Research Paper

Re-branding alternative tourism in the Caribbean: The case for ‘ slow tourism’

Dennis Conway

Benjamin F. Timms

ABSTRACT Slow tourism represents a progressive genre of alternative tourism for remote locales in the Caribbean beyond mass-tourism complexes. We propose this new form of slow tourism as a viable promotional identity for alternative tourist offerings, which are in need of re-branding, through the decentralized medium of information technologies. A further contribution to this new construct ’ s identity is our recognition of the potential for the Caribbean diaspora to participate as stake­ holders in slow tourism ventures in under-developed spaces of the Caribbean that lack the requisite resources and bundle of social and economic advantages that mass- tourism relies upon. Thus, the unevenness of tourism-driven development in the Caribbean can be countered progressively, and more inclusively, than in times past. In addition to developing the theoretical construct of slow tourism, we offer several prototype examples to demonstrate quality offerings already in praxis.

INTRODUCTION The tourism industry in the Caribbean has been cautioned regarding its rapid growth, volatile fluctuations in response to market downturns, and its long-term viability and Stage II and, fi nally, mass-market maturity sustainability (Duval and Wilkinson, 2004 ; and saturation in Stage III (McElroy and de Weaver, 2004; Pattullo, 2005 ). Early experi­ Albuquerque, 1991). What is important to ences with the development of mass-tourism note from these arguments is the need to avoid in the Caribbean 1 were accompanied by high stagnation or decline once a tourism market levels of foreign-dependency in the promotion reaches these latter stages. and management of this fledgling industry that For the Caribbean tourism industry to was, for the most part, unregulated and poorly continue to prosper and adjust to future compe­ planned ( Wilkinson, 1997 ). Not surprisingly, tition and the changing demands of the global the earlier decades of this problematic ensem­ market place, it needs continual renewal and ble ’ s growth were characterized by volatility revitalization of its offerings. As Daye et al and vulnerability to fi nancial crises ( Conway, (2008) claim, we need to be more attuned to 1983 ). Later, the global economy ’ s embracing the industry’ s vulnerabilities and its volatility as of neo-liberalism after the late 1970s and early a regionally diverse phenomenon and be more 1980s downturn ( Harvey, 2003 ; Conway and willing ‘to clarify the unique experiences and Heynen, 2006 ; Timms, 2009 ), far from making practices of Caribbean tourism ’ (p. 7). Utilizing the Caribbean’ s tourist industries more secure, the last observation as a point of departure, we has brought about another severe crisis in the propose a shift in strategies to encourage the early years of the twenty-fi rst century. The diversifi cation of offerings under the promo­ combination of biophysical threats such as tional umbrella of ‘slow tourism ’, where in addition earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, the grow­ to the established mass-tourism infrastructure ing threats from environmental change leading there is niche marketing for alternative tourisms to intensifi ed hurricanes and rises in sea level, that focus on quality upgrading rather than and the severe global recession in 2009 heralded merely increasing the quantity of visitors. another round of critical despondency about Building upon earlier models of alternative the industry ’ s viability and sustainability in such tourism, we propose a more culturally sensi­ small vulnerable island states (Briguglio, 1995; tive, authentic and encompassing slow tourism Pelling and Uitto, 2001 ; Boruff and Cutter, model as a revitalized new tourism for the 2007 ; MacGregor et al, 2009). twenty-fi rst century in the Caribbean. Although Considering that even with these diffi culties a successor to the ‘ new tourism’ of the 1980s tourism has become the most important asset and early 1990s (Weaver, 1991; Conway, 1993; to the national economies of much of the Poon, 1994 ), it advances the genre by embracing region ’ s countries, it is vitally important that the best notions of ‘ development-from-below’ the region learns from these previous mistakes models that democratize tourism planning, to avoid repeating them in the future (WTTC, management and benefi ts. 2 We highlight the 2004 ; Timms, 2009). This cautionary proviso central role of global information technologies is supported by Butler’s (1980) famous model and communication media for promoting and highlighting the evolutionary stages in the securing slow tourism ’ s diverse offerings and tourism product life cycle, ending with either experiences which, for example, decentralizes decline or revitalization of the industry. Subse­ the tourist industry from foreign-control toward quently, de Albuquerque and McElroy (1992) local empowerment. A fi nal contribution to and McElroy and de Albuquerque (1998) this new construct’ s identity – which places it empirically affi rmed the applicability of Butler ’ s in a future, more diverse and competitive tourism model to over 30 Caribbean small island devel­ world – is our recognition of the potential oping states, where countries have progressed for transnational families, emigrant diaspora upward in their tourism life cycle from an networks, return migrants and remittance emergent Stage I to the rapid expansion of donors to participate as entrepreneurs and stake holders in slow tourism ventures (Chev­ experiences while striving for environmental annes and Ricketts, 1997 ; Conway, 2007; sustainability ( Conway and Timms, 2003; Conway and Potter, 2007). To add empirical Weaver, 2004). For those concerned more substance to our theoretical construct, we offer about sustaining local livelihoods there was the an abbreviated list of slow tourism prototypes advent of community-based tourism ( Milne to demonstrate that