January 1986 ~+noIes no.22 SOUTH AFRICAN MILITARY REFUGEE AID FUND Challenges for the Movement

Recognizing the need to learn about South Africa And figuring out what to do about it here

Ever heard the story about the little kid visiting the WHO TO SUPPORT? zoo on a class outing who shouted out, "Look at all those We approach this question from the position that there gooses." is more than one group, more than one set of politics in The teacher reprimanded him, saying "Those aren't South Africa that is legitimately part of the liberation move­ gooses. They're geese." ment. We are aiming this article at those folk who are will­ The kid replied, "Geez, they sure look like gooses to ing to consider this reality. People who refuse to accept this me." notion will probably be quite upset with what we are going Gooses or.geese-they're the same thing and a couple to say. of them are running wild in South Africa. To begin with, There can be problems created when there are compet­ there's the goose that's trying to lay a golden egg (liberal ing programs and organizations in the struggle, and this can capitalism). So far, South Africa's Blacks are not impressed. be used to split the liberation movement. But, principled po­ Christmas came and the goose didn't get fat. But, the people litical differences can also have a dynamic effect on the got leaner and tougher and prepared for another year on the movement. barricades. Then there's the goose that is slowly getting The liberation forces in South Africa fall into two gen­ cooked. This is a white goose. eral political arenas, namely: Perhaps what's going on in South Africa is the most important set of current events in the world. Institutions that 1) Black ConsciousnesslPan-African Congress/Azanian Peo­ are essential to the rule of captial and its able mate, white ples Organiz.lNational Forum supremacy, are on shaky ground . .. and masses of oppressed 2) Afr ican National Congress/United Democratic Front/ Pro­ people are doing the shaking. gressive whites/Supporters of the Freedom Charter The future of South Africa is in the hands of the brave A third major category is the independent trade union young Black men and women who've had enough of apart­ movement, which in the past has largely sought to avoid heid and are fighting against it in the streets, factories, and choices between these two political camps. This is because in the countryside of South Africa. We hope that this news­ union members are sympathizers of both, and because the letter pays them the respect that they deserve. legal formations representing these political groupings do not seem structurally suitable for trade unions to join. It could jeopardize a union's role as a negotiator for wages and working conditions under the present regime. The two political tendencies both have a determination Last year, 1985, was an exciting one for anti-apartheid to transform South Africa. But, they have major disagree­ forces in the United States. The upsurge of opposition to ments on how to do that and what to build in its place. events in South Africa was based on a number of factors: Their differences center on these issues: • the acceleration of mass resistance inside South Africa • White people's rights • moral indignation at what apartheid represents • Land ownership (the National question) • opposition to US. corporate and governmental collusion • Socialism and working class leadership with apartheid. • Armed struggle and peoples war Now that the initial euphoria is over, there are moves • Relationship to international capital afoot to consolidate the US. anti-apartheid movement. With • The role of whites in the struggle this motion comes the need for a deeper understanding of • The importance of international recognition what is going on in South Africa and a sharper discerning of • Strategies for mass organizing the politics at play within the solidarity movement here. There are other differences, but these are among the One of the outstanding questions for the movement is major ones. All of these issues are substantial, important and which organization(s) to support in South Africa. Another above all unresolved. The mass upsurge in South Africa has major question is how to continue the active resistance in given wider range for the testing of these politics, and has the United States. The first two articles in News and Notes not settled all these questions. Conditions inside the South address these questions. African movement have to be respected and dealt with in a responsible fashion by the anti-apartheid movement here in and with the PFP (opposition party in white Parliament)." the US. Some members of the solidarity movement echoed these Why is all this stuff important for our work here? We charges. Such criticisms are unprincipled and damaging to presume that people involved in anti-apartheid activities the movement as a whole because they deny the legitimacy genuinely want to support the advance of South African lib­ of the other position, saying that position is outside the eration and to make whatever small contribution they can bounds of the liberation movement and even allied with toward its successful conclusion. Thus, the movement here those responsible for apartheid. has to embrace liberation as a whole and cannot put itself in The Kennedy issue also contains widely differing as­ the position of denying the legitimacy of wings of the radi­ sumptions about and approaches to liberal capitalism. To cal movement in South Africa. know that there are differences within the liberation move­ Activists must bear in mind that there are existing for­ ment on this issue heightens our responsibility to decide for mations within the US. movement that have already chosen ourselves our own attitude toward things like the Kennedy who to support exclusively and have done so for definite tour and the politics he represents. reasons. Their prejudices must be recognized and taken into These are difficult issues but they must be confronted account as groups seek to educate themselves about South head on. How we handle them will effect the quality of our Africa. For example, people in SAMRAF have been told by solidarity work. There are imperatives that we can all under­ Workers World Party, one organization with its mind made take to ensure that our work does give real support to the up that we cannot really support the liberation movement struggle in South Africa. The first is to understand the posi­ because we do not exclusively support the ANC. SAMRAF's po­ tions of the various liberation organizations in their own sition is one of critical support for all the organizations with­ words, not as. represented by their critics or apologists. in the liberation movement. We make clear our positions on Another imperative is to think for ourselves what the the issues but we do not claim the right to name the one priorities are and what the appropriate activities of the U.S. true organization for the South African people. This is unac­ anti-apartheid movement are. There must be debate over ceptable to some people. this. We need to continually ground ourselves in what it is Attempts to oversimplify and search for pat answers we are trying to do, namely help the liberation movement in do a disservice to the South African struggle. Likewise, South Africa to tip the scales in their favor. Sometimes this yielding to sectarian positions advanced by any of the orga­ means going beyond the limited needs of anyone organiza­ nizations in South Africa, such as claims of exclusivity or tion. ownership of the struggle, only serves to exacerbate tensions and makes potential working relationships more difficult to DIVESTMENT: ANOTHER QUESTION establish. Many anti-apartheid groups have chosen to focus on People who become informed about the politics of lib­ divestment as their major campaign. This article examines eration in South Africa are bound to find some positions some of the issues involved in these activities and their more attractive than others. This political agreement can ef­ meaning for both the movements here and in South Africa. fect the kind of solidarity work they do here and the way Divestment is the act of selling stock in corporations they view the struggle. However, we do not believe that it is which do business with or have investments in South Africa. necessary for groups here to take positions of exclusive sup­ It is a campaign directed at