View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE

Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women

Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women

Patricia Sippel＊

要約 本稿はカナダ・メソジスト教会婦人伝道会社に派遣され、東洋英和女学校の初期を形成した三人 の女性伝道者たちの異文化交流に焦点を当てる。創立者であるマーサー・J・カートメル（1845-1945） の滞在期間は病気により短いものとなった。イライザ・スペンサー・ラージ（1855-1933）は、校舎 において目の前で夫を殺害され、後には日本におけるカナダ・メソジスト伝道運動を脅かすほどの 闘いに挑むこととなる。そしてアグネス・ウィントミュート・コーツ（1864-1945）は、当初伝道の ために精力的な活動をするも、来る戦時期には長きにわたる疎外と孤独な死が彼女を待ち受けてい た。書簡、報告書、議事録を紐解いていくことで、日本という生活環境そして布教の地でカナダ人 伝道者たちが経験した国際交流の複雑さを素描する。

キーワード：婦人伝道会社、カナダ・メソジスト教会、国際交流、女子教育 Keywords：Woman’s Missionary Society , Methodist Church of Canada, international exchange, girls’ education

＊東洋英和女学院大学 国際社会学部 教授 Professor, Faculty of Social Science, Toyo Eiwa University

1 I. Introduction in the 1920s, the question of when and how On December 27, 1882, Martha Julia Cartmell leadership would be handed over to the “native of Hamilton, Ontario, arrived in Yokohama as the teachers” emerged. And from the 1930s, forced first overseas representative of the newly found- compliance with the ultra-nationalistic and mili- ed Woman’s Missionary Society of the Methodist tarist policies of the Japanese state threatened Church of Canada. Her mission was to advance Toyo Eiwa’s survival as a Christian institution. the spread of Christianity in Japan by focusing But beyond these issues, which unfolded in on the needs of women and girls. Less than two ways that mirrored Japan’s development as a years later and with the help of Canadian and modern state, were the complex, more intimate, Japanese Methodists already active in the Tokyo and probably more deeply felt interactions expe- area, Cartmell had taken an important step rienced by the Canadian missionary women in toward accomplishing her goal. In October 1884, their Japanese living and work environment. she opened a girls’ school, Toyo Eiwa Jogakko, Even among those who enjoyed long and pro- in the Azabu district of Tokyo. Set thus in ductive careers as teachers and administrators motion by the Christianizing aspirations of at Toyo Eiwa, the personal and professional Methodist women in a distant part of the globe, challenges were enormous. Many struggled to Toyo Eiwa was from its earliest years an educa- maintain their health and a sense of wellbeing tional and even a financial success, attracting while engaging with unfamiliar, or unacceptable enrolments from the families of Japan’s political cultural norms. Some were embroiled in a near- and cultural elite while at the same time reach- disastrous conflict with male missionaries. A few ing out to poorer children. Through the early felt the fear of physical danger. There was even decades of the 20th century, the school devel- rare disenchantment with the ideals that had oped a program that included elementary, high brought them to Japan. These experiences of school, and college preparatory departments. It Canadian women living in an international envi- gained attention for the high social status of its ronment were interlaced with issues of gender, pupils, for its progressive, Western-style cur- status, and religious and professional commit- riculum, for its modern facilities, and for the ment in ways that go beyond any simple defini- international environment created and sustained tion of international exchange. by the Canadian women who followed Cartmell This paper will examine Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as as missionary educators. a site of international exchange, focusing on the While Toyo Eiwa’s international character was experiences – some private, some all too public a crucial element of its success in the first half- – of three Canadian women missionaries who century of its history, that same internationalism shaped the first half-century of its history: also produced challenges and stresses. In the Martha Cartmell (1845-1945), the school’s school’s earliest years, Japanese staff struggled founder, whose time at Toyo Eiwa was cut short to implement unfamiliar educational content by psychological illness; Eliza Spencer Large and methods in an environment of strict Christ- (1855-1933), whose husband was murdered ian evangelism. Later, Japanese and Canadian before her eyes in their residence and who later school administrators had to adjust to the engaged in a rancorous battle between male and increasingly rigid demands of the modern Japan- female missionaries that threatened the success ese educational system. As the school matured of the Methodist missionary enterprise in Japan;

2 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women and Agnes Wintemute Coates (1864-1945), 1925, when the formation of the United Church whose early vigorous efforts on behalf of the of Canada ended the WMS as a separate organi- mission were followed by long years of alien- zation. During those 44 years, the WMS ation and a lonely death in wartime Japan. The employed some 307 paid representatives: some paper draws on materials in the Toyo Eiwa 81 were appointed to the Japan mission, includ- Jogakuin archives1, on documents in the United ing Toyo Eiwa; another 81 were sent to the West Church of Canada Archives in Toronto2, on offi- China mission based in Szechwan Province; and cial histories of Toyo Eiwa Jogakuin3 and the about 142 worked in Canadian “home” missions Methodist missionary movement4 and on the located in Quebec, Ontario, British Columbia work of Canadian historians of gender and reli- and Alberta.8 gion.5 In each of these sources, the most reveal- The specific focus directed by the WMS on ing insights come from the letters, reports and Japan grew out of the activities of the broader deliberations of the missionaries and their Methodist community in Canada, and particular- Methodist supporters in Canada. ly the decision of the Wesleyan Methodist Church to focus on Japan as its first overseas II. The Woman’s Missionary Society in mission field from 1873.9 Led by Davidson Mac- Japan (1881-1925) donald and George Cochran, the Canadian The foundation, financial support, and leader- Methodist mission achieved significant success- ship of Toyo Eiwa Jogakko were the first and es in evangelizing young Japanese men during best-known international achievements of the the 1870s, but they felt hampered by the Woman’s Missionary Society (WMS) of the absence of women missionaries who could do Methodist Church of Canada. The WMS was the “work among the women that only women founded in 1881 in Hamilton, Ontario, in could do.”10 In the context of such appeals, it response to a growing wave of enthusiasm was not surprising that, of the four mission among Methodist women for active involvement activities discussed and approved at the inau- in the evangelical work of the Church, both at gural WMS meeting of November 1881, the sin- home and abroad.6 After general agreement to gle overseas proposal read specifically: “That we form a missionary society was reached at a engage to support a lady missionary to Japan.”11 meeting of the Central Missionary Board in June Just over a year later, Martha Cartmell arrived in 1880, a planning meeting held in April 1881 Japan to begin that work, and within three determined that the objectives of the society years, Toyo Eiwa Jogakko was in operation. would be “to engage the efforts of Christian Building on the success of Toyo Eiwa, the WMS women in the evangelization of heathen women founded a girls’ school at Shizuoka in 1887 and and children; to aid in sustaining female Mission- in Kofu, Yamanashi Prefecture, two years later. aries and Teachers, or other special laborers, in Other short-lived enterprises included an foreign or home fields; and to raise funds for the orphanage and two industrial schools in Kanaza- work.”7 Evangelical activities, at home and wa Prefecture and a school and kindergarten in abroad, were approved at the foundation meet- Nagano Prefecture. Wherever they worked, the ing of the WMS held at the Wesleyan Female WMS representatives held Bible and Sunday College in Hamilton on November 9, 1981. They school classes, helped the poor, and tended to remained the main focus of the society until the sick, striving in all activities to foster a