many of our ideas about and Ewing, 2004). The same can be said for ‘ quality offerings’ are already in existence and other alternatives as well, such as heritage tour­ praxis . As geographically advantageous loca­ ism ’ s focus on cultural attributes (Pulsipher, tions have been largely over-saturated with 1992, 1999; Nuryanti, 1996; Hawkes and mass-tourism complexes, and are in danger of Kwortnik, 2006) and pro-poor tourism ’ s stagnation and decline, we highlight more defi ned interest in poverty reduction ( Torres marginal locations whereby lessons from the and Momsen, 2004; Lewis and Brown, 2007). unregulated and unplanned past can be heeded All of these alternative tourism models are in developing slow tourism alternatives that related in their attempts to maintain and/ or avoid the negatives of unfettered mass-tourism improve local conditions – be it environmental, development and serve to revitalize the cultural or socio-economic. Caribbean tourism industry. However, we believe that in their differen­ tiation they have segmented the basic precept SLOW TOURISM’ S of new tourism; namely resistance to increasing PHILOSOPHICAL ROOTS global pressures brought on by modern indus­ trial society, such as the negative repercussions New tourism as precedent of mass-tourism. In some cases, even the iden­ As early as the mid-1980s, recognition of the tity of these individual alternative tourisms changing demographics in two of the Carib­ have been co-opted by mass-tourism enter­ bean ’ s major markets – North America and prises, such as the use of the term ‘ ecotourism ’ , Europe – and the resultant market differentia­ with resultant application of policies that can tion of savvy tourists seeking varied experi­ have negative socio-economic and cultural ences from their visits culminated in persuasive repercussions (Carrier and Macleod, 2005 ). arguments about the need for a ‘new tourism ’ . Hence, we believe there needs to be a re-concep­ Initially pertaining to well-traveled mature tualization of new tourism that is holistic tourists whose life styles and self-perceptions as and returns to the original premise of being environmentally and socially conscious guests the antithesis to mass-tourism. In doing so seeking authentic experiences (Poon, 1989), we are not advocating a replacement of other this new tourism was characterized as being diverse models of alternative tourisms – ecot­ small in scale and minimal in its social and ourism, nature tourism, agro-tourism, heritage environmental impacts. Examples of such new tourism, and the like. Rather, we view our tourist cohorts that were already beginning to new conception of ‘ slow tourism’ as a promo­ travel to the Caribbean included sports tourists, tional vehicle that philosophically identifi es the ethnic and diaspora tourists, and nature tourists core problem relating to the saturation of mass- ( Conway, 1993). New tourism, henceforth, tourism resulting from unsustainable hard was hailed as a worthy successor to replace the growth and development axioms ( Conway and old mass-tourism of yester year; ‘ a tourism Timms, 2003), and avoids it. of the future … characterized by fl exibility, segmentation and more authentic tourism Defi ning slow tourism experiences ’ ( Poon, 1994, p. 91). Like its new tourism predecessor, ‘ slow tourism’ Ecotourism is a prime example of the new is both a promotional and tactile model that tourism movement that focused on nature builds upon the earlier 1990s advocacy of Poon (1994) for an alternative to mass-tourism that current era it has an unique identity that offers is regenerative through meeting the maturing a more sustainable, humanistic, eco-friendly needs of a growing cohort of new tourists. As tourism product that is a less alienated (and a derivative of the Italian-born ‘ Slow Food alienating) experience for both hosts and guests Movement ’ , it is guided by a focus on relieving alike. For ‘ guests ’ (a preferred identity to that the time-space pressures that accumulate in of ‘slow tourist’ ) the primary benefi t is tangible today ’ s alienated capitalist life-worlds (Harvey, recuperation through avoiding the stresses asso­ 1989 ). The quintessential antonym for ‘ slow ciated with the increasing speed our world food ’ is ‘ fast food’ , whereby the latter ’ s mani­ works in; be it at work, at home, at the dinner festation represents not only the quickening of table, or even on vacation. By maximizing the life ’ s pace, and resultant increase in the quan­ enjoyment and quality of their off-work time tity of good ’ s consumed, but also the separation at the expense of the quantity of experiences of consumers from the product which masks consumed, which often dominates vacations the social, cultural and environmental conse­ hour-by-hour in a frenzied attempt to see and quences of its production. Slow food represents do everything, we can both slow down the the antithesis of the ‘ fast life ’ by advocating pace of vacation and promote locale inclusive­ ‘ a fi rm defense of quiet material pleasure … . ness. This caters to the growing numbers of developing taste rather than demeaning it … seasoned and globally experienced travelers and setting about this [through] an interna­ who prefer heightened quality of life experi­ tional exchange of experiences, knowledge, ences which offer a variety of local community projects ’ (Slow Food International, 2008, p. 44). tourism leisure-environments while mini­ In a similar fashion, slow tourism stands as mizing negative social, cultural and environ­ the antithesis to mass-tourism’ s standardization mental impacts on local host communities. of product that relies on increasing the quantity At the same time, local control of planning, of tourists moved through the system with little managing and implementing slow tourism regard to either the quality of the tourists’ enterprises should combat the foreign capital experience or the benefi ts that accrue to the leakage and promote equitable socio-economic localities