institutions such as universities, port for any single South African organization or political employee pension funds and religious organizations. It is tendency. The more burning questions have to do with what distinct from disinvestment, where a corporation liquidates are the best activities we can pursue in order to reach our its investment or calls in its loans in South Africa. It is also goal of supporting the liberation struggle. distinct from direct pressure campaigns such as disruption The problem facing us here and now is that certain and/or harassment of offending corporations. groups are attempting to use their position in the movement Raising the demand for divestment provides the op­ to stampede an uninformed choice between liberation portunity to raise several important political issues: 1) corpo­ groups by acting as if there is no choice at all. rate investment and bank loans are vital props to the econo­ How does this play itself out? At a recent student con­ my and the military capacity of South Africa; 2) ference held at the University of Chicago, a decision was corporations investing in South Africa are pursuing profit in made by the organizers only to allow the ANC to speak on knowing collaboration with white supremacy; and 3) eco­ behalf of the South African liberation movement. The PAC, nomic involvement with South Africa permeates U.S. insti­ for example, was barred from speaking. Both organizations tutions through ownership of stock and these institutions are recognized by the United Nations and the Organization are indictable for their silent assent in corporate policies. of African Unity as legitimate representatives of the people These are all important issues and it is desirable to of South Africa. Conference leaders placed themselves in a promote greater awareness of them. However, we must take position of denying the audience, who had been promised care that the activity we are proposing on these issues has at an educational experience, the right to hear the PAC'S posi­ least the theoretical possibility of resolving them. This is tion. This certainly could not have helped the participants where divestment campaigns do not live up to the demand gain a deeper understanding of the breadth and character of for results. the struggle in South Africa. When an institution divests its stock in a particular Another example is the controversy over the Teddy corporation, all that is done is that it is bought by another Kennedy trip to South Africa. One political camp endorsed party who does not have the same moral constraints on their and welcomed him; the other opposed his trip and demon­ investment policy. It does not reduce the value of the stock strated against it. In the debate over the issue, one side ac­ because divestment is done in an orderly manner so as not cused those who opposed the visit of being allies of the to depress the value for divesting institutions and because apartheid regime. The ANC, in a statement reported to the none of the divesting institutions owns so much of anyone Solidarity News Service and picked up by the Guardian Uan. stock to effect the market significantly. 25, '85] said, "A worrying aspect of these (anti-Kennedy) The impact on the corporation in question is at most a demonstrations is that one sees these people forming a public relations problem, but any effect on profits is likely to strange alliance with the government, with Chief Buthelezi, be extremely minor. If the goal of our campaigns is, or with our requests. Essentially, we are seeking their approval. should be, to attack the profitability of corporations support­ But, in fact, aren't these people representatives of a class in ing apartheid, there are certainly more direct avenues to pur­ this society that has every reason to support white South Af­ sue. In fact, it doesn't much matter to the corporations who rica against the demands of the Black masses? Isn't their fail­ owns their stock. Even if the divestment campaigns succeed­ ure to act already evidence of their loyalties? ed in forcing divestment policies on all universities and pub­ The rich will do all that they can to cling to their inter­ licly accessible trusts, the large bulk of stock ownership is in ests in South Africa. They are not concerned about justice. the hands of people who don't really care and don't have to. We have to be wise to the willingness of some of them to be So, the victory that has been won in a successful di­ "reasonable" about divestment. It is only an indication of its vestment campaign is that the institution which divests can limited economic impact. be said to have absolved itself of responsibility for U.S. sup­ We have to define our own program in distinction port of apartheid. We can claim a victory for having forced from and in opposition to their concern over protecting their the moral and political issue to a decision, but it can also be economic and military interests in South Africa. Our criteria seen as a victory for the people who have been forced to act. cannot be our acceptability to the powers that be in the Trustees and university presidents and state legislators can United States. Neither can it be public relations victories that strike the pose that they have done something meaningful do not include real benefits to the struggle in South Africa. against apartheid. Do we really want to help them make that Our criteria should be our capacity to effectively aid victory claim? in South Africa. Such gains will need to be forced out of With respect to the struggle in South Africa, we have those who benefit from apartheid. won only a symbolic victory. We will have shown our senti­ ment against apartheid, but the corporations will be free to continue as before. The movement in South Africa has long been getting such symbolic support from white liberals in South Africa and from a variety of support groups outside of South Africa. They might be tired of this and certainly de­ serve more. As a speaker from the South African liberation movement once said, "Divestment does a great deal more for the consciences of those who divest than it does for the struggle in my country." There are political pitfalls in divestment arguments as well as additional problems attached to mounting a cam­ paign for divestment. When people approach a board of trustees or a legislative committee, they usually try to con­ vince them by reasoned argument. But, what do people end up arguing when they are being reasonable with representa­ tives of political parties and wealthy alumni? First of all, people try to convince these folks that di­ vestment will cost them nothing and that, in fact, they make more money by divesting. Some proponents of divestment announce with no shame that divestment makes sound eco­ , Direct Action At Work nomic sense. This suggests that people here can do some­ thing meaningful against apartheid without any cost to themselves. This is a report of the activities that we have been in­ To effectively fight white supremacy in South Africa volved in since the production of our last newsletter [#21, will require sacrifices from the movement here and will also August, '85]. We don't take credit for these actions, but we mean imposing sacrifices upon wealthy US institutions and are involved in the groups that have done them. In New the government. For example, if we are talking about stock, York, we are active in a direct action formation, namely the way to influence the corporation is to drive down the Brooklynites Against Apartheid (BAA). The exploits of BAA value of the stock. Since most corporations own a significant have been reported in previous editions of this newsletter. In amount of their own stock, this would mean a major finan­ Chicago, we are in Disarm Now Action group, a Chicago cialloss. But it would also be a loss for anyone else who direct action organization. And in the Bay Area, we are ac­ owned stock at that time. tive with Art Against Apartheid. Second, to argue against investments in South Africa We are reporting these activities not just because we on moral or political grounds, it is often implied (if not stat­ were involved in their planning and execution, but also be­ ed explicitly) that there are moral investments to be made cause we believe they begin to pose effective alternatives to elsewhere in the world. This is conceding a great deal to cor­ readily co-optable forms of anti-apartheid protest. porations who exploit labor elsewhere in the Third World in a comparable manner, or who manufacture weapons for the SA AIRWAYS OCCUPATION U.s. military and its allies, or who kill workers with brown Members of BAA and another New York liberation sup­ lung, asbestos and unemployment when they're no longer port group, Revolution in Africa Committee, coalesced in needed. Doesn't this argument seriously short-change other September to form a one-shot action group, the Free South struggling people throughout the world? Africa.' Azania (Direct Action). Our one shot was to occupy Third, if we are seeking to convince these people that the offices of South Africa Airways in midtown Manhattan, they should divest willingly, we have to respect them and disrupt their business for as long as we could, publicize to the positions they are in. We must show respect for their the community at large the Airways' relationship to the power over that wealth. And we must convince them of our maintenance of apartheid, and expose another u'S.