3 “Japanese Christian womanhood.”12 sentatives.15 At the society’s inaugural meeting, WMS missionaries, recruited through personal members contributed more than a thousand dol- recommendations and advertisements in church lars in 25-dollar life memberships. As its mem- publications, were required to be single, aged bership increased – to 26,741 in 1906 and 61,049 between 22 and 30 years, in good health, and in 1925 – so did its fundraising capacity. In its willing to serve for at least five years.13 (From lifetime, the WMS raised a total of more than 6.5 the mid-1890s, the minimum age was raised to million dollars; it had well over a million dollars 25.) Applicants who met the basic requirements in assets at dissolution in 1925. Although techni- were further screened by the society’s Board of cally subject to the General Board, the women Managers for their educational qualifications, guarded their decision-making powers and their work experience, moral character, and spiritual money carefully. Consequently, they were able commitment. After the establishment of the to expand operations in Japan, while paying rel- Methodist Training School in Toronto in 1894, atively generous salaries to the representatives. all prospective missionaries were required to For those stationed in Japan, annual salaries study there for at least a term. According to ranged between 500 and 750 dollars in the early Gagan, WMS missionary personnel were, on years, rising to between 750 and 900 dollars in average, significantly better educated than their the 1920s. Gagan notes that a missionary career Canadian peers, and the best educated were offered economic independence for unmarried, normally sent to Japan in consideration of the educated, middle-class women, who in some high cultural level of the Japanese and the elite cases sent back a portion of their earnings to status of the Eiwa schools.14 By the turn of the support family members in Canada. 20th century, the WMS actively sought women who were university graduates and proficient in III. Martha Cartmell: “standing alone” foreign languages. Among those recruited for Following its first formal meeting of Novem- the Japan mission after World War I, some 46% ber 1881, the WMS moved immediately to send had university degrees, notably from Mt. Allison its own representative to Japan. The November University (in Sackville, New Brunswick) and issue of Missionary Outlook carried an adver- Victoria University (in Toronto). Nearly a quar- tisement (“A Young Lady is Wanted! To Japan”), ter of those sent to Japan had some musical urging those interested to write to the WMS cor- training. About 184, or 60% of all WMS mission- responding secretary, Elizabeth Strachan.16 aries came from Ontario, birthplace of the soci- Already, however, Martha Cartmell, who had ety; about 64, or just over 20%, were from the participated actively in the establishment of the Maritime provinces, especially Nova Scotia. In WMS, was the favored candidate. Minutes of the the opening decades of the 20th century, a signif- Board of Management meeting held on Decem- icant number were daughters, granddaughters, ber 6, 1881, to discuss the proposed Japan mis- or widows of Methodist ministers or Church per- sion, note that a Mrs. Clark moved that Cartmell sonnel. be asked to go17, and successive meetings dis- One further characteristic of the WMS should cussed the handling of funds to support one or be noted: its financial power and de facto inde- two representatives. At the first annual meeting pendence of the General Board of Missions, of the WMS held at Centenary Church, Hamil- which was male-run and hired the male repre- ton, in September 1882, Cartmell was confirmed

4 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women as the first representative to Japan. Aged 37, men, many of whom were later baptized. But Cartmell was older than the guidelines called Cartmell was convinced that the most effective for, but she was a person of great personal piety, way of evangelizing Japanese women was an active member of Hamilton’s Methodist com- through the establishment of a girls’ school that munity, a founding member of the WMS, and a would permit ongoing interaction between cousin of Strachan, its corresponding secre- Christian teachers, the pupils, and their families. tary.18 Cartmell was also an experienced educa- In the summer of 1883, when the General Mis- tor: after graduating in arithmetic and French sion bought land in a “healthful and desirable from a girls’ normal school in Toronto, she had location”22 of Tokyo to build its boys’ school, begun teaching at a public girls’ school in Hamil- Macdonald offered to secure the adjacent plot ton in 1865 and was later promoted to principal. for the WMS. Cartmell accepted instantly – and Cartmell’s selection as WMS representative to then informed the WMS of the thousand-dollar Japan was heralded in Hamilton. Church mem- commitment. Such was the trust in Cartmell and bers and friends showered her with gifts, togeth- the support for the school she was planning to er with expressions of admiration and build that the WMS President, Sarah Gooder- sympathy.19 After weeks of careful preparations, ham, arranged for funds to be sent immediate- Cartmell departed with trunks of clothing, ly.23 Although the original plan was for a day shoes, books, and jewelry as well as a desk, school, Cartmell had come to believe that a chest, bedding, cooking utensils, and a coal-oil boarding school, “where girls could be kept stove. Arrangements were also made to send an under constant Christian influences,”24 would be organ. The trip took Cartmell to Buffalo, New necessary. Throughout 1884 she oversaw con- York, where she met the American missionaries struction of a school building that would house who were to act as her chaperones for the jour- two missionaries and about 50 students, includ- ney by train to San Francisco and across the ing 24 boarders. She worked on the proposed Pacific in the steamer, City of Tokio. Two days curriculum and on the submission of documents after Christmas 1882, Cartmell disembarked at to the governor of Tokyo. Since foreigners were Yokohama. She had turned 38 earlier in the not permitted to own land or school, a company month. (It was a sign of future troubles that of four Japanese Methodist ministers was set up even before she left the United States, Cartmell by four Japanese Methodist ministers, of whom was burdened with homesickness and doubts one was designated “school owner (kõshu).” about her own abilities.20) Once in Tokyo, how- In October 1884, Toyo Eiwa Jogakko opened ever, she met members of the Canadian with Cartmell as principal; it was located at No. Methodist General Board of Missions – married 14 Toriizaka, next to the similar-sounding Toyo men with families – and spent her first days in Eiwa Gakko, which the Canadian Methodist the Tsukiji home of mission leader Davidson General Board of Missions had opened for boys Macdonald. that same year with George Cochran as princi- As WMS representative, Cartmell served dili- pal.25 Although the girls’ school had only two gently, studying Japanese, helping in Sunday students (housed in temporary quarters) on school and women’s groups at Macdonald’s opening day, Cartmell wrote to the WMS in April Tsukiji Church, and visiting the sick.21 She also 1885 that she had at least 35 students and was held English Bible classes for a group of young expecting more; for this reason, she requested

5 funds to build a dining-room and kitchen, with missionary movement. Updates on the school rooms above, in the summer.26 In July, she wrote were published frequently in publications such that the projected enrolment increases made it as Missionary Outlook, and the story of its likely that tuition and other fees would cover the foundation was included in every overview of salaries of the Japanese teachers, while at the Methodist missionary achievement in Asia. Vol- same time repeating her request for support to ume 2 of The Story of the Years, written in expand the school facilities.27 For its part, the 1909 by WMS member Harriett Platt, described WMS advertised the achievements of the school the progress of the school in detail and praised in order to elicit donations that could be used the achievements of “our wise, refined and con- for capital expenses and for sending additional secrated Miss Martha J. Cartmell,” especially missionary representatives to the school. during “the two years in which she stood alone Cartmell designed a progressive and challeng- and laid the foundation of our work in Japan.” 30 ing curriculum that included Japanese and Eng- Fruits of Christian Missions in Japan, pub- lish languages, mathematics, science (especially lished by the United Church of Canada in 1930, biology), and history. As the school grew, so did carried an illustrated description of Toyo Eiwa its offerings. The first meeting of the Board of inside the back cover. Echoing Platt’s words, it Directors held at the school in 1891 focused paid special tribute was Cartmell:31 almost exclusively on reports on the “course of It was late in the year 1882 that Miss study” and approved the hiring of teachers for Cartmell of Hamilton, Ontario, was sent by koto, embroidery, sewing, piano, organ, “Japan- the Woman’s Missionary Society of the ese kokugo”, science, and pedagogy.28 The edu- Methodist Church, Canada, in response to cational program was gradually lengthened to the request that had come for women mis- include primary and middle school sections, and sionaries for the Japan work from Dr. Mac- a three-year pre-college program, which the donald and Dr. Cochran. They had won 1909 Board of Directors minutes referred to as response from the Japanese men but it was the “crown of the whole curriculum.”29 Religious impossible to get access to their homes. instruction included daily Bible classes as well There was work that only women could do. as compulsory attendance at Sunday worship The story of the first two years in which services. Pupils were also encouraged to take Miss Cartmell, standing alone, laid the foun- part in Christian outreach, visiting poor families dations of the Canadian Woman’s work in in the Azabu area. In addition, a number of low- Japan, is one that will live forever in the life income pupils who were given scholarships to of the Christian Church. Though not strong study at the school, often as boarders; after physically, and hampered of course by graduation they were expected to spend two insufficient knowledge of the language, she years as Bible teachers. had an eminent fitness of character and As Toyo Eiwa developed into a successful and consecration of life that attracted those well-respected school, Methodist accounts of its who came in touch with her and won for history came to stress the providential and hero- herself, as well as for her Master, the love ic nature of its foundation. Cartmell’s achieve- and allegiance of many, some of whom are ment was celebrated as a cause of pride, not just still here and speak of her with deep affec- for the WMS but also for the entire Methodist tion and gratitude, though thirty-four years

