, a more thorough view reveals certain differences and regions with a more substantial concentration of the papal graces. The dominance of the Prague conurbation and the nearby monasteries at Břevnov and Zbraslav is beyond doubt. South Bohemia, the region on the upper reaches of the River Vltava, with the Rosenberg residence in Český Krumlov35 with four indulgence sanctuaries also deserves attention; it even belongs among the top ten in the imaginary list according to the number of recipients in the whole obedience of Rome (16 times: 1390–1402). Other indulgence localities in today’s Tá- bor region (5 times: 1398–1402) are also connected with the influence of the Rosenbergs. In their western neighbourhood, indulgences asserted themselves in the Plzeň area and in the nearby regions delimited by the tributaries of the River Berounka (13 times: 1390–1401). From Žatec, the strip of the followed localities stretched through the lower part of the River Ohře Basin to the confluence of the Rivers Labe (Elbe) and Vltava and further to the north towards Bělá and Mnichovo Hradiště (9 times: 1390–1401). The River Labe accompanied the localities from Poděbrady to Hradec Králové, from where they further con-

34 J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny pro země středovýchodní Evropy¸ pp. 46, 48 (bar charts). 35 Poor Clares’ convent (1390, 1397–1401), St George’s castle chapel (1397–1399), St ViVi-- tus’s parish church (1398, 1402) and the town spital (1400). Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 365 centrated in the River Orlice Basin, with an overlap to the Bishopric of Litomyšl (12 times: 1391–1401). Another conspicuous region lay near the borders of the dioceses of Prague and Olomouc, along the south part of Bohemian-Moravian Highlands, with its vertices in Jindřichův Hra- dec, Želiv, Třebíč and Jaroměřice nad Rokytnou (9 times: 1390–1402). In Moravia, indulgences appeared first in the River Dyje (Thaya) Basin (5 times: 1390–1393), in direct connection to a wave of dozens of papal graces for lower benefices in Lower Austria from 1390/91.36 In line with expectations, Olomouc with an episcopal cathedral and a Dominican friary became a centre. In South Moravia, the forgiveness of punishments for sins was apparently declared only by monasteries (Dolní Kou- nice, Rajhrad, Pustiměř), represented in Brno by the Augustinian Friars of St Thomas; in the north, grace was available in the Augustinian can- onries in Šternberk and Fulnek, founded by the lords of Kravaře. Be- lievers from the Silesian regions of the diocese only sought indulgence in the Opava parish church. A total of 97 indulgences thus survived for the ecclesiastical institutions of the Prague and Litomyšl bishoprics, three times more than for the Olomouc diocese with 28 letters. Let us proceed to the analysis of the recipients according to settlement units and the type of ecclesiastical institutions, with the aim to characterise the milieu in which the papal indulgences found a response (and vice versa).37 Of the limited scale of the settlement types in late medieval Bohemia, we will start with the rougher distinction in the limit categories of town vs. village. In the foremost place, we find the Prague agglomeration, in the broader geographic sense including the monasteries at Břevnov and Zbraslav in its hinterland, which “absorbed” some 20 percent of all indulgences for the Bohemian ecclesiastical province (23). Indulgences soon took root in royal towns – of the first order,38 medium-sized as well as smaller ones,39 asserting themselves also in liege urban centres, regardless of their lords.40 Quantitatively expressed: 60 percent of indulgences were intended for sanctuaries in towns (including Prague). To these purely town churches, we need to add another 14 localities with parish churches,

36 J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě, appendix 065 (cartogram of indulgences in the Passau diocese). 37 J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě, pp. 93–140, including direct references to the sources and the literature. 38 Plzeň, Kutná Hora, Olomouc, České Budějovice, Opava, Hradec Králové, Brno. 39 Žatec, Klatovy, Domažlice. 40 Český Krumlov, Horšovský Týn, Mikulov, Litomyšl, Roudnice, Pelhřimov, Soběslav, Šternberk. 366 Jan Hrdina

Map No. 7: Papal indulgences (1389–1404) in the diocese of Prague.

metropolitan see episcopal see chapter parish church filial church, unspecified church chapel hospital monastery mendicant houses castle chapel

Adapted from: Erwin GATZ (ed.), Die Bistümer des Heiligen Römischen Reiches von ihren Anfängen bis zur Säkularisation, Freiburg im Breisgau 2003, p. 916. chapels or order seats for which we use the standard designation small town (městečko), although it is not quite suitable for the period.41 The urban element would then be attached to 94 localities representing almost 80 percent of the whole. Only one out of every five indulgences was heading to the countryside – to secular churches, monasteries or,

41 Řečice, Drnholec, Mýto, Libochovice, Poděbrady, Jaroměřice, Batelov, Hořice, Plzenec; kláštery: Pustiměř – 3×, Mnichovo Hradiště, Postoloprty, Dolní Kounice, Kladruby. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 367

Map No. 8: Papal indulgences (1389–1404) in the dioceses of Litomyšl and Olomouc.

Legend – see map No. 7

Adapted from: E. GATZ (ed.), Die Bistümer des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, p. 911.

sporadically, castle chapels.42 Papal indulgences therefore found “fertile ground” above all in the urbanised milieu. The direct percentage of monastic seats as the recipients of indulgences amounted to approximately 35 percent (44 letters of indulgence for 31 monastic houses). Once again, we need to look for them above all in urban and market centres and their immediate neighbourhood (36 documents from 15 towns and small towns).

42 Villages: Lužec, Stálky (2×), Velké Opatovice, Klokoty, Maršovice, Pěčín, Dražice, Planá nad Mží, Svéráz, Luka nad Jihlavou, Králova Lhota, Netín; monasteries and provostries: Želiv, Podlažice, Svídnice, Zlatá Koruna, Nezamyslice (2×), Opatovice, Doksany, Chotěšov, Ostrov-Sv. Dobrotivá; castle chapels: Frejštejn, Lukov. 368 Jan Hrdina

Churches administered by the secular clergy had twice the indulgence potential in comparison with monasteries. The range of the sanctuaries was extraordinarily broad. The metropolitan cathedral and two episcopal churches sat on the top of the pyramid of the recipients, which was towards its bottom widening towards the expected number of 3,000 benefices,43 in a significant part comprised of parish churches, chapels and altars, but also of town spitals. Chapters with their corporative character were closer to the monastic institutions.44 The papal chancery issued 76 letters of indulgence for the mentioned types of secular benefices. Of course, the chances to acquire indulgences significantly differed. The difference was based primarily on the material background of the benefice, on the ownership of the patronage right and, in personal respect, on the intellectual ken of its holder. The second criterion can be captured almost in its completeness using the confirmation books (Libri confirmationum) of the Archbishopric of Prague (registers of the parish priests appointed at the proposal of the patron of the benefice), thus developing another statistical component of the presentation.45 The patronages of ecclesiastical persons and corporations - arerep resented the most. The one-third share of monastic institutions is significantly increased if we add to it the benefices with the rights of presentation by monastic houses. To the 44 indulgences for 32 localities were added another 13 parish churches or chapels in towns, small towns and villages to which an institution appointed a secular priest or, less frequently, a member of the monastery. This approach was utilised by Benedictines, Premonstratensians and Cistercians, and by their female branches.46 The realisation of the logistically and financially demanding under- taking which was supposed to result in the issuance of a letter further in- creases the probability that the real applicant for the indulgence was the

