Proquest Dissertations
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Rebalanced and Revitalized: a Canada Strong
Rebalanced and Revitalized A Canada Strong and Free Mike Harris & Preston Manning THE FRASER INSTITUTE 2006 Copyright ©2006 by The Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. The authors have worked independently and opinions expressed by them are, therefore, their own, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the supporters or the trustees of The Fraser Institute. The opinions expressed in this document do not necessary represent those of the Montreal Economic Institute or the members of its board of directors. This publication in no way implies that the Montreal Economic Institute or the members of its board of directors are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill. Series editor: Fred McMahon Director of Publication Production: Kristin McCahon Coordination of French publication: Martin Masse Design and typesetting: Lindsey Thomas Martin Cover design by Brian Creswick @ GoggleBox Editorial assistance provided by White Dog Creative Inc. Date of issue: June 2006 Printed and bound in Canada Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Harris, Mike, 945- Rebalanced and revitalized : a Canada strong and free / Mike Harris & Preston Manning Co-published by Institut économique de Montréal. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0–88975–232–X . Canada--Politics and government--2006-. 2. Government information-- Canada. 3. Political participation--Canada. 4. Federal-provincial relations-- Canada. 5. Federal government--Canada. I. Manning, Preston, 942- II. Fraser Institute (Vancouver, B.C.) III. Institut économique de Montréal IV. -
Core 1..186 Hansard (PRISM::Advent3b2 10.50)
CANADA House of Commons Debates VOLUME 141 Ï NUMBER 051 Ï 1st SESSION Ï 39th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Friday, September 22, 2006 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) 3121 HOUSE OF COMMONS Friday, September 22, 2006 The House met at 11 a.m. Foreign Affairs, the actions of the minority Conservative govern- ment are causing the Canadian business community to miss the boat when it comes to trade and investment in China. Prayers The Canadian Chamber of Commerce is calling on the Conservative minority government to bolster Canadian trade and investment in China and encourage Chinese companies to invest in STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS Canada. Business leaders are not alone in their desire for a stronger Ï (1100) economic relationship with China. The Asia-Pacific Foundation [English] released an opinion poll last week where Canadians named China, not the United States, as the most important potential export market CANADIAN FORCES for Canada. Mr. Pierre Lemieux (Glengarry—Prescott—Russell, CPC): Mr. Speaker, I recently met with a special family in my riding. The The Conservatives' actions are being noticed by the Chinese Spence family has a long, proud tradition of military service going government, which recently shut down negotiations to grant Canada back several generations. The father, Rick Spence, is a 27 year approved destination status, effectively killing a multi-million dollar veteran who serves in our Canadian air force. opportunity to allow Chinese tourists to visit Canada. His son, Private Michael Spence, is a member of the 1st Battalion China's ambassador has felt the need to say that we need mutual of the Royal Canadian Regiment. -
The Long Reach of War: Canadian Records Management and the Public Archives
The Long Reach of War: Canadian Records Management and the Public Archives by Kathryn Rose A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2012 © Kathryn Rose 2012 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This thesis explores why the Public Archives of Canada, which was established in 1872, did not have the full authority or capability to collect the government records of Canada until 1966. The Archives started as an institution focused on collecting historical records, and for decades was largely indifferent to protecting government records. Royal Commissions, particularly those that reported in 1914 and 1962 played a central role in identifying the problems of records management within the growing Canadian civil service. Changing notions of archival theory were also important, as was the influence of professional academics, particularly those historians mandated to write official wartime histories of various federal departments. This thesis argues that the Second World War and the Cold War finally motivated politicians and bureaucrats to address records concerns that senior government officials had first identified during the time of Sir Wilfrid Laurier. iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Geoffrey Hayes, for his enthusiasm, honesty and dedication to this process. I am grateful for all that he has done. -
Brief by Professor François Larocque Research Chair In