6 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women

have passed since her enforced retirement the ferocity of the wind and rain: “I sang hymns from the field. to make things a little more cheery, and to Included in such testimonials was an acknowl- strengthen my own heart.”33 Learning later that edgement of the heavy toll that the foundation hardly a house in the neighborhood had escaped of Toyo Eiwa had taken on Cartmell’s health and damage and that the dining room of the Toyo wellbeing. Intellectually gifted and inspired by Eiwa boys’ school had been reduced to “a heap the highest level of evangelical and educational of ruins,” Cartmell felt as if “I could hardly cheer commitment, Cartmell was also sensitive, social- myself up after such a catastrophe.” ly withdrawn, and filled with self-doubts that Yet the stress caused by natural disasters – haunted her even before she arrived in Japan. At the typhoon was followed by a fire on October 6 a personal level, intercultural exchange did not and earthquakes on October 10 and 16 – did not come easily: especially in her early days in compare to the deep sense of spiritual empti- Japan, she encountered difficulties with Japan- ness that threatened to overwhelm Cartmell. On ese food, felt keenly her inadequacies in Japan- October 8, the day after the dedication of the ese language, and confessed to a separation school chapel, she wrote:34 from Japanese culture:32 [In] the midst of the secular cares that Few can realize the sense of utter help- consume time and energy at present my lessness and inability to do anything that heart feels hungry. When you pray for mis- oppresses a missionary entering a new field. sionaries, don’t forget that those who are Everything is strange, you are separated grappling with the language, and the wives from those you wish to attract to yourself and children who have not had an opportu- by race prejudices, habits and customs, nity to learn it, get very little spiritual food which if not respected widen the breach, in the native services. I felt this so much and more particularly by the language. yesterday at the dedication of the chapel – Although treated kindly by the married Canadi- so much to distract the attention. I under- an missionaries (such as Macdonald) and their stood the text, but received few ideas from families, Cartmell spoke of no particularly close the sermon. Listening for familiar words friendships in her first year. Above all, “standing and the hunt through memory for the Eng- alone” as the only WMS representative in Japan, lish do not inspire devotion. she found the responsibilities associated with Cartmell had been much encouraged by the setting up the new school draining rather than decision of the WMS Board in October 1884 to exhilarating. send Eliza Spencer, an experienced teacher, as Like many other educated women of her gen- its second representative in Japan: “I am so eration, Cartmell expressed her feelings in writ- eager to know about Miss Spencer....Her arrival ten communications – in her case, to friends and will make quite a different world to me.”35 supporters in Canada. For example, in a series Indeed, Spencer, a 30-year-old former teacher of letters dated September 15 through October from Paris, Ontario, who reached Tokyo in Feb- 20, 1884, she described the stressful weeks lead- ruary 1885, proved to be energetic, companion- ing up to the school’s opening, beginning with a able, and positive about her Japanese living catastrophic typhoon on September 15. Alone in environment. But neither Spencer’s support nor the new girls’ building, Cartmell was terrified by the obvious success of the school relieved Cart-

7 mell’s stress. At the end of summer 1885, she Spencer had been concerned about Cartmell was forced to take a period of rest at the spa since her first days in Japan. On arrival in March town of Miyanoshita, near Hakone, leaving 1885, she had written to the WMS: “From the Spencer to take over as school principal. She prospect of things, I did not get here any too recovered sufficiently to make a brief return in soon; poor Miss C. has too much on her the autumn, but her condition rapidly worsened hands.”41 In September she wrote to Strachan, and she was obliged to seek refuge again in Cartmell’s cousin and WMS corresponding sec- Miyanoshita. Cartmell spent the following year retary, that she had long worried that Cartmell in a vain effort to restore her health while main- “was doing more than most persons could do taining correspondence with the WMS in Cana- without injury to their health.”42 da.36 In February 1887, the Executive Commit- Spencer had tried vainly to get Cartmell to rest: tee of the WMS Board considered her letter of You who know her so well, will understand resignation with “deepest sympathy” and how hard it is for her to be idle, more espe- resolved not to accept it “unless her health cially here, where the work presses on makes it absolutely necessary.”37 The Committee every hand until you long for more heads was later informed that Cartmell had returned and hands, and for days twice as long. The home on May 28. desire to talk with the people leads one to In correspondence to WMS leaders and others forget that in the study of the language in Canada, both Cartmell and Spencer tried to much strength is exhausted. explain – for themselves as well as their readers Learning from Cartmell during a summer trip, – Cartmell’s illness in the context of the psycho- however, that “her head still troubled her,” logical burden of the work in Japan. Each raised Spencer had persuaded Cartmell to seek med- similar themes: the sheer volume of work, the ical help. It was this consultation that led to stress of using and studying a foreign language, Cartmell’’s first period of rest at Miyanshita. On and the ill-defined “head trouble.” Writing in Christmas Day 1885, Spencer informed the WMS September 1885 to break the news of her illness of Cartmell’s return to work, subsequent to relatives and friends, Cartmell revealed that relapse, and second convalescence stay at she had been struggling with the condition for Miyanoshita:43 some time: “I worried myself trying to prove it The trial of being laid aside from active was not true, or, if true, to find some excuse. My work has been a great one; the burden rest- distress was so great I was afraid I would bring ed heavily for a long time; of late there has upon myself the worst form of head trouble.”38 been a perfect resignation and waiting for Although she begged her countrywomen not to the Master’s will to be made known. blame overwork as the cause of her illness, Cart- As I write I feel how poorly my words can mell referred repeatedly to the exhausting make you understand the matter. No one demands of the Japan mission, noting that peo- can understand the way in which this head ple in Canada “could hardly know how the work trouble acts, unless they have seen it in takes hold of head and heart.”39 She urged them some one. not to worry about her, adding grimly: “It is Cartmell experienced her illness and inability enough for me to see first the darkest side, and to work as a spiritual as well as a physical crisis. all the awful probabilities and possibilities.”40 She felt deep distress and guilt about her