43 Zdeňka HLEDÍKOVÁ, Struktura duchovenstva ve středověkých Čechách [The Structure of the Clergy in Medieval Bohemia], in: Ján Čierny – František Hejl – Antonín Ver- bík (edd.), Struktura feudální společnosti na území Československa a Polska do přelomu 15. a 16. století, Praha 1984, pp. 343–392, esp. p. 354. 44 The exempt chapter of Vyšehrad dominated with five indulgences. The interests of the bishop and the chapter clergy of St Vitus in Prague, Olomouc and Kroměříž were usually combined when supplicating for an indulgence. Saint Giles’s chapter church in the Old Town of Prague was a parish church at the same time. 45 Libri confirmationum ad beneficia ecclesiastica Pragensem per archidioecesim, I–X, (edd.) F. A. Tingl – J. Emler, Praha 1875–1927. 46 J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě, pp. 99–101. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 369 owner of the patronage. The less important the benefice, the more we need to take into consideration the activity of the monastic institution. The activity of the church patron apparently influenced the issuance of early letters from the jubilee years 1390/91 for several other churches under the patronage right of the clergy concentrated around the metropolitan church of St Vitus.47 Statistical evaluation of the patronage rights in Bohemia in 1354– 1436 clearly proved that the nobility proposed the parish rectors of more than 60 percent benefices on the level of the (approximately 1,150) parish churches.48 The predominance over other patrons in a - wayre flected also in the number of 24 acquired indulgence privileges. The composition of the recipients of indulgences significantly reflects the property and power criteria, as almost all the benefices are in the hands of the group that is conventionally termed the nobility.49 Its leading representatives were the Rosenbergs. We can suspect their intervention in at least ten cases, ranging from the castle chapel, the family Poor Clare convent and the parish church in Český Krum- lov to sanctuaries on the lower reaches of the River Lužnice (Klokoty, Dražice, Soběslav) or in Mýto near the town of Rokycany. Although the letters themselves are silent about the name of the benefactor, the context as well as indirect testimonies lead to a single name: Henry (III) of Rosenberg.50 He is followed, with a large gap, by other major Bohemian and Moravian families that procured indulgences for churches under their patronage, their castle chapels or the foundations near their family

47 Prague, the parish church of St Gall, MBV V/2, No. 336 (3 June 1390); Červená Řečice, the church of Corpus Christi, MBV V/2, No. 366 (26 October 1390); Horšovský Týn, the parish church of St Apollinaris, MBV V/1, No. 532 (3 June 1391); Pelhřimov, the parish church of St Vitus, MBV V/2, No. 1457 (26 June 1399). In more detail, cf. J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě, p. 101. 48 John Martin KLASSEN, The Nobility and the Making of the Hussite Revolution, New York 1978, pp. 35–46, esp. p. 37; Zdeněk BOHÁČ, Struktura feudální pozemkové držby v Čechách na prahu husitské revoluce /Pokus o rekonstrukci podle patronátních práv/ [The Structure of Feudal Land Holdings in Bohemia on the Threshold of the Hussite Rev- olution: An Attempt at a Reconstruction According to Patronage Rights], in: Folia historica Bohemica 7, 1984, pp. 7–38, esp. p. 15; František ŠMAHEL, Husitská revoluce I [Hussite Revolution I], Praha 1993, pp. 231–233, 263. 49 J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě, pp. 101–103. 50 Josef ŠUSTA, Jindřich z Rožmberka [Henry of Rosenberg], Praha 1995; Anna KUBÍKOVÁ, Jindřich III. a Oldřich II. z Rožmberka [Henry III and Ulrich II of Rosenberg], in: Českokrumlovsko 1400–1460, Český Krumlov 1997, pp. 9–26, esp. pp. 9–13. 370 Jan Hrdina seat or residence.51 The possibilities of the gentry were much more limited, which is documented by a mere four indulgences for churches and chapels with their rights of presentation.52 Areal analyses of the rights of patronage to parish churches in the Prague diocese documented that the percentage of burgher holders of the right of the presentation of priests to these benefices was below five per cent.53 However, if the previous presentation implied that indulgence was intended above all for the urban milieu, it is high time to rel- ativize the research somewhat according to the structures and attempt to get closer to a more realistic share of the inhabitants of towns upon acquiring indulgences. Although an absolute majority of the rights of patronage to the main town sanctuaries remained in the hands of the king or of the ecclesiastical institutions, we will not make a mistake if we ascribe a more significant role to the town authorities or corporations than the one that would be implied by the preference of the structures. The collective steps of the communities are documented by the indulgences for the leading towns of the kingdom, Plzeň and Kutná Hora,54

51 Mikulov, castle chapel of Virgin Mary and St John the Evangelist, MBV V/1, No. 504 (11 April 1391), patron: John I of Liechtenstein; Lukov, castle chapel of St John, MBV V/1, No. 661 (10 December 1392), patron: Zdeněk of Sternberg and Lukov; Li- bochovice, chapel of Virgin Mary, MBV V/2, No. 662 (7 January 1393), parish church chapel under the patronage of Vilém Zajíc of Hazmburk (d. 1395); Poděbrady, the parish church of The Holy Cross, MBV V/2, No. 1524 (21 November 1399), patronage: Boček (Old) of Kunštát and Poděbrady, member of the royal council; Pěčín, the parish church of the Virgin Mary, MBV V/1, No. 1577 (19 March 1400), at the Rychnov domain of the lords of Rychnov, patron: apparently Jetřich of Rychnov (d. 1400); Ful- nek, All Saints spital, MBV V/2, No. 1612 (21 April 1400), founder: Anežka (Agnes) of Sternberg and Lukov, the widow of Beneš of Kravaře; Králova Lhota, the filial church of St Maternus, MBV V/2, No. 1876 (23 December 1401), the parent church in Meziříčí, with the rights of presentation of the family of Adršpachs of Dubé. Hynek (III) Hlaváč was the patron of the Meziříčí church in 1397. 52 Batelov, the parish church of SS Peter and Paul, MBV V/2, No. 1663 (9 November 1400); Velké Opatovice, the parish church of St George, MBV V/2, No. 660 (10 De- cember 1392), patronage divided among the gentry of Opatovice; Maršovice, the parish church of the Virgin Mary, MBV V/2, No. 1404 (13 January 1399), patronage by the gentry; Klatovy, altar of St Agatha in the parish church of the Virgin Mary, MBV V/2, No. 1517 (9 November 1399), the founder of the chapel and the likely petitioner was Půta of Dolany (d ca. 1400), whose sons established a benefice altar in the chapel in 1401. 53 Cf. Note 48. 54 Plzeň, the parish church of St Bartholomew, Josef STRNAD (ed.), Listář královského města Plzně a druhdy poddaných osad I, Plzeň 1892, pp. 180–181 (5 February 1390), petitioners: “dilecti filii judex, jurati et universitas opidi regalis in Noua Pilzna”; Kutná Hora, the chapel of Corpus Christi and of St Barbara, Jaromír ČELAKOVSKÝ (ed.), Corpus iuris municipalis regni Bohemiae II, Praha 1895, pp. 822–823, No. 641 (27 January 1391): Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 371 while intensive support of the burghers is apparently behind the graces for České Budějovice, Hradec Králové and others.55 The monitoring of the rights of patronage thus confirms that strong players – ecclesiastical institutions, the nobility and towns – stood most often behind the issuance of indulgences as a specific form of a rather costly investment in spiritual vestment.