the tourist visits. Instead, the primary benefi ts to local communities and limit envi­ objective of mass-tourism is fi xated on profi t ronmental pressures (Renard, 2001 ). generation, often for foreign corporate share­ So, building upon the Slow Food Move­ holders. Yet this foreign profi t motive, as the ment what should our ‘ Slow Tourism Mani­ primary focus of mass-tourism entities, stands festo ’ for the Caribbean look like? First, slow opposed to the goals of alternative tourism tourism should offer suitable doses of guaran­ proponents as the high level of foreign capital teed sensual pleasure and slow, long-lasting leakage from tourism attests, which in varying enjoyment to preserve the discerning inquisi­ Caribbean island states can range from 40 to tive but well-meaning ‘ tourist as guest’ from 85 per cent (Potter et al, 2004; Pattullo, 2005; the contagion of the multitude of mass-tourist Timms, 2006). Slow tourism aims to counter acolytes who ‘mistake frenzy for effi ciency ’ these negative externalities with an ‘ identity ’ ( Irving, 2008, p. 44 ). Second, the slow tourism that promotes sustainability and conviviality movement should be focused on countering and focuses upon countering the loss of local the loss of local distinctiveness as it relates distinctiveness as it relates to leisure, sense of to leisure, conviviality, sense of place and place, hospitality and rest and recuperation hospitality ( Woehler, 2004 ). More generally, ( Woehler, 2004). slow tourism should focus on local distinctive­ Slow tourism shares the anti-mass-tourism ness and explicitly link the three E’ s of sustain­ goals of the new tourism model, but by bringing able development – environment, economy the social demographic context forward into the and equity (Campbell, 1996). This entails encouraging new ideas about how to grow coastal zone amenities and urban infrastructural locales in more conscious and measured ways advantages, have not come under the ‘ gaze ’ of so that alternative, more inclusive, community mass-tourism developers and planners. As a centered and regional regimes are formed result, geographic remoteness and relative inac­ from the existing cultural hearths of local cessibility provides ‘ undeveloped spaces’ for practice and communal/ familial knowledge alternative and diverse forms of tourism to take that have always existed in the many over­ root and develop in such remoter ‘ locales ’ in looked, marginal and out-of-the-way locales the Caribbean – be it ignored small islands or of Caribbean islands. remote sections of larger ones. In these inac­ As a partner to Caribbean tourism’ s sun, cessible locales, both in the Caribbean and sand and sea tourism, or to other sustainable elsewhere around the world, diversity may alternative tourism offerings that may be have receded in the face of globalization and specifi c to particular islands, slow tourism ’ s its homogenizing effects, but it has not yet ‘ R & R’ (Rest and Relaxation) initiatives in disappeared. Rather it remains out-of-sight if relatively inaccessible locales of Caribbean not out-of-mind. It would be wise, then, to islands should also serve as a nearby alternative fi nd and promote alternative models of sustain­ option, and/ or an extension of the tourist stay, able tourism in these locales that maximize that further enriches and diversifi es the overall local benefi ts while enhancing the overall experience. In short, slow tourism can success­ breadth of tourism offerings beyond the coastal fully aid and abet other tourism offerings, by zone concentrations. Hence, our concept of providing a period of rest and recuperation that slow tourism not only promotes niche deepens the level of overall enjoyment and marketing of new alternative styles of tourism, heightens the returns that leisure provides to but also represents a democratization of control, overall wellbeing (Dunn, 1959 ). and benefi ts, of tourism development. Of considerable signifi cance in this ‘ development­ Remoteness and relative from-below ’ priority, though not exclusive to inaccessibility as an advantage the concept, is that community-based tourism for slow tourism and pro-poor tourism initiatives can fi nd a Interestingly, geography also plays a role in our ‘ home ’ in the suite of offerings ‘ slow tourism’ concept of slow tourism. Since it is the anti­ can nurture. At the other end of the scale, and thesis of mass-tourism, it also exists in spaces as an up-scale, entity with considerable growth that have been overlooked as prime locations potential and leverage in slow tourism ’ s revi­ for tourism development. Locations easily talization efforts, even the ‘ Slow Food Move­ accessible to major markets such as Europe and ment ’ and its ‘ convivia ’ can become active North America, as defi ned by direct air service partners; given the potential for locals and and proximate location to these airports participating ‘ guests ’ to revel in the quality, and ( Conway and Jemiolo, 1991), which also are diversity of island-specifi c cuisines that fi t that ‘ blessed ’ with the sun, sand and sea, have most global movement’ s ideals so well.4 often been targeted for mass-tourism complexes ( Davenport and Jackiewicz, 2008 ). However, SLOW TOURISM AND THE most of the examples we will identify as ‘ proto­ CARIBBEAN TOURIST MARKET types ’ of slow tourism exist in out-of-the way remote locales that lack typical mass-tourism Holistic umbrella for alternative characteristics and, hence, occupy locations tourisms that are considered geographically marginal. 