AUTUMN, 1982

WASHINGTON NOTES ON AFRICA

Scholarships: Education or Indoctrination?

The Reagan Admini- promoted by Assistant stration is once again Secretary Chester Crock­ moving to thwart South A Decade of Struggle: 1972-1982 er as a complement to Africa's liberation strug­ scholarship opportun­ gle. Over the past year, We are proud to present this special anniversary edition to you. ities. Crocker has con­ the White House and For ten years, the Washington Notes on Africa has kept you demned solely "exter­ Congress have ad­ informed about events in Southern Africa and US policy responses. nal" programs which vanced characteris­ We take pride in knowing that this publication has played an bring South African tically different ap­ important role in the struggle for the liberation of Southern Africa. students and refugees proaches to the educa­ As in this issue, we have exposed US complicity with white minority to the US because they tional needs of Black regimes and have probed 's efforts to gain support for "benefit the top achiev­ South Africans. Con­ its racist system in this country. In our endeavor to make ers within apartheid gress, rather than in­ each issue informative and readable, we have sought to provide you education, while writ­ creasing funding for with the informational resources to educate, to motivate, and to ing off apartheid's sad­ refugee education, has agitate for an end to the unjust racist system and US support for it. dest victims." initiated a new scholar­ You, our readers, have given us the political, moral, and financial Actually, the Reagan ship program to permit support to keep us going through the good and lean times. With this proposal plays directly Black South Africans to anniversary issue, we rededicate ourselves to the cause of freedom into Pretoria's hands, study in the US. Rea­ in Southern Africa and ask that you continue to support our work pouring US tax dollars gan, consistent with his until that cause is achieved. into apartheid educa­ strategy of "construc- The Struggle Continues, tion, a system both tive engagement," has Jean Sindab, Executive Director racially segregated and petitioned Congress to racist in its orientation. discard its policy of The plan would not opposition to oppressive apartheid education and divert funds only assume some of the growing costs of educating that directly to Pretoria to "improve" educational facilities for nation's rapidly increasing Black school-age population, but Blacks. The Reagan plan faces dismal prospects on Capitol would consequently unencumber funds for expenditure in the Hill, however, so conservative ideologues in the admini­ white regime's campaign of escalating repression. Internal stration have begun an effort to make the Congressional assistance would also aid Pretoria's efforts to create a buffer program meet the goals of "." That class of skilled Black workers with a stake in South Africa's effort involves a suspicious, new private agency, the African economy substantial enough to lure it away from support from American Educational Foundation, which could undermine for the liberation movement. the struggle for majority rule. Seeking to distance themselves from this program, The Reagan proposal is a $2.3 million "internal education Congressional liberals will almost certainly block the Reagan program" put forth as a part of its Supplemental Foreign plan. The House Foreign Affairs Committee has already added Assistance Authorization request for 1982. The program, language to the bill which would render implementation of the designed to support teacher training, management training, program virtually impossible. The new restrictions require that and "open universities" within South Africa, has been the appropriated funds be used "only if the recipients of the

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2 WASHINGTON NOTES ON AFRICA 88X8x888888XXXXXg8gXXRXX888X&&88888g8X888888&X88&XB88R2888> mission, not shaped solely as resistance of oppression, but affirmatively with appreciation of making the freedom of the Western social and economic system open to all." (Emphasis added,) Although Callwood argues that this rhetoric was included in the proposal merely as a political move to make his request more palatable to the current administration, according to one board member he has made doctrinaire comments about "showing South African students the greatness of the American way of life" at recent board meetings. Callwood may also have been selected as a result of his ties to the Heritage Foundation, the right-wing think-tank influential in Reagan Administration circles. The Heritage Foundation's Director of Foreign Policy Studies, Jeff Gayner, met Callwood through mutual friends two years ago and has served on the AAEF board of directors, playing a leading role in the development of Callwood's funding proposal. Gayner left the AAEF board when he was appointed to the USIA Board of Foreign Scholarships, but he was replaced by Ian Butterfield, the Heritage Foundation's analyst on African affairs. The USIA has been careful to promote the illusion that the scholarship program is under the administration of an independent AAEF. The USIA asked Callwood to change his original funding proposal, which called for the USIA to carry out the student selection process, and to make AAEF responsible for the task instead. Callwood, however, has been far from independent of the USIA. He apparently received an unusual amount of assistance and critique from USIA officials in developing his funding proposal which was rushed through USIA in much