-South own respectability and legitimacy to be coming to them Africa link. On September 25, nine people walked into the South political embarrassment of defending South African Air­ African Airways offices on the ninth floor of a skyscraper, ways, particularly when they had issued a contradictory and assertivley, perhaps rather impolitely asked the employ­ statement, was another reason. The fact that all of the block­ ees and sole customer to leave. After these people had left, aders were white people also encouraged the leniency of the the nine folk set about blockading the office doors and using government's response. their telephones to publicize the action. We cannot be numbed into a sense of safety about After three hours, the doors were finally pushed in by such decisions. The government thinks it can tolerate anti­ members of the Joint Terrorist Task Force (a special unit of apartheid dissent in this country. It knows that taking issue the FBI and N.Y. Police Department). The nine people were with anti-apartheid activists could push that dissent into un­ arrested and charged with a federal offense for "trespassing governable circles. It does not want to set examples which on the property of a foreign government, protected by the could politically backfire. It is not a benign state. It continu­ United States." Later that night, folks were released. Subse­ ously evaluates what it can and cannot put up with. For the quently, the U.s. Attorney General dropped the charges. moment, this activity was tolerated. If it was happening This activity realized many of its goals. Reports ap­ more regularly, at different targets and undertaken by differ­ peared in most of the New York dailies, plus evening TV ent people, the response might not be so liberal. news programs. It was publicized by the media inside South The anti-apartheid movement has a long way to go be­ Africa. It also created difficulties for South African Airways. fore it can be really effective. Activities which defy legal While the blockade was going on, an airlines employee dis­ guidelines, such as the Airways blockade, are attempts to tributed press releases outside the building to explain their push the movement along that road. position. This representative was soon chased away by our friends who were out there in greater numbers, also handing ROCK ISLAND out press releases. In the early morning of October 21, 400 or so valiant The South African press statement could not have been souls took to the streets of the Quad Cities on the Illinois/ written by one of their more astute people. It claimed that Iowa border to stop the Rock Island Arsenal from its daily the airways is a commercial enterprise, not politically con­ business of manufacturing and managing death. Ten thou­ nected, and "did not condone such actions" (as if there was sand workers cross three bridges onto this island in the mid­ some doubt about this). This put them on the spot, because dle of a metropolitan area of over 400,000 people, which is while they were claiming autonomy from the South African dominated by unemployment in the collapsing agricultural state, we were being charged with violating South African implement industry. The arsenal manufactures howitzers for state property. Either they were lying or, yes it really is true the U.s. Army and its Third World allies, including some folks: the U.s. government does protect South Africa's inter­ weapons that are now in South Africa. Some 7,500 bureau­ ests here. We exposed this contradiction and, in a small way, cratic workers manage the manufacture and deployment of we believe it played a role in the U.s. government's decision the Army's weaponry, including its nuclear devices. to drop the charges. Swarms of city, county and state police coordinated ef­ More importantly, the blockaders upped the political forts to keep the streets and bridges open. The action we and material cost of South African Airways normal function­ participated in was called in order to physically disrupt busi­ ing. They now know that it could be politically embarrassing ness at the Arsenal, not just make a show of it. Therefore, no for them to operate without increasing their security. Good! negotiations with the police preceeded the action. Tactical If people have to go through lie detector tests before they innovation, mobile blockades, a high level of coordination, can enter their office in New York, then we have been effec­ and the element of surprise gave the blockaders a margin of tive. operation despite the overwhelming police presence. Another goal that has been partially realized is the ex­ The following, is excerpted from an article written by posure of the apartheid airline as a viable and strategic target Mike Haywood of the Disarm Now Action Group: for the anti-apartheid movement here. Since the blockade, At 6am in Davenport, Iowa, No Pasaran, a women's other groups have been protesting outside the offices. group from Chicago, drove two cars to within two The action was undertaken to enact an alternative to blocks of the bridge, jumped out and promptly chained reformist, well-behaved forms of protest that are planned in the cars together and to parking meters on either side of advance with the authorities. In the absence of a radical left the street. They then chained themselves to the cars and program to oppose apartheid in New York City, the direct­ a crowd of supporters gathered. The blockade succeeded action-type folks remain a very small minority. This action for about 30 minutes, as several other groups blockaded was geared toward swelling those ranks. We have yet to secondary routes. really gauge the success or failure on this score. In Rock Island, several mobile action groups car­ Finally, we do want to comment on the police/state re­ ried out simultaneous blockades on key arteries leading sponse to the blockade. The police mobilization was large to the bridgehead. One of these blockades stopped traffic and it involved some of their more elite units. Partly, this for up to about 10 minutes using about 20 railroad ties. was because they did not know who was involved and what One police car was immobilized by spikes and paint on was specifically going on. It seemed that they had prepared the windshield as it pursued a group that was on foot. for the worst. We assume that the police will do all in their Rock Island police Sgt. Anderson reported "14 punctured power to do their jobs, and part of that job means protecting tires . .. They (the demonstrators) would use guerilla­ South African Airways. If the anti-apartheid movement warfare-type tactics where they would hit and run. It plans to carry out acts of disruption, it has to seriously con­ would seem like they were trying to lead our officers sider how to contend with these types of police units. away from the main demonstration." The response of the U.S. government in dropping the The mobile groups kept up the blockade for about charges also bears mention. We are now experiencing a cli­ an hour and then coalesced into one large group which mate in which it is not so abnormal to oppose apartheid took over the street and marched toward the bridgehead, (even the president says he does) and may even get arrested blocking traffic as they went. When met with large po­ in the process (even the former president's daughter did lice response, they dispersed. that). This climate worked in our favor. Likewise, the overt ..