3 Slow tourism, based on the Slow Food Move­ Geographically remote locations, which are ment ’ s philosophical basis, stands as the antith­ less endowed with the traditional Caribbean esis to mass-tourism, as potentially sustainable socially, economically and environmentally. also be fully involved in participatory roles, Hence, it coalesces the goals of many other while benefi tting politically, economically and alternative tourisms – the environmental pros­ socially from such shared ownership and partic­ pects of ecotourism ( Weaver, 2004 ; Klak, ipation. Furthermore, the state’ s institutional 2007 ), the poverty reduction goals of pro-poor and legislative oversight and promotion of such tourism ( Torres and Momsen, 2004; Ashley an inclusive tourist industry, must also act on et al , 2006 ), the linkage-induced stimulation their citizenry’ s behalf to help promote and effects of agro-tourism (Momsen, 1998 ; Timms, sustain the industry in all its forms, corporate, 2006, 2009 ), the cultural aspects of heritage small business and co-operative/ communal. tourism (Pulsipher, 1992, 1999), the egalitarian Together with tourism industry partnerships efforts of community tourism (Milne and and regional institutions such as Caribbean Ewing, 2004), among others. The generalized Tourism Organization (CTO), state govern­ strength of its humanistic ethical position lies ments must help secure (and ensure) local in its stress on quality considerations rather than authority, and necessary regional and national quantity realizations. The former, therefore, support in line with the principals and best becomes the preferred path and way forward practices of development-from-below programs for all stakeholders, through advancing sustain­ and initiatives that bring tangible rewards and able options over pure growth and develop­ returns to the host society at large, and to its ment and focusing on the adoption of this more underprivileged classes in particular. Pro- alternative, appropriately people-centered and poor tourism and community-based tourism participatory, inclusive model in remote inte­ are two such progressive vehicles (Renard, rior and more inaccessible coastal locations 2001 ; Milne and Ewing, 2004 ; Torres and throughout the Caribbean. Momsen, 2004; Lewis and Brown, 2007 ). At the same time, to ensure Caribbean tour­ ism ’ s authenticity and each island-society’ s The democratic role of information unique tourism identities, the future is best technologies assured when the ownership of the variety of Mass-tourism has generally developed and been tourism offerings and specialties remain in the defi ned as a centralized system, including book­ hands of local stakeholders, local entrepreneurs ing options, which is a main source of profi t and local consortiums. The accompanying leakage of the tourism industry in the Carib­ caveat to this optimal goal of regional or national bean ( Pattullo, 2005). However, the advent of ownership and control of tourist ventures is that information technologies and access to it in community-participation and less centralized even remote locales has allowed broader partic­ participatory planning of ‘ bottom-up ’ inclu­ ipation and control by local communities, partic­ siveness and consensus-making in such tourism ularly in tourism. Interestingly, Poon (1990) ventures is not at all easy to implement, or anticipated the amazing development of the successfully organize. This is because the hier­ internet as a major dimension in tourism deci­ archical and oft-times undemocratic power sion-making by more than a decade and recog­ relations within just about all Caribbean socie­ nized that the keys to the industry’ s ‘fl exible ties favor ‘ top-down ’ practices, and only specialization ’ lay in the following: information rarely has community-level ownership of local technological applications, net works, synergies, projects been successful over the long haul scope economies, production and organizational ( Pugh and Potter, 2003). fl exibility (Poon, 1990, 1993, 1994). Ideally, wider communities with internal These days, information technological and external roots and cooperative interests – advances in e-marketing, the rapid development non-governmental organizations (NGOs), among Caribbean tourism entrepreneurs of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) – must local websites promoting their island ’s various offerings, readily accommodate many a mature circulate, move back, or stay away. These tourist ’s travel planning, so that local itineraries global stakeholders promote local community and more variety in experiences can be organ­ development through remittances, contrib­ ized by discerning tourists. Hence, information uting to disaster relief, investing savings in land technological networking, website development ‘ back home’ , undertaking professional visits to and centralized promotions of locally run activ­ do business and commerce, provide health ities will defi nitely be a sustaining feature of slow services, conduct education workshops, give tourism ’s overall collective identity. Information management advice, among many other roles technologies and global communication net­ ( Mills, 2005; Conway, 2007). These groups works can effectively and effi ciently give voice can be active both as tourist participants seeking and design to the uniqueness of community heightened quality of life experiences (Conway level alternative tourism offerings and experi­ and Potter, 2007) and as entrepreneurs contrib­ ences. Slow tourism, through this widely cast uting to the small-business side of such low- interactive medium, can then foster, promote impact tourism in remoter locales (Chevannes and promise a myriad of collective offerings as and Ricketts, 1997 ). representatives of each island’ s unique and Slow tourism should defi nitely appeal to the authentic mix of environmental, socio-cultural, islands ’ diaspora and returning nationals who participatory and inclusive characteristics that visit ‘ home ’ regularly and repetitively (Conway, cultivates quality in experience and enjoyment 1993 ; Mills 2005; Conway and Potter 2007 ) of hosts and guests alike. as tourist participants reliving their childhoods, The slow tourism identity is advanced as an as visitors reminding themselves of the remoter inclusive alternative promotional model that can locales they have visited earlier or heard about, serve as an ideal umbrella under which a mix and as