8 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women enforced withdrawal to Canada in 1887. She Spencer’s perceived importance to Toyo Eiwa returned to the Japan mission in 1892, focusing that she was permitted to remain as a full-time, on pastoral work rather than education, but left paid missionary in charge of the school.46 And in 1895, ostensibly to look after her ailing sister despite some malicious gossip surrounding the but probably more because of poor health. Cart- wedding in the Tokyo missionary community, mell spent her later years in Hamilton, living the Rev. Large moved into the girls’ school to with her cousins. She died in Hamilton in March live with his wife. Their daughter Kate was born 1945, aged 99. Although she continued to blame in 1889. herself for failing to endure the stresses of life in At Toyo Eiwa Jogakko, Eliza Spencer Large Japan, she remained an active, much honored thus appeared to enjoy a life that most women supporter of the Japan mission. Indeed, rather of her generation – in Japan or in Canada – than diminish her reputation, Cartmell’s person- could not aspire to: she pursued a satisfying al difficulties became part of a missionary narra- career as a respected principal, supported by a tive that emphasized the exceptional challenges loving husband and blessed with a child. This of living and working in Japan. I will return to changed on the night of April 4, 1890, when two this point in the Conclusion. masked men broke into the school residence and murdered Alfred Large in a vicious sword IV. Eliza Spencer Large: Violence and attack; Eliza was seriously injured. In its account Conflict of “The Tragedy at the Toyo Gakko,” the Japan When Cartmell left Japan in 1887, the work of Weekly Mail reported that the intruders had leading Toyo Eiwa Jogakko fell to a growing broken into the school shortly after 11:00 p.m., number of new WMS recruits, including and demanded that the night watchman hand Spencer, two daughters of the General Board over the keys to the safe.47 Inexplicably, the missionary Cochran, a young Agnes Wintemute, watchman led them upstairs to the Large bed- who had arrived in 1886 from St. Thomas, room and disappeared. Eliza woke and asked the Ontario, and Hannah Lund of Woodstock, two intruders what they wanted (“nan deska”); Ontario. Oldest of the group and principal of the one answered that they had business (“yoji-ga- school since the autumn of 1885, Spencer was aru”). Woken by the exchange, Alfred jumped the undisputed leader.44 She had been chosen to his feet and attempted barehanded to force by the WMS in preference to other candidates the two sword-wielding attackers out of the specifically because of her training as a teacher45 room. He had pushed one into the corridor and and in contrast with the anxious tone of Cart- almost over the balustrade when the attacks of mell’s writings, her letters and reports reflected the other disabled him. Alfred died on the spot competent and confident management. Spencer of many wounds – detailed gruesomely in the was also more outgoing socially. In July 1887, newspaper account – to his head, heart, and just months after Cartmell’s departure, she mar- shoulder. Eliza, who had placed herself between ried the Rev. Alfred Large (1859-1890), who was the attacker and her husband in a vain attempt several years younger and a General Board mis- to protect him, also received life-threatening sionary teacher at the Toyo Eiwa boys’ school. wounds. Undaunted, she instructed the fearful Although WMS rules stipulated that representa- Misses Nellie and Lizzie Hart, who occupied sin- tives give up paid work upon marriage, such was gle rooms along the same corridor, to minister to

9 her dead husband and then to stem the bleeding apparent in the relationship between the two from her own injuries. She lost two fingers as a branches of the Canadian Methodist missionary result of the attack, and was left with a terrible community in Japan: the WMS, which sponsored gash on her face. The assailants were never the female paid representatives, and the General caught. Board which appointed the men and which over- These shocking events, detailed in the Japan- saw the entire Canadian Methodist mission ese press and relayed to Canada, unnerved the activity.55 Although the two groups had original- school community, foreigners in Japan, and ly enjoyed close informal relationships, their Methodists everywhere. As a result of the unfa- organizations had formalized along separate vorable publicity, enrolments at Toyo Eiwa lines. Differences emerged, especially over the dropped.48 There was much discussion about questions of whether and under what circum- whether the attacks were prompted by anti-for- stances the WMS women should help the Gener- eign or anti-Christian sentiment, or whether an al Board men. Although later interpretations of unprotected foreign girls’ school in an expensive what came to be known in Canadian Methodist part of the city was simply an obvious target for circles as the “Imbroglio” or “Japan Affair” dif- robbers. The Christian community in Tokyo fered, all accepted that it was basically a conflict chose to emphasize the latter49, but subsequent over gender roles. The men clung to a notion – histories of the mission movement recounted already becoming outmoded among their Cana- the incident in the context of the particular, and dian peers—that the women (their spouses as usually unrecognized, difficulties of the Japan well as the WMS representatives) were responsi- mission.50 Cartmell warned Canadians against an ble for supporting them in various pastoral activ- overly “romantic and sentimental” view of ities. The WMS representatives resisted their Japan.51 demands. Eliza Large was widely commended for her As the most senior WMS representative and heroism and offered a year’s furlough in Canada the widow of a General Board missionary, Large to recover.52 Isabella Blackmore (1863-1942) might have been expected to play a mediating took over as third principal. The Story of the role. Instead, she led the WMS representatives Years, ever sympathetic to the WMS representa- in defying the men, defending WMS autonomy tives, recorded: “The home-coming of Mrs. and professionalism in increasingly strident Large, though sad, accomplished a great deal for terms. Between 1891 and 1895, a series of dis- our Society. She bravely took her place in the putes erupted between the two groups. Each annual meetings and pleaded for Japan, the land leveled bitter accusations at the other and filed of her adoption; the scarred face and maimed complaints with their respective boards in Cana- hand adding to the pathos of her appeal.”53 By da. At various times, the WMS forbade its mem- the end of the year, however, stress had taken bers to communicate with certain of the male its toll, and Large spent several weeks at Clifton missionaries. The women continued the battle, Springs Sanitarium, near Rochester, New York.54 indignant (as they explained in a later defense In July 1891, she returned with Kate to Toyo of their actions) that Eiwa Jogakko as teacher, though no longer prin- ...a band of women, mostly experienced in cipal. various lines of Christian work before leav- By the time of Large’s return, strains were ing home, should be so lacking in strength

10 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women

of character as to submit to unjust treat- let loose to rend and destroy the church.”60 The ment of themselves or stand passively by outcome of the tribunal added a final blow to and see it imposed on others, or should be Large’s career as WMS representative in Japan.61 so lacking in integrity as to refrain from Most of the women missionaries in Japan sup- expressing conscientious convictions on all ported Large fiercely, and Blackmore especially vital points.56 continued to fight for her reinstatement at Toyo The personal attacks on Large were particu- Eiwa. Large herself insisted that God was calling larly harsh, even when couched in seemingly her to Japan. sympathetic terms. Often, her emotional stabili- Although the WMS leadership was sympathet- ty was questioned. One male antagonist suggest- ic to Large’s situation, the most senior members ed to Large – in a letter that arrived on the of the Church in Canada resisted. Frustrated anniversary of her husband’s death – that “the over the impasse, WMS President Sarah Gooder- phantom that has embittered your life is ‘self- ham resigned, and in 1897 accompanied Large protection.’ As a lone lady in a hard world this on a trip to Japan. In 1898, Large was named has formed one of the chief elements of your resident missionary for the world organization of anxiety.”57 Even among the women, there were the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. After rumors that Large had mistreated some of the difficult (and often unrewarding) efforts to con- younger WMS representatives. On several occa- trol alcohol abuse and prostitution in Japan, sions, Large submitted her resignation; each Large retired in 1901 to Orrtanna, near Gettys- time the WMS refused to accept it. burg, Pennsylvania, where, in her 56th year, she In 1895, as the entire Canadian Methodist began a new life as a fruit farmer. In 1909, in enterprise in Japan threatened to implode, the response to her repeated petitions, the WMS WMS and the General Board of Missions recalled awarded her a pension in view of her difficult Large and two senior male missionaries, F.A. economic circumstances. Although WMS publi- Cassidy and Charles S. Eby, to Canada for a full cations continued to praise Large’s contributions investigation. Following extensive hearings that to Toyo Eiwa Jogakko and avoided linking her revealed much painful truth, a tribunal voted name to the Imbroglio, Large was unforgiving. reluctantly to suspend all three from their posi- She blamed the WMS as well as the General tions in the Japan mission. (A separate inquiry Board for wrecking her life and that of her by the WMS had already revealed that Large had daughter Kate. Large died in Pennsylvania in used hypnosis on some of the women represen- 1933, her 78th year.62 tatives and had confined one, Hannah Lund, to her room with only bread and water because she V. Agnes Wintemute Coates: Moving feared she might have diphtheria. Lund died in Away 1894 while on home leave in Canada.58) One of Eliza Large’s most outspoken female Although later official histories insisted that critics during the Imbroglio was (Sarah) Agnes there was “no stain on the character of any of Wintemute Coates, her former subordinate at the missionaries,”59 the very public dissension Toyo Eiwa and since 1893 the wife of a General inflicted serious damage on the Canadian Board missionary.63 Wintemute, whose intelli- Methodist mission in Japan. A distraught Martha gence, independence, and feisty sense of pur- Cartmell wrote: “It seems as if Satan had been pose rivaled Large’s own, was named overseas