Cartographic processing of the indulgence localities accompanied by the knowledge of the settlement types and rights of patronage form a springboard for a reflection that is supposed to lead to the outlining of certain “predeterminations” that resulted (or might have resulted) in the spatial distribution of these indulgence localities. Already at first glance at the map, we can see zones with more significant concentration of the graces and naturally, ex negativo, regions almost untouched by indulgences.56 Let us imagine the sorted set of graces as a phenomenon of a cultural-historical-geographic character and project it on several other cartographic sources: the map of monasteries in Bohemia and Moravia in the pre-Hussite period, the map of towns and small towns in the Czech lands as of 1400 and finally the cartogram of the distribution of feudal land possessions in pre-Hussite Bohemia according to the rights of patronage.57 Furthermore, let us constantly bear in mind the geographic aspect of the landscape, which determined the form of settlement. We will be especially interested in mutual comparisons of the correspondences and differences between these maps and cartograms on the one hand and the network of monasteries, towns and small towns and the structure of the rights of

“Hinc est, nos dilectorum filiorum opidanorum, indigenarum et incolarum ac universitatis opidi Montis Chutnis … in has parte supplicacionibus inclinati …”). 55 On the collaboration of the parish community and parish priests on the example of České Budějovice, Hradec Králové and Český Krumlov, cf. J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny ve střední Evropě, p. 108. 56 Let us remind the reader that we are working with an incomplete sample representing 40–50 percent of the overall state of all the actually issued papal letters of indulgence. On the other hand, I do not think that the spatial imbalance would be significantly disrupted in the optimal state of preservation. On the preservation of the papal registers, cf. J. HRDINA, I registri pontifici, pp. 91–136. 57 The maps are contained in: Josef PETRÁŇ et al., Dějiny hmotné kultury I/1 [History of Material Culture 1/1], Praha 1985, pp. 254–255; specifically for the individual orders: Zdeněk BOHÁČ, Středověké kláštery v Čechách a na Moravě v době předhusitské [Medieval Monasteries in Bohemia and Moravia in the pre-Hussite period], in: His- torická geografie 28, 1995, pp. 137–153; František HOFFMANN, K systémové analýze středověkých měst [On the Systemic Analysis of Medieval Towns], in: Český časopis historický 88, 1990, pp. 252–275, pp. 268–289; BOHÁČ, Struktura feudální pozemkové držby, an appendix to the article on the back endpaper. 372 Jan Hrdina patronage of individual components of pre-Hussite Bohemian society on the other. Let us watch in particular those groups of recipients that were in most frequent contact with the papal chancery and whose efforts resulted in indulgence: monasteries, above all monastic orders and canons regular, the nobility and towns. The absence of papal indulgences in some regions attracts attention at first glance. We must wonder at the absence of the graces in southwest Bohemia, in the west and northwest corners of the diocese, on the upper and middle reaches of the River Ohře, in the region below the Ore Mountains and in the Bílina region, along the River Sázava, on the right bank of the middle reaches of Labe (Elbe) as well as in the upper reaches of this river. The predominant common feature of these areas was a weak representation of monastic institutions, indistinctive penetration by urban settlements as well as significant possessions of the gentry. A telling example is provided by the region delimited by the Riv- ers Vltava and Otava (the Volyně and Prácheň regions) and further to the north towards the Brdy hills (the Bozeň region and partially Roky- cany region), where the gentry owned significantly more than half of the patronages, monastic institutions were represented sporadically (there was not a single monastery in the region between the Otava and Vltava!) and the urbanisation of the region was of a lower degree.58 The only indulgence is brought to the Otava region by the Benedictines from Břevnov to the incorporated parish in Nezamyslice. A very similar characterisation applies also to the region between the Rivers Mže, Beroun ka and Ohře,59 where the monotonous rural character of the landscape was only disrupted by three towns – Slaný, Rakovník and Žlutice, or to the River Sázava Basin and the right-bank middle reaches of the River Vltava (Benešov, Štěpánov, Vltavsko regions) with a high ratio of land possession by the nobility. The urban element was absent in the peripheral parts of the land, colonised during the thirteenth century, but the concentrated dominions of the nobility and of monasteries guaranteed capital that might be more easily transformed into the acquisition of an indulgence. Here, however, we are getting to the level of possibility rather than of a higher degree of probability, because we can find

58 The royal towns were represented by Písek, Vodňany and Sušice, and more significant liege towns by Prachatice, Netolice, Kašperské Hory, Horažďovice, Hořovice and Žebrák. 59 Taking into consideration the low population density in the hills of Slavkovský les, Doupovské hory and Tepelská vrchovina. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 373 many arguments also against these assumptions.60 A supportive fact to be considered is that the knightly orders of the Knights Hospitaller and the Teutonic Knights ruled precisely over the land where we do not observe the presence of papal indulgences.61 With a slight concern, we register another difference, which is at least surprising: the white areas on the map of the indulgence localities are conspicuously identical to the compact German-speaking areas in Bo- hemia.62 We may either brush the concord aside, pointing out the non- representativeness of the sample and the role of coincidence, or perceive it as a stimulus for a future reflection on the prospective differences in the sphere of the traditional manifestations of devotion, on the hidden influence of Waldensianism or on the forms of religious communication, and more particularly of the difficult communication between -re gions differing in language.63

60 The Rosenbergs can serve us as an illustrious and positive example, as well as the monasteries of Zlatá Koruna and Vyšší Brod in Doudleby regions and Chýnov region, the nobles from Rychnov and Dubá (Kostelec region – Pěčín, Dobruška region – Králova Lhota) and also Broumov. On the contrary, against the formation of the rule speaks the absence of indulgences in the basins of the River Kamenice and the upper River Jizera (the domains of Vartenberks, lords of Dubá) and in Teplá region (Švamberks, the Premonstratensians of Teplá). 61 The Knights Hospitaller held more extensive properties in the regions of Říčany, Žlutice, Kadaň, Teplá and Turnov, and the Teutonic Knights in the regions of Čáslav, Havlíčkův Brod, Chýnov, Kadaň, Litoměřice and Hradec. After Z. BOHÁČ, Struk- tura feudální pozemkové držby, p. 20. The absence of current papal indulgences among the knightly orders does not automatically mean their disinterest in these spiritual graces. Their concentration on other indulgence media is a much more likely explanation, particularly the summary lists of indulgences, which summed up the indulgences issued by the individual popes and the hierarchy in favour of the whole order. On this, cf. the model monograph Axel EHLERS, Die Ablasspraxis des Deutschen Or- dens im Mittelalter, (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 64), Marburg 2007. For Bohemia, cf. for instance the Knights Hospitaller’s indulgences in Regesta Bohemiae et Moraviae aetatis Venceslai IV. V/I/1, (edd.) K. Beránek – V. Beránková, Pragae 2006, pp. 250–251, No. 550, 551 (1396), which were evidently not by coincidence “activated” precisely during the indulgence “boom”. 62 Land possession by major secular feudal lords predominated in the so-called SuSu-- detenland, with an appreciable share of monastic institutions (Teplá, Kadaň, Bílina regions). Moreover, numerous royal and liege towns with significant economic potential came into existence along the rivers Ohře, Bílina and Kamenice. It seems, however, that even these advantageous parameters might not have represented a sufficient “incentive” for a pilgrimage to Rome to acquire an indulgence. 63 František ŠMAHEL, Idea národa v husitských Čechách [The Idea of Nation in Hussite Bohemia], Praha 20002. For maps with a qualified estimate of the ethnic situation in the Bohemian lands, see for instance IDEM, Husitská revoluce I, Praha 19932, p. 503, map No. 3; František HOFFMANN, České město ve středověku [A Bohemian Town in the Middle Ages], Praha 1992, pp. 230–231. On the influences of Waldensianism in Kadaň region, cf. for instance Ivan HLAVÁČEK, Zur böhmischen Inquisition und 374 Jan Hrdina

