Notes

Introduction

1 Petrarch, Rime sparse, sonnet 9: 12; trans. Robert M. Durling, Petrarch’s Lyric Poems. The ‘Rime Sparse’ and Other Lyrics (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1976), 44–5. 2 The exemplary article in this respect is Arthur F. Marotti’s ‘“Love is not Love”: Elizabethan Sonnet Sequences’, ELH, 49 (1982), 396–428. See also Louis Montrose, ‘Celebration and Insinuation: Sir Philip Sidney and the Motives of Elizabethan Courtship’, Renaissance Drama, 8 (1977), 3–35, ‘“Eliza, Queene of shepheardes”’, and the Pastoral of Power’, ELR, 10 (1980), 153–82, ‘Of Gentlemen and Shepherds: the Politics of Elizabethan Pastoral Form’, ELH, 50 (1983), 415–59, ‘A Midsummer Night’s Dream and the Shaping Fantasies of Elizabethan Culture’, in Margaret W. Ferguson, Maureen Quilligan and Nancy J. Vickers eds, Rewriting the Renaissance (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1986), 65–87, ‘The Elizabethan Subject and the Spenserian Text’, in Patricia Parker and David Quint eds, Literary Theory/Renaissance Texts (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 303–40. See also Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass’s influential ‘The Politics of Astrophil and Stella’, SEL 24 (1984), 53–68. Other analyses of coded political poetry include Rosemary Kegl, ‘“Those Terrible Aproches”: Sexuality, Social Mobility, and Resisting the Courtliness of Puttenham’s The Arte of English Poesie’, ELR, 20 (1990), 179–205; Stephen W. May, Elizabethan Courtier Poets. The Poems and their Contexts (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991); Achsah Guibbory, ‘“Oh, Let Mee Not Serve So”: the Politics of Love in Donne’s Elegies’, ELH, 57 (1990), 811–33; Daniel Javitch, Poetry and Courtliness in Renaissance England (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978); ‘The Impure Motives of Elizabethan Poetry’, Genre, 15 (1982), 225–38; Phillippa Berry, Of Chastity and Power. Elizabethan Literature and the Unmarried Queen (London: Routledge, 1989). For a critique of this critical mode in its earliest stages, see Jonathan Crewe, Hidden Designs. The critical profession and Renaissance literature (London: Methuen, 1986).

171 172 Notes

3 R.D.S. Jack, The Italian Influence on Scottish Literature (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1972); Helena Mennie Shire, Song, Dance and Poetry of the Court of Scotland under King James VI (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969). 4 See, for example, R.D.S. Jack, ‘Scottish Literature: the English and European Dimensions’, in Jean R. Brink and William F. Gentrup eds, Renaissance Culture in Contact. Theory and Practice (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1993), 9–17; Richard M. Clewett, ‘James VI of Scotland and his Literary Circle’, Aevum, 47 (1988–9), 445–6; Ian Ross, ‘Verse Translation at the Court of King James VI of Scotland’, Texas Studies in Language and Literature, 4 (1962), 252–67 and ‘Sonneteering in Sixteenth-Century Scotland’, Texas Studies in Language and Literature, 6 (1964), 255–68; Matthew McDiarmid, ‘Some Aspects of the Early Renaissance in Scotland’, Forum for Modern Language Studies, 3 (1967), 201–35. 5 Edited collections which stem from the triennial international conferences on Medieval and Renaissance Scottish Literature and Language; see most recently Graham Caie et al. eds, The European Sun (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2001). 6 See David MacRoberts ed., Essays on the Scottish Reformation (Glasgow: J.S. Burns, 1962); Michael Lynch, Edinburgh and the Reformation (Edinburgh: Donald, 1981). On sixteenth-century Scottish political culture, see Roger A. Mason, Kingship and the Commonweal: Political Thought in Renaissance and Reformation Scotland (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1998); John Dwyer, Roger A. Mason and Alexander Murdoch eds, New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early Modern Scotland (Edinburgh: Donald, 1982). On early modern Scottish culture in general, see John MacQueen ed., Humanism in Renaissance Scotland (1990), and A.A. MacDonald, Michael Lynch and Ian B. Cowan eds, The Renaissance in Scotland. Studies in Literature, Religion, History and Culture (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994). Two outstanding essays by Durkan are ‘The Beginnings of Humanism in Scotland’, Innes Review, 4 (1953), 5–24, and ‘The Cultural Background in Sixteenth-century Scotland’, in MacRoberts ed., 274–331. 7 Michael Lynch, ‘Queen Mary’s Triumph: the Baptismal Celebrations at Stirling in December 1566’, SHR, 69 (1990), 1–21, and ‘Court Ceremony and Ritual during the Personal Reign of James VI’, in Lynch and Julian Goodare eds, The Reign of James VI (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2000), 71–92; also Douglas Gray, ‘The Royal Entry in Sixteenth-Century Scotland’, in Sally Mapstone and Juliette Woods eds, The Rose and the Thistle. Essays on the Culture of Late Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1998);10–37. 8 L.A.J.R. Houwen, A.A. MacDonald and S. Mapstone eds, The Palace in the Wild. Essays on Vernacular Culture and Humanism in Late-Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (Leuven: Peeters, 2000). 9 See, for example, Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: the Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); Claire McEachern, The Poetics of English Nationhood 1590–1612 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Andrew Hadfield, Literature, Politics and National Identity. Reformation to Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). See also Thomas Healy, New Latitudes. Theory and English Renaissance Literature (London: Edward Arnold, 1992); David Notes 173

Norbrook, The Penguin Book of Renaissance Verse (London: Penguin Books, 1992), ‘Preface’, xxxi. 10 R.D.S. Jack, ‘“Translating” the Lost Scottish Renaissance’, Translation and Literature, 6 (1997), 66–80. 11 Since the bibliography on Marian and Jacobean rule is extensive, only book-length publications of the last two decades are listed here: Gordon Donaldson, All the Queen’s Men. Power and Politics in Mary Stewart’s Scotland (London: Batsford Academic and Educational Ltd, 1983); Michael Lynch ed., Mary Stewart. Queen in Three Kingdoms (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988); Jenny Wormald, Mary Queen of Scots: A Study in Failure (London: George Philip, 1988). On James, see Maurice Lee, Great Britain’s Solomon: James VI and I in His Three Kingdoms (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990) and Government by Pen: Scotland under James VI and I (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980); Jenny Wormald, Court, Kirk and Community: Scotland 1470–1625 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1981); Bryan Bevan, King James VI and I of England (London: Rubicon, 1996); W.B. Patterson, King James VI and I and the Reunion of Christendom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Irene Carrier, James VI and I: King of Great Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Lynch and Goodare eds, The Reign of James VI and the newly published collection edited by Daniel Fischlin and Mark Fortier eds, Royal Subjects: Essays on the Writings of James VI and I (Wayne State University Press, 2002). 12 Essayes of a Prentise, sig. Kijr–Kijv; James Craigie ed., The Poems of James VI of Scotland, 2 vols STS (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1955), vol. 1, 67. 13 Sig. Kiv. STS vol. 1, 68 See also James’s sonnet to Chancellor Maitland: ‘For what in barbarous leide I block and frames/Thou learnedlie in Mineru’s tongue proclames’ (STS, vol. 2, 107, 13–14). 14 See R.D.S. Jack, ‘James VI and Renaissance Poetic Theory’, English, 16 (1967), 208–11, and Clewett, 445–6. 15 ‘Sonnet Decifring the Perfyte Poete’, sig. Kiiijr (1–6); STS, vol. 1, 69. The treatise might be appropriately conceived as a kind of Renaissance conduct book, prescribing desirable rules and techniques to fashion the most covetable aesthetic image. 16 Homi Bhaba ed., Narrating the Nation (London: Routledge, 1990), 250. 17 Essayes, sig. Mijv, STS 79. 18 Essayes, sig. Mijv, STS 78. 19 Essayes, sig. Mijr; STS, 78. The beloved’s beauty (descriptio pulchritudinis) is singled out as a topic which requires invention, sig. Mijv, 78. Ironically, this is slightly derivative in itself; other poetic treatises comment on the relationship between female beauty and rhetoric in similar terms: Gascoigne’s Certayne Notes of Instruction (avoiding what is trita et obuia…’) and Sidney’s Apology. 20 ‘I lofty Virgill shall to life restoir/My subiects all shalbe of heauenly thing’: ‘Sonnet 12’ (10–11), Essayes, sig. Cr, STS vol. 1,14. 21 ‘The Vranie translated’ (25–29), in Essayes, sig. Dijr, STS, vol. 1, 19. 22 The visit is recorded by James Melville in his Memoirs; Du Bartas recipro- cated the artistic compliment in kind by translating James’s own epic Lepanto into French. 174 Notes

23 See James Craigie, ed., Thomas Hudson’s Historie of Judith (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1941); Ross, ‘Verse Translation’, 257–8. 24 Reulis, sig. Mijv–r, STS vol. 1, 79. 25 Sandra M. Bell, ‘Poetry and Politics in the Scottish Renaissance’, unpub. PhD diss. (Queen’s University, Ontario, 1995), 9, 13. 26 Louise Olga Fradenburg, City, Marriage Tournament. Arts of Rule in Late Medieval Scotland (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991). 27 Paul Laumonier, ‘Ronsard et L’Écosse’, Revue de Littérature Comparée, 4 (1924), 408–28 (425). Only two quatrains in alexandrine metre survive, clearly intended for Ronsard; instead she sent ‘un buffet de 2,000 ecus, sur- monte d’un vase “elaboure en forme de rocher, representant le Parnasse” et portant cette inscription: “A Ronsard, L’Apollon de la Source des Muses”’ (Bodleian MS Add.C.92, f. 22v). 28 Shire overemphasises the playfully fictional quality of literary practice at the Jacobean court though it may still be considered, in Manfred Windfuhr’s phrase, a ‘tropical court-society’, and as glossed by Heinrich F. Plett: ‘all courtly manifestations are to be taken sub specie allegorica’: ‘Aesthetic Constituents in the Courtly Culture of Renaissance England’, New Literary History, 14 (1983), 597–621 (607). 29 Ironically, Ronsard was eulogised by the sobriquet of ‘Apollo’, hailed as ‘mon Apollo’ by the poet Olivier de Magny (1529–61) in Les Soupirs (XLI). 30 ‘The Translators Invocation’ (7) to ‘The Furies’ in Poeticall Exercises, sig. 7v, STS, vol. 1, 112. 31 Susan Sellers, Héle`ne Cixous, Authorship, Autobiography and Love (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996), 71. 32 Julia Kristeva, Tales of Love, trans. Leon S. Roudiez (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), 2.

Chapter 1

1 Fragment inscribed. in Mary’s Book of Hours: facsimile NLS Adv. 81.5.8, f. 81v; Ann Rosalind Jones, The Currency of Eros (Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1990), 28, on the voyeuristic exposure of the Renaissance woman writer per se. 2 Detectioun of the duinges of Marie Quene of Scotts, touchand the murder of her Husband, and hir Conspiracie, Adulterie, and pretensit Mariage with the Erle Bothwell. Translatit out of the latine, quhilk was written be M.G.B. (n.p, n.d. but believed to be in London by the printer John Day in 1571), sig. Oijr. The sonnets are found in sigs, Qiiijr-Sir. This text was based on George Buchanan’s earlier anti-Marian Latin tract denouncing Mary for her part in Darnley’s murder, De Maria Scotorum Regina, which appeared in 1571 together with the Actio contra Mariam by Thomas Wilson, and two poems by ‘G.M.’ and ‘P.R. Scotus’; see John Durkan, Bibliography of George Buchanan (Glasgow: Glasgow University Press, 1994). Another vernacular Detectioun was printed at St Andrews by Robert Lekprevik in 1572. A French edition entitled Histoire de Marie, Royne d’Escosse also appeared in 1572, allegedly printed in Edinburgh by ‘Th.Vwaltem’, but actually in La Rochelle, as an expression of French Protestant sympathy for the anti- Marian movement. The moment of the casket’s discovery became a topos Notes 175

of anti-Marian writing; the incriminatory casket was in fact produced by the Earl of Moray on 7 December 1568 at the first of the trials instigated by the Elizabethan government at Westminster; see Antonia Fraser, Mary Queen of Scots (1969; London: Mandarin, 1993), 460–1. 3 Pierre de Bourdeilles, Seigneur de Brantôme, ‘Discours Troisième sur la Reyne D’Escosse’, Receuil des Dames ed. Roger Gaucheron (Paris, 1926), 44–5; Brantôme’s work was originally published posthumously in 1665 at Leyden. The testimony of Ronsard was particularly injurious. 4 Cited in Andrew Lang, The Mystery of Mary Stewart (New York: AMS Press, 1901), 344. For a representative range of literature on the authenticity debate, see Samuel Cowan, Mary Queen of Scots and Who Wrote the Casket Letters? (London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co, 1901); T.F. Henderson, The Casket Letters and Mary Queen of Scots (Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1889); John Hosack, Mary Queen of Scots and her Accusers (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1869); Walter Goodall, An Examination of the Letters said to be by Mary Queen of Scots to James Earl of Bothwell, 2 vols (Edinburgh, 1824); John Kerr, The Casket Letters and the Keys (Robert Maclehose and Co, n.d.); John Skelton, Maitland of Lethington and the Scotland of Mary Stuart: a History, 2 vols (Edinburgh, 1894); Fraser, 379ff; Jenny Wormald Mary Queen of Scots. A Study in Failure (London: George Philip, 1988), 178. 5 Records of the Privy Council, Edinburgh, 16 September 1568, in James Anderson ed., Collections Relating to the history of Mary Queen of Scots, 4 vols (London: 1727–8), vol. 2, 258. 6 Anderson ed., 257. 7 R.H. Mahon, The Indictment of Mary Queen of Scots (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1923), 25; the letter to La Mothe Fénelon is printed in Alexander Labanoff ed., Lettres, Instructions et Memoires de Marie Stuart Reine d’Escosse, 8 vols (London: Dolman, 1844), vol. 4, dated 22 November 1571, desiring that the tracts in her defence be published as freely as the denunci- ations against her (the Medicis were particularly anxious to ensure the destruction of the Detectioun and other anti-Marian treatises). 8 Philip J. Ford, George Buchanan. Prince of Poets (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1982), 108. 9 John Durkan, Bibliography, xiv. 10 Ibid., xiv. 11 CUL MS Oo. 7.47: ‘An Elegy on the Murder of Lord Darnley’ (ff. 32–7); ‘certane French sonnettis…’ (ff. 46-8). This manuscript copy is infrequently commented upon: Lang reproduces in facsimile the folio containing the first two sonnets (stating that ‘the copyist is unknown’, 345); Mahon, Indictment, commented on what he termed ‘the Lennox manuscripts’ (1): CUL Oo.7.47/8: a rough draft by Lennox of the Bill of Supplication; CUL Dd.3.66: ‘A brief discourse of the usage of umqle [formerly] the King of Scottis, sone to me the Earle of Lennox, be the Quene his wyff’; CUL Oo. 7. 47/11: ‘A Remembrance after what sorte the late Kynge of Scottis Sonne to me the Earle of Lennoxe, was used by the Quene his wieffe’. In Mary Queen of Scots (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1924), Mahon transcribes from CUL MS Oo.7.47/8 what he terms ‘the Lennox narrative’, a contem- porary prose account of the Darnley controversy believed to be written by the Earl of Lennox himself (78). The Indictment is closely based on 176 Notes

Buchanan’s Latin De Maria Scotorum, found among the same collection of papers in CUL MS Dd.3.66, entitled ‘Ane informatioun of probable and infallable conjecteuris and presumptiounis quhairbe it appeiris evidentlie yt ye Quene, moder to our soverane Lord, not onlie wes previe of ye horrible and unworthie morthour, perpetrat in ye persoun of ye King of guid memorie, his hienes fader, but als wes ye verray instrument, chieff organe and causer of ye Vnnaturall crueltie’. Another anti-Marian document by Buchanan, known as The Book of Articles, was written as ‘an accusatory brief at the time of her trial in England’ (Fraser, 324), commissioned by Moray, and first produced at the Westminster trial of 15 December 1568. Often blatantly fallacious, it has direct verbal echoes in the document ‘Ane informatioun’, and in the printed version of the vernacular Detectioun. 12 The CUL manuscript also provides two missing lines from the third and eighth French sonnets in the 1571 Detectioun. Between lines 12 and 13 of the Detectioun’s third sonnet is inserted the line ‘et toutesfois mon coeur vous doutez ma constance’; between lines 5 and 6 of the Detectioun, eighth sonnet is the line ‘pour luy ie veux faire teste au malheure’. 13 At a seminar given to the Department of English Studies, University of Strathclyde, November 2000. 14 There are altogether fourteen annotations, numbered alphabetically. 15 Fraser, 373. 16 Anderson, 259. 17 Labanoff, vol. 2, 202. For conjectures on the identity of the forgerers see (for example) Lang, 345; Goodall, 127. Mary refers here to the letters, and not the sonnets; neither she, nor her apologists such as John Leslie, Bishop of Ross, referred directly to the evidence of the sonnets. 18 John Leslie, A Defence of the Honour of Marie Quene of Scotlande (Menston: Scolar Press, 1970), 300; the text was originally published in 1569. 19 The sonnets also bear an interesting, tangential relationship to the letters which makes the priority of each text uncertain. The mise-en-scène of the letters, of course, remains close (the adulterous relationship), but there are also several striking verbal echoes. 20 Brantôme, 44. 21 Shoshana Felman, ‘What Does A Woman Want? The Question of Autobiography and the Bond of Reading (Postface)’, in What Does a Woman Want? Reading and Sexual Difference (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 6. 22 Readings of the sonnets vary in length and detail, often inhibited by the crisis of authorship. See Betty S. Travitsky ed., The Paradise of Women. Writings by Englishwomen of the Renaissance (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981); Helen Hackett, ‘Courtly Writing by Women’, in Helen Wilcox ed., Women and Literature in Britain 1500–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 169–89 (173–4); Sarah M. Dunnigan, ‘Rewriting the Renaissance language of love and desire: the “bodily burdein” in the poetry of Mary, Queen of Scots’, Gramma, 4 (1996), 181–95; ‘Scottish Women Writers c1560–c1650’, in Douglas Gifford and Dorothy McMillan eds, A History of Scottish Women’s Writing (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997), 15–43 (17–26); ‘The cre- Notes 177

ation and self-creation of Mary Queen of Scots: rhetoric, sovereignty, and female controversies in sixteenth century Scottish poetry’, Scotlands, 5.2 (1998), 65–88; Peter C. Herman, ‘Mary Queen of Scots’, in Reading Royal Subjects (forthcoming; I am most grateful to Professor Herman for allow- ing me to read the essay in advance of publication); Mary E. Burke, ‘Queen, Lover, Poet: a question of balance in the sonnets of Mary, Queen of Scots’, in Burke, Jane Donawerth, Linda E. Dove, and Karen Nelson eds, Women, Writing, and the Reproduction of Culture in Tudor and Stuart Britain (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2000), 101-18. There is an interesting early account in David Dalrymple, ‘Of the Sonnets attrib- uted to Mary Queen of Scots’, Remarks on the History of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1773); Dr Sally Mapstone drew my attention to this piece. 23 Juliana Schiesari, The Gendering of Melancholia: Feminism, Psychoanalysis, and the Symbolics of Loss in Renaissance Literature (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), 168, 189. 24 Rene Girard, Deceit, Desire and the Novel Self and Other in Literary Structure, trans. Yvonne Freccero (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976); see also Eve Kosofsky Sedgewick’s reading of triangulation in Shakespeare’s sonnets in Between Men. English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), which begins with Girard. 25 James Melville, Memoirs of his own life (Edinburgh, 1827), 176. 26 Detectioun, f. 195r. Her later marriage to Bothwell was construed as ‘a mokking of God’: Mahon ed., Indictment, 47. 27 The phrase is drawn from Mary’s elegy upon François II’s death: the idea of an almost sacramentally perfect love recurs throughout Mary’s secular and religious poetry. 28 Leslie, Treatise, 263. 29 Agnes Strickland ed., Letters of Mary Queen of Scots, and documents con- nected with her personal history, 3 vols (London: H. Colburn, 1842–3), vol. 1, 305, undated, but probably 1568; see also the letter to Elizabeth, vol. 1, 72. In the context of Mary’s self-defence in the later Babington contro- versy, Lewis notes that ‘Mary […] cast the written word as itself a traitor of sorts because it deprived her of her rightful sovereignty’ (47). 30 Strickland ed., vol. 1, 51 (undated, probably May or June, 1568). 31 The phrase is borrowed from Chantal Thomas, The Wicked Queen: The Origins of the Myth of Marie-Antoinette, trans. Julie Rose (New York: Zone Books, 1999). 32 See the portrait of Mary attributed to François Clouet, ‘The Bath of Diana’, and the anonymous portrait of the semi-nude yet chastely beautiful ‘Lady at her toilet’, believed to be Mary: Helen Smailes and Duncan Thomas eds, The Queen’s Image (Scottish National Portrait Gallery, 1987), 13–14. 33 Two Shrovetide masques were devised by George Buchanan for perform- ance at Holyrood Palace in 1564, ‘In Castitatem’ and ‘Mutuus Amor’. For Mary’s marriage to Darnley a year later, three masques were devised by Buchanan: ‘Pompa Deorum in nuptiis Mariae’; ‘Pompae equestres’; and an address by the four ‘Maries’ to the goddesss of Health. The baptism of James VI was also commemorated by a Buchanan masque. 34 See R.D.S. Jack, ‘Mary and the Poetic Vision’, Scotia, 3 (1979), 35–40. 178 Notes