11 missionary of the WMS in 1886 and assigned to carriage through a “simply charming” landscape. work at Toyo Eiwa.64 When she arrived in Sep- Arriving at the school by jinrikisha a little after tember of that year, Cartmell was in poor health, one, Wintemute was greeted by the more than while Large was school principal and the domi- 130 enrolled pupils and then taken to her room: nant WMS personality. Like Cartmell and Large, I may say...it is beyond my expectations; Wintemute was a trained teacher. In fact, she and I am sure that if all the ladies at home had the highest level of formal education among could see it they would be well satisfied and the three, having followed her normal school glad they had gone to the expense. There is studies in Ontario with a Mistress of Liberal Arts a beautiful view, from the front balcony of degree from Alma College, a Methodist women’s the third story, of the ocean in the distance, academy in St. Thomas. She had taught for a with the surrounding hills and the slope year in a country school in Ontario when she between dotted with buildings. Looking at was 18 and had been offered a teaching job at the city from there you would think it was Alma College on graduation. Just 21 when she built in the middle of a lovely forest. was appointed in April 1886, she was also the After more enthusiastic comment, Wintemute youngest of the three on arrival in Japan. concluded: “I hope you will not get tired reading Unlike Cartmell, who had been beset by self- this letter. You must tell me if the letters are not doubt throughout her journey to Japan, Winte- interesting, and I shall be glad to shorten them. mute was apparently able to throw off her anxi- AGGIE” eties and enjoy the trip.65 She wrote what the Wintemute worked at Toyo Eiwa for almost Missionary Outlook called “a racy description” three years, teaching arithmetic, English, physi- of her trip across the United States, including a cal education, and sewing.68 (She moved to Kofu visit to Chinatown in San Francisco.66 Her youth- in 1889, at age 25, as founding principal of the ful enthusiasm was evident in her detailed Yamanashi Eiwa school, and was thus not a wit- account of her arrival in Japan.67 In a letter ness to the murder of Alfred Large.) During her signed simply “Aggie” (rather than the custom- time at Toyo Eiwa, Wintemute updated the ary “A. Wintemute” or even “Agnes Winte- readers of Missionary Outlook regularly on the mute”), Wintemute described the “jabbering” pupils’ and her own progress. Her comments, Chinese steerage passengers at Yokohama and concrete and good-humored, reflected an even- the Japanese couple “who had left all their tempered sense of her own limitations and an clothes at home.” She noted that other Japanese appreciation of the intercultural exchanges people wore “straw suits...very much the shape offered by her work in Japan. In early summer of the fur capes our ladies wear at home in the 1887, after about nine months in Japan, Winte- winter” and declared them to be “a very bar- mute attended a service at the boys’ school in barous looking costume.” She was delighted to which six boys, six Toyo Eiwa girls, and one be met at Yokohama by Cartmell and Cochran, “quite old lady” were baptized: “It was a very was fascinated by the jinrikisha, and was interesting service, although I could not under- impressed by the fine homes in the foreign sec- stand much of what was said.”69 By contrast, her tion of Yokohama. After an overnight stay at pupil, Yoshi Hasegawa was “a perfect little mar- Yokohama, she enjoyed “immensely” the train vel at learning English, and she does very well in journey to Tokyo, riding in an English-style box her music also...I think you can make her under-

12 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women stand almost anything you want.” On August 11, Methodist community that she would participate 1887, while summering in Karuizawa (“Usui in evangelical work on a voluntary basis. There Yoge, Usui Gori Machi, Gumba Ken”), Winte- is no indication that Coates at this point resent- mute reviewed her year of service with charac- ed the different treatment she had received rela- teristic optimism:70 tive to Large. In fact, the two had fallen out of Day by day I have learned new lessons; friendship even before the Coates wedding, and and I am sure that the knowledge I myself their relationship became increasingly bitter have received, is tenfold more than what I during the Imbroglio: Large led the charge for have imparted to others....There have been the WMS women, while the new Mrs. Coates was trials, different in kind to those I had identified with the men.73 expected, yet none the less hard to bear; But Agnes’s life was to take more unexpected but the pleasures have been so many more turns. During her first decade or more of mar- that I would rather speak of them. The riage, she carried out the duties of missionary work in the schoolroom has been very wife with enthusiasm. After his work at the boys’ pleasant indeed, especially the last term, school ended in 1895, Harper worked until 1905 which I enjoyed exceedingly. at the Methodist Central Tabernacle in Hongo, The unexplained trials to which Wintemute taught philosophy at Aoyama Gakuin from 1905 referred may have included the negative rumors to 1916, and then resumed evangelistic work that had circulated in the missionary community from a base in Hamamatsu until his death in about Eliza Spencer and Alfred Large, who had 1934. For her part, Agnes held mothers’ meet- been married in the previous month. Wintemute ings, conducted cooking and sewing classes, had defended the couple, writing in her diary: “I wrote articles, and taught Sunday School – all really did not think that Christian people could the while raising her six children, born between be capable of getting up such detestable gossip 1895 and 1906.74 In 1902, in order to provide as I have reason to believe from to-day’s disclo- education for her growing family, she helped to sures is being started in this compound.”71 After found a small school that was later to become less than a year in the field, Wintemute was The American School in Japan.75 Gradually, already showing the independent thinking and however, Agnes became frustrated with the Mis- critical attitude toward missionary culture that sion Board’s unwillingness to recognize her con- was to characterize her later life. tribution in more tangible ways, including finan- Wintemute’s career as WMS representative cial assistance for the children’s education.76 For ended in 1893 with her own marriage in Canada economic and emotional reasons, she took the to Harper Havelock Coates (1865-1934), a Gen- children to Canada in 1913 and stayed for five eral Board missionary who had taught at the years while they attended school. She lived out- Toyo Eiwa boys’ school since arrival in Japan in side Japan again from 1921 to 1926, inviting 1892.72 Unlike Spencer, who was considered so much criticism from the Japan missionary com- important to the mission that the WMS had con- munity for abandoning Harper and the mission tinued her employment at Toyo Eiwa after mar- work. riage, Agnes Wintemute Coates returned to The move away from Japan marked the begin- Japan in 1894 as the unpaid spouse of a General ning of a series of separations and new depar- Board missionary, bearing the expectation of the tures for Agnes Coates. She sought emotional