BRIEF BY PROFESSOR FRANÇOIS LAROCQUE RESEARCH CHAIR IN LANGUAGE RIGHTS UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA PRESENTED TO THE SENATE STANDING COMMITTEE ON OFFICIAL LANGUAGES AS PART OF ITS STUDY OF THE OFFICIAL LANGUAGES REFORM PROPOSAL UNVEILED ON FEBRUARY 19, 2021, BY THE MINISTER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND OFFICIAL LANGUAGES, ENGLISH AND FRENCH: TOWARDS A SUBSTANTIVE EQUALITY OF OFFICIAL LANGUAGES IN CANADA MAY 31, 2021 Professor François Larocque Faculty of Law, Common Law Section University of Ottawa 57 Louis Pasteur Ottawa, ON K1J 6N5 Telephone: 613-562-5800, ext. 3283 Email: [email protected] 1. Thank you very much to the honourable members of the Senate Standing Committee on Official Languages (the “Committee”) for inviting me to testify and submit a brief as part of the study of the official languages reform proposal entitled French and English: Towards a Substantive Equality of Official Languages in Canada (“the reform proposal”). A) The reform proposal includes ambitious and essential measures 2. First, I would like to congratulate the Minister of Economic Development and Official Languages for her leadership and vision. It is, in my opinion, the most ambitious official languages reform proposal since the enactment of the Constitution Act, 1982 (“CA1982”)1 and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (“Charter”),2 which enshrined the main provisions of the Official Languages Act (“OLA”)3 of 1969 in the Canadian Constitution. The last reform of the OLA was in 1988 and it is past time to modernize it to adapt it to Canada’s linguistic realities and challenges in the 21st century. 3. The Charter and the OLA proclaim that “English and French are the official languages of Canada and have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use in all institutions of the Parliament and government of Canada.”4 In reality, however, as reported by Statistics Canada,5 English is dominant everywhere, while French is declining, including in Quebec. -
The Comparative Politics of E-Cigarette Regulation in Australia, Canada and New Zealand by Alex C
Formulating a Regulatory Stance: The Comparative Politics of E-Cigarette Regulation in Australia, Canada and New Zealand by Alex C. Liber A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Health Services Organizations and Policy) in The University of Michigan 2020 Doctoral Committee: Professor Scott Greer, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Holly Jarman, Co-Chair Professor Daniel Béland, McGill University Professor Paula Lantz Alex C. Liber [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0001-7863-3906 © Alex C. Liber 2020 Dedication For Lindsey and Sophia. I love you both to the ends of the earth and am eternally grateful for your tolerance of this project. ii Acknowledgments To my family – Lindsey, you made the greatest sacrifices that allowed this project to come to fruition. You moved away from your family to Michigan. You allowed me to conduct two months of fieldwork when you were pregnant with our daughter. You helped drafts come together and were a constant sounding board and confidant throughout the long process of writing. This would not have been possible without you. Sophia, Poe, and Jo served as motivation for this project and a distraction from it when each was necessary. Mom, Dad, Chad, Max, Julian, and Olivia, as well as Papa Ernie and Grandma Audrey all, helped build the road that I was able to safely walk down in the pursuit of this doctorate. You served as role models, supports, and friends that I could lean on as I grew into my career and adulthood. Lisa, Tony, and Jessica Suarez stepped up to aid Lindsey and me with childcare amid a move, a career transition, and a pandemic. -
In Crisis Or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Arts Arts Research & Publications 2018-06 In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government Thomas, Melanee Cambridge University Press Thomas, M. (2018). In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government. Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique, 51(2), 379-403. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/107552 journal article Unless otherwise indicated, this material is protected by copyright and has been made available with authorization from the copyright owner. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government By Melanee Thomas Associate Professor Department of Political Science University of Calgary 2500 University Drive NW Calgary, AB T2N 1N4 Abstract: The majority of Canada’s women premiers were selected to that office while their parties held government. This is uncommon, both in the comparative literature and amongst premiers who are men. What explains this gendered selection pattern to Canada’s provincial premiers’ offices? This paper explores the most common explanation found in the comparative literature for women’s emergence as leaders of electorally competitive parties and as chief political executives: women are more likely to be selected when that party is in crisis or decline. Using the population of women provincial premiers in Canada as case studies, evidence suggests 3 of 8 women premiers were selected to lead parties in government that were in crisis or decline; a fourth was selected to lead a small, left-leaning party as predicted by the literature. -
CONSTITUTION-MAKING AS INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS a Case Study of the 1980 Canadian Constitutional Negotiations Adam D