35 Detectioun (1571), sig. Biijv, with regard to Bothwell’s injury at Liddesdale; but see Donaldson, First Trial, 156, for this as an instance of polemical fabrication. 36 Knox, History of the Reformation, Book IV, in David Laing ed., Works, 6 vols (Edinburgh, 1848), vol.2, 388. 37 Susan Frye, Elizabeth I. The Competition for Representation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 12–13. For revisionist readings of the Elizabethan image or icon, see Helen Hackett, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen. Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1995) and Julia M. Walker ed., Dissing Elizabeth. Negative Representations of Gloriana (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998). 38 Frye, 105. See also Peter Stallybrass, ‘Patriarchal Territories: the Body Enclosed’, Rewriting the Renaissance. The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 123–42, and Jonathan Sawday, The Body Emblazoned. Dissection and the Human Body in Renaissance Culture (London: Routledge, 1996), 197–8, for analy- sis of Elizabeth’s corporeal presence. 39 Knox, 368. 40 David Parkinson, The Poems of Alexander Montgomery, STS, 2 vols (Edinburgh, 2000), vol. 1, 147. 41 Detectioun, sig. Bijr–v; it continues with the assertion that Mary desired to ‘rauish hym agayne’ (sig. Bijv). 42 Tertullian, cited in Alcuin Blamires et al. eds, Woman Defamed and Woman Defended. An Anthology of Medieval Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 51. 43 J.E. Phillips, Images of a Queen. Mary Stuart in Sixteenth-Century Literature (Ithaca: University of California Press, 1964). 44 See Alexandra Halasz, The Marketplace of Print. Pamphlets and the Public Sphere in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); on the Scottish pamphlets, see Phillips, 41–2. Sandra M. Bell, ‘“The Throne of Trial”: Reformation Satire and the Scottish Monarchy’, unpub. PhD diss. (Queen’s University, Ontario, 1995), 36–43, contends that the anti-Marian satires were a profound questioning of monarchy to which James’s later legitimisation of political and cultural autonomy was a deliberate response. 45 Satirical Poems, vol. 1, 39–45 (15, 30). 46 In ‘Ane Ballat declaring the Nobill and Gude inclination of our King’, published by Robert Lekprevik in Edinburgh in 1567, the narrator causti- cally asserts that the exemplum of Mary would subvert the Boccacian catalogue of mulieribus nobilis, and challenge the power of Ovidian (pre- sumably Heroidian) representation. On Lekprevik, Protestant printer, see Satirical Poems, vol. 1, liv–ix. In Mary Queen of Scots, Donaldson cites a play presented at the English court ‘late in 1567’, Horestes, by the anti- Marian English parliamentarian John Pikeryng which constructs Mary as Clytemnestra (161); see further Lewis, 44–5. 47 Detectioun, sig. Giir. 48 Visual emblems also served to remind the populace of Mary’s corrupt sexuality: for example, her representation on a 1567 placard as a mermaid (icon of the prostitute): see Rosalind K. Marshall, Queen of Scots (Edinburgh, 1986), 140. Notes 179

49 Parkinson, 142. 50 Joannes L. Vives, De institutio foeminae christianae (1524), trans. Richard Hyrde, A Very Frutefull and Pleasant Booke called the Instruction of a christen woman, made firste in latyne, by the right famous clerke maystr Lewis Vives, and tourned out of latyne into Englishe (London, 1557), Book III.i, sig. Kkiiir. (first translated 1529). 51 Detectioun, f. 194r. 52 Detectioun, sig. Giir. Robert Gore-Brown, Lord Bothwell (London, 1937), proposes that Anna Throndssön, with whom Bothwell had an affair before his marriage to Lady Jean Gordon, wrote the sonnets attributed to Mary, and tailors the sonnets to fit a new biographical narrative (106–9, 412–415). 53 Acts of Parliament December 1567, extracted in Anderson ed., vol. 3, 206. 54 Labanoff, vol. 2, 34, 36. 55 In a defence of Bothwell’s ‘faythfull and uprycht service’ in letter to Melvil, May 1567, Labanoff, vol. 2, 15. 56 Labanoff, 41. 57 Labanoff, 41. See Fraser, 388, on Mary’s justifications of the Bothwell marriage. 58 Labanoff, 45. 59 Lynch, 217. 60 ‘Testament and tragedie of umquhile King Henrie Stewart of gude memorie’ (63): Satirical Poems, vol. 1, 39–45. 61 Lewis, 31. 62 William J. Kennedy, Authorizing Petrarch (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994), 138. 63 ‘mon filz’ in the CUL MS is glossed as ‘the king his sone, for it apperit she menit th’erll bothwell …’ (f. 46r). 64 Louise Olga Fradenburg, City, Marriage, Tournament. Arts of Rule in Late Medieval Scotland (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991): ‘sover- eignty promises a fantastic, a perfect but imaginary closure to the very yearning it brings into being’ (71). 65 One could also cite in parallel the aestheticistion of sexual assault in pas- tourelle; see Evelyn S. Newlyn, ‘The Political Dimensions of Desire and Sexuality in Poems of the Bannatyne Manuscript’, in Stephen R. McKenna ed., Selected Essays on Scottish Language and Literature. A Festschrift in Honour of Allan H. MacLaine (Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992), 75–96. On the dark erotic corporeality of the female blason, see Sawday, 197–212. 66 CUL MS, f. 34r. Dalrymple offers a substantially different ‘and very harm- less’ interpretation of the sonnet: ‘the Queen felt displeasure at his [Bothwell’s] alliance with the family of Huntly [ce corps refers to Lady Jean Gordon, his first wife]’, and that the phrase ‘ie iette mainte larme’ refers to his marriage with Gordon ‘whose affections he did not possess’ (213–15). 67 Records of Session, Edinburgh 12 May 1567, extracted in Anderson ed., vol. 1, 88. 68 Ibid. 180 Notes

69 Edinburgh, May 1567, in Labanoff, vol. 2, 37–8. 70 See Luce Irigaray, citing Freud, ‘Psychoanalytic Theory: Another Look’, Ce Sexe qui n’en est pas un (1977), trans. C. Porter, This Sex which is not One (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 66. 71 Fraser, 379; Bothwell persuasively demonstrated by the Ainslie bond that he had the support of the majority of the nobility. 72 Margaret Caroll, The Erotics of Absolution’, The Expanding Discourse. Feminism and Art History ed. Mary Garrard (1992), 138–58, cited in Diane Wolfthal, Images of Rape: The “Heroic” Tradition and its Alternatives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 23. 73 Strickland, Letters, 60. 74 Roy Porter and Sylvana Tomaselli eds, Rape (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 10. Rape as an historical, social and cultural phenomenon pre-1600 is addressed in Angelike E. Laiou ed., Consent and Coercion to Sex and Marriage in Ancient and Medieval Societies (Washington, D.C: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1993); Nazife Bashar, ‘Rape in England between 1500 and 1700’, in The Sexual Dynamics of History. Men’s Power, Women’s Resistance (London: Pluto Press, 1983), 28–42, offers a cogent account of legalistic conceptions of rape in the period. 75 Phrase taken from ‘The Trial and Condemnation of Merwin Lord Audley Earl of Castle-Haven at Westminster, April the 5th 1631’, extracted in Charlotte F. Otten ed., English Women’s Voices 1540–1700 (Florida: Florida International University Press, 1992), 33–40 (34). 76 ‘My Lord Bothwell was hurt in Lyddisdaill, and the Quene raid to Bothwick’ (October 7, 1566): A paper containing a short recital of some material Passages concerning Mary Queen of Scots by way of Diary from the Birth of her Son to his going into England’, in Anderson ed., vol. 2, 269; it was also caustically observed in the Detectioun that: ‘she flyith away in haste lyke a mad woman…’ (f. 161v). 77 Donaldson, 96, explains why this is ‘the best known of Buchanan’s fabri- cations’; but that the CUL MS should replicate what might justly be termed a topos illustrates the close interrelationship between it and the Buchanan anti-Marian tracts. 78 Wormald, Mary Queen of Scots, 178. 79 See Wolfthal, 183–4, for analysis of the Lucretia myth. Machiavelli in the Discorsi cites it ‘among many examples to be found in the ancient histo- ries of rape leading to legal and political change’: Stephanie H. Jed, Chaste Thinking. The Rape of Lucretia and the Birth of Humanism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 3. 80 ‘Baise m’encore, rebaise moy et baise: / Donne m’en un de tes plus savoureus’ (sonnet 18: 1–2) in Françoise Charpentier ed., Oeuvres poétiques avec Pernette du Guillet Rymes (Paris: Gallimard, 1983). Labé’s lover conceives herself as the spiritually inferior but sensual ‘corps’, lacking the completion of ‘âme bien aymee’ (7: 3–4). As in the Marian sequence, desire can also be self-annihilating in its intensity (cf. 13: 9–11). See Deborah Lesko Baker, The Subject of Desire. Petrarchan poetics and the female voice in Louise Labé (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 1997). Notes 181

81 As in Gli Asolani: ‘this earthly burden…will turn to dust…’: trans. Rudolf B. Gottfried (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1934), 71. 82 For a comprehensive survey of the Renaissance identification of woman with sensuality, infirmitas, and weakened rationality from a variety of sources, see Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 16–17. 83 What Jensen terms ‘the insistent trope of female suffering’: Katharine A. Jensen, ‘Male Models of Feminine Epistolarity; or, How to Write Like a Woman in Seventeenth-Century France’, in Goldsmith ed., Writing The Female Voice. Essays on Epistolary Literature (London: Pinter, 1989), 25–45 (33). 84 The Platonic works in Mary’s library as recorded in the standard inventory are the Symposium translated by Louis de Roy (Paris, 1559); the works of Plato (‘Platonis opera omnia’); ‘Leon the Hebrew of Luif’; the neo-Platonic poetry of du Bellay’s Olive, of Heröet, Scéve, and de Tyard. It is interesting to note that Heröet (and also Dolet) translated the Symposium, Ion and Crito c1530–40; and that Pontus de Tyard translated Leone’s Dialoghi d’Amore. See Durkan, ‘Library’, for further detailed exposition. 85 Ficino, The Philosophy of Love trans. F. Freidelberg Seeley, 198; in the orig- inal text see the Second Oration, cap. iii, ‘Quo Pacto Divina pulchritudo amorem parit’, and the Fifth, cap. iv, ‘Pulchritudo est aliquid incor- poreum’, Commentarium Marsilij Ficini Florentine in conviuium Platonis de amore, Divini Platonis Opera Omnia quae extant Marsilio Ficino interprete (Lugdini, 1590), 775 and 780–1; Plotinus, The Enneads trans. Stephen MacKenna (London: Faber and Faber, 1962), 63. 86 Plotinus, 61. 87 Cited in Nesca A. Robb, Neoplatonism of the Italian Renaissance (London: Allen & Unwin, 1934), 51. 88 Donald L. Guss, John Donne, Petrarchist. Italianate conceits and love theory in the Songs and Sonets (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1966), 160. 89 Though Huguet, vol. 3, 173, notes that ‘On trouve Dieu pour les dieux, et les dieux pour Dieu’. 90 ‘O Signeur Dieu resceuez ma priere’: Bodleian Library MS Add C.92, f. 22r; ‘Donnes Siegneur don[n]es moy pasciance’: Bodleian Library MS Add C.92, ff. 22r-v; ‘Que suis ie helas et de quoy sert ma vie’: Bodleian Library MS Add C.92, f. 24r; ‘Méditation sur l’inconstance et vanité du monde’ and ‘L’ire de Dieu par le sang ne s’apaise’ in Bishop John Leslie, Piae Afflicti Animi Consolationes Divinaeque Remedia (Paris, 1574). 91 Beatrice of Nazareth, The Seven Manners of Love, in Amy Oden ed., In Her Words. Women’s Writings in the History of Christian Thought (London: Abingdon Press, 1994), 125. 92 Mary’s serene preparation for martyrdom is recounted in the standard hagiographies such as Adam Blackwood’s (see Phillips, 165). 93 There is Petrarchan resonance here too given the spiritual ‘assumption’, as it were, of Laura into the Virgin Mary in canzone 366. 94 Elaine V. Beilin, Redeeming Eve. Women Writers of the English Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1987), 242; endorsed by Jones, 141–7. 95 Jones, 135–6. 182 Notes

96 Kathryn Gravdal, Ravishing Maidens: writing rape in medieval French litera- ture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991), 41: in her Praefatio she proclaims ‘cum femina fragilitas vinceret et virilis robur confusionis subiaceret’ (27). 97 Jones, 34. 98 Patricia Berrahou Philippy, Love’s Remedies: Recantation and Renaissance Lyric Poetry (Lewisburg, Pa.: Bucknell University Press London: Associated University Presses, 1995), 128–9. 99 ‘Méditation’ (57–60). 100 Robb, 209. 101 Monique Wittig, ‘The Trojan Horse’, in The Straight Mind and Other Essays (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1992), 69.

Chapter 2

1 NLS Adv. 1.1.6, f. 211r. The text of the poems in this chapter is based on the manuscript; there is an excellent facsimile edited by Denton Fox and William Ringler, The Bannatyne Manuscript. National Library of Scotland Advocates’ MS 1.1.6 (London: Scolar Press, 1980). For convenience, refer- ence will also be made to the Scottish Text Society edition, The Bannatyne Manuscript writtin in tyme of pest 1568 edited by W. Tod Ritchie, 4 vols (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1928–34) which provides generally judicious transcriptions. For the prefatory inscription see STS vol. 3, 240. Unless otherwise stated, vol. 3 is the principal source until discussion of the querelle des femmes poems. In citations, reference is identified by MS folio, then STS reference; line references appear in brackets; poems, unless titled, are identified by their first line. The yogh and thorn symbols and long ‘s’ have been orthographically modernised. 2 The last dualism is taken from Sara F. Matthews Greco, Ange ou diablesse. La représentation de la femme au XVIe siècle (Paris: Flammarion, 1991). 3 David Parkinson, ‘“A Lamentable Storie”: Mary Queen of Scots and the Inescapable Querelle des Femmes’, in L.A.J.R. Houwen, A.A. MacDonald, and S. Mapstone eds, A Palace in the Wild. Essays on Vernacular Culture and Humanism in Late-Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (Leuven: Peeters, 2000), 141–60 (144). See also Sarah M. Dunnigan, ‘The Creation and Self-creation of Mary Queen of Scots: Rhetoric, Sovereignty, and Female Controversies in Sixteenth-century Scottish Poetry,’ Scotlands, 5.2 (1998): 65–88. 4 In reference to the so-called ‘main MS’: respectively, ff. 1–42v; 43v–96v; 97r–210v; 211r–297v; 298v–370r. 5 William Ramson’s phrase in Joan Hughes and William Ramson eds, Poetry of the Stewart Court (Canberra: Australian University Press, 1982), 25. Bannatyne’s claim that he transcribed from ‘copeis auld mankit and mutillait’ (‘The Wryttar to the Reidaris’) may well be disingenuous. 6 For textual details, see Fox and Ringler eds, ‘A Description of the Bannatyne Manuscript’, ix-xvii; Denton Fox, ‘Some Scribal Alterations of Dates in the Bannatyne Manuscript’, Philological Quarterly, 42 (1968), 259–63 and ‘Manuscripts and Prints of Scots Poetry in the Sixteenth Century’ in Adam J. Aitken et al. eds, Bards and Makars (Glasgow: Notes 183

University of Glasgow Press, 1977), 156–71 (158–62); J.T.T. Brown, ‘The Bannatyne Manuscript: a Sixteenth Century Poetical Miscellany’, SHR, 1 (1903–4), 136-58 (139); William Ramson, ‘On Bannatyne’s Editing’, Bards and Makars, 172–83 (characterising the fourth section as ‘the most tightly organised’, 174); Hughes and Ramson eds, chapter 2; Gregory Kratzmann, ‘Sixteenth Century Secular Poetry’, in Cairns Craig ed., The History of Scottish Literature, 4 vols (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1989), vol. 1, ed. R.D.S. Jack, 105–24. For the manuscript’s historical context, see John MacQueen ed., Ballattis of Luve (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1970), ‘Introduction’, xi-lxix; Michael Lynch, ‘Queen Mary’s Triumph: The Baptismal Celebrations at Stirling in December 1566’, SHR, 69 (1990), 1–21; Alasdair A. MacDonald, ‘The Bannatyne Manuscript: A Marian Anthology’, Innes Review, 37 (1986), 36–47; ‘The Printed Book that Never Was: George Bannatyne’s Poetic Anthology (1568)’, in J.M.M. Hermans and K. van der Hoek eds, Boeken in de late Middeleeuwen (Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1993), 101–10; Theo van Heijnsbergen, ‘The Interaction between Literature and History in Queen Mary’s Edinburgh: the Bannatyne Manuscript and its Prosopographical Context’, in A.A. MacDonald et al. eds, The Renaissance in Scotland. Studies in Literature, Religion, History and Culture Offered to John Durkan (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994), 183–225. Criticism of the manuscript has largely focused on the religious section (see in particular the work of Alasdair A. MacDonald), and on the number of canonical medieval and early modern Scottish works which the anthology contains (by Dunbar, Henryson, David Lyndsay, for example). For the best and most recent reading of the fourth section, see Evelyn S. Newlyn, ‘The Political Dimensions of Desire and Sexuality in Poems of the Bannatyne Manuscript’, in Stephen R. McKenna ed., Selected Essays on Scottish Language and Literature. A Festschrift in Honour of Allan H. MacLaine (Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992), 75–96, and see further note 13 below. 7 For analysis of this ‘1565’ elision, see Fox, ‘Some Scribal Alterations’ and MacDonald, ‘The Printed Book’. The date of ‘1568’ appears on the first leaf of the Draft MS; on ff. 97r, 290v, 298r, 375r. On f. 290, ‘1565’ appears, then emended to ‘1568’ (similarly on f. 298 ‘1566’ is ‘overwrit- ten’ to ‘1568’). ‘1562’ is found on f. 90; hence Fox concludes that most of the manuscript was copied in 1562–5, and that ‘1568’ denotes the year of completion, a hypothesis most recently substantiated by MacDonald. 8 ‘A Marian Anthology’, 40. 9 ‘My hairt is heich above’, anon., f. 231r, STS 307 (4); ‘Quhat art thow / lufe for till allow’, anon., f. 248r, STS 353 (34). 10 ‘Gif langour makis men licht’, f. 244r, STS 338-9. See Caroline Bingham, Darnley. A Life of Henry Stuart Lord Darnley Consort of Mary Queen of Scots (London: Constable, 1995), 92–6, citing another lyric by Darnley possi- bly addressed to Mary from BL Add. MS 17942 (the Devonshire MS), f. 57. Fox and Ringler, xxxv, consider the attribution of this fairly conven- tional love lyric (which only refers to an abstract female beloved and not Mary) doubtful. 11 MacDonald, ‘A Marian Anthology’, 40; Sir Thomas Craig, Epithalamium quo Mariae Scotorum Reginae Nuptiae Celebravit (Edinburgh, 1565). 184 Notes

