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The Japanese Government Vs. Chōsen Gakkō

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The Japanese Government Vs. Chōsen Gakkō We are the chōsen A battle for legitimacy: the Japanese government vs. Chōsen gakkō Marte C.H. Boonen Thesis Research MA Asian Studies, Leiden University Supervisor: Dr B. Wakefield Second Reader: Prof Dr R. Breuker Final Version: 22-12-2017 Word count (excluding appendix): 32.362 words 1 Acknowledgements I want to express my gratitude to the people in Japan, the Netherlands and England who made this research possible. To the six interviewees, and an employee of the Japanese government, who all wish to remain anonymous: Thank you for your trust and knowledge. You were pivotal in understanding the issue at hand. To Prof Miyaoka Isao, Prof Miyatsuka Sumiko, Dr Kashiwazaki Chikako and Kate Nielsen: I would have been lost in this topic without your guidance. Thank you for all your help. To Dr Bryce Wakefield and Prof Remco Breuker: Thank you for your supervision and your advice. I hope this thesis lives up to the expectations. All my love and gratitude to my parents and Sander, for the emotional as well as academic support. And to all my lovely friends who bought me coffee and listened to me complain: you are troopers, and I will not be able to repay you! 2 Contents Chapter 1. Introduction: North Korean schools where?! 6 Chapter 2. Literature Review and Background Overview 2.1. Koreans in Japan: Historical Overview 12 2.2. Minorities and the Japanese government 14 2.3. Japan-North Korea Relations 16 2.3.1. The Abduction Issue 18 2.3.2. Historical Revisionism 20 2.3. North Korea Hysteria 21 2.4 Domestic Issues going International 23 Chapter 3. The Theory of Relational Constructivism 3.1. Regular Constructivism 24 3.2. Relational Constructivism 25 3.2.1. Defining Legitimation 25 3.2.2. Illegitimate differences: Diversity without Unity 28 3.2.3. Identifying legitimation, legitimating identity 31 3.3. Using International Relations Theory for a Domestic issue, or is it? 32 Chapter 4. Political Discourse Analysis 4.1. Description of Data 33 4.1.1 Data on the Japanese government 34 4.1.2 Data on the Chōsen Community 34 4.2. Political Discourse Analysis: Discourse Theory 35 4.2.1 Political Discourse Theory 37 3 4.2.2 Qualitative Discourse Analysis 38 4.3. Research Data and a note on the Japanese language 39 4.4 Implementing Theory and Methodology 40 Chapter 5. Chōsen Sōren and Chōsen Gakkō vs. the Japanese government 5.1. Minority Rights and Discrimination 42 5.2. Identity and Assimilation: Do Chōsenjin belong to “All Japan”? 45 5.3. What does this tell us about Chōsen gakkō and Chōsen Sōren? 48 Chapter 6. The Japanese government vs. Chōsen Sōren and Chōsen Gakkō 6.1. The Japanese government’s stance 50 6.1.1 Education: What’s wrong? 51 6.1.2. Security: Nukes, Missiles and Schools 52 6.1.3. Loyalty: Do Koreans belong to “All Japan”? 57 6.1.4. Exclusion and Disapproval: Chōsen by any name is still North Korea 61 6.2. What does this tell us about the Japanese government? 65 6.3. Legitimating stances: A Discourse of Love to Hate 66 Chapter 7. Conclusion: Who benefits? 69 Bibliography 74 Appendix: Interviews 85 4 List of Abbreviations BMD Ballistic Missile Defense DPJ Democratic Party of Japan DPRK Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, North Korea HURAK Human Rights Association for Koreans in Japan IR International Relations LDP Liberal Democratic Party MEXT Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology NPT Non-Proliferation Treaty PSIA Public Security Intelligence Agency ROK Republic of Korea, South Korea TMG Tokyo Metropolitan Government TWP Tuition Waiver Programme UN United Nations 5 Chapter 1. Introduction: North Korean schools where?! On one of the most enjoyable days of my fieldwork, I was sitting on a blanket in the sun. I had just bought some bulgogi, marinated meat for a Korean barbecue, at a university fair in Tokyo. There was live music, the atmosphere was great, the food was delicious. The flag of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), North Korea, was flying high. As of 2012, there are 135 North Korean schools (朝鮮学校, Chōsen gakkō, 38 kindergartens, 54 elementary schools, 33 middle schools, and 10 high schools) located all over Japan, and one North Korean university (朝鮮大学校, Chōsen daigakkō), situated in Tokyo.1 Due to financial worries and controversies (such as a university teacher being accused of being a spy2), student numbers have dwindled in recent years. These schools, usually for Zainichi Koreans – Korean permanent residents of Japan –, teach a North Korean inspired curriculum, with classes such as (North) Korean language, history, and ideology. The schools range from kindergarten to university, and while they are not classified as ‘regular’ schools (Chōsen Gakkō are what are called ‘miscellaneous’ schools, with the same accreditation as driving schools3), they are full-time schools, attended instead of Japanese schools. While