In connection with the dynamic transformations of Bohemian society on the way towards Hussitism, we may add another question closely connected with cultural transfer to the considerations of spatial and social determination of the reception of papal indulgences: can a papal indulgence be perceived as an indicator of the different “developmental potential” of individual regions? The reason is that if we disregard Prague, the indulgences asserted themselves with no smaller intensity in south Bohemia (Tábor, Český Krumlov regions), in the Plzeň region and, slightly less, also in the lower part of the River Ohře Basin and the middle reaches of the River Labe. This might very tentatively lead to reflections on a connection between these exposed forms of traditional Catholic religiousness and the transformation of the religious climate in the Bohemian lands in the second decade of the fifteenth century.64 Proceeding from the assumption that both latent and manifest criticism of the existing practice and ills of the church of the pre-Hussite period manifested themselves above all at places where the traditional forms of religiousness, including quick reactions to innovations, had been most visible may put the spatial dispersion of papal indulgences of the era of Boniface IX into a different light. It might be understood as an indicator pointing out regions with stronger developmental potential, areas that are more generally the bearers of cultural-historical innovations and radiation. It will hardly be a mere coincidence that precisely the regions with an intensive reception of indulgences (Prague, the regions of Plzeň, Krumlov, Tábor, lower part of the River Ohře Basin, Hradec region) became – with the opposite sign in accordance with the principle of action and reaction – the first strong points of early Hussitism ten or

Häresiebekämpfung um das Jahr 1400, in: František Šmahel (ed.), Häresie und vorzei tige Reformation im Spätmittelalter, (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, Kollo quien 39), München 1998, pp. 109–131; Petr HLAVÁČEK, K počátkům české reformace v severozápadních Čechách. (Valdenští a reformisté v Kadani na přelomu 14. a 15. století) [On the Beginnings of the Bohemian Reformation in Northwest Bohemia (Waldensians and Reformers in Kadaň at the Turn of the Fifteenth Century)], in: Husitský Tábor 14, 2005, pp. 9–33. However, we must not neglect further circumstances which rela- tivize this distinctive hypothesis: the strong presence of a German-speaking population in the interior of the land as well as in many monastic seats. I am passing over the ethnic conditions in Moravia, only pointing out the multiple-layer inclination of the River Dyje (Thaya) Basin to Lower Austria with its high density of coverage by papal indulgences, which is reflected also in the acquisition of five indulgences for benefices on the Moravian bank of the Dyje. 64 F. ŠMAHEL, Husitská revoluce I–II [Hussite Revolution I–II], Praha 1993, German version: Die hussitische Revolution I–II, (Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Schriften 43/1), Hannover 2002. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 375 fifteen years later. If we accepted the hypothesis, the developed social structures and intellectual potential of (micro)regions would be a common condition and a sounding board for the reception of the latest elements of “old” piety as well as, several years later and relatively to other regions, for faster negation of the exposed forms of the Catholic piety (adinventiones, “findings”) and the search for new paths. The resulting form of this religious ferment would then be determined by the power element (i.e., the inclination of the patrons to one religious party or another). Of course, verification of this working hypothesis in its distinctive form will require similarly equipollent investigations focused on the centres and the peripheries of the medieval Bohemian state. From the viewpoint of the different innovative potential of micro(regions), this research might utilise the cartographic-statistical method to follow other factors, such as the geographic origin of university students of the Bohemian nation,65 the origin of the ordinands in the Prague diocese,66 the spatial and temporal dispersion of the popularity of new patrocinies, altar foundations, etc.67 Only these and other necessary comparisons focused on gaining knowledge about cultural phenomena and their penetration in individual social groups and milieux will confirm, modify or disprove the justifiability of theses connected with the reception of papal indulgences at the end of the fourteenth century.

65 Hana VÁCLAVŮ, Počet graduovaných a negraduovaných studentů na pražské artistické fa kultě v letech 1367–1398 a jejich rozdělení podle původu do univerzitních národů [Number of Graduated and Non-Graduated Students at the Faculty of Arts in Prague in 1367– 1398 and their Breakdown by Origin into the University Nations], in: Acta universitatis Carolinae – Historia Universitatis Carolinae Pragensis 17, 1977, No. 1, pp. 7–32; František ŠMAHEL, Pražské universitní studenstvo v předrevolučním období 1399–1419. Statistickosociologická studie [Prague University Students in the Pre-Revolutionary Peri- od 1399–1419: A Statistical-Sociological Study], Praha 1976; Magida SUKKARIOVÁ, Regionální a sociální stratifikace studentů českého univerzitního národa na pražské právnické univerzitě 1372 až 1419 [Regional and Social Stratification of the Students of the Bo- hemian University Nation at the Faculty of Law in Prague from 1372 until 1419], unpublished diploma thesis, Faculty of Arts of Charles University in Prague, Praha 1997. 66 Eva DOLEŽALOVÁ, Svěcenci pražské diecéze 1395–1416 [The Ordinands of the Prague Diocese 1395–1416], Praha 2010, pp. 151–156, tab. 17 – The first 200 likely places of origin of the ordinands sorted according to the number of records. 67 Zdeňka HLEDÍKOVÁ, Donace církevním institucím v Čechách v prvním dvacetiletí 15. století (Statistický přehled) [Donations to Ecclesiastical Institutions in Bohemia in the First Decades of the Fifteenth Century (A Statistical Overview)], in: Husitství – Reformace – Renesance I. Sborník k 60. narozeninám Františka Šmahela, Praha 1994, pp. 251–260. 376 Jan Hrdina

IV. Szepes and Transylvania – an Example of Transfer at the Periphery of the Western World

The following model studies elaborate upon the issues of the reception of indulgences and the communication with the papal curia in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries in two geographically peripheral regions of Central and Eastern Europe. Both examples are from the Kingdom of Hungary: Szepes (Spiš, Zips) and Transylvania.68 At the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Kingdom of Hungary was one of the largest states on the continent. Its area exceeded that of the neighbouring dynastic units – the kingdoms of Bohemia and Po- land – several times.69 The Hungarian ecclesiastical organisation was based on two archbishoprics: Esztergom and Kalocsa. The larger of them was the Esztergom province, stretching on the area of 170,000 square kilometres in the northwest part of the country, with eight bishoprics subject to it (Nitra, Esztergom, Eger, Györ, Veszprém, Pécs, Vác, Za- greb). The southeast was under the authority of the archbishop of Ka- locsa, who supervised a territory of 155,000 square kilometres from his somewhat eccentrically located residence. The bishopric of Csanád with the most important city of Timişoara/Temesvár was situated in the west; in the east, it was the Oradea/Várad dioceses with the episcopal seat and a pilgrimage sanctuary in Oradea; the eastern part of the province, reaching as far as to the massive of the Carpathians, was administered by the bishop of Transylvania from Alba Iulia/Karlsburg.70 Indulgences in the number of 152 letters asserted themselves above all in the densely populated regions with more developed structure of ecclesiastical institutions, especially parishes (the southern parts of Veszprém diocese,