Police came expecting that they could arrest people at will and keep the streets completely open. Their strategy, Stampede to Lusaka which they employed freely, included preemptive arrest of people near the action. (127 were arrested in all, over half of White Dialogue with the ANC whom had come planning to be arrested as part of their ac­ tion). But when boldness and timing allowed blockaders to What's at Stake? actually disrupt traffic and hold some streets for a while and All of a sudden there are a lot of people interested in when blockaders used non-violent bodily force to free some talking to the ANC leadership in Lusaka, Zambia. Recent del­ people who had been grabbed, the cops responded with bru­ egations have included separate meetings with Teddy Ken­ tality. Women were kicked and abused while chained in the nedy and Steven Solarz. Even more remarkably, a delegation street. A handcuffed man was beaten for refusing to get off representing big South African capital made the trek to Lu~ the bus. One man received eight stitches in the head after saka, lead by Gavin Reily and Zach de Beer of Anglo-Amen­ being struck with a cop's flashlight. Several others were can Corporation. It was getting rather embarrassing for the beaten less seriously. Resisting arrest, assault, and even "at­ apartheid regime to have all these folks trooping to the ANC tempting to disarm a police officer" were charges levelled at and treating them like a government-in-exile, so the neces­ the victims of police abuse. sary travel documents were denied to a very reputable batch Everyone should know that the police beat people as of Afrikaner law students from Stellenbosch Univ. who had part of their job. More of this is happening now to the white made plans to go. (Any day now we are expecting to hear anti-war movement as some actions become confrontational. the pleas of delegations from the Oran~e Free State R~gby Such brutality is not to be tolerated and yet, we can expect it Association and the Pietermaritzberg Girl Scouts wantmg to to continue. It is a direct measure of our effectiveness and go talk to the ANC.) determination to disrupt the system. Our response must be Although we see some humor in the white stampede to attack police brutality, while not allowing it to deter our to talk to the ANC, the phenomenon is also very serious. actions. It is the price of resistance. We cannot really claim What goes on in these visits is a matter for speculation, but that we weren't doing anything, because we were. We in­ the symbolic importance of the visits is unmistakable: lead­ tended our actions to prevent something that is legal, i.e. ing establishment groupings within South Africa hav~ re­ military production. And we chose to do so in a manner that jected the government's banning of the ANC. They believe did not respect the rules of the state for resistance. If we re­ that the ANC must be recognized and incorporated into the spond to police brutality by stopping what we are doing, legal political process in South Africa. Zach de Beer stated that will be proof that such brutality is effective in control­ this explicitly on ABC Nightline. ling resistance. That, after all, is its purpose. The ANC of course wants this too. The question is un­ Although this action was not exclusively an anti-apart­ der what terms and conditions could such an event come heid action, News and Notes has actively supported it. We about? The state cannot very well grant legal status to a are pleased that organizers exposed the South Africa connec­ group actively engaged in armed struggle against it. Neither tions: the howitzers in South Africa, the fact that local cor­ can the ANC abandon the armed struggle without certain porations like John Deere are manufacturing equipment in concessions being won from the state that would enable South Africa and the parallels between U.s. and South Afri­ them to continue on the path of their stated program. can white supremacy. But, we support it for another reason. Do these meetings constitute negotiations? Not in a It is one fine example of the type of action the anti-apartheid formal sense. But they are a clear statement that the involved movement in this country needs to develop. groups have something to say to one another. It i~ a mutual recognition that the other party should be dealt with under CONCLUSION the present circumstances. It is legitimizing. However, to be Actions like Rock Island and the South African Air­ legitimized in terms of South African politics can be a dan­ ways blockade are based on two precepts: that there is a gerous thing. White people go to Lusaka because they want need to act directly to stop U.s. and South African corporate to make a deal. They fear the looming revolution. They seek and governmental collaboration, and that existing authority a means of avoiding it. They hope that the ANC has the pow­ will be unresponsive unless activists use tactics of coercion er to alter the course of events in return for concessions. such as direct action. We emphasize the disruptive quality of They come to find out as directly as possible what are the such actions. Not just that people risk arrest or are arrested real terms they might be able to negotiate. in protest, but that their actions mean to stop something­ Negotiations make sense when one or another party is even if on a small scale-rather than asking someone else to ready to sue for peace. It is either because they are defeated do something in response to our getting arrested. This un­ or see its inevitability or because a stalemate has occurred. In governable form of resistance recognizes no legitimacy of South Africa some white people believe they see the inevita­ the system to keep on doing what it is doing until some bill bility of defeat if their course is not altered now. Their con­ is passed or policy changed. It must be stopped now. cern is to control the change by negotiating at a time of their We recognize that our forces are small in number and relative strength. If the uncontrollable mass resistance con­ that we cannot stop the system of U.s.-apartheid relations tinues to swell, the white negotiating position will erode yet. But, such direct actions are what will build a movement considerably. able to do the things that can stop it. We maneuver tactically The ANC has stated its conditions for negotiation or in our actions to attain maximum effectiveness, but it is the "dialogue": political impact of an ever-larger, uncompromising and un­ 1) Unbanning of the ANC cooptable resistance that we believe can force changes from 2) Lifting of emergency decrees the present system. The system cannot satisfy all our de­ 3) Withdrawal of soldiers and police from the Black town­ mands and direct action will not change that. But, direct ac­ ships tion expands what is possible now, while teaching us basic 4) Releasing Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners skills needed to ultimately defeat the system entirely. 