Callwood is now hoping to South African refugee students at ANC "Freedom School" in Tanzania. formalize his relationship with Photo: Ell Weinberg Godson by asking him to serve The Council has been plagued by persistent rumors of intelligence ties over the past 15 years. In the late 1960s, the on AAEF's advisory board. National Student Association (NSA) split from the Council after learning that intelligence operatives within its own ranks were using the NSA International Division as a steppingstone less than the 16 months usually required. In South Africa to USYC leadership. Call wood met with USIA contacts in the Black community. In Godson may well have been one of the causes of those addition, the AAEF scholarship selection process relied heav­ rumors. He serves as the director of the Consortium for the ily on the U.S. embassy (unlike the liE process which employs Study of Intelligence at the pro-CIA National Strategy the respected Bishop Tutu). The interviewing panels con­ Information Center (NSIC). Interestingly, the NSIC's name vened in Durban, Capetown, , and Pretoria turned up in the South African Department of Information's consisted of a Black community leader recommended by the spring advertising campaign in American which embassy, the embassy's cultural attache, a South African featured a long statement on South Africa's strategic employee of the embassy, and Callwood himself. These panels importance written by the Center's President, Frank Barnet. In undoubtedly influenced Callwood's final selection of the 18 addition, Godson has been known to speak of the CIA in students who recently arrived in the US to begin their under­ glowing terms to selected students at Georgetown. graduate work. Godson appears to have been an informal advisor to Callwood before, during, and after the establishment of the Possible Intelligence Ties AAEF. Callwood is now hoping to formalize this relationship by asking Godson to serve on the AAEF's advisory board. The USIA may have had additional plans for Callwood and Godson's seemingly loose ties with Callwood do not prove the AAEF-plans devised by Roy Godson. Callwood met that the AAEF has any intelligence functions. The connection Godson, a Georgetown University law professor, shortly after is disturbing, however-especially given Godson's theories on returning from his first trip to South Africa in 1980. intelligence, his ties to the administration, and his ability to That trip, which Callwood claims motivated him to establish obtain political favors for his friends. the AAEF, was sponsored by the US Youth Council (USYC), Godson served on Reagan's intelligence transition team. He an amalgam of conservative youth organizations which is also helped to prepare the intelligence component of the funded by the USIA. Godson has served for many years as the Heritage Foundation's 1981 report to the White House. That "academic advisor" to the Council. (continued on page 8)

AUTUMN 1982 3 <-g8SS8888888888&g8S88gggggggggXS888g8X8gXS88R888&H8&B88 2 8& Apartheid Targets Wolpe

"When the survival of South Africa is at stake, rules don't apply." - Connie Mulder, former South African Minister of Information