68 For more detailed analysis including references to the sources and literature, see Jan HRDINA, Papežské odpustky na Spiši za pontifikátu Bonifáce IX. (1389–1404). Komuni- kace a transfer informací na příkladu graciálních listin [Papal Indulgences in Szepes under the Pontificate of Boniface IX (1389–1404): Communication and the Transfer of Information Using the Example of Grants of Clemency], in: Ján Lukačka – Martin Štefánik (edd.), Stredoveké mesto ako miesto stretnutí a komunikácie, Bratislava 2010, pp. 199–215; IDEM, Pe drumul mântuirii. Indulgenţe papale în Ungaria şi Tran- silvania în vremea Marii Schisme Apusene (1378–1417) [On the Path to Salvation: Papal Indulgences in Hungary and Transylvania during the Great Western Schism (1378– 1417)], in: Revista Ecumenică Sibiu 1, 2009, No. 1, (Pelerinajul în spaţiul carpatic), pp. 47–70. 69 For data for comparison, see J. KŁOCZOWSKI, Młodsza Europa, pp. 250–270. 70 Marie Madeleine DE CEVINS, L’Église dans les villes hongroises (vers 1320- vers 1495), Budapest-Paris-Szeged 2004, pp. 30–31 (the parishes in Transylvanian towns), pp. 358 (map of the ecclesiastical organisation in Hungary at the end of the fourteenth century). Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 377 the region around Pécs and Várad).71 The most significant cumulation of indulgences occurred in central Szepes (with the centre in Levoča/ Leutschau) and in Transylvania around the cities of Mediaş (Mediasch) and Braşov (Kronstadt). Szepes, delimited by the boundaries of the former Szepes County,72 represents an exemplary case of the perception to this specific type of spiritual offer. At least 16 letters of indulgence reached Szepes during two periods within the pontificate of Boniface IX: 1390–1392 (11) and 1400–1402 (5). At the beginning of the 1390s, one out of every three indulgences for the Kingdom of Hungary was headed for Szepes.73 The central position among the recipients belonged to Levoča, the seat of the province of the Szepes Saxons and a royal town. Of seven indulgences, all issued on 21 December 1390, two were intended for altar benefices belonging to the parish church of St James and the third for the spital church of the Holy Spirit before the town walls. The smaller towns of Spišské Vlachy, Ľubica and the no-longer-existent Ruskinovce in the basins of the Rivers Hornád and Poprad also enjoyed indulgences, as did the village of Stojany. Less than a month later, the first wave of the graces was concluded by indulgences for the parish church of Spišská Nová Ves and for the cemetery chapel in Hrabušice. In the

71 For illustration, I used a map of the ecclesiastical division of Hungary in the first half of the fourteenth century proposed by György GYÖRFFY, Zur Frage der demo graphischen Wertung der päpstlichen Zehntlisten, in: Etudes Historiques Hongroises 1980, publiées à la occasion du XVe Congrès International des Sciences Historiques par la Commission Nationale des Historiens Hongrois, Bd. 1, Budapest 1980, pp. 63– 82, the map on p. 80. 72 For modern adaptation of the region’s history, see the representative publications: Ryszard GŁADKIEWICZ – Martin HOMZA (edd.), Terra Scepusiensis, Levoča- Wrocław 2003; Martin HOMZA – Stanisław A. SROKA (edd.), Historia Scepusii, Vol. I, Bratislava – Kraków 2009. For the fourteenth century, the still valuable works include Henryk RUCIŃSKI, Prowincja saska na Spiszu do 1412 roku (Na tle przemian społecznych i ustrojowych w komitacie spiskim i na obszarach przyległych) [The Saxon Prov- ince at Szepes to 1412 (Against the Background of the Social and Political System in Szepes County and Adjacent Areas)], Białystok 1983, and Antal FEKETE NAGY, A Szepesség területi és társadalmi kialakulása [The Territorial and Social Formation of Szepes], Budapest 1934; Juraj ŽUDEL, Stolice na Slovensku [Seats in Slovakia], Bratislava 1984, pp. 110–119, esp. p. 111 (a schematic drawing of the district). For special maps concerning ecclesiastical history, see Henryk RUĆINSKI, Spoločensko- administratívna štruktúra Spiša v neskorom stredoveku [The Social-Administrative Struc- ture of Szepes in the Late Middle Ages], in: Historia Scepusii I, p. 350. 73 Hungarica from the Vatican Archives for the period of Boniface IX were made acac-- cessible (although with some gaps) by Guyla FRAKNÓI (ed.), Monumenta Vaticana regni Hungariae illustrantia: Bullae Bonifacii IX., Series I, Tomus 3, 4, Budapest 1888, reprint Ibidem 2002 (thereinafter MVH). Cf. MVH I/3, pp. 48–134. 378 Jan Hrdina following year, a delegate from Levoča was knocking at the door of the chancery again, to return with indulgences for two more altars of the town church of Levoča. This apparently saturated the demand,74 as the next, qualitatively higher ad instar indulgence was only acquired by the church of St James at the beginning of the next jubilee year, 1400. By Easter of 1400, more modest graces were heading also to the parish churches of Olcnava near Spišské Vlachy and Matejovce near Poprad. The Szepes chapter, or more precisely the chapter church of - StMar tin, only gained the lucrative plenary ad instar indulgences in March 1402. A few days later, the last privilege from Rome was headed for the Anthonian parish church in Dravce.75 No further indulgences for the churches of Szepes are known until the end of the papal schism in 1417.76 A regular indulgence network in Szepes thus came into existence almost at once at the beginning of the 1390s, spatially delimited by the centre in Levoča and the vertices in Stojany (W), Ľubica (N), Spišské Vlachy (E) and Spišská Nová Ves (S), covering with remarkable evenness the central Szepes, and particularly the communities of the Communitas Sa xonum de Scepus (map No. 9). On the general level, the intensive penetration of Szepes with papal indulgences is connected with the legal, social, economic, ecclesiastical and ethnic exclusivity of the region within the Kingdom of Hungary.77 The guests from Saxony, who upon the invitation of the sovereigns of Hungary colonised the sparsely inhabited upper reaches of the Riv- ers Poprad and Hornád by the middle of the thirteenth century, were awarded numerous privileges by the kings. They provided the community, ethnically perceived at first, with administrative and ecclesiastical self-rule, including two most important attributes: the free election of

74 A similar trend is typical of the entire Kingdom of Hungary. It is connected with the increased losses of the papal registers in the middle of the 1390s on the one hand, and with the strong preference of the jubilee years 1390/91 and 1400/01 as the causative factors of the acquisition of indulgences on the other. This tendency manifests itself the most strongly in Hungary in comparison with other lands of obedience of Rome. 75 For the details, see J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustky na Spiši, pp. 200–203. 76 Seven indulgences for localities in today’s Slovakia are included in the papal registers between 1404 and 1417, but none of them is for a church in Szepes. 77 Basic literature: Terra Scepusiensis; Historia Scepusii I; H. RUCIŃSKI, Prowincja saska na Spiszu; Milan SUCHÝ (ed.), Dejiny Levoče [History of Levoča], Košice 1974, pp. 47–127. The following work is important in connection with the migration of colonists to Central Europe: Adrienne KÖRMENDY, Melioratio terrae. Vergleichende Untersuchungen über die Siedlungsbewegung im östlichen Mitteleuropa im 13.–14. Jahrhun- dert, Poznań 1995, esp. pp. 43–63. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 379

Map No. 9: Papal indulgences (1389–1404) in Szepes.