CONSTITUTION-MAKING AS INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS A Case Study of the 1980 Canadian Constitutional Negotiations Adam D. McDonald1, University of Waterloo The Constitution Act, 1982 is a document that profoundly changed the Canadian political landscape. It brought home the highest law of the land; it provided Canadians a mechanism to change their Constitution; it created a Charter of Rights and Freedoms, entrenched within the Constitution, out of the reach of one government. Perhaps its most important legacies, however, are the seemingly permanent isolation of Quebec and the primacy of place in Canadian history it gave Pierre Trudeau. This paper will examine the constitutional history of Canada with a view to determining what made the 1980 negotiating sessions successful when the sessions that led to both the Meech Lake Accord and the Charlottetown Accord were not. It is important, however, to note that the word “successful” is used in the sense that an agreement was reached. Unlike Meech and Charlottetown, the repatriated constitution did not have unanimity among the participants. The question that comes to mind is this: if the governments did not really agree in 1981, why was a Constitution ratified? More importantly, are there lessons that can be drawn from this agreement that can be applied to the failed accords of the Mulroney era? In order to complete this examination, the paper will be divided into two parts. In the first part, Canada’s constitutional story will be told. This is a necessary part of any examination of the constitutional negotiations, for without knowing what the players wanted historically, one cannot see what was changed by the 1980s. -
A Perennial Problem”: Canadian Relations with Hungary, 1945-65
Hungarian Studies Review, Vol. XLIII, Nos. 1-2 (Spring-Fall, 2016) “A Perennial Problem”: Canadian Relations with Hungary, 1945-65 Greg Donaghy1 2014-15 marks the 50th anniversary of the establishment of Canadian- Hungarian diplomatic relations. On January 14, 1965, under cold blue skies and a bright sun, János Bartha, a 37-year-old expert on North Ameri- can affairs, arrived in the cozy, wood paneled offices of the Secretary of State for External Affairs, Paul Martin Sr. As deputy foreign minister Marcel Cadieux and a handful of diplomats looked on, Bartha presented his credentials as Budapest’s first full-time representative in Canada. Four months later, on May 18, Canada’s ambassador to Czechoslovakia, Mal- colm Bow, arrived in Budapest to present his credentials as Canada’s first non-resident representative to Hungary. As he alighted from his embassy car, battered and dented from an accident en route, with its fender flag already frayed, grey skies poured rain. The contrasting settings in Ottawa and Budapest are an apt meta- phor for this uneven and often distant relationship. For Hungary, Bartha’s arrival was a victory to savor, the culmination of fifteen years of diplo- matic campaigning and another step out from beneath the shadows of the postwar communist take-over and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. For Canada, the benefits were much less clear-cut. In the context of the bitter East-West Cold War confrontation, closer ties with communist Hungary demanded a steep domestic political price in exchange for a bundle of un- certain economic, consular, and political gains. -
Core 1..160 Hansard (PRISM::Advent3b2 10.50)
CANADA House of Commons Debates VOLUME 144 Ï NUMBER 049 Ï 2nd SESSION Ï 40th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Thursday, April 30, 2009 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) Also available on the Parliament of Canada Web Site at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 2903 HOUSE OF COMMONS Thursday, April 30, 2009 The House met at 10 a.m. ELECTORAL BOUNDARIES READJUSTMENT ACT Mr. Dennis Bevington (Western Arctic, NDP) moved for leave to introduce Bill C-374, An Act to change the name of the electoral district of Western Arctic. Prayers He said: Mr. Speaker, I hope soon that you will be able to call me by the new name of my riding, which is really the Northwest Territories. People ask me many times, where is the Western Arctic? ROUTINE PROCEEDINGS The Western Arctic is a name that came before division, when we had two ridings within the Northwest Territories. Both Yukon and Ï (1005) Nunavut are called by their proper names. We are proud of our [English] territory, as well, and would like to be well represented in the House of Commons in a fashion that is appropriate. CANADA POST CORPORATION When our athletes participate in sports across the country, they do Hon. Rob Merrifield (Minister of State (Transport), CPC): Mr. not participate as the Western Arctic, they participate as the Speaker, it is a privilege to table, in both official languages, under Northwest Territories. Standing Order 32(1), the report of the advisory panel on the strategic review of Canada Post Corporation. -
PART III.—REGISTER of OFFICIAL APPOINTMENTS* the Following List Includes Official Appointments for the Period Sept