13 distance from Harper, and the couple inhabited enly thought that she had joined the Baha’i separate worlds even when she was in Japan.77 faith.82 Harper continued his evangelical work from After Harper died in 1934, Agnes Coates Hamamatsu; Agnes taught English and domestic moved to Tokyo in order to concentrate on her science at various schools, mostly in Tokyo, work in nutrition. She maintained her decades- while at the same time pursuing a growing inter- long association with the journalist-educator est in nutrition.78 Her aim was to improve the Hani Motoko (1873-1957) and taught for some Japanese diet by incorporating good aspects of time at Jiyu Gakuen, the progressive school Western nutrition. (For many years she worked founded by Hani and her spouse Yoshikazu. hard to promote the use of peanuts and peanut Increasingly, however, Coates identified herself butter.) The work in nutrition was a prototype uncritically with Japan and Japanese culture. As for her larger goal: the promotion of mutual international concern grew over Japan’s military understanding between East and West. As early expansion in China, Coates, despite her pacifist as 1919, Agnes had written to her son Willson: “I convictions, attempted to explain and defend feel like devoting myself to that with the same Japan to friends, family and mission associates.83 earnestness & devotion that Papa feels about his After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, she preaching.”79 decided, against the wishes of her children, to The family and associates of Agnes and Harp- remain in Japan in order to help create an er Coates were most shocked by the spiritual atmosphere conducive to peace. Coates assured transformation that underpinned her new inter- her daughter Carol that “there is no place where ests. The couple had long shared an apprecia- they take as good care of their aged as in tion of non-Christian religions. In 1930, as he Japan.”84 For a while, Japanese friends helped approached the end of his career, Harper pub- her get food and other necessities, but as the lished a well-respected study of the Buddhist war dragged on, she was placed under surveil- monk Honen. Following his wishes, a Buddhist lance and the sources of support faded. Despite memorial service was held in 1935 to mark the further appeals by her children, communicated first anniversary of his death. Willson Coates through the Red Cross, to leave Japan, Coates insisted, however, that Harper never doubted remained. Her health broken by the wretched the superiority of Christianity over other faiths.80 living circumstances, she died in June 1945 at Agnes moved further than her husband, separat- the age of 81 in a temporary hospital in the ing herself in turn from missionary activities, grounds of the Nikolai Cathedral in Tokyo.85 from Methodism, and eventually from main- stream Christianity itself. In the mid-1920s, after VI. Conclusion exploring new and unorthodox ideas such as This paper has offered vignettes of three New Thought and Theosophy, she joined the lit- Canadian women – Martha Cartmell, Eliza tle-known Sabian Assembly, a California-based Spencer Large, and Agnes Wintemute Coates – group that contained elements of both.81 How who traveled to Japan in the 1880s as paid rep- long or how actively she associated with the resentatives of the Canadian WMS. For about Sabian Assembly is unclear, but her family and half a year from September 1886, all three lived friends believed that she had rejected Christiani- and worked together at Toyo Eiwa Jogakko in ty. The missionary community in Japan mistak- Azabu. All made an important contribution to

14 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women the establishment of girls’ Christian education in cal illness during her two periods of service in modern Japan. The experiences of these women Japan and even after her retirement faced con- can be fruitfully examined from various perspec- tinuing health problems. Honored and sustained tives, including gender studies, the history of by her church friends, however, Cartmell filled religion, and the history of girls’ education in the remainder of her long life with activities on Japan. The focus of this paper, however, is on behalf of WMS and the Japan mission. Eliza the personal costs of international missionary Spencer Large was less fortunate. For the all- work for the three women. too-brief duration of her marriage, she experi- As they embarked upon their careers in enced what most women of her generation could Japan, Cartmell, Large, and Coates had much in not: a loving husband, a baby daughter, and a common. All were middle-class Ontario women, well-paying, professional position. But the rever- better educated than most Canadian women of sal in her circumstances was extreme: Alfred’s their day and with professional training and murder in 1890 left her psychologically scarred experience as teachers. More importantly, all and the single mother of a one-year-old child. In three were intelligent, thoughtful, and keenly subsequent feuds with the General Board mis- religious women who believed they had been sionaries, she became the target of harsh criti- called by God to evangelize the Japanese people cism and gossip. Her recall from WMS service in through the education of girls. At Toyo Eiwa 1895 took away not only income but also the Jogakko, Cartmell, Large, and Coates were professional and social responsibilities that had engaged in a shared enterprise that brought sim- so energized her. That Large spent her final ilar challenges and rewards. At a personal level, years as a Pennsylvania fruit farmer suggests the each had to set about learning Japanese, adapt- downward spiral of her life after Toyo Eiwa ing to a foreign culture, enduring separation Jogakko. Finally, Agnes Wintermute Coates from family and homeland, and making new absorbed important lessons of intercultural friendships and relationships in the Japan mis- exchange as WMS representative at Toyo Eiwa sion community. There were also significant and went on to develop an interest in non-Chris- professional challenges and opportunities, even tian religions and non-Western cultural prac- for a veteran educator such as Cartmell. Not tices. In the process, the woman who had left only did they teach a range of subjects to their paid WMS service for marriage, six children, and non-native English speaking pupils, but each voluntary participation in Methodist missionary served as school principal, Cartmell and Large at activities gradually separated herself from all of Toyo Eiwa and Coates at Yamanashi Eiwa. A them. From the 1930s, Coates identified so final common point is that, for each of these strongly with Japanese culture that she felt women, the end of their missionary career by no compelled to defend Japanese military aggres- means marked the end of purposeful activity. sion in China. Following the Pearl Harbor Decades of life experience followed. attacks, she chose to spend the war years in It was in the years after their WMS service Japan, ignoring pleas from her children to leave. that the life courses of the three women, once Her lonely death in Tokyo in the closing months neatly parallel, diverged sharply. By disposition, of the war underscored the extent of her alien- Cartmell was not well suited to overseas mis- ation from family, faith, and homeland. sionary work. She struggled against psychologi- Some recent studies of Canadian missionary