Poprad/Poprád P o l a n d 1390 Dunajec 1392 1400

Poprad/Poprád S p i š / S z e p e s Š aš ri /

Ľubica/Leibic/ Leibitz 1390 Torysa/Tarca Matejovce/Mateóc/ Ruskinovce/ S á ro s Matzdorf 1400 Ruszkin/ L i p t ó Riszdorf 1390 Stojany/ Stojanfölde 1390 Dravce/ Szepesdaróc/ Drauz 1402 Levoča/Lőcse/ Spišské Podhradie/ Leutschau 6× Szepesváralja/ Hrabušice/ Kirchdrauf 1402 L i p t o v / Káposztafalva/ Kapsdorf 1391 Spišské Vlachy/ Szepesolaszi/ Wallendorf 1390 Hornád/Hernád Spišská Nová Ves/ Olcnava/Olcnó/ Igló/Neudorf 1391 Altzenau 1400 G e m e r /

G ö m ö r chapter

parish church chapel A b o v / A b a ú j hospital Tu r ň a / Tu r n a

Adapted from: Juraj ŽUDEL, Stolice na Slovensku, Bratislava 1984 (Appendix). 380 Jan Hrdina the reeve (Vogt) and of the parish priest in the Saxon communities.78 In the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries at the latest, the settlements abiding by Saxon law formed a self-ruling unit – Commu- nitas Saxonum de Scepus – of 43 localities, to be loosely followed by the Province of 24 Szepes Towns, i.e. the most important Saxon localities of urban, protourban and rural character headed by an elected count (gróf, comes saxonum), before the middle of the fourteenth century.79 The integrative tendencies were concurrently taking place also among the Szepes-Saxon clergy, who formed a corporation in the course of the second half of the thirteenth century, the basis of the later Brotherhood of the 24 Royal Parish Priests, a fraternity of clergymen exclusively from the Saxon communities.80 The distinctiveness of the region was further multiplied by its affiliation with the Szepes provostry – rather than with an archdeaconate, as was usual in Hungary – that was headed by the provost of the Szepes chapter, who was subordinated to the archbishop of Esztergom. Moreover, the metropolitan delegated some of his spiritual powers to the provosts. The ecclesiastical administration was built on the same basis also in the provostries of Bratislava (Pozsony, Press- burg) and Sibiu (Nagyszeben, Hermannstadt).81

78 Dietrich KURZE, Pfarrerwahlen im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Gemeinde und des Niederkirchenwesens, Köln – Graz 1966, pp. 451–460; Miloš MAREK, Cudzie etniká na stredovekom Slovensku [Foreign Ethnic Groups in Medieval Slovakia], Martin 2006, esp. pp. 135–171. 79 Ivan CHALUPECKÝ, Prehľad vývoja verejnej správy na Spiši [Overview of the De- velopment of Public Administration at Szepes], in: Sborník archivních prací 13, 1963, pp. 119–145; H. RUCIŃSKI, Prowincja saska na Spiszu, pp. 231–304; IDEM, Spoločensko-administratívna štruktúra Spiša v neskorom stredověku, pp. 350–361. 80 Erik FÜGEDI, Kirchliche Topographie und Siedlungsverhältnisse in der Slowakei, in: Stu- dia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 5, 1959, pp. 363–400; Adrienne KÖR- MENDY, Kształtowanie się organizacji parafialnej na Spiszu w XIII w. a rozwój społeczno- gospodarczy regionu [The Formation of Parish Network in Szepes in the Thirteenth Century and Socio-Economic Development of the Region], in: Kwartalnik Historyc- zny 94, 1986, No. 2, pp. 377–398; H. RUCIŃSKI: Prowincja saska na Spiszu, pp. 147– 230; Martin HOMZA: Počiatky křesťanstva na Spiši [The Beginnings of Christianity in Szepes], in: Historia Scepusii I., pp. 272–277, 280–281; András VIZKELETY, Die Fraternitas XXIV plebanorum civitatum regalium in Oberungarn und der Handschriftenbe- stand Zipser Pfarreibibliotheken, in: Nathalie Kruppa – Leszek Zygner (edd.), Pfarreien im Mittelalter. Deutschland, Polen, Tschechien und Ungarn im Vergleich, Göttingen 2008, pp. 327–338. 81 H. RUCIŃSKI: Prowincja saska na Spiszu, pp. 154–162; IDEM, Církevné štruktúry na Spišu [Ecclesiastical Structures at Szepes], in: Historia Scepusii I, pp. 400–408; Michal SLIVKA, Sídlisková a cirkevná štruktúra Spiša vo včasno až vrcholnostredovekom období [Settlement and Ecclesiastical Structures of Szepes in the Early to High Mid- dle Ages], in: Terra Scepusiensis, pp. 419–448, esp. p. 440; Blanka BREZOVÁKOVÁ, K pokusu o erigovanie biskupstva na Spiši v polovici 14. storočia [On an Attempt to Cre- Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 381

Economically, Szepes was profiting from its advantageous location at the crossroads of the trade routes connecting Lesser Poland and southeast regions of the kingdom, and from advanced metal mining, above all for copper. Moreover, Szepes was one of the most urbanised regions of late medieval Hungary with all the features implied by this fact for cultural transfer and the route network in the cultural-religious sphere.82 The spiritual privileges met with a good response in Szepes above all in the Saxon, majority German-speaking settlements of both urban (Levoča, Spišská Nová Ves, Ľubica, Spišské Vlachy, Spišské Podhradie) and rather rural (Matejovce, Ruskinovce, Hrabušice, Olcnava) character associated in the Province of 24 Szepes Towns in the central part of the region.83 The exceptionality of the Communitas is underlined by the fact that other colonisation areas, in the northern part of Szepes and in the valley of the River Hnilec, as well as other localities within traditional administrative units, such as nobleman counties (stolice) or the lancer (kopijník) nobility, remained untouched by the Roman influence and with no indulgences. A key to the indulgence acquisition strategies is likely to be provided by the corporative features of the Saxon Communitas, both on the level of the self-rule of the municipal and parish communities and within the framework of the Saxon province. The collective interest is confirmed by the same dates of the issuance of the letters in several waves, whether based on personal presence of the petitioners in Rome, or only on the dispatching of authorised persons acting in the interest of the parish community, the municipal communities or of the whole province. This in no means denies the role of important personages of regional or local importance, such as Comes George of Bystrany or Hermann of Veľká Lomnica, the parish priest of Levoča, a graduated clergyman with broad horizons, the author of the concept of Levoča’s painting cycles and the founder of the exclusive Fraternity of Corpus Christi at the church of

ate a Bishopric at Szepes in the Middle of the Fourteenth Century], in: Historický časopis 59, 2009, pp. 415–442, esp. pp. 418–421. 82 Michal SLIVKA, Stredoveká cestná sieť na východnom Slovensku a jej determinanty [The Medieval Route Network in East Slovakia and its Determinant], in: Slovenská nu- mizmatika 11, 1990, pp. 83–112; Henryk RUCIŃSKI, Hospodárske štruktúry Spiša v neskorom stredoveku [The Economic Structures in Szepes in the Late Middle Ages], in: Historia Scepusii I, pp. 381–399. 83 The Th e only exceptions from this rule were the parish church of Dravce, a part of the prepre-- ceptory of the Anthonian monastery, and, to a certain extent, Stojany, falling under the Cistercian monastery of Štiavnik. 382 Jan Hrdina

St James.84 Individual and collective elements walked hand in hand in the spiritual sphere.