With the November South African govern­ Congressional elections ment's secret expendi­ just a few weeks away, tures of over $73 million Pretoria and her allies in an effort to buy politi­ have mobilized to defeat cians, secure media out­ their number one oppo­ lets, and prop up pro­ nent in the US Congress­ apartheid groups around Rep. Howard Wolpe from the world. Michigan's third district. McGoff, a Michigan In the nearly two years media magnate, has a he has chaired the the huge power base from House Africa Subcom­ which to influence Wol­ mittee, Wolpe has been pe's re-election efforts. Congress' most out­ His Global Communica­ spoken opponent of the tions, Inc. controls sev­ Reagan Administration's eral newspapers in the "constructive engage­ state, some of which ment" policy toward were acquired when Mc­ South Africa. On such Goff's Panax Corporation issues as Reagan's foot­ dissolved in August 1981. dragging on the Namibia Moreover, he is a long­ negotiations, loosening Rep. Howard Wolpe, Chairman ofthe House Africa Subcommittee. time friend of Wolpe's the export controls, in­ Photo: Africa Subcommittee Republican opponent, creasing military cooper­ Richard Milliman. Milli­ ation, supporting South Africa's invasion of Angola, and man, a former press aide to former governor George Romney, attempting to repeal the Clark Amendment, Wolpe has led is also a publisher and once served as Vice the subcommittee as a highly visible and vocal opponent of President of publications for Panax. Federal Election Pretoria. Because of his criticisms, Wolpe appears to be Commission (FEC) documents show that McGoff and his wife, targeted for defeat in the upcoming elections. Margaret, each gave the maximum $1000 to Milliman's Those involved in the anti-Wolpe campaign include John campaign. McGoff's teenage sons, David, Andrew, and Steve McGoff, Michigan pUblisher and key American recipient of also gave $1000 each to the campaign, although Milliman South African Department of Information "" returned this $3000, perhaps fearing a scandal. Far right money (See "Moon Shines on Apartheid," Washington Notes multimillionaire and former McGoff business partner Richard on Africa, Summer 1982); Marion Smoak's US-Namibia Mellon Scaife also gave $1000. (Southwest Africa) Trade and Cultural Council, the This summer, McGoff and Romney sent a letter to registered agent in the US of the South African-backed Michigan residents on Milliman's behalf which began: Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) of Namibia; and the "Michigan voters this year have the opportunity to rid the South Africa Foundation, the pro-apartheid South African Congress of one of the country's most free-spending, lobbying group. Wolpe has also been targeted for defeat by liberally-oriented social experimenters, and to replace him the National Chamber of Commerce, the RepUblican with a sound, solid, successful bootstraps Michigan National Committee, and the National Conservative Political businessman ... " The letter condemned Wolpe for his Action Committee (NCPAC). Although no conspiracy is "ultra-liberal activism" and praised Milliman as "a self-made evident, pro-apartheid interests have converged to stop man." The letter steered clear of Wolpe's views on Africa. Wolpe's re-election. Milliman's initial campaign manager, Ron Cordroy, also has ties to both McGoff and South Africa. In August 1977, John McGoff Returns Cordroy, then a Panax employee, prepared a four-part series with co-worker Tom Ochiltree on "Southern Africa in Crisis." John McGoff hit the public spotlight in 1978 when he was They wrote: "The private enterprise system in Southern named as a key figure in the controversial "Muldergate" Africa could be replaced by chaotic Marxism, as already has influence-buying scandal. McGoff received nearly $12 happened in much of black Africa." million from Pretoria to use in his unsuccessful $25 million bid to buy the Washington Star in 1974. The scandal, which The DTA Lends a Hand forced the resignation of Prime Minister John Vorster, Minister of Information Cornelius Mulder, Information The US-Namibia (Southwest Africa) Trade and Cultural officer Eschel Rhoodie, and Bureau of began campaigning against Wolpe's re-election last (BOSS) head General Hendrik Van den Bergh, exposed the summer. The council, run by Republican Party activists

4 WASHINGTON NOTES ON AFRICA Rg8SS8888Xg-ggggWSS8gXXg8gXg8&XggXX88888SWgg8SSgXgg_ R -Sg-&$

Marion Smoak and Carl Shipley, is the official US Wolpe rebuked the News Gazette's attacks: "These representative of the South African-backed Democratic McCarthyist smears are ironic since my whole thrust is based Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) of Namibia. on the belief that apartheid in South Africa and South Africa's In July of 1981, Smoak and Shipley launched a smear illegal occupation of Namibia offer the greatest opportunities campaign against Wolpe on the front page of the Council's for expansion of Soviet influence in Southern Africa," Wolpe Namibia News Gazette. An editorial entitled "Wolpe Blind to told Africa News. "It won't be effective," he predicted, "since Soviet Threat" attacked his support for US recognition of American voters don't take too kindly to attempts by any Angola and charged that he supported SWAPD in a "surrogate foreign interests to influence the outcome of any American terrorist attack on Namibia" financed by "the Soviet dictators election." in the Kremlin." "Preliminary inquiries indicate Congressman Wolpe ... is completely out of phase with the voters and South Africa Foundation taxpayers in his Congressional District," they wrote. A similar Begins Michigan Speaking Tours editorial with the headline "Is Congressman Wolpe Soft on Communism?" appeared in the September 1981 issue. A The South Africa Foundation (SAF), a private, pro-apartheid Wolpe aide in Washington believes extra copies of these News South African lobby in the US, has lent its voice to the anti­ Gazette issues were distributed in Michigan as a response to Wolpe cacophony. SAF representatives have been seen Wolpe's critical reports of Pretoria from his investigative trip to speaking in Kalamazoo, Battle Creek, Grand Rapids, and Southern Africa last summer. Lansing, Michigan, mainly to Rotary and Kiwanis Clubs. In Shipley told the Rand Daily Mail's Washington corres­ August 1981, South African Johannes G. Pienaar, midwest pondent John Matisonn that because the Council had been director of SAF, addressed the Kalamazoo Rotary Club unable to reach an agreement with Wolpe for DTA head Dirk attacking Wolpe's "teary eyed emotionalism" on Southern Mudge to testify before the subcommittee, "we intend to give Africa and the statements the congressman made following him a little special attention." (continued on page 8)