enthusiastic new members of civil society of community based and locally managed small associations in the home land to which they businesses and endeavors can be coordinated and have returned. Returning nationals are obvious given an external identity and market-window candidates as valuable players in slow tourism’ s through centralized, institutional and privately spaces and places which bring them heightened operated information technological websites. quality of life experiences. And, in terms of the These locally operated websites in each Carib­ small-business side of such low-impact tourism, bean venue should be able to provide would-be slow tourism should appeal to returning fi rst­ slow tourists, in the main metropolitan markets generation retirees, who originally emigrated of North America and Europe, very specifi c from those more remote locales – small islands, information about the mix of alternative offer­ peripheral rural regions, remote coastal villages, ings available that provide a quality experience inaccessible interior mountain or forested worth repeating, and certainly with the much- regions. They are the ones who have discre­ needed authenticity that is oft-times lacking in tionary social and fi nancial capital to invest in the mass-tourism package. small-scale services, bed and breakfast hostels, family-home ‘ time-shares ’ and apartment The role of the Caribbean diaspora rentals, owner-managed restaurants and bars, One overlooked ensemble of people who are, home-based traditional food production, and or could become, local, national and global who want to ‘ give something back’ (Gmelch, stakeholders in this now-deeply embedded, 2006 ; Conway, 2007). local-to-global tourism industry are Caribbean ‘ movers ’ – transnational families, emigr é SLOW TOURISM’ S diasporic networks, return migrants, remit­ ‘ PROTOTYPES’ tances donors, and, of course, national citizens The CTO has long served the region in pro ­ who stay, while other family move away, moting best-practices in the industry (Holder, 1979, 2000; Conway, 1983; Duval and Wilkinson, The proof of this claim lies in some of the 2004 ). So, it should not be surprising that practices underway that we view as ‘ prototype ’ examples of quality offerings are as prevalent examples of slow tourism, based on our own as disappointing ones, or that successful ventures specifi c fi eld experiences. Though a modest of the type Poon’s (1990, 1994) ‘ new tourism’ listing, they demonstrate that quality offerings championed came into existence in response of the community based, participatory type of to the changing nature of globalization forces slow tourism we envisage are already in exist­ impacting international business in general, and ence, and that the potential they offer in terms Caribbean tourism specifi cally. Given the of their diversity and attractiveness is encour­ maturation of tourist industries across the aging. The following prototypes suggest there region, the Caribbean has moved to the fore­ is defi nitely a productive place for slow tourism front in some environmentally conscious initi­ in tomorrow’ s mix of Caribbean quality-offer­ atives in their respective tourism sectors. For ings that can ensure revitalization and renewal, example, the region leads all others in Green as well as a welcome widening of the industry ’ s Globe certifi cation of 57 hotels ranging from market competitiveness and promise of a fi rmer exclusive resorts to medium-sized inns and sustainable footprint. eco-lodges, and there are two regional auditing institutions – SGS Jamaica Supervise Ltd and Slow community tourism in Trinidad and Tobago Bureau of Standards – treasure beach, Jamaica that undertake initial accreditation and subse­ Treasure Beach is made up of a series of small quent renewals (Green Globe, 2010). fi shing villages on Jamaica ’ s southwest coast Environmental NGOs such as the Caribbean with a marginal geography that is partly respon­ Conservation Association, the Caribbean Forest sible for its lack of mass-tourism. For one, it Conservation Association (CFCA), the Carib­ is a long 2-4-hour harrowing drive along sub­ bean Natural Resources Institute (CANARI), par roads from the airports in Montego Bay or and the many islands’ National Trusts have Kingston. Further, it lies in the rain-shadow of long histories of activism and activity in the Jamaica ’ s central mountain chain which leaves conservation and preservation of the islands it relatively hot and dry in comparison to the environmental resources. As a result, the north-coast, where the majority of Jamaica’ s region ’ s educated youth have grown up envi­ mass-tourism complexes are situated. And ronmentally conscious and knowledgeable while the north-coast also boasts calm azure about their homelands’ territorial limits and the seas with sparkling white sand beaches, Treasure threats to biodiversity that landscape changes Beach is relegated rougher ocean conditions such as urban growth and sprawling built envi­ and brown-colored sand beaches. However, ronments bring on. The region ’ s overall well- this very geographic marginality which limits educated and highly literate populations, therefore, its attractiveness to mass-tourism acolytes has constitute a flexible resource of signifi cant worth also allowed Treasure Beach to develop its own capable of responding democratically and unique form of slow tourism (Hawkins, purposefully to influence political agendas, 1999 ). fi ght to retain local community authority, and For starters, accommodations in the area are strongly favor populist and socially just programs limited to 15 rooms per acre, which is half the that sustain their territorial homelands. In short, density allowed on the rest of the island. This the region’ s comparatively abundant human was a deliberate decision to further exclude and social capital stocks, though spread out mass-tourism development ( Jason Henzell, in some 30-plus countries, favor the model 2007, personal communication). Second, it