The enormous penetration of indulgences in Szepes has a significant parallel within the Kingdom of Hungary in Transylvania (Ardeal in Romanian, Siebenbürgen in German, Erdély in Hungarian). Given the topic of this work, I am inclined to defining the land according to the ecclesiastical administration, delimiting it by the borders of the Bishopric of Transylvania with its seat in Alba Iulia (founded in 1009), which approximately coincides with the medieval Transylvania.85 How- ever, the southern areas of Transylvania were added to the Bishopric of Esztergom, because of the extensive colonisation activities on royal land between Sibiu (Hermannstadt), Braşov (Kronstadt) and Bistriţa (Bistritz). German settlers were arriving in the country upon the invitation of the sovereigns from the middle of the twelfth century to cultivate the land, guard the eastern border and develop metal mining.86 Apart from secular self-rule, some of the Transylvanian Saxons also received ecclesiastical self-rule, when Béla I supported the foundation of an exempt provostry in the province of Sibiu in 1191. The provostry was not subject to the authority of the bishop of Transylvania in Alba Iulia, but belonged under the distant Esztergom, like the provostries of Szepes and Bratislava.87 In 1389–1404, Pope Boniface IX awarded at least 22 indulgences to ecclesiastical institutions in the Transylvanian diocese and the ex-

84 J. HRDINA, Papežské odpustkové listiny na Spiši, pp. 208–211; on the biography of the parish priest Hermann and the Fraternity of Corpus Christi, cf. Eva JANKOVIČOVÁ, Fraternitas Corporis Christi v Levoči [Fraternitas Corporis Christi in Levoča], in: Mária Novotná (ed.), Majster Pavol z Levoče. Život a doba, Košice 1991, pp. 72–79, esp. pp. 72–74; Dušan BURAN, Studien zur Wandmalerei um 1400 in der Slowakei. Die Pfarrkirche St. Jakob in Leutschau und die Pfarrkirche St. Franziskus Seraphicus in Poniky, Weimar 2002, pp. 209–227, pp. 35, 89–91. 85 Harald ROTH (ed.), Handbuch der historischen Stätten: Siebenbürgen, Stuttgart 2003. 86 Thomas NÄGLER (ed.), Die Ansiedlung der Siebenbürger Sachsen, Bukarest 1979, esp. pp. 132–167. 87 Friedrich TEUTSCH, Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen in Siebenbürgen, vol. 1 (1150– 1699), Hermannstadt 1921; Karl REINERTH, Die freie königliche St. Ladislaus-Propstei zu Hermannstadt und ihr Kapitel, (Deutsche Forschung im Südosten 1), Hermannstadt 1942, pp. 1–43, 567–597; D. KURZE, Pfarrerwahlen im Mittelalter, pp. 451–460; Maria CRĂCIUN – Carmen FLOREA, The Cult of Saints in Medieval Transylvania, in: Gra- ham Jones (ed.), Saints of Europe. Studies Towards. A Survey of Cults and Culture, Donington 2003, pp. 43–68. Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 383

Map No. 10: Papal indulgences (1389–1404) in Transylvania.

episcopal see

parish church

chapel

monastery T r a n s s i l v a n i a

1400 1400 1401 Cluj-Napoca/Kolozsvár/ Klausenburg 1402 Târgu Mureş/Marosvásárhely/ Tăuţi/ Neumarkt am Mieresch Kolozstótfalu 1400 Baia de Arieş/ Şmig/Somogyom/ Aranyosbánya/ Schmiegen 1390 Laslea/Szászszentlászló/ Offenburg 1400 Grosslasseln 1400 Valchid/Váldhíd/ Cergău Mare/Cserged/  Schergied 1400 Waldhütten 1390 Biertan/Berethalom/  Birthälm 1402 Târnava/Nagyekemező/ Alba Iulia/ Großprobstdorf 1402 Hălchiu/Höltövény/ Gyulafehérvár/ Heldsdorf 1400 Karlsburg Sânpetru/Barcaszentpéter/ Petersberg 1400 Hărman/ Ghimbav/Vidombák/ Szászhermány/ dioc. StrigoniensisWeidenbach 3× 1400  Honigberg 2× 1400

Braşov/Brassó/ Kronstadt 2× 1399

Adapted from: G. GYÖRFFY, Zur Frage der demographischen Wertung, p. 80.

empt areas, above all for parish churches and chapels.88 However, the indulgence “network” in Transylvania was woven rather irregularly (Map No. 10). A significant accumulation of indulgences took place only in three areas: in the microregion between Mediaş/Mediasch and Sighișoara/Schäßburg on the middle reaches of the River Târnava/ Kokel – the churches in Şmig/Schmiegen (1390), Valchid/Waldhütten

88 For a detailed analysis, see J. HRDINA, Pe drumul mântuirii, pp. 47–70. An incomplete list of indulgences for the Saxon churches in Transylvania was put together according to MVH I/3–4 by F. TEUTSCH, Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen, pp. 121–122. 384 Jan Hrdina

(1390), Laslea/Lasseln (1400), Cergău Mare/Schergied (1400), Târna- va/Großprobstdorf (1402) and Biertan/Birthälm (1402). The Roman grace had an even more evident effect in the so-called Burzenland – the Saxon villages north of Braşov/Kronstadt (1399): Ghimbav/ Weiden- bach (1400), Hălchiu/Heldsdorf (1400), Sânpetru/Petersberg (1400), Hărman/Honigberg (1400). Cluj/Klausenburg (1400–1401) was the indulgence centre in the northeast. Contrary to that, we have no knowledge of indulgences for Alba Iulia, the seat of the bishopric; similarly surprising is the absence of indulgences for Sibiu and for the Saxon communities in the county of Sibiu, but also in the Saxon-German districts near the mining town of Bistriţa. The reception of indulgences in Transylvania was also above all the continual outcome of the previous economic and cultural development of the Saxon enclaves in the land. The privileged ethnic, administrative and ecclesiastical status and the difference of the region, which served as the portal for trade with the areas around the Black Sea, cannot be imagined without the permanent exchange of goods and information of various sorts. In spite of its peripheral geographic location at the very outskirts of the Western world, south Transylvania represented a zone in which cultural innovations in the widest sense of the word asserted themselves (almost) concurrently with the regions that are considered as the centres of cultural-social development in Central and Eastern Eu- rope (Prague, Cracow, Vienna).89 The justifiability of the assumption is strengthened by the analogical development in Szepes. The significant correspondence between the reception of the papal indulgences in Szepes and in Transylvania apparently provides a clue for the understanding of their greater interest in indulgences and of their differences from other regions whose advancement at the end of the fourteenth century need not be questioned (such as the mining towns in Central Slovakia).90 The considerable presence of the Saxon ethnic group, the