5) Allowing the return of exiled activists 6) Dismanfling of apartheid (while this is somewhat vague, ANC leaders have stated that this includes the scrapping of the homelands policy, the pass laws, the group areas acts, ISouth Africa Update and the internal security acts) 7) Making a commitment to universal suffrage This is a tall order for the Nationalists or any other This article is a summation of a few signiticant events government in South Africa to deliver. Having stated these that have recently occurred in South Africa. They deserve conditions, it is unlikely that the ANC would reduce them some comment. substantially. But much remains open for resolution even if these terms were accepted. For example, a constitution could THE AZAPO CONFERENCE be written which whites would hope might protect their po­ The headline in the December 20 issue of the Sowetan sition. Guarantees regarding private property could also be reads, "Be Vigilant Against Sell-Out Solutions." The report is made. This was the case in Zimbabwe where the new gov­ the coverage of the sixth annual AZAPO (Azanian Peoples Or­ ernment was obligated to pay full market price for any ganization) conference in Asherville, Durban. The conference farms or factories it wanted to take over. was attended by over 700 members. So even if the new government chose to nationalize Saths Cooper, AZAPO'S new leader, claimed th~t t~e key sectors of the economy, no captitalist or white farmer news media was deliberately snubbing AZAPO, but It did not would stand to loose his stolen wealth. Given the value of surprise him. He said, "The day that our o~ganiz.at~on and. such property, this provision essentially would block any our policies are vaunted. in the libe~al and Impenallst .medla speedy moves toward nationalizing the economy and, there­ is the day I know we Will be dead. On the same tOPIC, he fore, leave it in the same hands as it is now. later went on to say that, "We have participated in local. This suggests the goals that whites might seek in ne­ campaigns of t~e people. But we do not wear our campaigns gotiations with representatives of the liberation movemen~. on our sleeves. It does not necessarily suggest what they would get. But, If On another important issue, the role of organization these are their goals, the question must be raised: what is versus the needs of the revolution, Saths Cooper said, "We there to talk about? Would the liberation movement serious­ do not put forward our organization first: we rather engage ly consider meeting these conditions on the part o~ whites in in activity with the people." In response to the dangers of return for admission to the political process? Public an­ regression that liberal solutions pose, he said, "We are to.day nouncement by the ANC of 1986 as the "Year of the Spear" . seeing people who are in the white parliament representmg suggests the intention to pursue the armed struggle. But, thiS capitalist interests-like Peter Soal and Helen Suzman-be- is not the last word. ing accorded Comrade status." . Another factor is that there is a shared urgency for Saths Cooper was jailed in '76 in the SASO/BPC tnal whites and the ANC to come to terms. There is no stability in (South African Students Organization and Black Peoples South Africa's situation at present. The mass upsurge of Convention). He was released in '82. He was a close asso- . Blacks has driven white people to seek negotiation with ciate of Steve Biko, the Black Consciousness leader. AzAPO IS those who they hope might be able to stem the intrusion of an indigenous liberation organization. It has a small exile Black anger into their lives and possessions. The ANC'S bar­ presence in the United States. gaining position is directly dependent on continued mili-.. tance and their ability, perceived or real, to control the mili­ THE PRE-ARRANGED FUNERAL tance. Much publicity was given to the pre-arranged funeral The task of actually defeating militarily the apartheid for some Black people killed by police violence in South Af­ regime will be enormous, costly i~ lives and r~~ources, and rica during December. The funeral organizers negotiated politically risky. In order to orgaOlz~ and moblll~e the peo­ with the police ahead of time, and a joint decision was ~ade ple, forces will be unleashed that will not be easily: cO.n­ that the police would not intervene in the funeral. OutSide trolled by any political party. It is a process that will, m fact, "dignitaries", like a representative from the U.S. embassy transform or transcend all preceding political formations. and other Western diplomats attended the funeral. And, This is dangerous for any organization which sees itself as Winnie Mandela broke a silencing order imposed on her and the rightful next government of South Africa. White people was permitted to speak at the funeral. know this, too. ABc News Nightline covered the event that day and Other uncertainties looming at this time include what was glowing in its support of such tactics as a way to role, if any, would be played by other organizations active in counter extreme police violence and cool out what are usual­ the liberation struggle who, to our knowledge, have not had ly the scenes of political confrontation. But,. Nightli~e failed similar meetings as the ANC'S. Would an agreement worked to consider a few points which we would hke to raise here. out between the ANC and the white government be accepted The funeral was a pre-packaged media event designed by these other forces and by the people in general? Again to promote the appearance of a potential climate of t<;>lerance the instability of the situation leaves these questions open. by the South African state toward large Black gathenngs of A deal will not emerge publicly in the next few such a nature. But, according to one Black organizer of the months. But, the groundwork for a settlement can be laid funeral who was interviewed on Nightline, the deal was that even now. Before any accommodation with the white gov­ the police would not arrest anybody on that day. Their post­ ernment is possible, the Botha regime will have to go and be funeral tactics have not been so benevolent. replaced by a more pragmatic one. Durin~ this interval of Also, the presence of the Western diplomats suggested reordering of relationships among the Whlt~S, Black ?ou~h that benign intervention on behalf of the ~nanciers ~f apar~­ Africans will have to continue to prove their determmatlon heid is what it's really going to take to paCify the pohce. ThiS to fight at all costs against white domination. If that wer~ to not only gives the governments that these diplomats repre­ subside, whites would no longer feel compelled to bargam. sent too much credit, it also suggests that they have a con­ Meanwhile final terms will remain open as relative strengths trolling influence on the repressive arm of th~ South .African are assessed up until the last moment. state. This is debatable. So far, the South Afncan regime has been able to ignore the fairweather criticism that these gov­ succeed Botha? And what does that bode for the future of ernments have levelled at them. The record shows that the South Africa? Western world accepts the implementation of South African The longer the succession race takes, the more difficult law, although it occasionally balks at its extreme execution. transition to a Black-dominated federal government will be. Finally, in a state of war, when the enemy concedes on The alternatives-an attempt to maintain the white suprem­ an issue, and there is no burning reason why it needs to, we acist government or insistence on a wholly non-federal Black have to assume that there are gains to be made by that ene­ governed unitary sate- will lead to a prolonged, bloody rev­ my. What this brief reprieve meant for the Black militants of olution and economic collapse. In spite of divisions in Afri­ the township was nothing. It most probably gave the police kanerdom which resulted in the formation of the Conserva­ an opportunity to carry out their own surveillance on the tive Party (CP) in 1982, it is most likely that Botha's successor participants and arrest them later. The Boers stand to gain will emerge from inside the Nationalist Party's top ranks. from such arrnagements. That's why they made this one. The leading contenders are EW. De Klerk, minister of na­ tional education and leader of the dominant Transavaal Na­ THE PONDO/ZULU UNREST tionalist Party; Gerrit Viljoen, minister of cooperation and The recent clashes in Natal were major news items in development; and Pik Botha, minister of foreign affairs. the United States. The grievances between the Pondo and Although P.w. Botha has tried to groom him as his Zulu people go back many years, and they include