Apartheid's Foreign Agents

The South African government spends business relations programme in the United Reinerlo Torres, Jr. According to the latest millions of dollars a year on lobbying and States." This includes educating members of Justice Department documents, Torres distribution in the Congress about "the vital political. strategic represents the "Republic of Bophuthats­ through paid agents-influential members of and economic role of South Africa in the Free wana." Torres lists Myrna Torres, Sandra the business, legal, and political commun­ World." Hallamore is paid $63,000 a year. Banks, and Stanley Branche as his associ­ ities. The following is a list of those firms The South Africa Foundation. South ates, and Michael Marr, based in registered at the Justice Department as African John Chetlle directs this private City, as the "government representative for agents of apartheid: organization for and on behalf of the Pretoria economic affairs." Although Torres lobbies Basin and Sears. Since John Sears regime. From December 1. 1980 until US government officials on behalf of resigned as Ronald Reagan's campaign November 30,1981. the Foundation received , he fails to report how much manager, he has been running a lucrative $192,518, the bulk of it from its parent he is paid for his services. Former agent business as lobbyist and propagandist for organization in Johannesburg which is Ronald Greenwald, connected with Bophu­ the South African government Sears' Widely suspected of receiving government thatswana International, terminated his contract puts him at the disposal of the South funds. During this period, the Foundation contract with Bophuthatswana in June 1981, African ambassador to help "with any and all lobbied vigorously in Congress and in receiving $116,666 for six months work. of his responsibilities" For his efforts, Sears various state legislatures against the enact­ Donald G. Johnson. Johnson signed a receives $500,000 a year, plus expenses. ment of pending divestment bills. three-year contract on March 1, 1982 with Smathers, Symington, and Herlong. In Ngqondl L. Maslmlnl. This official repre­ , the newest "independent homeland." 1981, this prestigious law firm received the sentative of "The Republic of ," Johnson has already received $43,761 to handsome fee of $300,000 for activities such South Africa's first "homeland" to be encourage trade and cultural ties with Ciskei. as lobbying against the Gray and Solarz declared independent, received $163,000 Ellis Associates, Image Industries, New divestment bills and last summer's resolution last year. Masimini's activities include Modern Talking Picture Service, Inc., Public opposing the Springboks rugby tour. The promoting "trade. commerce with and Service and Planners, and the New York Rand Dally Mall called the hiring of Smathers investment in Transkei," as well as encour­ office of South Africa Tourist Corp. received and Symington "a spectacular public aging the establishment of diplomatic over $1.3 million in 1981 to create films. relations coup" because both are ex­ relations tourist brochures, and other propaganda Congressmen who have important contacts Kenneth H. Towsey joined Masimini as encouraging Americans to travel to South with Congress and the administratIOn. The Transkei's second representative on June 10. Africa. firm was hired in 1979 when Pretoria 1982. For his services he will be paid $9500 a US-Namibia (Southwest Africa) Trade and terminated the contract of its chief lobbyist, year. Towsey was Ian Smith's agent in Cultural Council, Inc. The team of Marion Donald de Kieffer. De Kieffer, however, has Washington for a number of years. Smoak and Carl Shipley continues to continued activities on behalf of Pretoria; as Jay A. Parkerand Associates. Formerly the represent the South African-backed Demo­ General Counsel for the US Special Trade representative of Transkei, Parker now cratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) of Namibia. Representative. he participated in the represents . He received $45,000 last The Council receives approximately $400.000 administration's decision to loosen export year for promoting Venda as an independent a year for publishing the Namibia News controls against South Africa. state. Parker is active in ri9htist circles as Gazette and lobbying on behalf of the DTA. It Kimberly Cameron Hallamore. Hallamore chairman of the South African Department of has conducted a vigorous letter-writing recently signed a new 12-month contract Information-funded American African Affairs campaign promoting the DTA and condemn­ with the South African government, effective Association (see "Moon Shines on Apart­ ing SWAPO, aimed at members of Congress April 1, 1982. He assists Pretoria "in carryi ng heid," WNA, Summer 1982). and church leaders. out its congressional, governmental and