12 MacDonald, ‘The Printed Book’, discussing the probable reluctance of the printer, Thomas Bassandyne ‘who might otherwise have been interested in putting out the manuscript as a printed book’ (6); see also MacDonald’s ‘Poetry, Politics, and Reformation Censorship in Sixteenth- century Scotland’, English Studies, 64 (1983), 410–21; ‘Censorship and the Reformation’, File. A Literary Journal, 1 (1992), 8–16; ‘Catholic Devotion into Protestant Lyric’: The Case of the Contemplacioun of Synnaris’, Innes Review, 35 (1984), 58–97. It is interesting to note the occurrences of the actual term, ‘reformation’: for example, the marginal insertion in ‘Ane uthir ballat of vnpossibiliteis co[m]paird to the trewth of wemen in luve’, anon., ff. 266r-v, STS vol. 4, 42–3: ‘quhe[n] wra[n]gus deid[is] neid[is] no reformatioun’ (24). 13 Evelyn S. Newlyn, ‘“The Wryttar to the Reidaris”: Editing Practices and Politics in the Bannatyne Manuscript’, SSL, 31 (2000), 14–30: 20. Carolyn Ives has recently offered alternative readings of Bannatyne’s motives, suggesting the conscious ideological formation of a cultural and nation- alistic identity: ‘Shifting Borders and Fluctuating Margins: the Politics of Bannatyne’s Self-Representation and the Construction of Scottish National Identity’, paper presented to the Eighth International Conference of Medieval and Renaissance Scottish Language and Literature, St Hilda’s College, Oxford, 17–21 August, 1996. I am most grateful to her for letting me have a copy of this yet unpublished essay. 14 Parkinson, 151. 15 Newlyn, 14. 16 f. 211v, STS 241 (1-2). 17 ‘As phebus bricht in speir meridiane’, ff. 230v–1r, STS 305–7 and ‘No woundir is althot my hairt be thrall’, ff. 234r–234v, STS (309–11). 18 See Brown; MacDonald, ‘The Printed Book’. 19 See MacDonald, ‘Marian Anthology’, 41, for summary. 20 The phrase is from J.W. Saunders, ‘The Stigma of Print. A Note on the Social Bases of Tudor Poetry’, Essays in Criticism, 1 (1951), 139–64. 21 For a survey of the Bannatyne family and circle as constituing a literate reading public, see van Heijnsbergen, ‘Prosopographical’, 186 ff. 22 Wendy Wall, The Imprint of Gender. Authorship and Publication in the English Renaissance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), 32. That the manuscript preserves only the most popular or pre-eminent poems is implied by the existence of a folio leaf, EUL MS La.II.656, an incomplete lyric (four and a half stanzas in sixteenth-century secretary hand) which bears striking affinities to the archetypal Bannatyne lyric. 23 ‘To yow that is ye harbre of my Hairt’, anon., f. 219r, STS 265 (36). 24 ‘ffresche fragrent flour of bewty souerane’, anon., f. 219v, STS 267 (28). 25 ‘ffresche fragrent flour’ (37, 46–7). 26 ‘Sen that I am a prisoneir’ (ff. 214r–15r), anonymous but attributed to Dunbar in the Reidpeth manuscript, and ‘In may as that aurora did upspring’ (ff. 283r–4r), ‘Now culit is dame venus brand’ (ff. 284r–285v), ‘Thir ladyis fair’ (ff. 261r-v); ‘The garmont of gud ladeis’, ff. 215r-v, by Henryson; ‘Ane aigit ma[n] twys fourty yeiris’ by Kennedy; ‘The prolog of the fourtt book of Virgell’ (ff. 291r–4v) from the Eneados of Gavin Douglas. Notes 185

27 ‘Stewart’ (ascribed five lyrics, therefore the most prolific named lyricist after Scott) has been identified by van Heijnsbergen as William Stewart whose family had close links with the Bannatynes; Steill (ascribed two lyrics) is identified by MacQueen, Ballattis, xxxiv–v, as George Steill, a courtier of James V; ‘Fethy’ (ascribed two lyrics) has been identified as the musician John Fethy, organist and chanter of the Chapel Royal (Scott was presented with its prebend; MacQueen, xxx–xxxii but see Shire, 37–8, 260); for the unresolved identity of ‘Clerk’, see Fox and Ringler eds, xxii; the ‘Weddirburne’ attribution in four lyrics may allude to one of three brothers, James, John or Robert (Fox and Ringler eds, xxxv); ‘Mersar’ (ascribed three lyrics) may be the poet named by Dunbar in his litany of poets in memoriam, ‘That did in luf so lifly write…’ (Fox and Ringler eds, xxxii). There is also a doubtful attribution to ‘Montgomery’ (ff. 253r-v). 28 ‘The song of troyelus’ appears on ff. 230r-v, copied from Thynne’s 1532 edition of Chaucer (Fox and Ringler, xxxiv). For an interesting discussion of apparent Chaucerian misogyny, see David Parkinson and Carolyn Ives, ‘Scottish Chaucer, Misogynist Chaucer’, in Barbara Kline and Thomas Prendergast eds, Rewriting Chaucer: Culture, Authority, and the Idea of the Authentic Text 1400–1602 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1994). Also found on f. 220v is a copy of three stanzas from Lydgate’s Temple of Glas (Fox and Ringler, xxxiii). 29 This raises the important question whether the fourth pairt was intended to be read in a rigorously sequential manner. 30 MacDonald, ‘The Printed Book’. 31 Tasso, cited in Nesca A Robb, Neoplatonism of the Italian Renaissance (London, 1935), 153. 32 ‘The moir I luve and serf at all my mycht, anon., f. 249r, STS 356 (3–5). 33 Cf. ‘My hairt is heich aboif’. 34 ‘Was not gud king salamon’, ‘q ane inglisma[n]’, f. 216r, STS 255–6 (51–2). 35 Terms drawn from ‘In to my Hairt emprentit is so soir’, anon., f. 220v, STS 270 (2); ‘fflour of all fairheid’, anon., f. 227r, STS 291 (6). 36 ‘My Hairt is thrall’, anon., f. 223r, STS 277 (22); Annibale Romei, cited in Robb, 159. On conceptions and canons of female beauty in the period, see Naomi Yavneh, ‘The Ambiguity of Beauty in Tasso and Petrarch’, in James Grantham Turner ed., Sexuality and Gender in Early Modern Europe. Texts, Institutions, Images (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 133–57. 37 ‘Quhen tayis bank’ anon. ff. 229r-v STS 296–300 (82, 84); ‘Maist ameyn roseir’ attributed to ‘Stewart’; f.219r STS 265 (3). 38 ‘O lusty flour of yowt benyng and bricht’, anon., f. 238v, STS 323 (4–5). The only example of desiring or active female sexuality is the incomplete lyric ‘Lait lait on sleip as I wes laid’ (f. 233v, STS 308–9, 17–24). 39 ‘Maist ameyn roseir’ (10); ‘fflour of all fairheid’ (16–19). 40 ‘Quhen tayis bank’, (75–6). 41 ‘As phebus bricht’, (20–1). Nancy J. Vickers, ‘Petrarchan Lyric and the Strategies of Description’, in John D. Lyons and Stephen G. Nichols eds, Mimesis. From Mirror to Method, Augustine to Descartes (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1980), 100–9 (104). For a summary of the European blason, originating in the Blasons anatomiques du corps feminin (1536), see 186 Notes

Cathy Yendell, ‘A la recherche du corps perdu: a capstone of the Renaissance blasons anatomiques’, Romance Notes, 26 (1985), 135–42. 42 ‘Maist ameyn roseir’ (8–9); ‘fflour of all fairheid’ (6–9); ‘As phebus bricht’ (8–11). 43 ‘Na woundir is’, anon., f. 234r, STS 309 (5). 44 ‘My Hairt is thrall’ (34–5); ‘The bewty of Hir amorus ene’, anon., f. 218r, STS 261 (11–13); ‘The well of vertew’, anon., f. 218r, STS 263 (1–4). 45 Sara F. Matthews-Grieco, ‘The Body, Appearance, and Sexuality’, in Georges Duby and Michelle Perrot eds, A History of Women in the West (originally published as Storia delle donne in Occidente) 4 vols (Cambridge, Mass.: Bellknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), vol. 2, Renaissance and Enlightenment Paradoxes eds. Natalie Zemon Davis and Arlette Farge, 46–84 (58). In conventional medieval moral texts, associ- ated with sin, but in neo-Platonist writing reflecting the beauty of the woman’s soul, or in the quintessential courtly text a mirror of her virtue. 46 Joannes L. Vives, De institutio foeminae christianae (1524) trans. Richard Hyrde, A very Frutefull and Pleasant Booke, called the Instruction of a Christen woman (London, 1557), sig. Iiiiiv. See Ann Rosalind Jones, ‘Nets and Bridles: Early Modern Conduct Books and Sixteenth century Women’s Lyrics’, in Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse eds, The Ideology of Conduct. Essays on Literature and the History of Sexuality (London: Methuen, 1987), 39–72. 47 ‘O lusty flour of yowt benyng and bricht’, anon., f. 238v, STS 324 (19–20): ‘ryt nobill of blud…/honorable gentill…’. 48 See van Heijnsbergen, ‘Prosopographical context’, 186ff, for identification of the manuscript’s urban milieu. 49 ‘ffor to declair the high magnificens’, ascribed to Stewart, ff. 215v–16r, STS 256–8 (42–8). 50 While the spiritual perfection of the female beloved is intrinsic to the philo- sophical erotic tradition (Beatrice, Laura), it might be conjectured that in Bannatyne the alliance drawn between female sexuality and morality is designed to appeal to, or be made acceptable for, for a female audience. 51 That the same writers, notably Scott and ‘Weddirburne’, should contribute a piece to each mode itself suggests an ironic awareness of the conventions. 52 Newlyn, ‘Political Dimensions’, first suggested the generic influence of the querelle. For a variety of literary and cultural readings of the querelle des femmes, first so-called by Abel Lefranc in Les ecrivains français de la Renaissance (1914) in an essay on Rabelais. Francis Lee Utley, The Crooked Rib. An Analytical Index to the Argument about Women in English and Scots Literature to the End of the Year 1568 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1948) provides an excellent source and reference guide. 53 In MacKenna ed., 76; see also her earlier pioneering essay, ‘Luve, Lichery and Evill Wemen: the Satiric Tradition in the Bannatyne Manuscript’, SSL, 26 (1991), 283–93. 54 Jordan, 12. 55 Sydney Anglo, ‘The Courtier. The Renaissance and Changing Ideals’, The Courts of Europe. Politics, Patronage and Royalty 1400–1800 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1977), 33–54 (37). Notes 187

56 Significantly, there are no identifiable female-authored poems in the manu- script; this does not preclude female authorship of the substantial number of anonymous poems but these facts, combined with the distinct lack even of female-voiced poems, suggests a strongly masculine-gendering of the feminine in the Bannatyne manuscript and raises interesting questions about the scope for female literary utterance in the Marian period. 57 Woodbridge, 5. 58 Ibid., 113–17. 59 Ibid., 17. 60 See Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men. English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985). 61 ‘In all this warld no man may wit’, anon., ff. 257r–8r, STS vol. 4, 20 (9–11). 62 ‘My hairt is quhyt…’, anon., f. 256v; STS 18–19; this lyric may partly demonstrate the quality of copia which has been identified as a character- istic of many of the pamphlets: Katherine Usher Henderson and Barbara F. McManus eds, Half Humankind: Texts and Contexts of the Controversy about Women in England 1540–1640 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), 40-1. 63 ‘In all this warld…’ (33–40). 64 Leon Battista Alberti, cited in Kelly, ‘Early Feminist Theory’, 11. 65 ‘ffane wald I luve bot quhair abowt’, ascribed to ‘Clerk’, f. 255r, STS 13–14 (7). 66 See Mark Breitenberg, Anxious Masculinity in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), chapter 4. 67 ff. 252r-v, attributed to Stewart, STS vol. 4, 6–8. 68 anon., ff. 257r–258r, STS vol. 4, 18–19. 69 ‘In all this world…’, ff.257v–8v, STS 19–22. 70 ‘This work quhe sall sie or reid’, STS 24–6, ff. 258v–259r (28–31). 71 ff. 258v–259v; STS vol. 4, 23–5. Fox and Ringler, xxxvi, note that this is derived from ‘The Remedy of Love’ (stanzas 20-9 and 38) which exists only in Thynne’s 1532 edition of Chaucer, and subsequent reprints. 72 It is this ‘public’ voice (or the illusion thereof) that allows for mock- retractions or excusatio (eg. Scott’s ‘I muse and m[er]vellis…’, f. 254v, STS vol. 4, 11–13: ‘I wat gud wemen will not wyt me/nor of this sedull be eschamit’, 73–4). 73 From the late twelfth century ‘Life of Secundus’: see Carleton Brown, ‘Mulier est Hominis Confusio’, Modern Language Notes, 35 (1920), 479–82, for its history. 74 For a succinct analysis of the principal Christian and classical Latin tradi- tions, see Jacques Dalarun, ‘The Clerical Gaze’ and Claude Thomasset, ‘The Nature of Woman’, in Klapisch-Zuber ed., 15–42; 43–69. 75 ff. 260r-v, STS 28–30 attributed to ‘weddirburne’. 76 Related to the Pauline dictum, ‘but I suffer not a woman to teach…’; St John Chrysostom imputed female garrulity to Eve’s transgression (Blamires ed., 59). 77 Anon., f. 262r, STS vol 4, 32 (1–7); there are copies of this in the Maitland folio and in the Reidpeth MS with an additional stanza, and also in the Book of the Dean of Lismore where there is a false attribution to ‘chawseir’: Fox and Ringler, xxxvii. 188 Notes

78 St Jerome writes that the love of women is always ‘insatiable’ (Blamires ed., 68); for a survey of Renaissance physiological theories of female sex- uality, Aristotelian and Galenic in origin, see Fletcher, 61ff; MacLean; Renaissance Woman: a Sourcebook. Constructions of Femininity in England, ed. Kate Aughterson (London: Routledge, 1995), chapters 2 and 4. 79 See Maclean, 16ff; Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, 1a.92.1, cited in Blamires et al., 93. 80 ‘Devyce proves and eik humilitie’ (32), anon., f. 262v, STS 34-5 which is also found in Bod MS Arch. Selden B. 24 (Fox and Ringler, xxxvii); ‘O wicket wemen wilfull and variable’ (15), anon., f. 263r, STS 35–6. 81 ‘Devyce proves’ (29, 3). 82 Ibid., 36–40. For the classic argument of Eve’s temptation, conventionally cited by negative querelle polemicists, and the curse inflicted see Augustine, ‘De Genesi ad Litteram’, and Ambrose, cited in Blamires et al., 79, 61. 83 ff. 263v–4r, STS 36–7. 84 ‘I muse and m[er]vellis in my mynd’, ff. 254r-v, STS 13 (69–70). 85 Even though the case for exact imitation or borrowing is difficult to sub- stantiate given the generic nature of anti-feminist rhetoric. 86 ‘My luve wes fals’ attributed to Weddiburne, f.260r STS 28(14). 87 ‘Devyce proves and eik humilitie’ (47–9). 88 ‘All tho that list of wemen evill to speik’, ff. 275r-6v, STS vol. 4, 64–70 (169–75), attributed erroneously to Chaucer; Fox and Ringler, xxxvii, suggest this may have been copied from Thynne’s 1532 Chaucer. 89 ff. 269r–76r, STS vol. 4, 49–64. 90 Fox and Ramson, xxxvii, where the suggestion is made that this was copied from Thynne’s 1532 edition of Chaucer in which Hoccleve’s copy appears. There is an excellent dual edition of L’Epistre and Hoccleve’s Letter of Cupid: Thelma S. Fenster and Mary Carpenter eds, Poems of Cupid: Christine de Pisan’s Epistre au dieu d’amours and Dit de la Rose, Thomas Hoccleve’s The letter of Cupid: editions and translations with George Sewell’s The proclamation of Cupid (Leiden: Brill, 1990). 91 See J.A. Burrow, Thomas Hoccleve (Aldershot: Variorum, Ashgate, 1994), 53–4, for a complete list of manuscripts of the ‘Letter of Cupid’, predom- inantly ‘courtly writing’ concerning women. The copy is inscribed on ff. 211v–217. The manuscript was commissioned by Henry, third Lord Sinclair, and also contains a number of Chaucerian texts which may pos- sibly contribute to the Bannatyne misattribution (though the ‘Letter’, Hoccleve’s earliest dateable poem, was widely misattributed to Chaucer until the end of the sixteenth century). For a full description of the man- uscript, see Julia Boffey and A.S.G. Edwards, ‘Introduction’, The Works of Chaucer and The Kingis Quair. A Facsimile of Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Arch. Selden. B. 24 (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1997), 1–25. There are a significant number of orthographical and substantive variants between Selden B. 24 and the Bannatyne copy (including a textual rearrangement of the two stanzas in praise of St Margaret). 92 Christine’s 822 line poem is condensed to 476 lines. For a variety of crit- ical responses, see Jerome Mitchell, Thomas Hoccleve: A Study in Early Fifteenth-century English Poetic (1968; Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Notes 189