disagree­ successor, Chris Heunis has been eliminated as a viable can­ ments over land, water and other territorial issues. This is didate because of his association with P.W.'s policies and not the first time the Pondos and the Zulus have come to lack of power base in the Transvaal bastion of Afrikaner­ blows. But, it is the first time that the government has al­ dom. Pik Botha is popular, but he is seen more in terms of lowed the fight to continue and has stood in the wings. who his votes could help put in power rather than as an ac­ Around the town of Umbumbulu, where the major tual candidate himself. De Klerk is widely regarded as an un­ fighting occurred, the police allowed the Zulus to set up original conservative within the party. He apparently has lit­ their own roadblocks. This is part of the regime's divide­ tle understanding of Black politics or international affairs and-rule strategy. It is very good Public Relations for the and is unlikely to emerge as a national figure capable of en­ South African authorities to showcase Black-on-Black differ­ gineering and presiding over traumatic change. ences that aren't directly tied to apartheid, although the con­ Viljoen is a former chairman of the Afrikaner Broeder­ ditions of the both the Zulu and Pondo people are. The me­ bond (Brotherhood) and can afford to rely on his reputation dia content to a racist world is that the "natives" would for national support. Viljoen has also accepted the principle break down into tribal fighting and chaos if it weren't for of universal franchise and a federal, multi-racial govern­ the civilizing influence of the whites. Again, this serves the ment, and he is appreciated by some key senior South Afri­ Boers well. can Defence Force (SADF) officers, notably the incoming chief Another aspect of this situation is the role of Gatsha of staff, General Jannie Geldenhuys. All this, plus the likeli­ Buthelezi and his Zulu organization, Inkatha. Buthelezi, a hood that Pik Botha will support him, makes Viljoen the known collaborator with apartheid, was quoted as saying most likely candidate. that the Pondos would pay dearly for their intervention in The far right is represented by Andries Treurnicht's Zulu affairs. Buthelezi and Inkatha don't represent all Zulus, Conservative Party and Jaap Marais' Herstigte Nasional Party even though some commentators on South African affairs (HNP). Carl Boshoff's Afrikaner Volkswag and Eugene Terre would have us believe they do. Any intervention by Inkatha Blanche's Afrikaner Weerstandbeweging (Afrikaner National has to be seen as sinister. It is not beyond Buthelezi to create Movement) are open manifestations of extreme right-wing conditions favorable to the South African government. Afrikaner resistance. Although the CP and HNP hold seats in the legislature, it is believed that an alliance between these parties would never gain power, because 80 percent of the Afrikaner electorate recognizes the inevitability of the end of exclusive white rule. 1White Realignment Many Afrikaners have moved away from the extreme right. For example, students at Stellenbosch Univ. (Afrika­ Elsewhere in this newsletter, an attempt has been ners' elite academy) and a delegation from the Dutch Re­ made to illuminate the various points of view within the formed Church, under the leadership of Nico Smith, have liberation movement and to analyze what their choices attempted to send delegations to Lusaka to vist with the ANC. may produce. This article deals with realignment among They are not, however, attracted to the opposition Progres­ whites, how that will affect the choice of Botha's successor, sive Federal Party (PFP). The PFP has been rejected because it and the role of the security forces. Information for this has aligned itself too closely with Gatsha Buthelezi's Inkatha piece was summarized from "South Africa: The State Un­ movement in the past and Buthelezi is now increasingly iso­ ravels" in the journal, Africa Confidential [Oct. 30, '85], lated in Black politics, and because the PFP has generally drawing heavily on international intelligence sources and been home to the English speaking, middle class liberals. written as an adviser to those in power. Their article re­ Thus, the Verligte element within the National Party flects the concerns existing among the different sectors of emerges as the group which can produce a leader capable of the South African ruling class. They are not our concerns, maintaining the economic status quo while giving Blacks although how they play themsleves out, can and will have some political voice, and Gerrit Viljoen seems tailor-made some consequence on the struggle. for the job. President P.W. Botha's actions, since September 1984, In addition to the debate over Botha's successor is the have come increasingly under attack, whether from the Ver­ question of the role that the security forces are playing. Out­ ligte (liberal) or Verkrampte (conservative) elements in the side of the political appointees in the top ranks of the SADF, South African government-80 percent of Afrikaners and there is a core of middle- to senior-ranking officers through­ the majority of English speakers now question his authority. out the police and the army. Within the 45,000 strong police As his term comes to an end, speculation mounts: Who will force, made up primarily of loyal, working class Afrikaners, this often means that junior officers are entitled to decide on stitutions in South Africa was a direct result of the divest­ the use of firearms. Thus, it is not surprising that the police ment movement here! We wish the movement was that fuel the growing unrest. strong. It is the Black people of South Africa who have made Within the SADF, there is a similar, semi-autonomus it an unfavorable investment climate by destabilizing the stratum of career officers. This is particulalry noticeable government. We can only repeat Amilcar Cabral's famous within Military Intelligence (MI), which has pursued its anti­ quote, "Tell no lies, claim no easy victories." communist battle at all costs. The SADF acts independently of The conference conveyed some useful information. Pik Botha's foreign ministry throughout South Africa. The Those in attendance showed a real commitment and serious­ SADF, reportedy, does not take its orders from the cabinet, or ness that was a good sign. However, we must repeat our ad­ the state security councilor directly from the president. monition that the deliberate manipulation of what informa­ Thus, it is most probable that Lt. Genreal Peter Van Der tion to present to the conference bodes ill for efforts at Westhuizen, former director of MI, who is now chief of staff principled consolidation of the movement. of the security council and P.W. Botha have condoned SADFS extraordinary freedom of action. Botha, at 70 and ill with Parkinson's disease, seems likely to be told what he wants to hear. However, MI is not sure what to do or who to deal with in Mozambique. In Angola, the SADF is obliged to mount an almost continuous, ultra-expensive conventional military de­ HUNTER COLLEGE fence of UNITA. This raises the question: will the armed forces be loyal This was an effort to get the student movement united to the government, especially if the generals see the govern­ around some politics and strategies. The early November ment surrendering on some key functions of white suprema­ conference was well attended and morale seemed high. For cist rule? The SADF could be a major wild card which might us though, what took place unofficially was more interest­ attempt to sabotage the liberal solution from within. ing. Midway through the conference, there was a somewhat unorganized, spontaneous march to the 68th Street Play­ These changes inside the Afrikaner ruling elite are house, just two blocks away, where none other than The predicated on being able to sell a