15 women have stressed the emancipating role of Japanese have become “the people,” which paid overseas work. While recognizing the diffi- fact is daily emphasized as we go about the culties faced by WMS representatives, Rosemary streets.... R. Gagan wrote of women’s missionary work as We hear so much at home about the “a vehicle for their liberation,” arguing that it refinement of the Japanese people-the pic- provided a “singular opportunity for ambitious turesqueness of their homes and costumes unmarried Canadian women who preferred, and, above all, of their cleanliness as a race. either permanently or temporarily, a profession- We arrive here to find, not that there is no al career to the Victorian ideal of domesticity.”86 culture or refinement it is true, but that it Ridout quoted a more nuanced characterization exists very exclusively among the wealthier that sees overseas missionary experience as “a upper classes of society.... complex pattern of opportunity and con- ...We find that the people of this land are straint.”87 The life stories of Cartmell, Large and not, as a general thing, waiting with out- Coates suggest that it is prudent not to overesti- stretched hands for the gospel. There is mate the liberating qualities of missionary expe- much dislike and distrust of the foreigner to rience. While work in an international environ- be met and overcome....We are from the ment such as Toyo Eiwa Jogakko offered valu- beginning on the outside of the Japanese able opportunities and rewards, it could also be life, and to a certain extent must be content a demanding, stressful and even traumatic expe- to remain so. rience that disrupted lives and propelled them In 1905, while expressing pride and guarded in sharply different directions. optimism regarding the missionary effort in Did the difficulties faced by Cartmell, Large, Japan, the Canadian Methodist Arthur P. Addi- and Coates reflect primarily their individual cir- son did not gloss over the difficulties in his his- cumstances, or were broader factors in play? tory of the Methodist mission work in Japan. Responding to the experiences of their Japan- After noting the “waves of destructive criticism” based missionary personnel, Canadian against Christianity and the uncertainties of a Methodists developed a narrative that empha- yet-unresolved Russo-Japanese war, Addison sized the particular, though little recognized, returned to the particular challenges for mis- difficulties presented by Japan, their first over- sionaries who are “away from home, from the seas mission field. In July 1893, M. Abbie inspiration of their friends and their councils, Veasey, who was nearing the end of her first from the cheer of the mother-tongue, save in year’s service, wrote of the difficulties of adjust- their own homes, surrounded by heathenism, ing to Japanese life:88 with its heart-sickening sights and sounds, in a We find ourselves at our coming landed climate very enervating and hard on the on the other side of the globe and, as it nerves.”89 On the physical and cultural climate, were, upon our heads....So many of our Addison borrowed the words of former mission- cherished ideas must suffer a complete rev- ary Eby to explain:90 olution. For instance, at home we are “the When you come to live in that country people” and all other nations are to us “for- (Japan) you feel that in the atmosphere, eigners.” Here, behold, we find ourselves with its lack of ozone, and among the peo- the “foreigners” while the hitherto foreign ple, you are giving out all the time, of body

16 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women

and mind and soul and morals, your religious scholar William Ernest Hocking sug- strength of every kind – is [in?] an everlast- gested that the difficulties encountered by WMS ing breathing out and out and getting noth- missionaries in Japan could be found in mission ing in from any source whatever. fields across the globe. Missionaries were urged The message of Japan as a difficult environ- to make efforts to avoid personality clashes and ment for foreign missionaries was expressed to look out carefully for psychological disorders. even more clearly by Harriet Platt in her telling Hocking urged higher salaries, better training, of the history of the WMS missionaries:91 proper rest time, and proper provision for the Of Japan as a mission field much has education of children. On unmarried missionar- been written that is true, and yet not the ies, Hocking wrote:92 whole truth. It is claimed that this is the The unmarried woman missionary pre- most desirable mission field in the world; sents a special problem. Many of them rep- that life and property are as safe there as at resent the highest values in the missionary home; that the climate is delightful, the field, and in general they appear to be con- people civilized, polite and kindly; that tented in their work and healthfully adjust- there are no hardships or privations; that a ed to their environment. Even a superficial halo of romance surrounds the work. This observation, however, reveals the fact that may all be true; our missionaries do not breakdown from emotional crises, the complain; but, strange to say, the only one development of neurasthenic states, and of our missionaries that ever suffered from even more serious disturbances are by no the hand of an assassin and would-be safe means infrequent. robber, is the Japan Mission. The climate is Some of the causes which lead to those fine, but to the foreign missionary it is ener- conditions are obvious. The abnormality of vating. The atmosphere lacks something the missionary’s life in a foreign land is that Canadians need. One of our missionar- accentuated, in the case of the unmarried ies was heard to remark, “I never seemed to woman, by the lack of family ties and get a good full breath while I was in Japan.” domestic responsibilities on the one hand, Japan is the home of the earthquake, the and of the social and recreational outlets of typhoon, the tidal wave, and all the erratic the professional woman in America on the forces of nature. All these things, with the other. There is little to shift the focus of her strain of over-work, make havoc of health attention from routine mission work, and and nerves, and more of our missionaries the consequence is a tendency to become have returned with shattered health from mission-centric in a dangerous degree. that field than from any other. Hocking’s comments suggest that the difficulties As others in the early 20th century missionary faced by Cartmell, Large, and Coates in their world recognized, however, the hardships faced Japan service were by no means unusual in the by the WMS representatives could not be attrib- late 19th and early 20th centuries. They also pre- uted solely to personal misfortune or the partic- saged the radical rethinking of employment con- ular challenges of Japan. In 1932, an internation- ditions for women missionaries and the nature al and interdenominational review of Christian of the mission movement itself that developed missions led by the eminent philosopher and across the world in the postwar era.

17 –––––––––––––––––––– frid Laurier University Press: 1990), pp. 18-34; 1 In particular, the records of the Tokyo Board of Gwen R. P. Norman, “One Hundred Years in Directors and copies of the letters and reports Japan” (unpub., 1979), pp. 64-65; The Heart of that appeared in Missionary Outlook, a maga- Japan, pp. 57-74, 153-55, 190-91; Fruits of zine published by the Methodist Church in Cana- Christian Missions in Japan, pp. 34-42, 69-70; da from 1881 to 1925. To¯yo¯Eiwa Jogakuin hyakunenshi, pp. 1-16. 2 United Church of Canada Archives (UCA), box 2, 10 The Story of the Years, vol. 2, p. 7. Board of Management, 1881-1918; Annual and 11 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, p. 8. Executive, 1881-1906. 12 The Story of the Years, p. 165. 3 Kanada Fujin Senky¯oshi Monogatari Hensan Iinkai 13 The social analysis of the WMS missionary (ed.), Kanada fujin senky¯oshi monogatariカナ recruits is based on Gagan, pp. 26-64. ダ 婦人宣教師物語 (Gakko Hojin Toyo Eiwa 14 As early as May 1884, a poem entitled “A Plea for Jogakuin, 2010); To¯yo¯ Eiwa Jogakuin Hyakunen- Japan” that appeared in the Methodist magazine shi Hensan Jikko¯ Iinkai (ed.), To¯yo¯ Eiwa Missionary Outlook (4:5, p. 74) called for con- Jogakuin hyakunenshi 東洋英和女学院百年史 tributions to the Japan missionary effort as fol- (Toyo Eiwa Jogakuin, 1983); Toyo Eiwa Jogakko¯ lows: “They are dwelling, Lord, uncared for / In Goju¯ nenshi Hensan Iinkai東洋英和女學校五十年 the far-off Asian seas / The women and the chil- 史編纂委員會(ed.), Toyoeiwa Jogakko¯ dren / Of the cultured Japanese. / Tho’ learned in goju¯ nenshi 東洋英和女學校五十年史 (Toyo art and science, / Deft of hand, and clear of brain Eiwa Jogakko, 1934). / Knowing not their Creator, / Other knowledge 4 Harriet L. Platt, The Story of the Years: A Histo- all is vain.” ry of the Woman’s Missionary Society of the 15 Gagan, pp. 21-23. Methodist Church, Canada, 1881 to 1906, 16 Outlook, vol. 2:11 (November 1882). Vol.1: Canada and Vol. 2: Beyond Seas (Toronto: 17 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, p. 10. Mrs. Clark may have Woman’s Missionary Society of the Methodist been Mrs. H. Clarke, of Hamilton. The Board of Church of Canada, 1908-09); Arthur P. Addison, Management (also called the Board of Managers) The Heart of Japan (Toronto: The Methodist consisted of about 12 WMS members who met Young People’s Forward Movement for Missions, several times a year to oversee the work of the 1905); The Missionaries of the United Church of WMS, including the appointment of missionary Canada in Japan, Fruits of Christian Missions representatives and handling of finances. in Japan (Toronto: The Woman’s Missionary 18 Kanada fujin senky¯oshi monogatari, pp. 18-31; Society of the United Church of Canada, 1930). To¯yo¯ Eiwa Jogakuin hyakunenshi, p. 48. 5 Especially Rosemary R. Gagan, Sensitive Inde- 19 Gagan, pp. 64-66; Norman, p. 65. pendence: Canadian Methodist Women Mis- 20 Gagan, p. 66. sionaries in Canada and the Orient, 1881- 21 On Cartmell’s early activities, culminating in the 1925 (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992); establishment of Toyo Eiwa, see To¯yo¯ Eiwa Katherine Ridout, “A Woman of Mission: The Jogakuin hyakunenshi, pp. 16-23; Kanada Religious and Cultural Odyssey of Agnes Winte- fujin senky¯oshi monogatari, pp. 22-24; The mute Coates,” Canadian Historical Review, Story of the Years, vol. 2, pp. 7-10; and Fruits of 71:2 (1990), pp. 208-44. Christian Missions, 70-71. 6 The Story of the Years, vol. 1, pp. 13-27; Gagan, 22 The Story of the Years, vol. 2, p. 9. pp. 9-25. 23 The Story of the Years, vol. 2, pp. 9-10. 7 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, no page number. 24 The Story of the Years, vol. 2, p. 9. 8 Gagan, pp. 4-5. 25 To¯yo¯ Eiwa Jogakuin hyakunenshi, pp. 23-28; 9 A Hamish Ion, The Cross and the Rising Sun: Norman, pp. 67-68; The Cross and the Rising The Canadian Protestant Missionary Move- Sun, pp. 126-29. In 1899 the Methodist mission ment in the Japanese Empire, 1872-1931 (Wil- gave up its control of the Toyo Eiwa boys’ school