1981), 77–84 ; Diane Bornstein, ‘Anti-Feminism in Thomas Hoccleve’s Translation of Christine de Pizan’s Epistre au dieu d’amours’, English Language Notes, 19 (1981), 7–14; John F. Fleming, ‘Hoccleve’s “Letter of Cupid” and the “Quarrel” over the Roman de la Rose’, Medium Aevum, 40 (1971), 21–40; William A. Quinn, ‘Hoccleve’s “Epistle of Cupid”’, Explicator, 45 (1986), 7–10; Roger Ellis, ‘Chaucer, Christine de Pizan, and Hoccleve: the Letter of Cupid’, in Catherine Batt ed., Essays on Thomas Hoccleve (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), 19–54; Karen A. Winstead, ‘“I am othir to yow than yee weene”: Hoccleve, Women, and the Series’, Philological Quarterly, 72 (1993), 143–55; Glenda K. McLeod, ‘A Case of faulx semblans: L’Epistre au dieu d’amours and The Letter of Cupid’, in McLeod ed., The Reception of Christine de Pizan from the Fifteenth through the Nineteenth Centuries (Lewiston, NY: Mellen, 1991), 11–24, argues that Hoccleve’s poem tries to defend women but less competently because of several marked omissions and ‘reinterpretations’. Quinn interprets it as parodic and conservative; Bornstein contends that Hoccleve reduces Christine’s social and courtly exemplars, turns Cupid into a ‘jester’ (8), and alters the presentation of the Virgin. 93 In their ‘Introduction’, Fenster and Carpenter stress the influence of Chaucer upon Hoccleve’s work, in particular The Legend of Good Women. 94 See Eric Hicks, Le Débat sur Le Roman de la Rose; édition critique, introduction, traductions (Paris: Champion, 1977). There were no extant printed editions of Christine’s works, but many manuscripts were in circulation throughout the sixteenth-century: Jordan, 105-6. For the transmission of Hoccleve’s manuscript and wirnesses, see Fenster and Carpenter, 171–2. The poem was not assigned to Hoccleve until Thomas Speght’s edition of Chaucer in 1598. 95 Kelly, ‘Early Feminist Theory’, 10–11; Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Feminist Consciousness from the Middle Ages to Eighteen-Seventy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 144ff. The standard account of Christine’s life is Charity Cannon Willard, Christine de Pizan: Her Life and Works (New York: Persea Books, 1984). Christine was well known in English court circles; her son accompanied the Earl of Salisbury to England in 1398; she presented copies of her writing to Salisbury in which Henry IV took interest. 96 ‘All tho yat list of wemen ill to speik’ (79–80). 97 ‘All tho yat list…’ (113–17; 75–7). 98 ‘ffor to declair the high magnificens’, ff. 277r–8r, STS 71–3 (11–12), attributed to Stewart (the poem also appears on ff. 216r-v). 99 ‘I think thir men ar verry fals and vane’, ff. 279r-v, STS 76–9, attributed to Wedderburn (48–9). For an identical argument, see Castiglione, Il Libro del Cortegiano, trans. Thomas Hoby, ed. Virginia Cox (London: Everyman, 1994), against ‘Thow that hath made books’, and ‘religious men’: ‘a veile of holinesse…tourne all their thoghtes to defile the chaste mind of some woman…’ (261). 100 ‘All tho yat list of wemen evill to speik’ (9–13). Compare also Wedderburn: ‘Ar we not maid of wemenis flesch and blude/And in thair bosom we ar bred and borne’ (94–5); Dunbar’s ‘Now of wemen this I say for me’, f. 278r, STS 75: ‘Thay ws consaif with pane and be thame fed/Wtin thair breistis thair we be boun to bed…’ (13–14). 101 ‘ffor to declair…’ (42). 190 Notes

102 Ibid. (53). For a sensitive analysis of the Virgin’s religious and iconic status in medieval and Renaissance thought, see Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth and Cult of the Virgin Mary (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1976). 103 ‘ffor to declair…’ (41). For a succinct account of historical transforma- tions of the Virgin’s doctrinal and artistic meanings see Jaroslav Pelikan, Mary Through the Centuries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996) and Warner. There is an extensive literature on Mariology: for more detailed accounts see, for example, Juniper Carol ed., Mariology, 3 vols (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1955–61); Carol Graef, Mary: A History of Doctrine and Devotion, 2 vols (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1963–5). 104 ‘All tho yat list…’ (160–8). Both ‘the lettre’ and other lyrics also glorify the women who did not, unlike ‘sainct petir’, forsake Christ: ‘l[ett]re’ (428–9); ‘I think thir men…’ (29–35). 105 Irenaeus, Against Heresies, V.xix.1, cited in Pelikan, 87. 106 ‘All tho yat list…’ (141–7). 107 ‘ffor to declair’ (18), recalling 1 Cor.11: 7: ‘but woman is the glory of man’ (Woodbridge, 11). Jordan comments on this common strategy of the defences that ‘a deficiency of certain attributes, particularly physical strength, is the basis of great virtue’ (88). 108 Bornstein, 12. 109 Fenster and Carpenter, 198. 110 Quinn, 8. 111 There is an interesting rearrangement in the stanza’s final line: ‘the feith of god/ holy virgyne’ becomes in the Bannatyne text ‘[th]e faith of holy god thow virgyne’; while this may be an accidental transposition, it is nevertheless suggestive: St Margaret is apostrophised as a virgin only, and the sanctifying epithet qualifies God in a more liturgical phrase, as if to emphasise the process of the ‘conversion’; though where St Margaret’s was originally the power of Roman Catholic conversion, now it is imbued with the Reformed ‘doctrene’. 112 ‘Thir billis ar brevit…’, attributed to Mersar f. 278r, STS 73 (3–7). 113 Cancelled stanza of ‘Thir billis ar brevit…’. 114 Pelikan, 84ff. 115 As the Marian historian Michael Lynch and others have pointed out, such an apparent culmination of the Reformation crises of 1559 and 1560 failed to constitute the ‘religious revolution’ which it is often assumed: Michael Lynch ed., Mary Stewart. Queen in Three Kingdoms (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), 8. 116 There is only one explicit poem of Marian devotion: the ‘song of the virgin mary/callit magnificat anima mea d[omi]nu[m], Draft MS, 22–4, and Main MS, ff. 25v–6v, based on the Magnificat (Canticle of Mary), Luke 1:46–55. Marian allusions occur within the body of devotional poems per se on ff. 27r, 28v, 29v–30v; 33r, 36v, 38v, 39v–40r; these are almost exclusively concerned with the Annunciation, and Mary’s role as the Virgin Mother of God (focusing on Mary’s womb and virgin body, and her response to the angel Gabriel’s salutation in the Gospel). Notes 191

117 Annabel Lee Patterson, Censorship and Interpretation. The Conditions of Reading and Writing in Early Modern England (Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984), 8. 118 ‘Leif luve my luve no langar thow it lyk’, anon., f. 281r, STS 82 (7–12, 15–16). 119 ff. 289r–90r, STS 102-7 120 ‘O ma[n] transfformit and vnnaturall’, attributed to Wedderburn, ff. 287v–88v, STS 98–102 (113-19). 121 f. 293v–94r, STS 114 (201–7). 122 ‘Quhat meneth this…’ (20), wrongly attributed to Chaucer, ff. 280v–283r, STS 82–7. 123 ‘Quhat meneth this…’ (29, 57, 65–7, 71, 78, 84, 92). 124 Exemplified by Dunbar’s lyric, ‘Quha will behald of luve the chance’, f. 281r, STS 81. 125 Chiara Frugoni, ‘The Imagined Woman’, in Klapisch-Zuber ed., 336–422 (360). 126 Parkinson, 160. 127 ‘All tho that list…’ (160), Fox, ‘Manuscripts and Prints’, notes that in this text, ‘taken from Thynne, he [Bannatyne] makes some Protestant expurgations’ (166), presumably to diminish the Mariological praise; see also Shire, 21–3. It is perhaps easier to perceive the protestantised excisions rather than to assess what remains significantly ‘Catholicised’; and in the Bannatyne fourth love corpus, Marian allu- sions remain unexpurgated, perhaps because of the threat posed to the conceptual and ideological coherence of the querelle poems should they be entirely removed.

Chapter 3

1 ‘Fail not to let her see all this letter’: in G.P.V. Akrigg ed., Letters of King James VI and I (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 75. Speculatively dated 27 November 1586; William Keith was one of James’s two London agents. 2 ‘Heere shalt thou see clearlie, as in a glasse, the miseries of this wauering world’: ‘The Avthovr to the Reader’, The Furies, printed in His Maiesties Poeticall Exercises at vacant houres (Edinburgh: Robert Waldegrave, 1591), sig. 3r; James Craigie ed., The Poems of James VI of Scotland, 2 vols (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1955), vol. 1, 98. Citations from James’s poetry are orthographically based on the first printed edition or, in the case of unpublished poetry, the most appropriate ‘copy text’ manuscript (all rele- vant manuscript sources are identified; where a manuscript text exists in two orthographic versions, Scots and Anglo-Scots, the former is usually pre- ferred as, by inference, the earliest version); in citation of texts, reference is also made to Craigie’s two volume edition, abbreviated as STS to distinguish it from Craigie’s edition of the Basilikon Doron. 3 BL Add. MS 24195, f. 2r; STS vol. 2, 69, see note 22 below for detail of manuscript context. For readings of the erotic poems to date, see Murray 192 Notes

F. Markland, ‘A Note on Spenser and the Scottish Sonneteers’, SSL, 1 (1966–7), 136–40 (139); Antonia Fraser, James VI of Scotland and I of England (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1974; 1994), 52; R.D.S. Jack, ‘Poetry under King James VI’, in Cairns Craig ed., History of Scottish Literature, 4 vols (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1988), vol. 1 ed. Jack, 125–39 (128, 130); Jonathan Goldberg, James I and the Politics of Literature. Jonson, Shakespeare, Donne and their Contemporaries (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989), 22–5; J. Derrick McClure, ‘‘‘O Phoenix Escossois’: James VI as Poet’, in Alisoun Gardner- Medwin and Janet Hadley Williams eds, A Day Estivall (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1990), 96–111 (106–7). See also the newly published collec- tion edited by Daniel Fischlin and Mark Fortier, Royal Subjects. Essays on the Writings of James VI and I (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2002). 4 Robert Ashton ed., James I by his Contemporaries (London: Hutchison and Co., 1969), 148. 5 ‘Ane Schort Treatise, conteining some Reulis and cautelis to be obseruit and eshewit in Scottis Poesie’ (Reulis), sig. Liiijv; STS vol. 1, 76; ‘commoun’ is most probably meant in a linguistic or stylistic sense; the term, ‘commoun verse’ which he advocates for ‘materis of love’ is probably derived from Ronsard’s Abbrège de l’Art Poétique Francois (1565). 6 Reulis, sig. Mr STS vol. 1, 76; the sonnet is found on sig. Kiiijr, prefacing the actual text of the Reulis, and recapitulating the aesthetic of ‘ingyne’ implied in the sonnet immediately preceding, ‘Sonnet of the Avthovr to the Reader’, sig. Kiijv. 7 Essayes of a Prentise, ‘The twelf Sonnets of Inuocations to the Goddis’, sig. Aiiijr, ‘Sonnet. 2’, line 12, STS vol. 1, 9. This theory of artful illusionism is probably influenced by Quintilian’s theory of evidentia and the translation of the verbal into the visual or perceptual. See also Roderick J. Lyall, ‘James VI and the Cultural Crisis’, in Julian Goodare and Michael Lynch eds, The Reign of James VI (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2000), 55–70. 8 Claire McEachern, The Poetics of English Nationhood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), in discussion of The Trew Law of Free Monarchies (7). 9 Each MS is described respectively in Allan F. Westcott, New Poems by James I of England (New York: AMS Press, 1966), xi–xvi and Craigie, Poems, vol. 1, lxxi–vii. Bodley, 165 contains only two of the BL Amatoria texts, ‘as falcounis ar’ (ff. 43r-44v), and ‘if mourning micht amende’, later titled ‘A Dier at her M:ties Desyr’ (ff. 46r-v). These are each written on separate manuscripts and bound together with the other works, including the Lepanto and the Furies. There are interesting linguistic differences between the texts which show the later anglified revisions of original Scots orthography, suggesting a clear pre- 1603 dating and the cultural sensitivity of post-Union linguistic affiliations. 10 For further details see Westcott, New Poems, xiv–xv and STS vol. 2, 206–10. Two different hands are identifiable in the inscription of the poems between ff. 4r and 29r. 11 Curtis Perry, ‘Royal Authorship and Problems of Manuscript Attribution in the Poems of King James VI & I’, Notes and Queries, 46.2 (1999), 243–6. I am most grateful to Professor Perry for letting me consult his article in advance of publication. 12 There are a number of verbal similarities between James’s attributed poetry and that by Alexander Montgomerie and John Stewart; James’s adoption of such tropes becomes a public acknowledgement of reciprocity and poetic debt. Notes 193

13 The first Amatoria sonnet occasioned a ‘reply’ from Henry Constable (STS vol. 2, 225); see Joan Grundy ed., The Poems of Henry Constable (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1960), ‘Introduction’, 28–31, and Constable’s other two sonnets to James, one of which proclaims James’s poetic separa- tion from ‘others hooded with blind loue’ (implying that profane love is an unfit sovereign subject; 140–1). Arthur Marotti, Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995),14, also cites a likely imitation of the first Amatoria sonnet by Nicholas Breton in Stephen Powle’s commonplace book: ‘A passionate Sonnet made by the Kinge of Scots uppon difficulties ariseing to crosse his proceedinge in love & marriage with his most worthie to be esteemed Queene’. 14 Akrigg, Letters, 92–3 (NLS MS 33.1.1). 15 Ibid., 92. For James’s arrangement of other noble marriages, see Mathew, James I (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1967), 55. 16 Ibid., 92. Akrigg asserts that the poem ‘apparently has been lost’ (93). 17 In another letter published by Akrigg (93–4), James urges that the Countess consent to his request on the grounds that Lindsay is now of appropriately marriageable degree: ‘ye may be matched with that rank which ye presently possess […]’ (93). Lindsay and the Countess appear to have married in May 1590 (94). Lindsay was described as the ‘King’s only minion…his nightly bed-fellow’ in 1588 (Akrigg, 93, citing CSP Scottish 1586–88, 558). 18 This survives both in BL Add. MS 24195 and Bodley 165: see STS vol. 2, 134–47. 19 Westcott, 78–9, later endorsed by STS vol. 1, 228. 20 Add. MS 24195, ff. 14r–16r; STS vol. 2, 81–2 (50–6). 21 The later metaphorical expansion into the image of the storm-tossed ship is also an emblematic image (in Alciati’s Emblematum Liber (Lyon, 1545), for example, signifying ‘Spes proxima’), as well as a popular petrarchistic conceit for erotic suffering. The Jamesian conceit of the court as bereft of its beautiful light is interestingly paralleled by Ronsard’s valedictory poetry to Mary herself: Fleming, 68, notes the similarity to the conceit of the lost ‘perle précieuse’ in the ‘Elégie sur le départ de la Royne d’Escosse’ but there is also another resemblance in the ‘Elégie a H. L’Huillier, Seigneur de Maisonfleur’ (1564): ‘Nous perdons de la court le beau Soleil qui luit’ (3), in Paul Laumonier ed., Oeuvres complètes, 20 vols (Paris: Hachette, 1914–75), vol. 12, 189. 22 See Sarah M. Dunnigan, ‘Discovering Desire in the Amatoria of James VI’, for detailed analysis of this text, and speculation upon the reasons for its inclusion in an ostensibly erotic ‘anthology’. 23 Goldberg, 25. 24 There was a further ceremony by Lutheran rites on 21 January 1590 at Kronborg. Only on 21 April 1590 did the newly anointed Queen Anna and James begin a successful return voyage to Scotland; the storms were attributed to the demonic work of witches. Anna has tradictionally been referred to as Anne; however, more recently there is a tendency to refer to her by her baptismal name and I have adopted this throughout this text. 25 See David Stevenson, Scotland’s Last Royal Wedding. The Marriage of James VI and Anne of Denmark (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers Ltd, 1997). See 194 Notes

also the official documents transcribed in J.T.G. Craig, Papers relative to the Marriage of King James the sixth of Scotland with the Princess Anna of Denmark (Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1828). 26 STS vol. 2, 68–9. Add. MS 24195, ff. 4r–5v; to avoid confusion, I number the twelve chronologically and not according to their inconsistent numbering in the manuscript; hence each quotation will be located by sonnet number and then line reference. 27 Wilson, 89, and Bingham, 116ff. 28 For an account of the coronation and entry of Anna into Edinburgh see Craig, 37–42; Stevenson, 57–63, 100–120; Michael Lynch, ‘Court Ceremony and Ritual during the Personal Reign of James VI’, in Lynch and Goodare eds, 71–92. The marriage constituted a poetic commission in itself (see NLS Adv. 19.3.29 by Jacob Jacobsen Wolf) but there are no surviving epithala- mia by the Scottish Jacobean coterie. 29 Sir James Melville, Memoirs of his Own Life (Edinburgh, 1827), 373. 30 Akrigg, 95. 31 6: 7–12; f. 6v, STS vol. 2, 70. The conceit suggests sexual possession (prefiguring the imminent sexual union within marriage?) but is especially redolent of Jupiter’s sexual possession of Ganymede, cupbearer to Zeus, who was carried off by an eagle, possibly Zeus in disguise. For the common Renaissance homoerotic interpretation of this, see James Sazlow, Ganymede in the Renaissance: homosexuality in art and society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986); for another Jamesian variation on the conceit, see the Phoenix, 56–60. 32 ‘What mortall man may liue but hart’ (5), Add. 24195, ff. 27v–29r, Bodley ff. 52v–53v; STS vol. 2 94–8. See also the poem entitled ‘The beginning of his Mties jurnei to Denmarke; neuer ended’, Bodley 15, ff. 57r–v, BL Add 24195, ff. 56r–7r, STS vol. 2, 144–9, found under the aegis of ‘All the kings short poesis’ but suggestive of collaborative or coterie authorship. 33 ‘What mortall man’ (29–32). 34 ‘James imposes his power on her [Anna]’: Goldberg, 25. 35 For James’s other references to the idea of inspired furor (expounded in the French rhetorical treatises of Sebillet and du Mans which influenced James’s own, and poetically in, for example, Ronsard’s Hymne de l’Automne, XII, 46ff) see ‘A Sonnet on du Bartas’ (Add. 24195, f. 34r, the second Du Bartasian sonnet, STS vol. 1, 102), and the series of twelve mythological sonnets printed in the Essayes. Buchanan may also have been an influence: in particular, his Ptolemaic-based, cosmographical poetry, the Sphaera, to which James’s own cosmological sonnets (‘Ad hoc creaturae destinatae sunt, vt in eis glorificetur Creator’, printed at the end of the Lepanto, and two ‘on Ticho Brahe’, Add. 24195, ff. 32r-v, STS vol. 2, 99–101), may be indebted. On the Sphaera, see Yasmin Haskell, ‘Renaissance Latin Didactic Poetry on the Stars: Wonder, Myth, and Science’, Renaissance Studies, 12.4 (1998), 495–522. 36 Goldberg, 21. 37 Goldberg, 25; Goldberg considers this analogous to the same process of ‘transformation’ in James’s attitude to Mary that he defines as first opposi- tional, then as a silencing or suppression of the queen’s ‘menacing force’ (25). Notes 195