reformist solution to the Gods Must Be Crazy was showing. About 150 people took off Black community. The committment of the movement to from the conference and arrived just in time for the seven settle for no less than the government's surrender can 0' clock showing, much to the disgust of the upper-east-side­ make such maneuvers irrelevant in the long run. type audience. What followed was a really loud blockade of the movie house. The audience just stood in line like saps, and finally the cops came along. This being the liberal upper east side, IAnti-Apartheid Conferences the cops didn't intend to crack heads. In fact, they didn't know what to do. They tried to set up a barricade and it was UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO dismantled. They seethed. In mid-November, a Midwest conference against Unfortunately, the bullhorn got into the wrong hands apartheid and racism was held at the University of Chicago. and we began to hear, "We've made our point. Let's get back The main controvery of the conference was over the denial to the conference. We can come back some other time." We of a platform to the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) one of the (in Brooklynites Against Apartheid) have been going to that two UN and Organization of African Unity recognized liber­ theater for over a year. We have tried real hard to get other ation organizations of South Africa (the other is the ANC). people to join in disruptions of that racist film with us. We The PAC had initially been invited, but was later uninvited have not been very successful. These words sounded some­ by the organizing committee. Two PAC people showed up whathollow to those of us who know that the "next time" anyway and asked organizers to allow them to speak. sometimes never comes. As evidence that the political issues could not be sub­ But, the point is that the militancy and the action was merged, despite the gagging of the PAC, a panel featuring being relegated to just another part of the conference and the Prexie Nesbitt of the Coalition for Illinois Divestment from more important stuff was to go back and talk about how we South Africa (CIDSA) and Conrade Worrel of the National were going to be militant/non-militant in the future. Admit­ Black United Front (NBUF) became a proxy debate over ques­ tedly, the only defense was that the Black student caucus tions in the South African liberation movement. was about to meet, and that was good reason for the Black The unfortunate part of this otherwise politically stim­ students to get back to the conference. The demonstration ulating debate was that many of the students at the confer­ was at least 75 percent white though, and we know that ence were not adequately informed of what was really going these folks weren't invited to the Black student caucus. It on. Because the entire debate had become an oblique solu­ doesn't excuse those people who sought to control this dem­ tion to the failure to allow the pac to speak for itself, many onstration. We could have stayed there much longer and it of them had no idea that issues being debated really repre­ would have been very interesting to see how far we could sented differences in South African politics and organiza­ have gone. Besides, people learn a lot more about how to tions. So for many, it was confusing and not enlightening. effectively protest through experience than they do hearing a Rather than take the issue of the PAC'S right to speak to speech. Despite this, it was a great action. the floor of the conference, organizers retained the preroga­ The other good thing was a meeting of the direct ac­ tive to decide by themselves and upheld their previous deci­ tion caucus. There was no official direct action workshop at sion. It did not get raised to the conferees. This kind of ma­ the conference. So, those of us who were interested in get­ neuvering may have won the day at this conference, but in ting together did so, and what resulted was a loose network the long run it will discredit its practitioners. of people who a) are not attracted to lobbying or other forms Another highlight of the conference happened when a of reformist programs and b) generally agree that effectively divestment expert from the American Committee on Africa opposing apartheid means taking some risks. This was a (ACOA) claimed that the declining investment rate of U.S. in- very hopeful gathering. The peace movement in New York needs to wake up. An appeal to get people in motion around homeporting be­ IA Nuclear Harbor? cause its in our own interests to oppose U.S. domination The issue of whether there should be a nuclear-armed here and in the world might not rally the same number of battleship stationed on Staten Island, in New York harbor people as a what-if-there's-an-accident appeal. But, it will is causing great concern. The anti-nuke movement in the certainly motivate folk who are likely to do something New York area has rallied together under the "homeport­ themselves, rather than wait for some politician to mess it ing" (that's the name of the issue) flag. Their appeal for up for them. mass support is along the lines of "what if there's an acci­ dent?" They are raising questions about safety of nuclear weapons in an urban environment and whether this will make New York City a target in the event of nuclear war. ILetter from a Lost Saint Let us state our position clearly. We believe that this battleship should not be stationed anywhere, not just be­ cause it's unsafe, but because it's a weapon in the U.s. mili­ Dear News and Notes, tary arsenal and it is going to be used for all sorts of hor­ Your article in the last issue supporting and encourag­ rendous reasons around the world. Moving the battleship ing participation in the October 21 direct action to Shut somewhere else is not going to solve the problem. Sinking Down Rock Island Arsenal was a significant contribution. As it is most probably the only solution. a member of the Quad Cities community and a fellow orga­ This issue resurrected all the old grievnces that exist nizer and participant in June 4, '84 and October 21, '85, keep about those who oppose nuclear war because "their" safety up the good work! is threatened. The logic of the homeporting folks' demand A lot of good people with lots of guts go into shutting says that if the battleship is in Norfolk or Los Angeles or down a death factory. This ain't no spectator sport and some anywhere else, it's OK, but, holy shit, not in New York! of the penalties are real stiff. But we've made a difference. This is kind of reminiscent of the white South African Things are changing here: things the public can see and are peace movement, which demanded that South Africa's nu­ in the midst of, like our persistent presence and the Arse­ clear reactor station, Koeberg, not be dismantled but rather nal's stepped up security. There are now a range of political moved away from the Cape Town metropolitan area-per­ questions that the public, the protesters and the media are haps to some Black rural area. engaged in. Second, if anybody really wants to destroy America Here's the kicker. It's mostly white folks who are orga­ with nuclear weapons, they're going to blow New York nizing for no retreat, no surrender. Pretty refreshing in a City to smithereens, whether there's a battleship in it or country where white people have mowed down non-whites, not . . . They're not likely to say: "Hey, let's not drop a nuke while talking about freedom and democracy from a privi­ on New York, it's a nuclear free zone." leged position. The real kicker is the story about the referendum. Us whites had better be careful though, that we don't Here are these peace folk sitting on a dynamite issue. There lapse back into thinkin' that there's privilege reserved for us are opportunities here, not only to organize people against even when