18 Toyo Eiwa Jogakko as a Site of International Exchange: The Experiences of Three Canadian Methodist Women

as a result of restrictions on the teaching of reli- the Large incident but also to the general anti- gion in schools. foreign sentiment of the time; To¯yo¯ Eiwa 26 Missionary Outlook (5:12, Dec. 1885), p. 186. Jogakko¯ goju¯nenshi, p. 113. See Norman, pp. 67-68. 49 The Heart of Japan, pp. 90-91; John W. Saunby, 27 Missionary Outlook (5:10, Oct. 1885), p. 156. Japan: The Land of the Morning (Toronto: 28 Archives of Toyo Eiwa Jogakuin, Minutes of the William Briggs, 1895), p. 298. Tokyo Board of Directors. 50 The Story of the Years, pp. 15-16. 29 Archives of Toyo Eiwa Jogakuin. See also Nor- 51 Gagan, p. 85. man, pp.103-08. The pre-college program was 52 Gagan, pp. 86-87. ended in 1918, when the establishment of the 53 P. 27. Tokyo Woman’s Christian University offered 54 The sanitarium was founded by Henry Foster, a Toyo Eiwa graduates the opportunity for higher doctor and devout Methodist, who had developed education. an idiosyncratic treatment regime for missionar- 30 P. 8. ies suffering nervous exhaustion. Gagan, p. 87, 31 P. 71. describes the treatment. 32 The Story of the Years, vol. 2, p. 20. See also 55 As the wife of a General Board missionary, Nor- Gagan, pp. 66-67, 71-72. man, pp. 166-78, offers a detailed account that is 33 Missionary Outlook (5: 1, Jan. 1885), pp. 6-8. somewhat sympathetic to the men and explains 34 Missionary Outlook (5: 1, Jan. 1885), p. 7. the more complex issues facing the General 35 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, p. 4; Missionary Outlook, 5:1 Board. Gagan’s account, pp. 84-96, is more sym- (Jan. 1885), p. 7. Maud Cochran, daughter of the pathetic to the WMS women. Rev. Cochran and a Tokyo resident, was also 56 Quoted in Norman, pp. 170-71. asked to work at the school. 57 Quoted in Gagan, p. 90. 36 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, p. 161, p.172; To¯yo¯ Eiwa 58 Missionary Outlook, 14:7 (July 1894), p. 107. Jogakuin hyakunenshi, p. 49. 59 The Story of the Years, p. 29. 37 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, p. 175. 60 Norman, p. 176. 38 Missionary Outlook, 6:2 (Feb. 1886), p. 29. 61 Norman, p. 176; Gagan, pp. 94-96. 39 Missionary Outlook, 6:2 (Feb. 1886), p. 29. 62 UCA, biographical file, Eliza Spencer. 40 Missionary Outlook, 6:2 (Feb. 1886), p. 30. 63 See background biographical information on Win- 41 Missionary Outlook, 5:6-7 (June-July 1885), p. 101. temute in Ridout, pp. 208-14. 42 Missionary Outlook, 6:3 (Mar. 1886), p. 44. 64 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, p. 134. 43 Missionary Outlook 6:5 (May 1886), p. 75. 65 In Missionary Outlook 7:10 (October 1887), 44 To¯yo¯ Eiwa Jogakuin hyakunenshi, pp. 52-55. p.152, she refers to the worries. See the profile in Kanada fujin senky¯oshi 66 6:12 (December 1886), p. 188. monogatari, pp. 32-39. 67 Missionary Outlook, 6:12 (December 1886), pp. 45 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, pp. 87-88. 188-89. 46 UCA, box 2, vol. 1, p. 180; Gagan, pp. 83-84. 68 To¯yo¯ Eiwa Jogakuin hyakunenshi, p. 61; Rid- 47 The Japan Weekly Mail April 12, April 19, April out, pp. 217-19. 26, May 10, and May 17, 1890; Missionary Out- 69 Missionary Outlook 7:9 (September 1887), look, 10:6 (June 1890), pp. 83-84; The Story of p.134. the Years, pp. 24-27. The original romanization 70 Missionary Outlook 7:10 (October 1887), (“desuka”) is retained. The version of the story pp.151-52. The mis-transcribed address follows recounted in To¯yo¯ Eiwa Jogakuin hyakunenshi, the original. pp. 55-58, differs significantly in the details but 71 Quoted by Gagan, p. 84. concurs on Eliza’s injuries and steady courage. 72 Ridout, pp. 220-22. 48 To¯yo¯ Eiwa Jogakuin hyakunenshi, pp. 57-58, 73 Gagan, 93-94, notes that Large had ungraciously links the downturn in enrolments not simply to returned her invitation to the Coates wedding

19 and later insisted that Coates was trying to turn the other women against her. 74 Ridout, pp. 222-23. 75 Ray and Vicky Downs, The American School in Japan: A History of Our First Century (The American School in Japan, 2003), pp. 5-18, pp. 24-25. 76 Ridout, pp. 224-27; Norman, p. 302. 77 Norman, p. 393; Ridout, pp. 229-30. 78 Ridout, pp. 229-32. 79 Quoted by Ridout, p. 232. 80 Norman, p. 393. 81 Ridout, pp. 237-42. 82 Norman, p. 80, reflects this assumption. 83 Ridout, p. 235. 84 Norman, pp. 393-94. Ridout, pp. 233-34, has an unrealistically optimistic account of this period. 85 A. Hamish Ion, The Cross in the Dark Valley: The Canadian Protestant Movement in the Japanese Empire, 1931-1945 (Wilfrid Laurier University Press: 1990), p. 315. 86 P. 4. 87 P. 209. 88 Missionary Outlook, 13:9 (September 1893), p. 141. 89 The Heart of Japan, p. 182. 90 The Heart of Japan, p. 181. 91 The Story of the Years, pp. 15-16. 92 Re-thinking Missions: A Laymen’s Inquiry after One Hundred Years, (Harper and Broth- ers, 1932), pp. 299-300. See the analysis by Gagan, pp. 204-206.

20