38 ‘And will any still worship Juno’s godhead or humbly lay sacrifice upon her altars?’ Virgil. Eclogues, Georgics, Aeneid I–VI, Loeb, 2 vols. trans. H. Rushton Fairclough (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), vol. 1, 245. 39 ‘Thy task, O queen, is to search out thy desire; my duty is to do thy bidding’, ibid., 247. 40 For example, ‘Vpon occasion of some great disorders in Scotland’ (11–12), Add. MS 24195, f. 45r, STS vol. 2, 119: ‘In vaine descended I of Royal race/Which by succession made a king of me’. In The Trew Law of Free Monarchies, James also identifies himself with Fergus, the Irish chieftain who subdued Scotland. For the political and constitutional uses of Scotland’s mythical sovereign past, see Roger A. Mason, ‘Scotching the Brut: Politics, History, and National Myth in Sixteenth-Century Britain’, in Mason ed., Scotland and England 1286–1815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 73–4. 41 See Jean Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods. The Mythological Tradition and its Place in Renaissance Humanism and Art (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1972, first pub. 1953), on the mythological genealogy of Renaissance princes celebrated in ‘art and poetry [which] joined forces to attest the divinity of the sovereign […]’ (32). 42 For discussion of the 1569 portrait of Elizabeth depicting the queen winning the prize, see Jonathan Goldberg, Endlesse Worke: Spenser and the Structures of Discourse (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), 150–1. 43 Philippa Berry, Of Chastity and Power. Elizabethan Literature and the Unmarried Queen (London: Routledge, 1989), 67, citing Wind’s Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance. 44 Identified by Westcott, 73, ‘Voyant ces monts de veue ainsi lointaine’, but while structurally and semantically close to the original, James’s concen- trates on alliterative flourish (‘et de grands vents leur cime est toute plaine’, line 8, becomes ‘From them great windes doe hurle with hiddeous beir’; ‘ma foi est certaine’, line 4, becomes ‘my faithe a steadfast stone’). 45 The Boke named The Gouernour ed. H.H.S. Croft, 2 vols (London, 1883), vol. 1, 4. Mark Breitenberg, Anxious Masculinity in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 38ff, offers a gendered interpretation of humoural theory as subversive of ‘a specifically masculine vision of social order and individual rationality’ (38). 46 The conceit of death as metamorphosis is found also in James’s second sonnet on Du Bartas: ‘His soule in starre, his furie in fires most strange/His pen in Phoenix, corps in floure shall change’ (13–14, Add. 24195, f. 34r, STS vol. 2, 102). 47 Add. 24195, ff. 10v–13r; MS Bodley 165, ff. 46r–6v; STS vol. 2, 74–9. In Add. 24195, it was originally titled ‘on her M:tie’s desyr’. 48 Text based on the orthographically Scots version in Bodley (f. 46r; STS vol. 1 77); (41–5). 49 Clare McManus, ‘Marriage and the Performance of the Romance Quest: Anne of Denmark and the Stirling Baptismal Celebrations for Prince Henry’, in L.A.J.R. Houwen, A.A. MacDonald and S. Mapstone eds, A Palace in the Wild (Leuven: Peeters, 2000), 177–98 (181). 50 This kind of excusatio is used, for example, by Jehan Le Fevre: ‘For if some women are evil and perverse and abnormal, it does not necessarily follow that all of them are so cruel and wicked; nor should all of them be lumped 196 Notes

together in this general reproach…’: Aleuin Blamires et al. eds, Women Defamed and Women Defended: An Anthology of Medieval Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 193. 51 See Joel Fineman, Shakespeare’s Perjured Eye: The Invention of Poetic Subjectivity in the Sonnets (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). 52 Kevin Sharpe, ‘The King’s Writ: Royal Authors and Royal Authority in Early Modern England’, in Kevin Sharpe and Peter Lake eds, Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1994), 117–138. 53 ‘The Auvthors Preface to the Reader’, The Lepanto, printed in Poeticall Exercises, sig. Hr, STS vol. 1, 200. 54 ‘A dreame’ (10–13). On other similarities between Jamesian erotic and non- erotic poetry, see, for example, the echo of the phrase, ‘Dame Rheas fruictfull face’ from ‘A dreame’ in ‘Sonnet to Chancellor Maitlane [Maitland]’ (3), Add. 24195, f. 37r, STS vol. 1, 107); ‘what am I who on Pegasian backe/Does flee amongs the Nymphs immortall faire’ compared to the first Anna sonnet. 55 On humoral imagery in James’s translation of Du Bartas’s La Premier Sepmaine, entitled the Furies, see R.D.S. Jack, ‘Imitation in the Scottish Sonnet’, Comparative Literature, 20 (1968), 313–28, and Ian Ross, ‘Verse Translation at the Court of King James VI of Scotland’, Texas Studies in Language and Literature, 4 (1962), 252–67. 56 Apollo’s oracular role is the conceit of Montgomerie’s Delphic poem, ‘Before the Greeks durst enterpryse’, which James included in the Reulis and Cautelis as the exemplar of love poetry. 57 The ‘dreame’, of course, draws on the fashionable mode of lapidary symbol- ism: see, for example, Remy Bealleau, Amours et nouveaux échanges des pierres précieux. 58 Another less frequent incarnation of James’s mythological roles as well as a common emblematic figure: see Arthur Henkel and Albrecht Schoene, Emblemata: Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI und XVII Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1967), 1610, for a variety of Orpheus emblems to which James might be alluding. In ‘The Translators Invocation’, in Poeticall Exercises, sig. 8r, there is an allusion to Orpheus: ‘(Alluring ORPHEVS) with his songs/he sweetlie doth inchaunt/The MVSES nyne to laue their leeds/That they before did haunt/And take them to his vulgare toung’ (21–5). 59 Essayes, sig. Gijr-Iijv; there is a manuscript copy in Bodley 165, ff. 36r–42r. 60 Allan F. Westcott (ed.), New Poems by James I of England (New York: AMS Press, 1966), 71. 61 Melville, Memoirs, 275. 62 Bingham, 53. See Lee, Great Britain’s Solomon, 45–6, 235–7, for another assessment of the Esmé relationship. 63 CSP (Border), vol. 1, cited in David Moysie ed., Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland 1577–1603 (Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1830), 55. 64 Melville, Memoirs, 275. 65 See further William Forbes-Leith, Narratives of Scottish Catholics under Mary Stuart and James VI (Edinburgh: 1885): Esmé was favoured by John Leslie, the Bishop of Ross (chief pro-Marian reprentative), as a positive force for Catholic restoration in Scotland. 66 David Bergeron, James I and Letters of Homoerotic Desire (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1999), 33, 37. Notes 197

67 Though the poem also explicitly indicts the twin allegorical forces of Nature and Fortune. 68 See Bergeron, 36–8, on the evolution of their love and revealing contempo- rary comments on Esmé’s apparent corruption of the king. Michael B. Young’s recent James VI and I and the History of Homosexuality (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000) analyses the political influence of what he argues to be the king’s incontrovertible homosexuality. 69 Ford, 106; on James’s triumphal entry into London in 1603, the phoenix iconography was deployed (‘Nova Felix Arabia Arch’); the newly created phoenix represented the new monarch succeeding Elizabeth, rising from her ashes; see Graham Parry, The Golden Age Restor’d: The Culture of the Stuart Court 1603–42 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1981), 10. 70 In Alciati’s Emblematum Liber (1545), for example, of which James possessed a copy (‘Textbooks of King James’, in T.W. Baldwin, William Shakspere’s Small Latine and Lesse Greeke, 2 vols (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1944–50), vol. 1, 535). NLS MS 2063, f. 103r, belonging to William Fowler, contains written and illustrated instructions for the phoenix emblem. 71 Margaret Swain, The Needlework of Mary Queen of Scots (Carlton: Ruth Bean Publishers, 1986), 63, 106; Mary adopted it as an emblem in her tapestry, perhaps ‘in memory of her beloved mother’ (63). 72 For Buchanan, see Ford, 10, based on Claudian. Du Bartas eulogised James as ‘ô phoenix escossois’ in the prefatory poem to his translation of the king’s Lepanto (see McClure, 97). Montgomerie incarnates James himself as the phoenix in a sonnet which exalts James as ‘Quintessenst of Kings’ (David Parkinson ed., The Poems of Alexander Montgomerie, 2 vols [Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society, 2000], 67: 18 (13)). 73 Guss, 161–2. 74 Bergeron, 61. 75 ‘Fame puts her away and hides her in the fragrant rich bosom of the Arabian mountains, but she flies haughty through our own skies’ (12–14): translation from Robert M. Durling, Petrarch’s Lyric Poems. The Rime Sparse and Other Lyrics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976) 330–1. 76 Bergeron, 58. 77 He was buried by James in King Henry’s chapel at Westminster in 1624 where Anna was also interred, and where he himself would be only one year later. See Jamie Reid-Baxter, ‘Politics, Passion and Poetry in the Circle of James VI: John Burel and his Surviving Works’, in Mapstone ed., 199–248 (209ff), for a sensitive account of Ludovic’s political and cultural influence. 78 Bergeron, 52. 79 Even James’s printed poetry was frequently ushered forth with an apologia; as, for example, ‘The Authour to the Reader’ appended to the Poeticall Exercises (1591), regarding poems composed in ‘my verie young and tender yeares’. 80 Bergeron, 53.

Chapter 4

1 Il Libro del Cortegiano trans. The Book of the Courtier by Thomas Hoby, ed. Virginia Cox (London: Everyman, 1994), 120. 198 Notes

2 NLS MS Adv. 19.2.6 (ff. 7r–11r prefatory material; ff. 11v–61v the Roland Furiovs; ff. 62r–103r the Rapsodies; ff. 109r–158v the Schersing; ff. 159r-v the ‘fairweill’). See John Purves, ‘The Abbregement of Roland Furious, by John Stewart of Baldynneis, and the early knowledge of Ariosto in England’, Italian Studies, 3 (1939), 65–82, for a succinct description of the manuscript (75). All quotations from Stewart’s poetry are here based on the orthography and punc- tuation of the sole manuscript, NLS Adv. 19.2.6; but for convenience reference is also made to the Scottish Text Society edition, Thomas Crockett ed., The Poems of John Stewart of Baldynneis (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1913) (volume 1 of an incompleted two-volume edition), which is abbreviated in citation to STS (this edition incorrectly numbers the foliation). 3 Criticism on Stewart favours the Orlando Furioso at the expense of the lyrics. See Matthew P. McDiarmid, ‘Notes on the Poems of John Stewart of Baldynneis’, Review of English Studies, 24 (1948), 12–18, and ‘John Stewart of Baldynneis’, SHR, 29 (1950), 52–63. R.D.S. Jack, ‘Poetry under King James VI’, in Cairns Craig ed., History of Scottish Literature, 4 vols (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1988), vol. 1 ed. R.D.S. Jack, 125–39, and The Italian Influence on Scottish Literature (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1979); Sandra M. Bell, ‘Poetry and Politics in the Scottish Renaissance’, unpub. PhD diss. (Queen’s University, Ontario, 1995), considers Stewart’s poetry as wholly acquiescent confirmation of James’s supremacy and his Protestant imperialism (134–48). Janet Smith, Les Sonnets elisabéthains (Paris, 1929) lists probable European Petrarchist sources for seven Rapsodies sonnets (326). McDiarmid, ‘Notes’, discusses the influence of Phillipe Desportes’ Premières Oeuvres on four sonnets (13, 15). See most recently Donna Rodger, ‘John Stewart of Baldynneis: ane maist perfyt prentes’, in Neil McMillan and Kirsten Stirling eds, Odd Alliances (Glasgow: Cruithne Press, 1999), 2–11, and Sarah M. Dunnigan, ‘Poetic Objects of Desire: rhetorical culture and seduc- tive arts in the lyrics of John Stewart of Baldynneis’, Scottish Literary Journal 26.1 (1999), 7–28; and Donna Heddle [Rodger], ‘An edition of John Stewart’s Orlando Furioso’, unpub. PhD diss. (University of Edinburgh, 2001). 4 ‘To his Maiestie vith presentatio[n]/Of this volume./Sonnet’, (1–3), f. 103r, STS 192; H.R. Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 90–1. 5 For the fullest biographical account, see McDiarmid, ‘John Stewart’. 6 Elizabeth Stewart’s marriage to James Gray, brother of the fifth Lord Gray, was dissolved at her instigation on grounds of adultery on 10 June 1581. John Stewart, acting as one of the executors of the paternal estate, took possession of Red Castle in Perthshire in opposition to the property claims of his stepfa- ther which led to a series of direct conflicts between Stewart, defending Red Castle and his mother’s right to it with the aid of Andrew Gray of Dunninald, and James Gray. The latter charged Stewart before the Privy Council at Stirling with unlawful seizure of Red Castle. Stewart failed to appear at trial. On 1 April 1579, he was ordered to surrender the castle to Gray. In May, Stewart sought legal redress and Robert Erskine of Dun was solicited to ensure that the castle would be defended and Stewart brought safely before the Council. Possibly in order to secure the protective alliance with Andrew Gray of Dunninald, he entered a marriage contract at Red Castle on 19 November 1579 (registered on 25 July 1580) with Catherine Gray, his daughter. Notes 199

7 The exceptions occur on f. 72r, STS 124, ‘To His familiar freind In Cowrt’ (7) where ‘welth’ is repeated and crossed out; and on f. 97v, STS 181, ‘The answuir of the foirsaid hostes. Sonnet’ (9) where ‘for’ is inserted above the line in darker ink. On dating, see McDiarmid, ‘Notes’, 12. 8 Purves, 75, notes on f. 1v the book-plate of John, Earl of Roxburghe, 1703; see the Scots Peerage, vol. 7, 350. 9 ‘Ane Prayer in Adversitie’, ff. 63v–4v, STS 104–6; ‘Ane Prayer and Thankisgiwing’, ff. 65r–6r, STS 107–9. The suppliant language between sov- ereign and subject is transposed to the religious realm: ‘His guidnes yit sall ons restoir/His seruant frie of euerie smart’ (f. 66r, 81–4). 10 f. 67r, STS 109 (63–4). 11 ff. 67v–8r, STS. 122–3. 12 ff. 70v–2r, f. 72r, STS 124. 13 ff. 72r-v; STS 125–6. 14 f. 94v, STS 175; f.90r, STS 164. 15 See f. 73v, STS 127, ‘To his Maiestie the first of Ianvar. 1582’; f. 74r, STS 128, ‘To His Maiestie the first of Ianvar vith Presentation of ane lawrell trie formit of Gould. 1583’; f. 75r, STS 130, ‘To his Maiestie the day of his coro- nation Vith Laurell’. On the typical social and occasional circumstances of English court poetry (such as the New Year’s gift), see Arthur Marotti, Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), 2–3. 16 For example, ‘To ane Honorabill and Distressit Ladie’, ‘To ane Honarabill Ladie’, ‘In the end of ane letter to ane Honorabill Ladie’, ‘Ane Answer to the letter of ane honorabill Ladie’ (see ff. 66v–7v, STS 110–12; ff. 70r-v, STS 120–1; f. 71v, STS 122–3; ff. 79r-v, STS 141–2). 17 f. 76v, STS 134–5. 18 See Patricia A. Rosenmeyer, The Poetics of Imitation. Anacreon and the Anacreontic Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 210. See also John O’Brien, Anacreon Redivius. A Study of Anacreontic Translation in Mid-Sixteenth Century France (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995). Stewart’s poem is probably modelled on the frag- ment: ‘The Muses tied Love with garlands and handed him over to Beauty. And now Cythereia brings ransom and seeks to have him released. But if he is released, he will not leave but will stay: he has learned to be her slave’. Greek Lyric trans. David A. Campbell, Loeb Classical Library, 4 vols (London: Heinemann, 1988), II, 189–91; see Henry Stephanus, Anacreontis et aliorum lyricorum aliquot poëtarum Odae (Paris, 1556), 117. 19 For amplification of ‘the material’ as concept and artefact in Renaissance texts, see Margreta de Grazia, Maureen Quilligan, and Peter Stallybrass eds., Subject and Object in Renaissance Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 20 The little putto enclosed in crystal which she possesses evokes an emblem- atic image; Stewart’s gloss (28–32) on the crystal Cupid recalls an emblem exposition, characteristic of Scottish Jacobean court poetry. 21 Jack, Choice, 13ff, and History, 130. 22 See further Dunnigan, ‘Poetic Objects’. 23 Hoby ed., Cox, 276 (my italics). 200 Notes

24 ‘In Com[m]endation of two constant lvifers’, f. 80r, STS 143. This is clearly an allusion to James, characteristically imaged by the sun-god and the harp of David; the mythological and biblical coalesce. 25 ‘To his Maiestie the first of Ianvar: 1582’, f. 73v, STS 127 (1–3). Exemplified, for example, by the rhetoric of ‘To his Maiestie the first of ianvar’, f. 74r, STS 128; ‘At command of his Maiestie in prais of the art of poesie’, f. 74r, STS 129; ‘To his Maiestie with presentation of this volume’, f. 103r, STS 192. 26 ‘To the former effect. Ane vther sonnet’, f. 88r, STS 160 (5–9). 27 ‘The Prolog’, f. 111r, STS 196 (9–11). 28 Ane Schersing, ‘The Mateir’, f. 114r, STS 200 (11–12). 29 ‘To the former effect. Ane vther sonnet’, f. 88r, STS 160 (5–9). The sonnet, ‘In prais of his Maiesties Work’, f. 87v, STS 159, seems to allude to James’s translation of Du Bartas: ‘Sum holie Angill…’ (7–9), and in the third sonnet in this apparent series, f. 88v, STS 161, to James’s ‘Dewyise celest’ (4). This has bearings for his own poetry: ‘Muse than assist me vith sum mater meit/Meit mychtie mater As his Muse dois wse…’ (7–8). 30 ‘The Prolog’, Ane Schersing, f. 111v, STS 197 (31–6). 31 ‘The Prolog’ (39). 32 This is, of course, declared by the title; it probably alludes to Petrarch’s ‘primo giovenile errore’ in the Rime. 33 ‘To his Maiestie/Sonnet’, f. 63r, STS 103 (7–10) (though here there is also more subtly the promise of mutual reward: James will prove himself virtu- ous in attending to Stewart’s writing). 34 ‘To his Maiestie/Sonnet’ (11–12). 35 ‘To his Maiestie the first of Ianvar. 1582’, f. 74v, STS 127 (21). 36 ‘Ane giltles hart possessit bot vith luif/Is suir as Rock that storms may not remuif’: ‘[o]f ane Thochtles and Frie Hart from Vorldie Cair’, f. 101v, STS 187 (13–14). 37 Stewart’s theoretical advocacy of verbal purity is intensified in his Protestant visionary allegory, Ane Schersing. 38 ‘Of Gentlemen and Shepherds: the Politics of Elizabethan Pastoral Form’, ELH, 50 (1983), 415–59 (440). 39 f. 74r, STS 129 (5). 40 f. 87v, STS 159 (7). 41 ‘Ane New sort of rymand rym’, ff. 82v–3v, STS 149–51 (73). 42 Ane New sort’, l. 65. 43 f. 96v, STS 179. 44 The phoenix allusion explicitly occurs in the series of sonnets ‘In Prais of his majesties work’, unambiguously signing its referent, James: ‘Quhat foull may matche the Phenix in the skyis?’: f. 90r, STS 162 (4) 45 ‘To His familiar friend In Court’, f. 72r, STS 124 (5–6). 46 f. 100r, STS 186; see ‘To Fame. Sonnet’, f. 102r, STS 191 also. 47 ‘Ane New sort of rymand rym’ (15); ‘To his Maiestie. Sonnet’, f. 83r, STS 148 (5–6). 48 f. 91v, STS 168 (5–6, 14). 49 Hoby ed., Cox, 279. 50 f. 101r, STS 188. 51 ‘Of Simulation and Dissimulation’: Francis Bacon, Essays, intro. Michael J. Hawkins (London: Everyman 1972), 17–18. Notes 201