has of alternative tourism promotion we have a range of small accommodation types that introduced. cater to a wide-spectrum of tourists from the upscale to backpackers, ensuring a diversity of These donors were part of the Caribbean visitors. Third, it includes fi shing in traditional diaspora – be they past tourists, current friends, boats with local fi sherman and they host an overseas families or former residents – who annual fi shing tournament to raise funds for were kept updated by TreasureBeach.net the local fi shing cooperative and BRED ’ s, a before, during and after the storm about its community development NGO (Treasure affects on the community. In effect, informa­ Beach.net, 2010 ). But, more importantly, the tion technologies related to the combined foci focus of the tourist visit is on experiencing and of tourism promotion and community devel­ interacting with the local community while opment facilitated the involvement of the the benefits of their stay are directed back to diaspora in not only community development, the well-being of the community itself. For but disaster recovery. It is such synergies that example, one US dollar for every occupied we believe make the concept of slow tourism room in participating tourist accommodations a powerful descendant of Poon’s (1989, 1990, is funneled back to community development 1993, 1994) past conception of new tourism groups that sponsor health and youth sporting reworked for the modern age. programs, assist fi shing cooperatives and even organize disaster relief assistance. Slow nature tourism in central One of the major promoters for this style of Barbados tourism is the local web-portal TreasureBeach Away from its popular and now-crowded .net (2010). Created in 2000, the site combines mass-tourism zones of the South and West tourism promotion with local community coasts, Barbados has a remoter, but reasonably development, as stated on its homepage: accessible, mix of nature tourism sites in its interior that offer comfortable and easy-paced, • to supply information to future Treasure slow tourism experiences. With no order of Beach visitors; importance intended, Andromeda Gardens, • to provide an internet presence for area Flower Forest, Orchid World, Welshman Hall organizations involved in education, envi­ Gully, Harrison ’ s Cave, Farley Hill Park and ronmental awareness and neighborhood Barbados Wildlife Reserve, all offer inquisitive projects; and discerning tourists who seek an alternative • to help maintain Treasure Beach’ s essence of to mass-tourism ’ s sun, sand and sea experi­ a community, not individual interests; ences. Instead, they provide opportunities to • to further the belief that development must enjoy verdant tropical landscapes, forested benefi t the entire community, not just the valleys and gullies, and hill-side nature reserves tourism sector. by walking, photographing, sitting awhile and learning fi rst-hand about these Caribbean vistas As an example of its offerings, one can search at their leisure. for accommodation while reading the profi les Currently, these attractions are operated to of local citizens written by primary school compete for visitors, despite the obvious over­ students and posted on the forum while laps and mutual interests, since as small busi­ keeping up-to-date on local conversations and nesses they each seek to profi t from their debates on community events. Community visiting volumes to stay in business, to under­ development groups also are given a web-pres­ take maintenance and upkeep, and to repair ence through the portal and, signifi cantly, their facilities. A combined slow tourism iden­ TreasureBeach.net was used after Hurricane tity, that adds its philosophical weight to the Ivan in 2004 and Hurricane Dean in 2007 to nature-tourism offerings of the collectivity raise a combined US $ 36 000 in relief funds of this mix of ventures, might very well be a online from overseas donors. boost with mutual benefi ts for all, rather than a competitive race. Associated craft workshops its particular focus on the special art of ‘ bone­ might be also added to the mix of slow tourism fi shing ’ – using fl y-fi shing techniques on experiences, since Earthworks and Chalky the Caribbean coast of Mexico’ s Yucatan Mount pottery making are two interesting peninsula. production sites of clay art and functional Elsewhere in the insular Caribbean, artisanal work that are also within easy reach of the fi shing is common in many remoter coastal aforementioned nature reserves and locales. localities, but it is rarely recognized as an Cooperation rather than competition could opportunity that could be expanded to include collectively increase their attractiveness to slow tourists or any among the richer, cosmo­ slow tourists and spread the benefi ts more politan classes, in large part because of age-old, equitably. class-based social stigmas attached to such small-scale, ‘ traditional ’ vocations. An excep­ Slow nature tourism in Trinidad tion, and a model to draw upon, is the eco­ and Tobago tourism initiative underway in Costa Rica, The remoteness of the Toco- Matura- Grand where two allied artisanal fi shery cooperatives Riviere region in the northeast of Trinidad has are working to include eco-tourism adventures helped in the local development of a ‘ soft ’ , in Tá rcoles in a small, community-based co-management ecotourism model centered marine tourism business. These consist of on the preservation of breeding sites for the guided artisanal fi shing tours with linesmen and endangered leatherback turtle (James and mussel collectors that allow tourists to learn Fournillier, 1993 ; Harrison, 2007). Nature about local fi shing practices, biodiversity and tourism and bird watching at the Asa Wright sustainability ( Eco-Index Sustainable Tourism, Center, also in northern Trinidad, adds to 2010 ) similar to the former example of Treasure the mix of offerings in these remoter locales. Beach, Jamaica. Coordination of visits by