89 The history of Central Europe emphasising comparison among the historical lands and regions is waiting for its authors. The cornerstone was laid by J. KŁOCZOWSKI, Młodsza Europa. The methodological procedures and pitfalls from the viewpoint of art history were suggested by D. BURAN, Studien zur Wandmalerei um 1400 in der Slowakei, pp. 209–227. 90 Apart from an indulgence for the spital chapel of St Andrew, the Three Kings and St Agnes in Banská Bystrica, not issued, Roma, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registra Lateranensia 12, f. 209r-v, I am not aware of any other indulgence from the schism era for the mining towns in central Slovakia, whose broad contacts with the curia including pilgrimages to Rome in the fourteenth century need not be questioned. Cf. for example the Roman and Avignon indulgences registered by Ctibor MATULAY (ed.), Mesto Banská Bystrica. Katalog administratívnych a súdnych písomností (1020) 1255–1536 Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 385 developed economy and the legal and ecclesiastic-administrative exclusivity of the Saxon communities on self-rule and the corporative basis were connected also with a more open information and communication horizon as well as with conspicuous perceptiveness to the future trends or religious innovations, i.e. the jubilee years and the indulgences of the era of Boniface IX. With a slight exaggeration, we can say that during the first Roman jubilee, Szepes and Transylvania played a pioneering part in the reception of Boniface’s indulgences in Hungary. On a similar occasion ten years later, their exceptional position was gone and indulgences appeared more considerably also in other regions of Slovakia, though nowhere with such concentration as in Szepes.91 The significant communalism of the Saxon communities in Szepes and Transylvania apparently reflected also in the religious sphere, in the gradual constitution of collective responsibility for the procurement of a means of salvation for the municipal and parish communities. Elabo- rating on this assumption in the suggested direction, we may perhaps use also arguments ex silencio. The pre-eminence of these privileges as a triggering mechanism and the primary factor in the co-responsibility of the communities for – figuratively speaking – the salvation of each and every of their limbs (in which indulgence is an efficient means) is evidenced also by the fact that we can see no traces of exceptionality as regards the papal indulgences in those places in Central Europe where the legal integration of foreign colonists took place only based on emphyteutic law rather than on legal exclusivity. The spiritual - in novation made no impression on the German populations in the border regions of the Bohemian lands, in Silesia or in southwest Slovakia. One of the reasons apparently is that the postulated preconditions were not fulfilled.

[The City of Banská Bystrica: A Catalogue of the Administrative and Court Papers (1020) 1255–1536], Bratislava 1980, p. 21, No. 21 (1300), p. 22, No. 25 (1323), p. 23, No. 29 (1332), No. 30 (1335). On pious as well as punitive pilgrimages to Rome, cf. Enikő CSUKOVITS, Középkori magyar zarándokok [Hungarian Pilgrims in the Middle Ages], Budapest 2003, esp. pp. 204–205. 91 They Th ey asserted themselves above all in the fertile regions of the southwest and south-southeast, unlike central Slovakia. 386 Jan Hrdina

Conclusion

On the example of the papal letters of indulgence from the end of the fourteenth century and their reception in Central and Eastern Europe, I have attempted to show how this grace can be perceived as a subject of comparative history. I regard an indulgence as a “cultural unit” to which some components necessary for the process of cultural exchange can be applied, in this case within a cultural ecumene identical with the obedience of the Roman pope. They include the epicentre of the transfer (the papal curia), the relation between the primary place and the destination, which is ensured above all by the actors of the transfer (the recipient of the indulgence and their social profile) and subsequently its application on the receiving place in the sense of Wirkungsgeschichte. More detailed reports are missing on the precise form of indulgence festivities and the interpretation of the contents of the letters of indulgence at particular places. Hypothetically, we may assume that especially ad instar indulgences, equalling plenary ones, might have elicited the notion that the local church with the papal indulgences became a temporary imitation of its model-prototype (such as San Marco in Venice, Portiuncula in As- sisi or even the Holy Sepulchre), the travel to them becoming a pilgrimage. While hundreds, or thousands of pilgrims at the most had travelled to Rome to seek high or plenary indulgences before the ascension of Boniface IX, the same grace was literally within reach of everyone in Bohemia in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. It was the case, with a different level of intensity, throughout Central Europe. While macroscopic research could only indicate more considerable differences accompanying the reception of papal indulgences in Cen- tral Europe and particularly in its central-eastern part (the kingdoms of Bohemia, Poland and Hungary), the “micro-historical” view offered a detailed analysis in three historical regions (Bohemia, Szepes, Transyl- vania). The investigations were accompanied by the author’s conviction that the reception of these exclusive indulgences was conditioned by deeper historical connections stemming from the general cultural level of the recipient regions. In other words, I tried to find the answer to the question “Why are these indulgences present at some places, and absent at others?” and point out the heterogeneous “innovation potential” of the individual regions. Positive results justify the assumption that minor investigations seeking the application and manifestations of some cultural epiphenomena or their negation in spatial units and social means on both diachronic and synchronic levels, including the perception of a phase shift, may represent one of the ways towards a more precise dis- Papal Indulgences During the Era of the Great Western Schism 387 tinction between the “centres” and the “peripheries” of any reception.92 The ideal cases will be represented by those comparisons where the impulse comes out of a single centre at a precisely observable moment and it is possible to follow its effect within a more extensive geographic whole, as was the case with the issue of papal indulgences during the pontificate of Boniface IX.

92 Within the research of piety in Late Medieval Central Europe, it might for instance have the form of an investigation into the spreading of some patrocinies and frater- nities, the genesis of Eucharistic places of pilgrimage, the foundation of morning masses, etc.

389

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List of Authors

Robert Antonín, PhD, Department of History, Faculty of Arts, Uni- versity of Ostrava Alessandra Becucci, PhD, Research Assistant, European University Institute in Florence Veronika Čapská, PhD, Institute of History, Faculty of Arts and Sci- ences, Silesian University in Opava Doc. Martin Čapský, PhD, Institute of History, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Silesian University in Opava Jan Hrdina, PhD, Department of Historical Collections, Prague City Archives Jitka komendová, PhD, Department of Slavonic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Palacký University in Olomouc Janine Christina Maegraith, Dr. Phil, special supervisor at Newn- ham College, University of Cambridge Marcin R. Pauk, PhD, Institute of History, Faculty of History, Univer- sity of Warsaw Pavla Slavíčková, PhD, Department of History, Faculty of Arts, Palac ký University in Olomouc Lucie Storchová, PhD, Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Hu- manities, Charles University in Prague Univ.Doz. Mag. Dr. Dana Štefanová, guest professor at the Institute of History, University of Vienna Prof. Dr. hab. Przemysław Wiszewski, Institute of History, Faculty of Historical and Pedagogical Sciences, University of Wrocław