ethnic schools are not uncommon in many countries, Japan is the only country that allows North Korean schools to operate. Chōsen gakkō are part of a much larger organization called Chōsen Sōren (Chongryon in Korean), which is short for Zai-Nihon Chōsenjin Sōrengōkai or General Association of Korean Residents in Japan. Chōsen Sōren is the official organization of Koreans in Japan who identify with North Korea, and thus represents the interests of (North) Koreans in Japan. Not only does it oversee schools, it also manages companies and banks; different branches of Chōsen Sōren organize events and meetings, and it is even the de facto embassy for North Korea, since Japan and the DPRK do not have diplomatic relations. Chōsen gakkō are the largest and most publicly visible branch of Chōsen Sōren, and its ties with North Korea have made it into a highly controversial and sensitive issue in Japan. This controversy has been fomented by the actions and military ambitions of the North Korean state. In 2017 up until September alone, North Korea’s government has launched 14 1 Mitsuishi Park, Shitte imasuka, Chōsen Gakkō. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. 2012. 2 "Kankoku-nai kōsaku-in wa jikkei Chōsen Ōmoto jun kyōju, shiji ka supai katsudō." Asahishinbun dejitaru. February 04, 2016. 3 ZaiNihon Chōsenjin jinken kyōkai. "Mainoriti no kodomo-tachi ni taisuru kyōiku kikai no teikyō ni okeru sabetsu ―― Chōsengakkō no kodomo-tachi o chūshin ni." Nipponseifu ni yoru UPR kankoku jisshi ni kansuru ngo repōto, March 30, 2017, 2. 6 long-range missiles, causing tensions in the East-Asian region to flare up again, with some of the missiles landing in Japan’s economic zone, and two flying directly over Japanese land.4 In September 2017, it conducted yet another nuclear test.5 These acts of aggression have had an impact on how anything North Korea-related is perceived by the Japanese government as well as by the public. Although North Korea has the reputation of being a ‘hermit kingdom’, this does not mean it is not influenced by, and in turn influences, other countries. Within Japan, Chōsen Sōren, and in line with this Chōsen gakkō, are seen by the Japanese government as agents of North Korean influences. To counter this influence domestically, the Japanese government has always put restrictions on Chōsen gakkō, most recently in 2013, when the Abe government excluded Chōsen gakkō from the High School Tuition Waiver Programme (TWP).6 This subsidy makes highschool education free of charge in Japan, and, generally, all parents receive this subsidy, even those with children at different ethnic schools. Chōsen gakkō are the only schools that are not eligible for the Tuition Waiver Programme, creating a difficult financial situation for the parents and the schools. In addition, local governments are free to decide whether they want to add subsidies to Chōsen gakkō instead of being obligated to do so, as they are for other schools. These domestic measures have met with international consequences. Not only does the DPRK claim that there is discrimination against what it still considers its citizens,7 but several United Nations (UN) committees have since spoken out about what they report as ethnic discrimination against these schools.8 Such international statements are one of the reasons why this issue is so complicated. It seems strange that the Japanese government would even allow these schools to exist in present-day Japan, especially when looking at the military manoeuvres of the DPRK, and the incredibly poor relations between Japan and North Korea. The reasons mentioned above 4 "North Korea fires second ballistic missile over Japan." BBC News. September 15, 2017. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-41275614. 5 Collins, Pádraig. "North Korea nuclear test: what we know so far." The Guardian. September 03, 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/03/north-korea-nuclear-test-what-we-know-so-far. 6 Ito, Masami. "Pro-Pyongyang schools barred from tuition waiver." The Japan Times. February 21, 2013. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/02/21/national/pro-pyongyang-schools-barred-from-tuition- waiver/#.WcfUrLJJaM8 7 Tokyo District Court's Unjust Decision on Korean Students in Japan Slashed." KCNA Watch. September 21, 2017. https://kcnawatch.co/newstream/280495/tokyo-district-courts-unjust-decision-on-korean-students-in- japan-slashed/. 8 United Nations Committee of the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. "Concluding observations on the combined seventh to ninth periodic reports of Japan." International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, September 26, 2014. http://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/Download.aspx?symbolno=CERD/C/JPN/CO/7- 9&Lang=En. 7 make dealing with Chōsen gakkō a sensitive issue, and it seems that especially the Abe government has been trying to obstruct the activities of Chōsen Sōren and Chōsen gakkō.
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