52 Hyginus, Fabularum Liber, Basel 1535 (New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 1976), 186: ‘Endymione uero pastorem amasse dicitur duplo scilicet modo, seu quod primus hominu Endymion cursum lunae inuenerit, unde & triginta annos dormisse dicitur […]’; see also Natalis Comes, Mythologiae (Venice, 1567), Book III, and Boccaccio, Genealogiae (Venice, 1494), Book V. 53 See Elizabeth D. Harvey, Ventriloquised Voices. Feminist Theory and English Renaissance Texts (London: Routledge, 1992). 54 ‘Of Ane Salutation Of Ane Host to His Hostes’ and ‘The Ansuir of The Foirsaid Hostes’, ff. 97r-v; STS 180–1. 55 See Thomas Frederick Crane, Italian Social Customs of the Sixteenth Century and their Influence on the Literatures of Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920), 168–213. 56 Cixous, La Jeune Née (1976), in The Newly Born Woman with Catherine Clément, trans. Betsy Wing (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 85. 57 Sarah Cornell, ‘Hélène Cixous and les Etudes Féminines’, in The Body and the Text. Hélène Cixous Reading and Teaching (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990), 36. 58 Joannes L. Vives, De Institutione foeminae Christianae (1524) trans. Richard Hyrde, A very frutefull and pleasant boke, called the instruccion of a Christen woman (London, 1545), Book I, sig. Mr. 59 Peerage of Scotland, vol. 2, claims 1598; vol. 8, 1578. The latter is perhaps the most likely date given that her parents married in 1556, and Stewart’s ‘buik’ as a whole suggests a late 1570s–1580s dating. 60 See further Dunnigan, 59–78. 61 f. 69v, STS 118; f. 70r, STS 119. 62 f. 115r, STS 202. 63 f. 98r, STS 182 ‘The deedlie dolor which I do induir/So dois combuir my bodie all in baill’ (2); f. 98r, STS 183 (1–2): ‘Sen that our saull of deuyn mater maid/is losit captiwe in our corps of cair/Quhilk formd of erth vnto the erth dois leid […]. 64 f. 96v, STS 179 (9–12). 65 f. 91v, STS 168. 66 ‘Of Amitie’, f. 95v; STS 177. See also ‘Of Fidelitie’, f. 94v; STS 175. ‘To his Darrest Freind’, f. 81v; STS 145; ‘To his Rycht inteirlie belowit Freind’, f. 67v; STS 113. 67 See Ethics, Books VIII and IX; De Amicitia, especially Books VI and VII. Stewart’s ‘amitie’ sonnet deploys the characteristic exemplariness of the friendship discourse but his example of Nisus does not seem to appear in any of the standard exempla. For the homoerotic implications of male amicitia, see Forrest Tyler Stevens, ‘Erasmus’s “Tigress”: the language of Friendship, Pleasure, and the Renaissance Letter’, in Jonathan Goldberg ed., Queering the Renaissance (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994), 124–40, and in the Scottish context as an exemplar of female same-sex eroticism, Sarah M. Dunnigan, ‘Feminising the early modern erotic: female-voiced love lyrics and Mary, Queen of Scots’ in Later Sixteenth- Century Scots Literature, ed. Sally Mapstone (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2002). 202 Notes

68 Book II, xxix; xxx. 69 Italian Influence, 72. 70 f. 111r, STS 195 (12); ‘In prais of his Maiesteis Vork’, f. 87v, STS 159 (1); f. 7r, STS 3 (1–2).

Chapter 5

1 For citation of poems, I have adopted David Parkinson’s practice in his valuable new edition: The Poems of Alexander Montgomerie, STS, 2 vols (Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society, 2000). Parkinson reproduces titles when assigned to poems in the manuscript witness (see note 3 below), unlike the original STS edition by James Cranstoun, The Poems of Alexander Montgomerie (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1887) which included a number of arbitrarily assigned titles. Where a title is inscribed in the manu- script source, it is always given; if not, the first line is given; where there are untitled poems in a sequence, this is numerically indicated (e.g. II, III, IV). Hence, the location of a poem is indicated first by title, folio number, in Parkinson’s edition, and number within sequence where appropriate. Orthography and punctuation are based on the original manuscript (with the exception of modernised ‘yogh’ and the expansion of ‘and’). I have fol- lowed Parkinson’s additional punctuation (line endings, mid-line comma, parenthesis). 2 For criticism of Montgomerie’s love poetry, see R.D.S. Jack, ‘The Theme of Fortune in the Verse of Alexander Montgomerie’, SLJ, 10 (1983), 25–44; ‘The Lyrics of Alexander Montgomerie’, RES, 20 (1969), 168–181; and espe- cially Alexander Montgomerie (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1985). One of the earliest, influential readings was Helena Shire’s Song, Dance and Poetry of the Court of James VI of Scotland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 82–116, 139–80. For the most recent readings of Montgomerie’s work, see the collection of essays in the special issue of SLJ, 26.2 (1999), and R.J. Lyall, ‘James VI and the Sixteenth-century Cultural Crisis’, in Julian Goodare and Michael Lynch eds, The Reign of James VI (West Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1999), 55–70. 3 Thomas Dempster, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Scotorumlib. XIX (1627), 496. A considerable lyric corpus survives; well over a third of the 124 lyrics (including sonnets) attributed to Montgomerie in the main manu- script source, EUL Drummond De. 3. 70 (known as the ‘Ker manuscript’, after its owner and possible scribe, Margaret Ker; see Parkinson, vol. 2, 2–6), are amatory in subject. None were printed though several are extracted in James’s Essayes of a Prentise in the Divine Arte of Poesie (Edinburgh: Thomas Vautrollier, 1584); see Parkinson, vol. 1, xv–xvi for full list of prints. Dating of the manuscript itself, as well as the internal dating of the poems, is difficult to determine conclusively, though Montgomerie’s most prolific period was probably the late 1570s and especially the early to mid 1580s; Parkinson suggests an early date between 1596–1600 (3). There are certain coherent thematic and generic groupings within the lyric corpus, but overall neither authorial nor scribal intention regarding their arrangement can probably be warranted. Notes 203

Evident care has been taken in the transcription and the aesthetic pre- sentation of the manuscript. Montgomerie’s lyrics are frequently tran- scribed in seventeenth-century Scottish songbooks and commonplace books: for example, NLS Adv.5.2.14, f. 16v and Adv.81.9.12, f. 12r. For musicological comment see Shire; D. James Ross, Musick Fyne. Robert Carver and the Art of Music in Sixteenth Century Scotland (Edinburgh: The Mercat Press, 1993), 134–7; for transcription of musical texts of Montgomerie’s songs, see Shire and Kenneth Elliott eds, Music of Scotland 1500–1700, Musica Brittanica, vol. XV (London: Stainer and Bell, 1975). 4 For the most recent general account of Montgomerie’s life, see Parkinson, 11–15. Extensive biographical information can be found in one of the earli- est authoritative editions: George Stevenson ed, Poems of Alexander Montgomerie and other pieces from Laing MS No. 447, STS, Supplementary Volume, (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1910), vii–lxv, and in the genealogical and documentation appendices, 249–335. 5 See Sarah M. Dunnigan, ‘Female Gifts: Rhetoric, Beauty and the Beloved in the Lyrics of Alexander Montgomerie’, SLJ, 26.2 (1999), 59-78, for an analy- sis of female beauty as a verbal and ideological trope. 6 For discussion of ‘The Navigatioun’ and ‘A Cartell of the Thre Ventrous Knights’, see Jack, 17–24; Shire, 83–4; R.J. Lyall, ‘Montgomerie and the Moment of Mannerism’, SLJ, 26.2 (1999), 45–8. 7 Montgomerie’s affiliations with prominent members of the Scottish Catholic nobility, such as the Earl of Huntly, are well attested by Stevenson (253, 269, 273) who also cites the Catholic sympathies of the Eglinton branch of the Montgomeries (269); Ludovic, second Duke of Lennox and son of Esmé Stewart, ‘acknowledg[ed] Montgomerie’s services’ (x; 270; 280); Jack perceives a possible allusion to Esmé as the king’s ‘umquhyle Maister’ in one of Montgomerie’s ‘exile’ sonnets (6). 8 Jack, 5; Shire, 82–3. 9 Stevenson, 272, citing Register of the Privy Seal, 1586. 10 Lyall, ‘Netherlands’: ‘ […] whose story was it? Montgomerie’s, deceiving the King? Or one in which the King himself was a participant?’ (62). 11 Stevenson, 284; Jack, 13. 12 Stevenson, 270–83; for transcription of the document of 1583, see Stevenson, 301–2 and 306–8 for its ratification. 13 John Durkan, ‘The Date of Alexander Montgomerie’s death’, Innes Review, 34 (1983), 91–2; ironically, pressure from James and the court ensured that Montgomerie’s death was somehow sanctified. 14 Mark Dilworth, ‘New Light on Alexander Montgomerie’, The Bibliotheck, 4 (1965), 230–5: ‘Epigramma’ III (1–2); ‘Epicedion’ (13–14). Helena Shire, ‘Alexander Montgomerie: the oppositione of the court to conscience’, SSL, 3 (1966), 144–50, translates these Latin inscriptions as: ‘While the poet Montgomerie, passionate in his devotion to the Roman faith, was dying – and love of holy religion was dying [with him]…’; ‘I [Montgomerie] was a determined and vigorous enemy of heretical teachings. I always detested falsehood and strongly attacked the “Picards” [Protestants] with force of arms and with a song’. 15 Lyall, ‘Netherlands’, 63: ‘“Picardi” seems to have been used in Catholic circles as a generic term for Protestants.’ 204 Notes

16 Shire, 136. For a sensitive alternative reading, see Jack, 106–34. 17 On the Constable source, see Stevenson, xv; lvii–lix; 290; Shire, 83, 136. 18 On Lauder, servant to the imprisoned queen, see Shire, 77–8, 81; Jack, 90, endorses the resonance of the sonnet’s first line, ‘I wald see mare [Mary] nor ony thing I sie’ (‘James Lauder I wald se mare’, f. 71v–2r, Parkinson 78). 19 ‘A Ladyis Lamentatione. 3 Son.’, ff.69v–70r; Parkinson 75. III (1–4). 20 It is interesting that the sonnet preceding the sequence is addressed to Lady Lilias Ruthven, third daughter of William, first Earl of Gowrie, and the first wife of Ludovic, Duke of Lennox (see Jamie Reid-Baxter, ‘Politics, Passion and Poetry in the Circle of James VI: John Burel and his surviving works’, in L.A.J.R. Houwen, A.A. MacDonald and S. Mapstone eds, A Palace in the Wild Essays on Vernacular Culture and Humanism in Late-Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (Leuven: Peeters, 2000), 199–248 (210)); this panegyric is domi- nated by the symbol of the lily representing the Duchess, perhaps significantly for the Catholic Lennoxes, a symbol of feminine purity with particular Marian associations. 21 Mary’s own penitential poetry draws on Magdalene iconography: see Sarah M. Dunnigan, ‘Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots’, in Mary R. Reichardt ed., A Bio- Bibliographical Dictionary of Catholic Women Writers (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2001), 369–74. 22 Jack, 71, traces echoes of the Catholic liturgy in the penitential poems. In ‘The Theme of Fortune in the Verse of Alexander Montgomerie’, SLJ, 10 (1983), 25–44, Jack also suggests that ‘A Ladyis Lamentatione’ might be related to the Marian cause (37). Parkinson interestingly notes how the Catholic affiliations and nature of the Ker MS (principle witness of Montgomerie’s lyrics) may have compromised potential ownership; hence its probable ‘donation’ from the Ker family to the library of the Tounis College in 1627 (Parkinson, vol. 1, 4). 23 Ane Schort Treatise conteining some Reulis and Cautelis to be eschewit in Scottis Poesie in The Essayes of a Prentise (Edinburgh, 1584), sig. Miiijv. 24 See, for example, the conceit of the ‘Solsequium’ in the final stanza of James’s ‘A complaint of his mistressis absence from Court’ which may allude to Montgomerie’s lyric, ‘Lyk as the dum Solsequium’, printed partly in the Reulis; the conceit of the lizard’s affection in sonnet nine of James’s ‘Anna’ sonnets may allude to Montgomerie’s third sonnet to Robert Hudson: see Parkinson, vol. 1, 113. The phrase, ‘foolish Phaeton’, in James’s third sonnet on the astronomer Tycho Brahe (BL Add. MS 24195, f. 32r, STS, vol. 2, 101–2) echoes Montgomerie’s ‘Solsequium’ lyric (Poems, 33-6). In James’s Phoenix poem, the Echo anagram sonnet alludes to Apollo ‘From Delphos syne […] cum with speid’ which occurs in another song-lyric of Montgomerie’s, ‘Before the Greeks durst enterpryse’ (74). 25 R.J. Lyall, ‘Moment of Mannerism’, which contains an especially fruitful discussion of Montgomerie’s mannerism in relation to the rhetoric of public, ceremonial pieces, notably ‘The Navigatioun’ (45–8); see also his ‘[C]ultural crisis’. 26 op. cit., sig. Mr. 27 ‘To Robert Hudsone. 5 Son.’, ff. 67r-8v, Parkinson 72.II: 1–6. (Unless stated otherwise, all subsequent references are to vol. 1 of Parkinson’s edition.) Notes 205

28 ‘The Oppositione of the Court to Conscience’, ff. 9r-v, Parkinson 8: 13–18. 29 Montgomerie’s rhetoric in these sonnets (‘To his Majestie for his Pensioun’, Parkinson 68.I–IV) is skilfully redoubling and qualifying, grammatically deferring the imputation of any guilt on James’s part; see Jack, 97–9, for analysis of these texts, and more recently Gerard Carruthers, ‘Form and Substance in the Poetry of the ‘Castalian Band’, SLJ, 26.2 (1999), 7–17 (12), and Lyall, ‘Moment of Mannerism’, 55–6. 30 ‘To Robert Hudsone’, Parkinson 68.III: 1–4 and 68.IV: 13–14. 31 Bodley 165, f. 47r; in the more anglified text of Add. MS 24195, the title (crossed out) identifies Montgomerie’s sin as that of ‘great bragging’ (f. 46r); STS vol. 2, 120–1. 32 Bodley, f. 47r (1-8); STS 121. 33 Shire, Song, Dance and Poetry, 87–9. In BL Add. MS 24195, a further stanza refines the apparent persona which the king adopted: ‘I William Mow’. 34 Thomas A. Hyde, The Poetic Theology of Love. Cupid in Renaissance Literature (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1986), 19. 35 See Song, Dance and Poetry, 90–1, 111, 123. 36 Jack, ‘The Theme of Fortune’, 32. 37 For contrasting readings of the poem, see Shire and Jack. Sandra Bell, ‘Poetry and Politics in the Scottish Renaissance’, unpub. PhD diss. (Queen’s University, Ontario, 1995), influenced by Shire’s reading, suggests that lines 161–2 where the blind Cupid ‘schot his mother’ (footnote 82: 170) is a cri- tique of James’s quiescence in the Elizabethan treatment of Mary. Dempster, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Scotorum lib. XIX (Bononiae: Typis Nicolai Thebaldini, 1627), 496, construes the poem as a religious allegory but of the superiority of the spiritual as opposed to profane life rather than any specifically denominational allegory. 38 See Vincenzo Cartari, Le Imagini degli Dei (New York: Garland Publishing, 1976), 495, 516; Natalie Comes, Mythologiae, Venice 1567 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1976), 386–9, 481; Boccaccio, Book 3 xxii, xxiv; 5, xxii; 9, iv. 39 ‘Lyk as Aglauros’ ,ff. 30r–31r, Parkinson 30: 23–5. 40 ‘The sacrifice of Cupid’, ff. 31v–2r, Parkinson 31. 41 In other Cupid poems, Montgomerie plays in similar terms on the alliance of sacred and profane devotion: e.g. ‘Blind Love if ever thou made bitter sweet’ (Parkinson 15). 42 ‘Against the God of Love’, ff. 80r-v, Parkinson 97: 1–6. 43 Jack, Montgomerie, 85. 44 Erwin Panofsky, ‘Blind Cupid’, Meaning in the Visual Arts (New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1955), 109ff. 45 ‘Go, Pen and Paper’, f. 75r, Parkinson 86.III: 13–14. 46 ‘Vha vald behald him a god sa grievis’, f. 76r, Parkinson 87.IV; Ronsard, ‘Qui voudra voir comme Amour me surmonte’. 47 ‘The well of Love’, ff. 18r-19r, Parkinson 17: 9–16. 48 ‘Of the same well’, ff. 19r-v, Parkinson 18: 2–4. 49 ‘Blind Love’, ff. 16v–17r, Parkinson 15: 10–18. 50 The sonnet discussed earlier, ‘Against the God of Love’, might be inter- preted as a metaphor of misgovernance; such an erotic speculum principem might not have been misplaced if stemming from the early years of the rel- atively young sovereign’s reign. 206 Notes

51 The popularity of Cupid as an emblem or device is copiously illustrated by Alciati, for example: Emblematum Liber, VII, XXXIII, LXVI, LXXII, LXXVI. 52 Shire, 111. 53 Bruce R. Smith, Homosexual Desire in Shakespeare’s England. A Cultural Poetics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 41, 73; on the problematic troping and ‘naming’ of same-sex desire, see Alan Bray, Homosexuality in Renaissance England (London: Gay Men’s Press, 1982), 11, and Jonathan Goldberg, Sodometries. Renaissance Texts. Modern Sexualities (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), 17; see also Alan Stewart, Close Readers: Humanism and Sodomy in Early Modern England (Princeton N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997). 54 ‘Before the Greeks’, ff. 43v–44r, Parkinson 43. 55 Song, Dance and Poetry, 94. Shire’s footnote is cautious: ‘This concluding stanza is cited in the King’s “Tretis” as is the stanza describing Cupido from “The Cherrie and the Slae”… because they directly figured the King himself – and the poets’s affection for him?’ In her unpublished paper, ‘The Play of the Poet and the King’, AUL MS 3407/6/3/12/1, Shire pursues the relation- ship between James and Montgomerie in more biographical and historical detail, drawing on The Cherrie and the Slae, yet without suggesting homo- erotic implications. 56 Lyall, ‘Formalist Historicism and Older Scots Poetry’, Etudes Ecossaises, 1 (1992), 39–48 (46–8), notes the poem’s ironic exclusion of the fact that the oracle was fulfilled only after the duration of a ten-year war (46–8). 57 Shire, 94. 58 ‘Lyk as the dum Solseqium’, MS ff. 21r–22r, Parkinson 21. 59 D.C. Coleman, An Illustrated Love ‘“Canzionere”. The Délie of Maurice Scève (Genève: Slatkine, 1981), 31; she also cites its use in a sonnet by Bembo, ‘L’alta cagione…’. See also Paul Ardouin, Devises et emblèmes d’amour dans la Délie de Maurice Scève, ou, La volonté de perfection dans la création d’une oeuvre d’art (Paris: A.G. Nizet, 1987). 60 Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth Century Imagery (Studie sul concettismo; Roma: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1964), 109, cites its presence as an emblem in Vaenius; Capaccio, ff. 125v–6r, declares its significations of love, friendship, spiritual affinity, citing Camillo Camilli’s motto, “Soli et Semper”, ‘significando amor dedicato ad vna Donna sol […]’ while the actual emblem illustrated bears the motto, ‘Despicis Aspicio Si’. 61 Samuel Daniel, The Worthy Tract of Paulus Iovius, contayning a discourse of rare inuention, both Militarie and Amorous called Imprese (London, 1585), sig. Biiiv. 62 The emblem of the sunflower had several different meanings: in Capaccio, for example, the heliotrope signifies friendship, secular and spiritual love, and (suggestive in the present context), the love of inferior for superior: Delle Impresa Trattato Di Giulio Cesare Capaccio. In tre libri diuiso (Naples, 1592), I, ff. 125r-v. 63 See James M. Saslow, Ganymede in the Renaissance: Homosexuality in Art and Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986). 64 See further Sarah M. Dunnigan, ‘“O venus soverane”: Erotic Politics and Poetic Practice at the Courts of Mary, Queen of Scots and James VI’, in Susanne Hagemann ed., Terranglian Territories (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2000), 361–77. Notes 207