1164 MISCELLANEOUS DATA PART III.—REGISTER OF OFFICIAL APPOINTMENTS* The following list includes official appointments for the period Sept. 1, 1962 to Nov. 15, 1963, continuing the list published in the 1962 Year Book at pp. 1176-1181. Appointments to the Governor General's staff, judicial appointments other than those to the Supreme Court of Canada, and appointments of limited or local importance are not included. Queen's Privy Council for Canada.—1962. Oct. 15, Mark Robert Drouin, Sillery, Que.; and Roland Michener, Toronto, Ont.: to be members. Dec. 21, Rt. Hon. John George Diefenbaker, Prime Minister of Canada: to be President. 1963. Feb. 12, Marcel- Joseph-Aime Lambert, Edmonton, Alta.: to be a member. Feb. 20, Major-General Georges P. Vanier, Governor General of Canada: to be a member. Mar. 18, J.-H. Theogene Ricard, St. Hyacinthe, Que.; Frank Charles McGee, Don Mills, Ont.; and Martial Asselin, La Malbaie, Que.: to be members. Apr. 22, Walter Lockhart Gordon, Toronto, Ont.; Mitchell Sharp, Toronto, Ont.; Azellus Denis, Montreal, Que.; George James Mcllraith, Ottawa, Ont.; William Moore Benidickson, Kenora, Ont.; Arthur Laing, Vancouver, B.C.; John Richard Garland, North Bay, Ont.; Lucien Cardin, Sorel, Que.; Allan Joseph Mac- Eachen, Inverness, N.S.; Jean-Paul Deschatelets, Montreal, Que.; Hedard Robichaud, Caraquet, N.B.; J. Watson MacNaught, Summerside, P.E.I.; Roger Teillet, St. Boniface, Man.; Miss Judy LaMarsh, Niagara Falls, Ont.; Charles Mills Drury, Westmount, Que.; Guy Favreau, Montreal, Que.; John Robert Nicholson, Vancouver, B.C.; Harry Hays, Calgary, Alta.; Rene Tremblay, Quebec, Que.; and Maurice Lamontagne, Montreal, Que.: to be members, Maurice Lamontagne to be also President. -
The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry-Child Welfare Initiative in Manitoba
The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry-Child Welfare Initiative in Manitoba: A study of the process and outcomes for Indigenous families and communities from a front line perspective by Gwendolyn M Gosek MSW, University of Manitoba, 2002 BA, University of Manitoba, 2002 BSW, University of Manitoba, 1991 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the School of Social Work © Gwendolyn M Gosek, 2017 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This dissertation may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry-Child Welfare Initiative in Manitoba: A study of the process and outcomes for Indigenous families and communities from a front line perspective By Gwendolyn M Gosek MSW, University of Manitoba, 2002 BA, University of Manitoba, 2002 BSW, University of Manitoba, 1991 Supervisory Committee Dr. Leslie Brown, School of Social Work Supervisor Dr. Jeannine Carrière, School of Social Work Departmental Member Dr. Susan Strega, School of Social Work Departmental Member Dr. Sandrina de Finney, School of Child and Youth Care Outside Member iii Abstract As the number of Indigenous children and youth in the care of Manitoba child welfare steadily increases, so do the questions and public debates. The loss of children from Indigenous communities due to residential schools and later on, to child welfare, has been occurring for well over a century and Indigenous people have been continuously grieving and protesting this forced removal of their children. In 1999, when the Manitoba government announced their intention to work with Indigenous peoples to expand off-reserve child welfare jurisdiction for First Nations, establish a provincial Métis mandate and restructure the existing child care system through legislative and other changes, Indigenous people across the province celebrated it as an opportunity for meaningful change for families and communities. -
2019 Election: Seat Clusters June to September Survey Results
2019 Election: Seat Clusters June to September Survey Results August 2019 2 Overview In Canada, we count seats, not vote. Just like in American Presidential elections, you can win the popular vote and lose the election. In fact, that happened to Justin Trudeau’s father in 1979. The general way analysts address that is to look at seats by region. However, seats in the same region can move differently. This release tries to get closer to reality in the seat-by-seat contest. Our analysis combines two projects: • An analysis of federal election districts (which we call “seats”) that groups them into 14 clusters based on which parties are most competitive in those seats. Given the shifting dynamics of Canada’s party system, we have relied on only the results of the past two elections. However, to assess where the parties stand in these 14 seat clusters, we need a lot of data. • A merge of the most recent three national surveys that include federal votes, creating a unweighted total of 7,555 respondents and a weighted total of 4,900. In each of our surveys, we collect postal codes. That allows us to create a riding variable for almost all our respondents and to group their responses by the riding they are in. The deck below shows the output from the analysis. The key finding is that, with the NDP in the doldrums, the Liberals are in a strong position coming into the race. Not only have they cemented their hold on last elections core seats, they may be able to gain seats to offsets the losses they will likely experience in the Toronto and Vancouver suburbs and Atlantic Canada.