AUTUMN 1982 5

In the last few months, almost every independent country in Luanda against the MPLA government. Involved in the Southern Africa has been the target of South Africa's plottings have been high level officials of the SADF ad the aggressive and calculated foreign policy of destabilization. South African Department of National Security (DONS), Over the summer, one-third of 's airforce was representatives from UNITA and the FNLA, dissident destroyed in a sabotage attack, and one destabilization team members of the MPLA, and right wing Cubans represented by from the South African military was caught inside Zimbabwe Frank Sturgis of Watergate infamy. on a secret mission. Likewise in , the South Sturgis was one of four men arrested for breaking into the Africans have increased their assistance to the guerilla Watergate in 1972. In their book All the President's Men, Carl Mozambique Resistance Movement (MRM) in its attempts to Bernstein and Bob Woodward note that the four men "all had destabilize the legitimate government of Samora Machel. been involved in anti-Castro activities and it was said that they Pretoria has also continued assassinations of opponents in had connections with the CIA." neighboring countries; Ruth First, an ANC activist, was brutally murdered by a letter bomb in Maputo on August 17. Angola, however, remains the main target of South Africa's destabilization plans. On August 12, Major General Charles Savimbi: "I do not hide my ties Lloyd of the South African Defense Force (SADF) announced that his army had killed 418 SWAPO guerillas since beginning with South Africa." its most recent invasion of Angola on June 11, penetrating more than 175 miles north of the Namibian border. In actuality, South Africa has never left portions of southern Angola The Expresso article also notes that Sturgis was attached to occupied since the August 1981 "Protea" invasion and has the CIA in the mid-seventies as an assistant to John Stockwell, launched armed incursions on several subsequent occasions. head of the CIA's Angola Task Force during the civil war. The Angolan government claims the apartheid regime has According to Expresso, the plot calls for the South African caused thousands of deaths and more than $6.9 million in military to back up a UNITA push from the south, while the damages. South African attacks have often focused on FNLA pushes from the north through Gabon and Zaire. When Angolan infrastructure, such as the late May attack on the the two armies approach Luanda, dissident members of the Cassinga iron mine power station, which increase the MPLA are to stage a coup. country's economic problems. South African officials, of course, denied the existence of South African destabilization of Angola is proceeding on the plot saying the allegations were "without substance other fronts as well. According to the August 14 edition of the whatsoever." However, the charges fit into the scenario that Portuguese newspaper, Expresso, South Africa, with the has developed over the past year: UNITA has gained "control" assistance of Angolan dissidents, foreign mercenaries, and over large areas of southern Angola due to the South African anti-Castro Cubans living in the US, is planning a two­ military's on-going occupation and "scorched earth" pronged invasion of Angola to be concurrent with a coup in exercises; Holden Roberto's FNLA has received a new lease on life from foreign benefactors, and has linked up with the secessionist Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), and the new Military Committee for Angolan Resistance (COM IRA). (See "Constructive Engagement for Angola?," WNA, Spring 1982.) What contact these forces have with dissident MPLA members is unclear; however, the July 26-31 UNITA conference in Mavinga, Angola appealed to "patriotic forces within the MPLA to identify with common national objectives." Furthermore, the Angolan government has taken the report seriously as evidenced by its September 7 statement alerting the population to the danger of a new invasion from "across the northern and southern borders of the country." Jonas Savimbi, UNITA's leader, has not denied reports of collusion with apartheid. In an August 23 interview with Ton Vosloo, a close political ally of PW Botha and editor of the Afrikans newspaper, Bee/d, Savimbi described himself as an ally of Pretoria. Savimbi stated that the "West's frontline" in the struggle for Africa against the is in southern Angola. He added: "I do not hide my ties with South Africa." Savimbi was similarly interviewed by the editors of the South African Sunday Times and the Afrikaans Rapport and Die Vader/and. This flurry of press coverage is significant because it shows Pretoria's continuing support for Savimbi; the SADF obviously had an important role in setting up the interviews in South African-occupied southern Angola and these newspapers have close ties with the Pretoria government. The Reagan Administration's response to this summer's (continued on page 8) 6 WASHINGTON NOTES ON AFRICA IMF Loan to Apartheid Melvin Price, the delegation repeatedly stressed South Africa's "strategic importance" and cited the supposed South Africa, facing a serious balance of payments crunch dangers of "Soviet" inroads into Africa. as a result of falling gold and diamond prices, has