65 f. 67r (12). 66 ‘The cruell pane and grevous smart’, ff. 35r-v, Parkinson 35: 37–42. 67 See Lyall, ‘Cultural Crisis’, 49, for a further ‘neat covert allusion’ to the Phoenix and therefore Lennox in the sonnet ‘In Prais of the Kings Vranie’which also weaves together Apollo and Titan symbolism as well as a comparison to David. 68 See the sonnet, ‘To the for me’, f. 74r, Parkinson 86.I for another Phoenix allusion: ‘I love the freshest Phoenix fair!’ (13) 69 The Reinvention of Love. Poetry, politics and culture from Sidney to Milton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 194. 70 ‘The Poets Complaint of his Nativitie’, ff. 11v–12r, Parkinson 18: 33–5. 71 ‘Lyk as Aglauros’ (15–21). 72 ‘To the for me’, Parkinson 86.II: 1, 8. 73 Montgomerie’s sonnet based on Constable’s, ‘Thyne ee the glasse’, MS ff. 71r-v, Parkinson 77.II, punning on ‘I’ and ‘ee’ [eye], is a joyful evocation of surrendered material and spiritual identities. 74 Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis, ed Jacques- Alain Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan (London: Penguin Books, 1991), 103. 75 Elizabeth Wright, Psychoanalytic Criticism: Theory in Practice (London: Methuen, 1984), 107. 76 ‘Had I a foe that hated me to dead’, ff. 76v–7r, Parkinson 89: 5–12. 77 See Panofsky, Meaning in the Visual Arts. 78 ‘Ressave this harte vhois Constancie wes sik’, ff. 33r-v, Parkinson 33. 79 ‘O plesand plant’, ff. 43r-v, Parkinson 42: 12–15. 80 For a different conceit of the Holy Ghost in Montgomerie’s poetry, see ‘A godly Prayer’, Parkinson 4: 50. 81 ‘Formalist Historicism’, 84. 82 ‘The wofull working of my woundit hairt’, ff. 50r-v, Parkinson 50: 9–11, 16. 83 Jack, 56. 84 MS f. 71v, Parkinson 77. III. 85 Il Cortegiano trans. Hoby, 354. Montgomerie’s erotic kiss may also be mod- elled on Johannes Secundus’ Basia or Marullus’ ‘Epigrammaton’. 86 It may also allude to the neo-Platonic conceit of the ‘death’ occasioned by the departure of the lover’s soul from the body: see Donald Guss, John Donne Petrarchist. Italianate conceits and love theory in the Songs and Sonets (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1966), note 15, 204. 87 ‘The Poets Dreme’, ff. 3v–4r, Parkinson 3: 1–4.

Chapter 6

1 William Alexander’s Aurora is the exception: a sequence probably composed while Alexander was at the Jacobean Scottish court but not printed until 1604 in London; on that basis, it has been excluded from consideration in the present book (see ‘Conclusion: Love’s End’ for further details). 2 ‘The Vranie translated’ (25–9), in Essayes of a Prentise (Edinburgh, 1584), sig. Dijr, W.A. Craigie ed., The Poems of James VI of Scotland, 2 vols (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1955), vol. 1, 19. 208 Notes

3 Fowler’s love poetry, including his translation of Petrarch’s Trionfi, is inscribed in several manuscripts later associated with his uncle, William Drummond of Hawthornden, but none of it was published in his lifetime: the relevant MSS are NLS MS 2063–5 (subsequently referred to as the Hawthornden MSS); EUL MS De.368 (known as the Drummond manu- script) which contains a copy of The Tarantula, ff. 1–36v; and EUL MS De.1.10, a presentation copy of Fowler’s translation of Petrarch’s Trionfi. The excellent Scottish Text Society edition, The Works of William Fowler edited by Henry W. Meikle, James Craigie, and John Purves, 3 vols (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1912–39), mostly retains original orthography with some editorial punctuation; but the poems are often mis- leadingly numbered in the interest of presenting a poetic chronology. Reference here is accordingly made first to the relevant manuscript, then to the STS edition; line references are given in brackets; if there is no title, the first line of the relevant poem is cited where appropriate. Unless stated, the Drummond MS (here abbreviated as Dr. MS) is generally the preferred source. For his short sequence on death, see Hawthornden MS 2063, ff. 38r–49r, STS vol. 1, 233–43. 4 For an account of Fowler’s cultural role in relation to Anna, see Clare McManus, ‘Marriage and the Performance of the Romance Quest: Anne of Denmark and the Stirling Baptismal Celebrations for Prince Henry’, in L.A.J.R. Houven, A.A. MacDonald, and S. Mapstone eds, A Palace in the Wild. Essays on vernacular culture and humanism in late-medieval and Renaissance Scotland (Leuven: Peeters, 2000), 177–98 (185–6). 5 STS vol. 3, xxi. 6 See Hawthornden MSS 2060, f. 229r and 2063, ff. 105v, 127r. The other notable female dedicatee of Fowler’s lyrics is Mary Middlemore, another gentlewoman at Anna’s court (see ‘Meditation vpon Virgin Maryes Hatt’, Hawthornden MS 2063, f. 72r, STS 268, and ‘Aetna’, f. 78r, STS 269). 7 ‘TOMYLADY ARBELLA. Extempore’, Hawthornden MS 2063, f. 247r, STS vol. 1, 262 (3–4). In the topographical poem to Arbella on f. 58r, ‘To the true, Ho:ble, most vertuous, and onlie/deseruing La: of Highest titles: The La: Arbella/Steward: vppon my passage downe the Thames to/London: Ianuarie the : 8 : 1603’, Fowler alludes to her as ‘next to our kinge as next by bloud and name’ (20), perhaps a politically sensitive comment, given James’s desire to arrange a marriage between Arbella and Ludovic Stuart, Earl of Lennox (see Jamie Reid-Baxter, ‘Politics, Passion and Poetry in the Circle of James VI: John Burel and His Surviving Works’, in Mapstone ed., 199–248 (211–12)). Other lyrics to Arbella from Fowler include Hawthornden MS 2063, f. 68r, STS 319, ‘To my onely L. Arb.’. The untitled sonnet, ‘Once wandringe forth in Maye’, found in the collection of poems in NLS MS 2065, ff. 16r–35r (Fowler’s authorship of which is contested) on f. 25r, pro- vides implicit evidence for Fowler’s authorship: the visionary beloved whose ‘name begins & endeth with an A’ is probably the ubiquitous Arbella. Recent commentators also cite Fowler’s ‘bad’ poetry among the many dedicatory and praise poems she received (Barbara Kiefer Lewalski, Writing Women in Jacobean England [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993], 81). Notes 209

8 Though there is a Latin prose dedication to Arbella in Hawthornden MS 2064, ff. 6r-v, dated 1604, in which he offers unidentified work to her. 9 An Answer to the Calumnious Letter and Erroneous propositiouns of an apostat named M. Io. Hammiltoun (John Leprevik, 1581), STS vol. 2, 25, 28. Despite such fierce allegiance to the Protestant cause, Fowler’s political gestures are occasionally contradictory: he was associated with Esmé Stewart, Duke of Lennox, who was exiled from Scotland before his death on account of his Catholic affiliations, and briefly imprisoned in England because of visits to the French ambassador, Mauvissière (Fowler was allegedly the first to report Lennox’s death to the latter). Despite Fowler’s printed polemic against the ‘whorish’ Roman church, he confesses to an association with ‘the Frenche course and the Queen of Scotts’: An Answer, STS vol. 2, 25; STS vol. 3, xvii. 10 R.D.S. Jack observes that Fowler’s ‘whole output is modelled on the Rime’ (The Italian Influence on Scottish Literature [Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1972], 82). Though other vernacular Italian sources can also be traced in his writing (see Janet C. Smith, Les Sonnets elisabéthains [Paris, 1929], and Jack), Petrarch constitutes a central underlying model of philosophical and theological ‘authority’ for Fowler’s amatory writing. For a critical survey of Fowler’s work, see John Purves’s excellent survey, ‘Fowler and Scoto-Italian Cultural Relations in the Sixteenth Century’, STS vol. 3, lxxx–cl; Jack, ‘William Fowler and Italian Literature’, MLR, 65 (1970), 481–92; Jack, Scottish Literature’s Debt to Italy (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1986), 9-13; Jack, ‘Poetry under King James VI’, in Cairns Craig ed., History of Scottish Literature, 4 vols (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1988), vol. 1 ed. R.D.S. Jack, 125–39 (129). 11 Canzone 366 (7–8): ‘who has always replied/to whoever called on her with faith’ (Robert M. Durling trans. and ed., Petrarch’s Lyric Poems: The Rime sparse and Other Lyrics (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1976), 574). 12 ‘Sueit lovlye kis[s]s and vncontrold disdaynes’, f. 35v, STS 187; found also on f. 25r of Dr. MS, STS 186. 13 f. 36v, STS 207. 14 ‘Muse, yow fair dame, from whense doth flow this vayne’, Dr. MS, f. 27r; STS 191 (4). 15 Compare Petrarch’s allusion to Christ’s sacrifice in the Rime sparse, 357. 16 ‘Eternal lord, God of immortal glore’, Dr. MS f. 36r, STS 206. 17 Canzone 264 (48–9): ‘a more blessed hope by gazing at the heavens’ (Durling, 428). 18 See Giuzeppe Mazzotta, ‘The Canzionere and the Language of the Self’, Studies in Philology, 75 (1978), 271–96 (272). 19 Jack, Italian Influence, 85. 20 Nesca A. Robb, Neoplatonism of the Italian Renaissance (London, 1935), 210. 21 Cf. sonnet 349 (9–14): ‘O happy that day when, going forth from my earthly prison, may leave broken and scattered this heavy, frail, and mortal garment of mine, and may depart from such thick shadows, flying so far up into the beautiful clear sky that I may see my Lord and my lady!’ (Durling, 546). 22 Canzone 360 (31–4): ‘He [Love] has made me love God less than I ought and be less concerned for myself; for a lady I have equally disregarded all cares (Durling, 562). 210 Notes

23 Sonnet 365 (7–8): ‘help my strayed frail soul and fill out with your grace all that she lacks’ (Durling, 574). 24 Petrarch’s Secret or the Soul’s Conflict with Passion. Three dialogues between himself and S. Augustine trans. William H. Draper (Westport: Hyperion Press, 1978), 124, translated into the sins of God-forgetfulness and self-forgetful- ness. In the Rime, canzone 70, Petrarch admonishes himself for being deflected from God-created beauty by the beautiful immanence of Laura within nature. 25 ‘The day is done the Sunn doth ells declyne’ (13), Dr. MS, f. 11v, STS 156; ‘Suld I not heate these harmefull hands and blame’ (4), Dr. MS f. 9r, STS 152. 26 ‘ I hope sueit saule to see at my return’ (2, 6), f. 12v, STS 158. 27 As in ‘Bellisa faire as I am bound I byde’, Dr. MS f. 26r, STS 190: ‘my faithe lyk to your hyde’ (9); see also ‘[G]if mortal prayers move immortal pouers’, f. 5r, STS 147: ‘who never in my faithe did fant or fayle’ (7). 28 Compare ‘O of my barren muse the birthfull seed’, Dr. MS f. 27v, STS 191: ‘o glore of earthe and pryde of euerye place’ (13). 29 ‘Schip brokken men whome stormye seas sore toss’ (14), Dr. MS f. 24v, STS 184; ‘Tuix heavenes and her whome onlye I adore’, Dr. MS f. 33v, STS 199; ‘Pryde of my spreits and brightnes of my eyes’ (6), Dr. MS f. 2v, STS 140 and Hawthornden f. 27r and f. 51v, STS 141 (on f. 27r, ‘holye’ is replaced by ‘heauenly’). 30 ‘Bellisa pansiue satt and in her hands’, Hawthornden MS f. 25v, STS 210 (1–6). 31 The tarantula conceit stems from Castiglione’s Il Cortegiano (see Purves, cxxi, suggesting also ‘the extravagances of Marino and other Neapolitan poets of the seventeenth century’); the association between the poison of desire and of the spider may also come from the etymological association between Venus and venom. 32 ‘Newe wondar of the world, one mo than seaven’, Dr. MS f. 13r, STS 160 (4–10). 33 Rime, sonnet 326 (3–4): ‘beauty […] closed […] up in a little grave’ (Durling, 514). 34 ‘The tabill’, Hawthornden MS 2063, ff. 253r-v; STS 333–4. 35 A sequential cohesion to these nine poems is strongly implied but not nec- essarily endorsed by the manuscript arrangement: ‘Elagie’, f. 38r, ‘My witts and thochts’ and ‘A Dreame’, f. 38v; ff. 39r-v introduce a new manuscript binding with the text of ‘cap i’ of the ‘Triumph of Love’; ff. 40r–41v ‘Alread those’; ff. 42r-v blank; f. 43r psalm 129; ff. 43r–44r blank; 44v–45v ‘ffor his valentyne’; on a new manuscript binding, f. 46r, ‘Dial’ and ‘renponit’, and then order in STS conforms to MS until f. 48v. 36 ‘My witts and thoughts togeather ar att stryfe’, f. 38v, STS 234 (5–8). 37 ‘The air and the earth and the sea ought to weep for the lineage of man, for without her it is like a meadow without flowers […]’ (9–11; Durling, 534). 38 ‘A Dreame’, f. 38r, STS 235 (9–12). 39 Rime sonnet 342 (12–14): ‘“What good,” she says, “is knowledge to one who despairs? Weep no longer, have you not wept enough for me? For would that you were as much alive as I am not dead!”’ (Durling, 538). 40 ‘My witts and thoughts…’, f. 38v, STS 234 (3). Notes 211

41 ‘Dial’, f. 46r, STS 236 (1–4). 42 f. 46r, STS 237 (13–14). 43 ‘My cheare and mirth my plesour is exyled’, f. 46r, STS 238 (3). 44 Rime sonnet 248 (8): this beautiful mortal thing passes and does not endure’ (Durling, 410). 45 f. 46v, STS 239 (11–14). 46 ‘A Fantasie’, f. 49r, STS 243. 47 Cf. canzone 359 (60–6). 48 Sonnet 319 (9–11): ‘her better form, which still lives and shall always live up in the highest heaven, makes me ever more in love with her beauties…’ (Durling, 498). 49 Sonnet 327 (14). 50 Sonnet 317 (9–14): ‘If only she had lived we would have come to where, speaking, I could have put down in those chaste ears the ancient burden of my sweet thoughts, and she would perhaps have answered me with some holy word, sighing, though our faces were changed, and the hair of both’ (Durling, 496). 51 ‘Would I had so sorrowful a style that I could win my Laura back from Death as Orpheus won his Eurydice…’ (49–50; Durling, 526). 52 ‘If they can go so high, my weary rhymes, as to reach her who is beyond sorrow and weeping and with her beauties now makes Heaven glad, she will surely recognise my changed style’ (61–4; Durling, 528). 53 Sonnet 346 (13). 54 Sturm-Maddox, 104. 55 ‘ma tropp’ era alta al mio peso terrestre,/et poco poi n’uscì in tutto di vista’, sonnet 335 (9–10): ‘but she was too high for my terrestrial weight, and a little after she went entirely out of my sight’ (Durling, 532). 56 ff. 47r-v seem to constitute a definitive sequence. 57 ‘In by way roadds I ran a restles race’, f. 13v, STS 252; though this sonnet does not fall within this ostensible sequence, it is pertinent to include it because of its preoccupation with sin. 58 ‘My winding scheits my steidfast love sal end’, f. 47v, STS 249. (1–14). The ‘faucos’ transcription is uncertain. 59 See William J. Kennedy, Authorising Petrarch (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994). 60 The Rime’s theological or religious ‘meaning’ could be doctrinally affected by the Catholic or Protestant persuasion of its reader; see Kennedy, 141ff. 61 Ane Answer, STS vol. 2, 25 (1–14). 62 Ibid., 56.