enthusiasts and eco­ volunteers, and the continued collaborative ‘ Sail fast, live slow’ in the involvement of local NGOs and IGOs with Grenadines local communities and stakeholders in the The Grenadines and other small island group­ conservation and preservation of endangered ings in the Caribbean, such as Turks and species – birds as well as turtles – would be Caicos, the British Virgin Islands, and some of enhanced if slow tourism was to serve as a partner the outer islands in the Bahamas, have devel­ to these eco-tourism ventures; a dual identity oped niche markets in yachting, bare boat that would increase the viability of the overall chartering, yacht marina development, marina mix of offerings similar to the Barbados case. servicing, racing regattas, dry-land storage and the like. Catering to a relatively affl uent client- Slow agro-tourism in Caribbean pool of yacht-owners and sailing enthusiasts, fi shing communities these specialist markets have grown in size and A type of agro-tourism that fi ts our slow the contributions being made to what were tourism approach for remoter locales is partic­ once relatively small isolated ‘ off-the-beaten’ ipation in local communal fi shing activities. track communities has substantially grown. Not only will this offering appeal to enthusi­ One example we can count as a prototype is astic anglers and sport fi shermen as a widening the following: during the winter tourist season, of their experiences but also as a heightening in Mayreau, the Grenadines, a windjammer of their appreciation for other experts’ skills in schooner and other ‘ yachties ’ participate in a this demanding activity. An example of this are locally organized day and night-long party the specialist hotels and modest accommoda­ complete with the Mayreau String Band, tions offered to visitors at Puente Allen, and dinner and a ‘ bar-crawl ’ in which host and guests mingle, dance, make ‘ old-talk ’ and occurring will limit its ability to be the panacea generally enjoy ‘ an unforgettable experience ’ for all of the Caribbean tourism industry’ s ( Toy and Martin, 2003 ). In effect, guests and problems with stagnation and losses in compet­ hosts celebrate together in a more authentic itiveness. However, it can be a partner to many and local manner which is more inclusive and Caribbean islands’ conventional sun, sand and lessens the social distance between locals and sea tourism offerings to not only provide a tourists. more comprehensive tourism product, but ameliorate the often-produced uneven land­ CONCLUSIONS scapes that mass-tourism ’ s penetration have Being left-out of mass-tourism ’ s rapid and caused, or exacerbated. rampant growth and the virtual fi lling-up of Slow tourism initiatives in the remoter the more accessible coastal zones most favored locales, or the remote un-developed island- for sun, sea and sand enjoyments has meant dependencies, can also serve as a partner to that the once-overlooked interiors and remoter many island-specifi c ‘ new tourism’ alternatives inaccessible coastal zones have retained much – sport tourism, heritage tourism, agro-tourism of their authenticity, communal strengths and and ecotourism derivatives. Selective types of slower-paced ambience. With revitalization such ‘alternative tourism’ efforts can be enriched being sought as Stage III maturation and stag­ and made even more attractive niche markets nation of many Caribbean tourist product to today’ s discerning and oft-travelled mature cycles challenges us to look beyond the boun­ tourists by the encouragement of slow tourism dary, slow tourism becomes a viable alternative practices, and slow tourism immersions in for these undeveloped remote locales. which family and partner participations are Belatedly perhaps, planners and tourism incorporated into the slow tourism product. promoters in the Caribbean are beginning to This means that along with such specialist recognize that a widening of their tourism offerings to tourist enthusiasts of fi shing, scuba- sector ’ s diversity in the mix of offerings is diving, snorkeling, bird-watching, marine advantageous because it promises revitalization turtle watching and other Caribbean leisure and renewal, even where mass-tourism stagna­ activities, including sailing, kayaking, walking, tion appears irreversible. Slow tourism can surfi ng, swimming and hiking, there are more serve as the promotional identity under which diverse ‘ bundles ’ of slow tourism offerings quality offerings, community-level and local for the accompanying family members. Such participatory initiatives, and island-specifi c diversity of offerings might include – meals, alternative tourisms can be marketed and evening meetings, communal get-togethers, supported. With the help of local information musical and cultural events, in which the technologies and web-based information remote region’ s local heritages and cultural systems to facilitate information sharing of best riches can be showcased and shared alike by practices, more sustainable tourism will be tourists and locals with their families and friends possible, and successful. Such sustainable forms as inclusive participants. best fit the interests of the local, national and Slow tourism ’ s diversity of offerings can global stakeholders in the tourism bundle and obviously occur both in remoter interiors and satisfy their tourist guests so that many become more distant coastal zones, as restaurant and repeat visitors. local cuisine ‘ prototypes ’ which follow the Being practical and realistic about the ideals of the ‘Slow Food Movement’ in terms diffi culties of launching slow tourism in such of authenticity, quality and local heritages can previously overlooked and under-developed be found in many mature Caribbean tourism locales, the modest pace and limited scale of industries – in Martinique, Barbados and development of slow tourism that we envisage Tobago, for example.5 It is also not beyond conception that among some of tomorrow’ s Hence, government