requested a Such a visible restoration of military ties with the US would $1.1 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). represent a major propaganda victory for Pretoria. The regime The loan, scheduled for consideration by the IMF on decided in the early 1970s to improve its military defense by November 3, will be the largest ever received by South Africa luring naval allies to its coasts with lavish port facilities. As a from any source. result, it poured over $60 million into expanding and The Reagan Administration has indicated that it will support upgrading its dockyards at Simonstown and Durban. In the loan. At a press conference on October 5, Treasury addition, South Africa opened Silvermine in 1973 near Secretary Donald Regan said the US would judge the loan Simonstown. Silvermine's extensive computerized communi­ strictly on its economic merits. cations and operations control center boasts the capacity to The South Africans strategically requested the loan after the track all military and commercial sea traffic from Venezuela to annual IMF meeting recently held in Toronto. A recently Bombay. leaked State Department memo from last summer cautions South Africa's facilities offer the US military and intelligence Pretoria that a loan request during the Toronto meeting may agencies incentives enticing enough to urge a retreat from the draw too much international attention: "We are concerned Navy's 1967 decision. Given the Reagan Administration's about yet another issue such as this arising which could serve continuing cordiality toward Pretoria, the Department of the as a basis to again attempt to politicize the Fund." South Navy may snap at the opportunity.• African membership in the IMF is becoming an increasingly political issue, however. A December 1981 UN General Assembly resolution calls on the IMF to consider expelling South Africa. Technically any member country using funds in a manner inconsistent with the purposes of the IMF may be denied access to financial resources. In 1976-77, however, the Fund SACC Investigation loaned $464 million to South Africa, a sum which may have The current investigation of the ecumenical South African increased the ability of the minority regime to mobilize its Council of Churches (SACC) vividly reflects the determination forces to crush the . The $1.1 billion requested of the South African regime to lash out at opponents of its racist this time equals exactly the increase in South Africa's military and inhumane policies. On behalf of the South African expenditures from 1980 to 1982. government, the Eloff Commission was authorized to launch a Whether it likes it or not, the Reagan Administration cannot comprehensive investigation of the SACC, focusing particularly evade the politics that a loan to prop up the apartheid regime on its financial affairs. would entail. • Pursuing its policy of "constructive engagement," the Reagan Administration has once again danced to South Africa's tune by granting entry visas to two lawyers from the Commission. These investigators arrived in August to assess the level of support for the SACC among American churches who, together with their Is South Africa Ship Shape? counterparts in Europe, contribute 90% of the organization's funds. These revenues have angered Pretoria because they are An eight-member delegation of the House Armed Services earmarked for the defense of political prisoners, education of Committee which completed a fact-finding tour of Africa and children, and refugee assistance. the Middle East this spring has recommended that the US Navy The SACC's stinging attacks on apartheid have elicited once again use South African ports. The US Navy halted its increasingly harsh responses from Pretoria. Incensed by use of South African ports in 1967 when it learned that shore statements made by Bishop Desmond Tutu, the general leave entertainment for the 3,800 crew members of the USS secretary of the SACC, the South African regime denied him Franklin Delano Roosevelt, some 200 of whom were black, was the right to travel abroad for many months. During the SACC's to be segregated. Navy personnel have since gone ashore in national conference in July, John Rees, Tutu's predecessor, South Africa only in cases of medical emergency, the last time was arrested and charged with fraud in connection with the being in February 1969. Council's financial disarray; SACC financial records are pur­ In May, 1982, members of the House delegation sent a letter posely inprecise in order to protect recipients of assistance to Secretary of the Navy John Lehman noting the ports' from police reprisals. suitability for the large hulled vessels of the interventionist Rev. Peter Storey, president of the SACC, stated that South Rapid Deployment Force (RDF). That letter also conveyed Africa's investigation of the Council was like watching "the Pretoria's assurances that US Navy personel would be grand strategy of apartheid unfold like some horror movie considered "honorary whites" on South African soil and urged before our eyes." Apartheid's grand strategists are now clearly Lehman to reconsider the Navy's 15-year-old policy. In its intent on silencing the SACC's bold and outspoken opposition official report to House Armed Services Committee Chair to their racist policies.•