Conclusion

1 See L.E. Kastner and H.B. Charlton eds, The Poetical Works of William Alexander Earl of Stirling, STS, 2 vols (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1929). 2 Alexander Craig, Amorose Songes and Sonets (1608) in David Laing ed., Poetical Works (Glasgow: Hunterian Club, 1873); William Drummond, sonnet sequence of 1616, in L.E. Kastner, Poetical Works, STS, 2 vols (Edinburgh and London, 1913). 212 Notes

3 Seth Lerer, Courtly Letters in the Age of Henry VIII. Literary Culture and the Arts of Deceit (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 38. 4 The Vranie (169, 178), in Essayes of a Prentise, sig. Eijr: James Craigie, The Poems of James VI of Scotland, 2 vols (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1958), vol. 1, 27. 5 David Allan, Virtue, Learning and the Scottish Enlightenment. Ideas of Scholarship in Early Modern History (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1993), 102. 6 Robert H. MacDonald, The Library of Drummond of Hawthornden (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1971), 226. 7 See Jonathan Goldberg, ‘Fatherly Authority: the politics of Stuart Family Images’, in Margaret W. Ferguson, Maureen Quilligan, and Nancy J. Vickers eds, Rewriting the Renaissance. The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 5; also Caroline Bingham, Relations between Mary Queen of Scots and Her Son King James VI of Scotland, Royal Stewart Papers 19 (London: Royal Stewart Society, 1982). 8 M. de Fontenay, envoy of Mary’s to James in a letter to Mary’s secretary, 15 August 1584 in Robert Ashton ed., James I by his Contemporaries (London: Hutchison, 1969), 1. On the ‘spectral’ relationship between Mary and James, see Jayne Elizabeth Lewis, Mary Queen of Scots. Romance and Nation (London: Routledge, 1998), 71. Index

Acts of Sederunt, 30 ‘Moffat’, 51, 59 Alberti, Leon Battista, 57 Scott, Alexander, 3, 23, 49, 51, 61, Alexander, William, 107 70 Aurora, 167 ‘Stewart’, 51, 54–5 Allan, David, 168 ‘Weddirburne’, 51 Amor, 132 texts see also Cupid ‘Aganis mariage of evill wyfes’, 60 Anger, Jane, 62 ‘All tho that list of wemen evill to Angus, Earl of see Archibald Douglas speik’, 66, 67 Anna of Denmark, 81–91, 95, 149 ‘As phebus bricht in speir Anne (Lady Glammis), 80, 95 meridiane’, 53 Anne of Denmark see Anna of ‘ffresche fragrent flour of bewty Denmark souerane’, 50 Aretino, Pietro, 116 ‘fflour of all fairheid’, 53 anti-Catholicism, 7, 9, 15–16, 22, 27 ‘In all this warld no man may wit’, anti-feminism, 7, 51 56, 57 anti-Petrarchanism, 21, 162 ‘Leif luve my luve no langar thow it Aristotle lyk’, 70 Nichomachean Ethics, 122 ‘L[ett]re of Cupeid’, 62–6, 68 authorship ‘Maist ameyn roseir’, 53 collaborative, 79, 103, 132 ‘My hairt is thrall begone me fro’, female poetic, 49, 63, 120 54 ‘My luve wes fals and full of flattry’, Bacon, Francis, 78 ‘Moffat’, 59 Bannatyne, George, 47, 169 ‘O ma[n] transformit and Bannatyne manuscript, 7, 9, 46–73 vnnaturall’, ‘Weddirburne’, as politicised anthology, 47–52 70 ‘contemptis of luve and evill ‘The bewty of Hir amorus ene’, 54 wemen’, 51, 52, 55–61 ‘The moir I luve and serf at all my Marian context of, 47–51, 61 mycht’, 52 poetic rhetoric in, 55–61 ‘The well of vertew and flour of querelle des femmes poetry, 55–61 woma[n]heid’, 54 religious context of, 51–2 Barclay, Hugh, of Ladyland, 126 ‘songis of love’, 52–5, 56 Beaton, James, of Creich, 118, 127 authors Beauvoir, Simone de, 60 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 51, 58, 62 Beilin, Elaine, 42 ‘Clerk’, 51, 57 Bell, Sandra, 7 Douglas, Gavin, 51, 70–1 Bembo, Pietro, 36, 38, 39, 154 Dunbar, William, 49, 51, 70 Bergeron, David, 98–9, 100, 102, 103 ‘Fethy’, 51 Betoun, Elizabeth, 107 Henryson, Robert, 51 Bhaba, Homi, 4 Kennedy, Walter, 51, 71 Bishop, Thomas, 17 ‘Mersar’, 51, 68 Blackwood, Adam, 23

213 214 Index body, the see coporeality coteries Boece, Hector, 83 coterie culture, 77, 79–80, 103, 126, Bornstein, Diane, 62–3, 67 131 Bothwell, Francis, Earl of, 149 Jacobean, 79–80, 82, 103 Bothwell, James Hepburn, Earl of, 17, Counter-Reformation, 126, 128 21, 23, 25, 28, 32, 37, 44 court culture, 8, 108 relationship with Mary, Queen of anti-courtliness, 130 Scots, 22, 24, 26, 30–1 courtliness in poetry, 80–1, 105–6, Brantôme, Pierre de, 15, 19 113 Bruno, Giordano, 38, 102 as performative culture, 9 Buchanan, George, 16–17, 23, 100 articulation of desire in, 9 Admonitioun, 17 Craig, Alexander, 107, 167 Detectio, 17 Craig, Thomas, 49 Detectioun, 16–17, 21, 23, 24, 25, Cupid, representations of, 109, 110, 26, 30, 33, 37, 43, 61 132–8, 144 Psalms, 23 cupiditas, 22, 47, 61, 68–71 Silvae, 17 Darnley, Henry Stewart, Lord, 3, 6, caritas, 70, 121, 133 15, 24, 25, 26, 37, 48, 49, 51 ‘Castalian band’ see coteries, Jacobean d’Aubigny, Maréchal, 98 Castiglione, Baldassare, 56, 110, Davidson, Peter, 17 1231 Dempster, Thomas, 126 Il Cortegiano, 56, 154 desire Catholicism, 98 and mourning/loss, 10, 39–41, and femininity, 7–8, 9 100–1, 103, 162 in poetry, 126–8 as lack or absence, 38–40, 143–4 see also Counter-Reformation; female, 15–17, 20, 21, 559–61, Mariology 89–91, 116–18 Cecil, Sir William, 17 psychoanalytic theories of, 21, Charles I, 79 143–4, 138–9 Châtelard, 24 see also eroticism; love Chaucer, Geoffrey, 51, 58, 620 Desportes, Philippe, 113 Troilus and Criseyde, 51 Dilworth, Mark, 127 see also ‘Bannatyne manuscript’ Donne, John, 149 Christianity see Catholicism; Douglas, Archibald, Earl of Angus, Counter-Reformation; 79 Manichaeism; Protestantism; Douglas, Gavin, 51 Reformation Eneados, 70–2 and erotic desire see ‘passional’ love Douglas, Lady Jean, 79 Christine de Pisan Drummond, William, of L’Epistre au dieu d’amours, 62–6, Hawthornden, 162, 167–8 67z8 History, 168 Cicero, Marcus Tullius Poems, 162 De Amicitia, 122–3 Du Bartas, Guillaume de Salluste, 92, Cixous, Hélène, 9, 116 100 ‘Clerk’, 57 Judit, La, 5 Clewett, Richard, 4 Seconde Sepmaine, ou Enfance du Constable, Henry, 127 Monde, La, 5, 91 corporeality, 29–33, 37–40, 87, 146 L’Vranie ou Muse Celeste, 5, 111, 121 Index 215

Du Bellay, Joachim Answer to the Calumnious Letter and Deffense et illustration de la langue Erroneous propositiouns of an francaise, 6 apostat named M. Io. Duff, Thomas, 127 Hammiltoun, An, 150–2 Dunbar, 24, 30, 31 Epistle, 163 Dunbar, William, 49, 51, 70 Tarantula of Love, The, 5–6, 11, 106, Durkan, John, 2, 17, 127 149, 150, 151–63 Triumphs (translation of Petrarch’s Edinburgh, 48, 82 Trionfi), 5, 150 Elizabeth I, 15, 22, 24, 26, 29, 31, 48, Fradenburg, Louise, 7, 29 77, 85, 149 Fraser, Antonia, 31 Eros, 132 French literature see also Cupid Catholic poetry, 8 eroticism poetics, 6 and abnegation, 27–9, 36–7 Protestant, 5 and masochism, 32–3 see also du Bartas; du Bellay; de as danger, 3–8, 10, 26 Ronsard; Labé and religious redemption see ‘passional’ love Gambara, Veronica, 20 as reflection of the Fall see Gasgoigne, George, 4 ‘passional’ love gender see eroticism; homoeroticism; Cupid, representations of, 109, 110, women 132–8, 144 Girard, René, 21 erotic allegory, 92–7, 99–103, 110, Glammis, Lady see Anne (Lady 140–1 Glammis) erotic death, 87, 92–4, 145–7, Glammis, Lord see Patrick Lyon 156–62 Glasgow Cathedral, 127 erotic dreams, 91–7 Goldberg, Jonathan, 81, 83, 86 erotic imagination, 92–3 Gordon, George, Earl of Huntly, 80 erotic pleasure, 148 Gordon, Lady Jean, 21 erotic poetry, condemnation of, Gravdal, Kathryn, 43 15–16, 23–7 Guillet, Pernette de, 20, 29 homoeroticism, 9, 80, 98, 113, 123, Guise, Marie de, 8, 100 132, 142–3 le petit mort, 146, 147 Hamilton, John, 151 see also desire; love Harvey, Elizabeth, 115 Erskin, John, of Dun, 24 Heijnsbergen, Theo van, 48, 50 Erskine, Sir Thomas, 79 Henryson, Robert, 51 Erskine, William, 127 Hepburn, James see Earl of Bothwell Eve, 67 Hoccleve, Thomas, 62–4, 67–8 Holyrood, Palace of, 38 Felman, Shoshana, 20 homoeroticism, 9, 80, 98, 113, 123, Fénelon, La Mothe, 16 132, 142–3 ‘Fethy’, 51 Horapollo Ficino, Marsilio, 38, 39–41, 147, 162 Hieroglyphics, 100 Fineman, Joel, 90 Hudson, Robert, 130 Fleming, Lady Jean, 150 Hudson, Thomas, 5 Fowler, William, 2, 3, 8, 149–63, 167, Huntly, Earl of see George Gordon 168, 169 Hyde, Thomas A., 133 216 Index idolatory Furies, The (translation of Du Bartas’ Mary, Queen of Scots and, 27 La Seconde Sepmaine), 5, 91 Protestant fear of, 163 Lepanto, 91, 92 women and, 72, 155–7 Phoenix, Ane Metaphoricall Invention Innermeith, Lord see John Stewart, of a Tragedie called, 9, 81, 91, Lord Innermeith 97–104, 142 Poeticall Exercises, 91 Jack, R.D.S., 2, 3, 123, 133 Schort Treatise, containing Some Jacobean culture, 77–167 Reulis and Cautelis to be Jacobean Renaissance culture, 2–3, 77 observit and eschewit in Scottis James III, 7 poesie, Ane, 3, 78 James IV, 7 Urania, 8, 111, 121 James V, 107 Works, 103 James VI, 1, 7, 20, 25, 29, 44, 45, Javitch, 132 77–104, 105–13, 120, 121, 123, Jones, Ann Rosalind, 42, 43 124, 125–48, 149, 169 Jordan, Constance, 56 erotic poetry, 76 see also ‘the Anna sonnets’; Kennedy, Walter, 51 Amatoria; Ane Metaphoricall ‘Ane aigit man’, 71 Invention of a Tragedie called Kennedy, William J., 162 Phoenix Knox, John, 23, 24 Jacobean poetry about, 100, History of the Reformation, 24 105–13, 120–4, 129–44 Kristeva, Julia, 9 literary collaboration and, 79, 103, 132 Labé, Louise, 20, 33, 39 literary theory of, 4, 8, 77–9, 82, Evvres, 16 103–4 Lacan, Jacques, 143–4 love poetry to Anna of Denmark, Lauder, James, 127 81–91 Laumonier, Paul, 8 relation with Alexander Lekprevik, Robert, 3, 25, 151 Montgomerie, 125–48 Lennox, Esmé Stewart, Duke/Earl of, relation with Elizabeth I, 77 17, 18, 80, 91, 97–104, 121, 142 relation with Esmé Stewart, Duke of Leone, 38, 44 Lennox, 80, 97–104 Lerer, Seth, 168 relation with Mary, Queen of Scots, Leslie, John, Bishop of Ross, 19, 22, 44, 167 42 representation as Apollo, 8, 86, 93, Defence, 18, 26 96, 101–2, 110, 129, 137, Lewis, Jayne Elizabeth, 22, 27 140–51 Liddisdaill, 32 self-representation in poetry, 9 Lindsay, Alexander, 79 works love ‘All the kings short poesis’ see amicitia/friendship, 108, 122 Amatoria amour courtis see courtly love Amatoria, 79, 81–97 caritas, 70, 121, 133 ‘Anna sonnets’, the, 81–91 courtly, 28, 47, 54 Basilikon Doron, 22, 81, 98, 99 erotic see eroticism Daemonologie, 81 ‘mortal love’, 144–8, 157–62 Essayes of a Prentise, The, 3–5, 6, 96, Neo-platonic, 147 97, 100, 102, 103, 107, 129 ‘passional’, 7, 125, 145, 168 Index 217

Petrarchan see Petrarchism Catholicism of, 7, 40–3 redemptive see ‘passional’ love erotic poetry of, see ‘The Casket- sacred and profane, 5–6, 10 Sonnets’ ‘sovereign love’, 9–10, 48, 105–6, execution of, 77, 167 110–12, 120, 129 implicated in murder of Henry spiritual see Neo-Platonic love; Neo- Stewart, Lord Darnley, 6, 15, Platonism; caritas 26 love-god see Cupid marriage to Henry Stewart, Lord Low, Anthony, 143 Darnley, 48, 51 Lyall, R.J., 126, 129, 146 martyrdom of, 40 Lynch, Michael, 2, 26, 48 political controversies about, 6, Lyndsay, David 16–18, 24 Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estatis, 120 rape of, 29–32, 38, 39 Lyon, Patrick, Lord Glammis, 80 relationship with James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, 22, 24, 26, MacDonald, Alasdair, 48, 49, 51 30–1 Machiavelli, Niccolò relationship with James VI, 44, 167 Il Principe, 149 relationship with Elizabeth I, 22, 26 MacQueen, John, 2 religious poetry of, 40–3 Madonna, The, 23 works see also Mariology, Virgin Mary ‘Casket-Sonnets, The’, 6, 7, 15–45 Maitland, Sir John, 150 marginal gloss of, 17–18, 21, 28, Manichaeism, 47, 58, 61, 71 30 maniero, 129 ‘violation sonnet’, the, 29–32, 38, mannerism, 129, 133, 146, 148 39 mannerismo, 129 ‘Tetrasticha ou Quatrains a son fils’, manuscript culture, 50, 72, 103 169 see also coterie culture Mazzotta, Giuzeppe, 154 Marian culture, 15–74 McDiarmid, Matthew, 2, 107 Mariology, 9, 62–9 McManus, Clare, 89 Blessed Virgin Mary, 8, 9, 47, 54, Medici, Lorenzo de, 39 65–9, 151, 163 Melville, James, 21, 82 Mary as the Second Eve, 67 ‘Mersar’, 51, 68 Our Lady, 72 Meun, Jean de, 64 Regina Maria, 51 Mirandola, Pico della, 38 Marshall, Rosalind, 31 ‘Moffat’, 51, 59 martyrdom, 33, 39–43, 88, 125, 133, monarchy 144–8 absolutism of, 82–6 l’amant martyr, 155 and poetic rhetoric, 8–9 martyrs, 125 divine right of, 3, 83 see also martyrdom erotic desire of monarch, 78–9 Mary, Queen of Scots, 1, 2, 3, 6–7, 8, erotic devotion to see ‘sovereign 103, 127–8, 149, 163, 167 love’ adultery of, 6, 21 self-representation of, 3–4, 9, 24 and martyrdom, 33, 40–3 Montgomerie, Alexander, 2, 3, 8, 10, anti-feminist debate about, 7, 9, 104, 116, 118, 124, 125–48, 23–7 149, 168 authorship controversy about, The Cherrie and the Slae, 91, 127, 15–20 133 218 Index

Montgomerie, Alexander con’t erotic poetry by women see lyrics and sonnets, 125–48 Gambara; Guillet; Labé; Mary Moray, Earl of see James Stewart Queen of Scots’ Morton, James Douglas, Earl of, 104 ‘casket–sonnets’; Stampa mourning/loss, 10, 39–40, 99–100, erotic poetry by men see Fowler; 103, 144–8, 162 James VI; Montgomerie; John Murray, Sir John, 80 Stewart poetic rhetoric and display, 109–10 Neo-Platonism, 28, 37–40, 86, 132, 147 see also mannerism New Historicism, 2 poetic rhetoric and truth, 22–3, Newlyn, Evelyn S., 49, 55 77–9 songs see Bannatyne manuscript, Oslo, 81 ‘songis of love’ Ovid, 64 sonnet sequences, 149 Metamorphoses, 140 tragedy, 11 politics Parkinson, David, 24, 25, 47, 49 and eros, 1–2, 3–7, 15, 27, 72–3, Patterson, Annabel, 69 103–4 Perry, Curtis,79 and erotic language, 4–5 Petrarch [Francesco Petrarca], 1, 153 political turmoil, 3, 15 representation of Laura, 101, 151, print culture, 50 157, 158, 160, 161 Protestantism Rime sparse [Canzionere], 8, 11, 101, censorship, 49 133, 151, 154, 155, 157, 158, poetics, 129, 151 160, 163 poetic propaganda, 23 Secretum, 163 see also anti–Catholicism; Trionfi, 5, 123, 151 Reformation Trionfo d’amore, 134 Puttenham, George, 113 Trionfo della morte, 163 see also anti-Petrarchism; querelle des femmes, 47, 51, 55–61, 62, Petrarchism 63, 69–73 Petrarchism Quinn, William A., 68 as rhetoric, 19, 91 as philosophy of love, 33 Ramsay, Allan, 47 feminisation of, 15 Reformation, 69 Phillips, J.E., 24 poetic propaganda, 23 Phillipy, Patricia, 43 Regina Maria, 51, 73 Plaidy, Jean 31 see also Mariology, Virgin Mary Pliny the Elder Roman de la Rose, Le, 63 Natural History, 100 Renaissance, Scottish, 2–3 Plotinus, 36, 38 see also Jacobean Renaissance poetry culture as ‘gift’, 9–10, 50–1, 105–7, 118, Ronsard, Pierre de, 8, 15, 18, 23, 135, 123–4, 150 147 dialogic, 105 Elegie à la Royne d’Ecosse, 23 epistolary, 98, 99 Ross, Ian, 2 epithalamia, 17, 48–9, 80 Ruscelli, Girolamo erotic poetry, condemnation of, Imprese Illustri, 141 15–16, 22–7 Ruthven Raid, 4, 98, 102, 104, 113 Index 219

Saint-Gelais, Melin de, 86 Vickers, Brian, 53 Scève, Maurice Virgin Mary, 8, 54, 65–9, 151, 163 Délie, 140 see also Mariology, Madonna (The) Scott, Alexander, 3, 23, 49, 51, 61, 70 Vives, Joannes L., 54 Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky, 56 De Institutione foeminiae Christianae, Sharpe, Kevin, 90–1 26 Shire, Helena, 2, 127, 131, 133, 135, 137, 140 Waldegrave, Robert, 127 Sidney, Sir Philip, 163 Walsingham, Francis, 149 Smith, Bruce, 138 Watson, James, 47 Spenser, Edmund, 163 ‘Weddirburne’, 51, 70 Amoretti, 163 Weldon, Anthony, 98 Speroni, Sperone, 39 Wemyss, Lady Cecilia, 118 spiritual love see caritas; Neo- Wemyss, Sir David, 118 Platonism Wemyss, Margaret, 107, 118–20 Spynie, Lord see Alexander Lindsay Westcott, Allan F., 96 Stampa, Gaspara, 20, 28 Wittig, Monique, 45 ‘Stewart’, 51, 54–5 women Stewart, Esmé see Duke/Earl of and poetic authorship, 49, 63, 120 Lennox beauty of, 23, 52–5 Stewart, Henrietta, 80 chastity of, 24, 26, 52, 121–2 Stewart, Henry see Lord Darnley debate about see querelle des femmes Stewart, James, Earl of Moray, 17, 18 desire of, 15–16, 20, 21, 59–61, Stewart, John, 2, 3, 8, 9, 97, 105–24, 69–71, 116–18 142, 149, 168 female-voiced poetry, 19–20, 106, Ane Schersing out of Trew Felicitie, 115–18, 122–4, 128 106, 111, 120, 121, 123, 124 and misogyny see anti-feminism Rapsodies, 105–24, 129 and motherhood, 65–6 Stewart, John, Lord Innermeith, 107 rape of, 24, 25, 30–3, 42, 43 Stewart, Mary see Mary, Queen of represented as Lucretia, 33 Scots represented as Magdalene, 43 Stuart, Arbella, 150 represented as Medea, 25 represented as Venus, 23, 25, 121 Tasso, Torquato, 52 sexuality of see women, desire of Tertullian, 59 virginity of, 52, 65–9, 118, 121 Tullibardine, Earl of see Sir John virtue of, 62–8 Murray visual images of, 25 Tyrone, Earl of, 127 Wood, John, 15 Woodbridge, Linda, 56 Union of the Crowns, 3, 167 Wormald, Jenny, 32–3, 98 Woudhuysen, H.R., 106 Vaughan, Robert Wroth, Mary A Dialogue defensyve for women ‘Pamphilia to Amphilanthus’, 42 agaynst malycius detractors, 62 Würzburg, Abbey of, 127