we directly confront a death factory and its the U.s. military, but also to do effective actions to prevent armed forces. It's only true to the extent that we cool down the installation. Instead, they chose to use the "democratic" when they say so and act on their terms. approach and pushed for the issue to brought to a referen­ Third World fols in this country, attempting some­ dum on the city-wide ballot. thing like October 21, would have been rounded up before People were going to be asked to vote yes or no on they even started or, most likely, they'd have been shot in whether they want the battleship and this would determine the streets. Like in South Africa. If we continue to break with its future in New York. A massive attempt was undertaken privilege (which is what is supposed to keep us under con­ by the anti-nukers to encourage people to vote on the issue. trol) by working on our terms, we will be treated similarly A few days before the election, however, the city rulers de­ to non-whites. cided that there would be no vote and this particular issue We've been called "inscrutable Shi'ites", "terrorists" would be dropped from the ballot. and "godless communists" by the Quad Cities media. We've These folks never learn. Right after this, they covered been assaulted by the police. It's because we're shaking the their placards and posters with stickers saying, "Democra­ foundation that this happens. Let's not regret this or call cy Denied." This presumes that if the vote had occurred "fou!''' Let's work hard to avoid casualties and use the politi­ and if our side had lost we wouldn't have anything to com­ cal climate we've created to win more folks to our side. plain about because democracy wouldn't have been denied. As the street activity increases and becomes more ef­ After all, everything is fair and square in this democracy. fective, the cries of police brutality won't matter, much like This is a society that has come to accept U.s. military the pleas of Bishop Tutu in South Africa to stop the violence. supremacy as the norm. Increasingly, the working class is Cause I've broken all your having to depend on growing militarization of industry for windows and I've rammed employment. This particular battleship (the Iowa) is the through all your doors same one that recently shelled the suburbs of Beirut. It is And who am I to ask you to now stationed off the coast of Libya. There can be no guar­ lick my sores? antees that those who live here and vote here would op­ And you should know pose its presence in New York harbor. that's true .. . . The point is that if those of us who oppose U.s. war -From For You mongering intend to stop it, we have to figure out more by Bruce Springsteen, '73 effective ways to do it. Resolutions made by ruling cliques can always be turned around in the interests of national se­ Sincerely, curity. Taking this issue off the ballot is one such example. A. Sinner Lets be clear on why the press has been barred from Bits'0' Pieces the battlezones of South Africa. It's not because the press has done any more than a reasonable job of exposing the vio­ lence of apartheid, although the self-importance of joumal­ Beware U.s. citizens: white people from South Africa !sts and their institu~ions might give one this impression. It are coming and they may be dangerous to your health. IS rather that the regIme intends to and is already carrying There is a rather sizeable community of white South Afri­ out such an extreme program of repression that it cannot cans (young, English-speaking, upwardly mobile, etc.) that even trust the liberal media to go along with it. is already settling in the United States. The onus is now on the professional gatherers of infor­ Why are these folks leaving? Because their confidence mation to really dig deep in order to inform the world ade­ in apartheid is eroding. Incidents such as the white people quately about the current struggle in South Africa. In order getting chased through downtown Johannesburg during to live up to their own self-definition, they are going to have lunch hour by an angry Black crowd or the recent bombing to break the law and get their hands dirty to get to the bot­ in Amanzimtoti (a white vacation spot) are upsetting the se­ tom of w~at's ~oing on. This will involve choosing sides curity of what it's like to be white, protected and uncritical (can. you Imagme ~ed Koppel on the wrong side of a police of the way society is organized. b.arncade). Otherw~se the news will weigh heavily on the Where are these people going? They are relocating in SIde of those who Implement the law in South Africa. the places where white supremacy is firmly entrenched. Un­ like South Africa, where that system is being seriously chal­ lenged right now, the system of white racism in Britain, Australia, the U.s. and Canada is not so vulnerable. There are a million escape routes for the white middle class South Africans in the brownstones and split levels of urban and suburban America. According to the Wall Street Journal, in its article head­ lined "White South Africans Flee Country, Fearing a Grim Future There" [Dec. 13, '85], approximately 3000 whites are emigrating per month. A New York immigration lawyer, Howard Deutsch, who claims to have many contacts in the white South African community, visited Johannesburg last fall to lecture about white emigration to the United States. In the article, he is quoted as saying that he ran into at least ten other u.s. immigration lawyers trying to drum up business in South Africa. Watch out, too, because these folks will claim opposi­ tion to apartheid. They will be moving to places where there is a certain degree of popular distaste for what South Africa is all about. They do not want to become instant pariahs. Support for South Africa will look bad on their resumes. SAMRAF: WHO WE ARE Be prepared for the liberal argument about how en­ lightened the U.S. is in comparison to South Africa. The SAMRAF (the South African Military Refugee Aid Fund) is a white flight is taking off ... but somebody else is going to small anti-apartheid collective based in the United States. It have to pay for their comfortable position in society. is made up of white South African political dissidents and draft resisters from apartheid, as well as American support­ ers of liberation.

SAMRAF grew out of the white South African war resistance Here's the latest group of• people who are quoted as movement. It's members are all active in the anti-apartheid finding apartheid abhorrent: Jack Kemp (Republican senator struggle in the United States. We believe that apartheid can­ and possible Reagan clone), George Schultz, the Pope, not be reformed away, it must be fought against and de­ Bonzo, the 233rd headquarters of the Canarsie Moose Lodge, stroyed. everyone else in the Moral Majority and Francis the talking News and Notes is our regular publication. It is an attempt mule. to honestly try to analyze events as they relate to the strug­ gle in South Africa. We hope that this encourages a better Now that all the fluff with• regard to the summit be- understanding of how the movement here can effectively aid tween Reagan and Gorbachev is finally over, the burning in the defeat of apartheid. The subscription rate for receiving question remains: What did they really talk about. Taking News and Notes is $10 per year. our lead from the Popular Absurdist Front up in Ithaca, N.Y, we suggest that folk who don't really know should give both SAMRAF activists can be reached at: sides a call. Our/Their side's number here is c/o the White­ Brooklyn: 718-638-0674 house #202-465-1414 (ask for Ron or Don) and their/our Chicago: 312-376-3392 side over there is c/o the Kremlin #0107-095-259-9051 (ask San Francisco: 415-641-9055 who was really behind the Wendy's commercial). Good luck! Mailing address: 29 7th Avenue, Brooklyn, N.Y. 11217 •