AUTUMN 1982 7

Scholarships, continued from page 3 problems of foreign intervention, for whatever the involvement, Rhoodie was clearly intent on using any available pressures, report, credited with shaping much of the political and and many groups could be vulnerable to infiltration without administrative structure of the Reagan Administration, their knowledge. In the future. even without Rhoodle, this kind recommended drastically increased covert intelligence of South African subdiplomacy may well continue to be activity. equally ruthless." • An advocate of increased intelligence activity at all levels of government, Godson has written: "[Cjovert action should be integrated into the bureaucratic structure. That means that all relevant parts of the government must be involved, either directly or in supporting roles." For obvious reasons, the extent to which Godson has been Angolan Destabilization, continued from page 6 able to put Into practice his theories on broader covert func­ tions will never be known fUlly. Godson has remained close invasion of Angola is similar to last summer's-consenting by to the executive branch, however. This summer he was once silence. The administration continues to court Pretoria despite again on the political stage when he was hired by the USIA as a any real signs of lessening repression within South Africa or consultant on International Youth Year. According to the New movement toward a Namibian settlement. Reagan and Botha York Times, the USIA, fearing "Soviet exploitation" of the have conspired to shift the blame for the lack of a settlement ceremonies, called on Godson "to assess the world youth away from South Africa onto SWAPO and Angola, raising the situation and recommend ways the United States could demand that the Cuban troops leave Angola before a counter Soviet propaganda." As a result of Godson assuming settlement is reached. Both Reagan and Botha view the this post, the USIA then appointed a new coordinator for the removal of Cuban troops from Angola as a potential foreign observance: the US Youth Council. policy victory to satisfy their respective right-wing supporters. The State Department's glib pronouncements on "progress" USIA Still in Program's Future in the Namibia negotiations, however, are a perverse reflection of the death and destruction inflicted by the apartheid regime When legislative staff members began this summer to in Southern Angola. Although Reagan and Botha see eye-to­ question the legitimacy of the AAEF grant, AI D ended USIA's eye, the administration has isolated itself again from Its responsibility for next year's selection process and authorized Western European allies in the Contact Group who have all the liE to screen next year's applicants. AID plans to solicit condemned South Africa's invasion. The Contact Group may funding proposals from other interested organizations as well. very well fall apart as some of its European members tire of This measure is only temporary, however. USIA officials are South Africa's stalling and Reagan's failure to bring about any proposing an "independent" scholarship award plan which change while Pretoria increases its destabilization of the would allow them final say in the selection process. region.• Thus a well-intentioned, liberal plan has been quietly subverted by the administration to create a program with the potential to advance "constructive engagement." Moreover, the spectre of intelligence lurking around the AAEF raises the terrifying possibility of US-trained students gathering intelligence on American student anti-apartheid groups and returning to South Africa to infiltrate labor. student, and liberation movements. At the same time, the program has diverted attention from the critical educational needs of South Washington Office on Africa African refugees, the casualties of the continuing cozy 110 Maryland Avenue, N.E. relationship between the Reagan Administration and South Washington, D.C. 20002 Africa.• (202) 546-7961

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his investigative trip to the region. Pienaar spoke in favor of Sponsors of the Washington Office on Africa: The American Committee on Africa: The American Lutheran Church. Division Reagan's policy of "friendly persuasion" to bring change to for World Mission and Cooperation; Christian Church (Disciples Southern Africa. The local Kalamazoo news carried the of Christ): Church of the Brethren; Episcopal Church, Coalition speech widely. for Human Needs and Public Affairs Office, Executive Council; South African intervention in US electoral campaigns is not Lutheran Church In America, DIVision for MiSSIOn In North new. Compelling evidence indicates that Pretoria played a America; Society for African MISSions (S.M.A. Fathers), United major role in Iowa Senator Dick Clark's 1978 defeat at the Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of hands of the conservative Roger Jepsen. As the Senate's America, UAW; United Church of Christ, Board for World Mlni­ Africa Subcommittee chairman, Clark was Pretoria's most stnes, and Office for Church in Society; United Methodist vociferous opponent on Capitol Hill, much as Wolpe is now. Church, Africa Office and Women's Division of Board of Global The campaign against Wolpe recalls the ominous prediction Ministries; United Presbyterian Church, Program Agency made by Anthony Sampson in his March 1979 London Produced by: Jean Sindab, Kenneth Zinn, Nkechi Taifa, Connie Observer article: "The South Africans' determination to bring Rosati, Doug Tilton, Maia Ambegaokar, and laurinda Haagens. down Tunney and Clark brings a new dimension to the