oversight, and political selective, ‘ green ’ enclave resorts, slow tourism’ s support of such local democratic initiatives to ideals and practices can be embraced and ensure the stakeholders’ communal rights are implemented as a viable, upscale marketing honored and to prevent foreign or outsider strategy that sets them apart from the typical takeovers will be an essential part of our mass-tourism ‘ 3-S ’ s offerings that have carried proposed project. As Pugh (2003) would have them so far, yet in the near future will have it, following Mouffe’s (2002) recommenda­ widening appeal to tomorrow ’ s cohorts of tions, there needs to be a wider pluralism and discerning ‘ guests ’ who seek shared, life-expe­ respect for difference in identifi cations for citi­ riences in the more cosmopolitan and mature, zens that is more democratic. He calls for a post-colonial Caribbean societies, that have ‘ radical democracy ’ that redefi nes social class emerged since the 1960s. stratifi cation and power-relations within Concerning the scope and scale of slow contemporary Caribbean societies. Only then tourism ’ s evolution beyond its inception, it is will participatory planning of community- expected that such alternative new tourism based alternative tourism projects be able to initiatives – be they eco-tourism, nature continue to function effectively, and demo­ tourism, community and heritage tourism – cratically, for all local stakeholders. and the resultant accompanying small-scale Slow tourism is, therefore, a centrally tourist businesses and services that will be supported, public-private sector partnership established in rural, or small island, marginal that promotes a competitive identity of quality locales will start small and local. Furthermore, offerings which are sustainable alternatives to many will probably always need to stay small mass-tourism on several counts, as we have and remain locally managed. It would be mentioned. Slow tourism is a visiting experi­ unsustainable for them to expand and morph ence that is more authentic, slower-paced and into larger and larger micro-enterprises that fl exible, which also meets the host communi­ cannot be sustained at the operational scale of ties ’ favor as best practices for themselves and the initial family business or locally owned and their guests. It can be better planned and co­ operated cooperative; so, small needs to be managed at the community level, and can be beautiful and possible (Schumacher, 1973; pro-poor, participatory and ‘ bottom-up ’ , rather McRobie, 1981). than ‘ top-down ’ in its organizational forms. It The continued control by local entrepre­ is appropriate as well as viable for the geograph­ neurs and community stakeholders is not by ically diverse, remoter interiors of Caribbean any means assured, however. Failures of partic­ islands – big and small and very small. It can ipatory planning initiatives in the Caribbean be fostered in the still un-developed and under­ remind us of the imbalances in local political developed less-accessible Caribbean coastal power and authority that have plagued coop­ territories that do not have the requisite erative movements and community collectives resources and bundle of social and economic in places like Barbados, Belize, St. Lucia and advantages that mass-tourism needed and still Quintana Roo, Mexico (Pugh and Potter, needs. Thus, the unevenness of tourism-driven 2003 ). On the other hand, a successful example development that has often favored urban and of local control and planning was highlighted coastal spaces at the expense of rural and inte­ in our case study of Treasure Beach, Jamaica, rior locales can be countered progressively, and where local stakeholders in community-based more inclusively, than in times past. tourism were able to pass an ordinance limiting the number of hotel rooms per acre; thereby NOTES thwarting any incursion by large mass-tourism 1 The Caribbean Sea designates the geograph­ resorts. ical region in question, so that all the islands (except Bermuda) and their dependencies that now provide opportunities for ‘ slow are included, together with the Caribbean tourism ’ alternative offerings. coastal regions of Mexico ’ s Yucatan penin­ 4 The Terra Madre I-tal (Rastafarian) commu­ sular and Central America. We therefore nity in Jamaica has recently opened a Slow exclude the three ‘ Caribbean ’ enclave coun­ Food ‘ convivia ’ (in July 2009) with a focus tries in South America - Guyana, Suriname on traditional foods, regional products and and French Guiana, and the coastal regions dishes, to generate enthusiasm among young of Venezuela and Colombia. people about their local food culture. 2 ‘ Participatory planning’ in which all local 5 Locally developed, ‘ Slow Food Movement’ stakeholders are involved in consensus ‘ look-alikes ’ have been in existence for a building and community-level management long time, where local chefs and cooks of their local resource bundles or tourism produce ‘ traditional offerings’ for tourists, ventures are, however, more diffi cult to locals and returning nationals. They intro­ achieve and sustain in the Caribbean than duce, remind or re-introduce (respectively) to conceive and implement, as several of island-specifi c, ‘ creole food ’ in places like the contributions in Pugh and Potter’s Bequia (Dawn’ s Creole Gardens), Barbados (2003) collection demonstrate. ‘ Slow (Brown Sugar), Carriacou (Bogles Round tourism ’ might very well meet similar chal­ House), Martinique (Yva Chez Vava) and lenges, if the post-colonial hierarchies of Tobago (October’ s Blue Food Festival, power and authority of island political Store Bay Food Kiosks). arenas that stymied, or usurped participatory planning ’s local democratic processes continue to privilege mass-tourism and hard REFERENCES growth axioms, while giving insuffi cient Ashley , C . , Goodwin , H . , McNab , D . , Scott , M . support to the incubation and development and Chaves , L . 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