Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment Report Zumar Sub-District in Ninawa Governorate in Iraq December 2018-January 2019

Gender-based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment Report Zumar sub-district in Ninawa Governorate in Iraq December 2018-January 2019

Photo Credit: CARE Iraq

Zummar Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment

Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... 2 Executive summary ...... 3 1. Background (Rapid Needs Assessment, Rapid Gender Analysis and GBV Analysis Baseline Assessment) ...... 3 Introduction ...... 6 1. Background and Context ...... 7 1.1. Demographics ...... 8 1.2. Rapid Needs Assessment & Rapid Gender Analysis ...... 8 2. GBV Analysis Baseline Assessment ...... 9 2.1. Objectives...... 9 2.2. Methodology ...... 10 2.2.1. Tools ...... 11 2.2.2. Geographical scope of the Baseline Assessment ...... 11 2.3. Research Limitations ...... 12 3. Key Findings ...... 12 3.1. Service Mapping (Including GBV Service Providers) ...... 13 3.2. Community Perception of Security and Insecurity ...... 15 3.3. Socio-Economic Factors contributing to increased vulnerability and risk of GBV ...... 15 Division of Labour and Roles within the Household ...... 16 Control of Resources ...... 16 Household and Community-Level Decision Making Structures...... 16 Financial Independence, Job Opportunities and Access to Resources ...... 17 Legal Framework ...... 18 Freedom of Movement ...... 19 Displacement, Conflict and Negative Coping Strategies ...... 20 3.4. Main Forms/Types of GBV ...... 20 Psychological impact ...... 24 Forced Marriage (Including child marriage & early marriage) ...... 24 Sexual Harassment ...... 25 Physical violence ...... 25 Domestic Violence & Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) ...... 25 Denial of access to resources and opportunities ...... 25 Honour killing ...... 25 Traditional harmful practices ...... 26 3.4. GBV Prevention and Response ...... 26 3.4.1. Barriers and Challenges to Reporting ...... 26 Limited services ...... 27 Lack of Coordination: ...... 27 Survivors’ Personal Safety ...... 28 Conclusion ...... 28 Recommendations ...... 29

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

FGD Focus group discussion KIIs Key Informant interviews HHs House-hold visits GBV Gender-based violence NFI Non-food item PSN Person with Special Needs RGA Rapid Gender Analysis WASH Water, sanitation and hygiene FHH Female-headed household CHH Child-Headed household ISIL Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant SGBV Sexual-Gender based violence IPV Intimate Partner violence HLP Housing, Lands and Properties

2 Zummar Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment

Executive summary The current crisis in Iraq has been designated by the United Nations as a protection crisis, where protection-related concerns are varied and very wide in scope and scale, spanning across the country. The protection risks range from deprivation, physical violence, coercion and forced displacement. This translates into to barriers to accessing rights related to housing, land, and property (HLP) issues; displacement, family separation; stigmatization, discrimination and isolation of persons considered to be affiliated with non-state armed groups and more specifically ISIL, including former ISIL combatants wives and children born from these unions (many of whom do not have civil documentation and are unable to access education and health services, among others); severe physical, mental, and emotional trauma related to the conflict; a marked increase in negative coping strategies such as child labour and child marriage as linked to reduced opportunities for both education and livelihoods; insecurity; and various forms of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). The recent conflict targeted civilian populations and infrastructure to an unprecedented extent and recovery will require robust and concerted efforts to ensure the provision of basic services such as health, water and sanitation, education, security, access to justice and livelihoods. Both the GBV sub-cluster and protection cluster identified the biggest gaps in current protection service provision in the Ninewa governorate identifying Zummar and Rabe’a and surrounding villages as priority areas. As a result the main objectives of the current Protection and Health project are:

1. Responding to the affected populations health needs; and

2. Addressing the protection needs of the affected populations by providing GBV case management and psychological support to SGBV survivors whilst simultaneously

3. Awareness raising on GBV and the provision of information on GBV services through the distribution of dignity kits to respond to the immediate needs of individuals identified as vulnerable and at risk of GBV

This project understands sexual and gender-based violence as a significant health and protection concern. The Primary Health Care Centres (PHCCs) will provide a safer and more confidential channel to the provision of GBV related services for women, men, girls and boys. The regular mapping of GBV referral pathways by the GBV case worker and the provision of this information by community health mobilizes seeks facilitate access to services whilst simultaneously identifying and addressing capacity gaps to improve service provision. 1. Background (Rapid Needs Assessment, Rapid Gender Analysis and GBV Analysis Baseline Assessment)

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Between the 11-18th of April of limited access to information and awareness/knowledge about 2018, CARE conducted a rapid women’s rights and where to go to seek such information; needs assessment, which Limited to no access to education due to financial restrictions and cultural barriers related to the perceived gender roles of women, included focus group discussions men, girls and boys; (FGDs)– with men, boys, girls and Lack of health services and barriers in accessing these services (as women, respectively in the women and girls cannot travel alone and households with no targeted areas (Zummar and income have no capacity to pay for the transportation or medical Rabe’a)1. Challenges in accessing costs); health and protection services Absence of livelihoods opportunities adapted to the preference of women; were unanimously highlighted by Limited and restricted mobility of women and girls as a result of women and girls as needs during perceived gender norms and insecurity. the FGDs. To inform the design of activities a rapid gender analysis was integrated into the rapid needs assessment conducted in Zummar and Rabe’a, four FGDs were organised in Zummar district with women, men, boys and girls, respectively (participants were also from surrounding villages); four FGDs were organized in Rabe’a with men, women, boys and girls, respectively (again participants were also from surrounding villages).

Findings from the FGDs with women and girls, suggested fear of violence from men, furthermore women’s fear of talking openly about SGBV and their level of exclusion from decision-making and access to rights, such as education, is indicative of the stigma associated with speaking openly about and seeking gender-based violence (GBV) related services. Many women and girls requested psychological services to cope with psychological stress and trauma related to SGBV.

Although the project had begun and was running at the time of conducting this assessment the principle goal of the GBV analysis baseline assessment was to establish document the current status of access to GBV services and to document barriers and challenges such as stigmatisation of GBV survivors and other harmful traditional practices and factors limiting the access of internally displaced persons (IDPs), refugees and host communities (focusing on women, men, boys and girls) to comprehensive services in a safe and confidential manner. The specific objective of the gender-based analysis assessment was to: 1. To consolidate existing information in relation to gender inequality indicators and information on the prevalence of several forms and root causes of violence (which includes family violence, intimate partner violence, rape, honour killings, sexual violence, child marriage, suicide, community violence); 2. Document any gaps in the availability and quality of as service provision for GBV survivors as well as gaps and barriers in accessing these services;

Figure 2: Data collection disaggregated by gender, age and methodology Type of data collection # men & boys # women & girls Focus group discussion 7 7 (FGD) Key Informant Interview 7 7 (KII) Household visit (HH) 1 3

1 CARE, April. 2018. Rapid Gender Analysis that was conducted by CARE.

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3. Compliment incomplete or Total # consulted 84 84 data of poor quality relevant to the activities being implemented within the context of the combating and preventing gender-based violence (GBV) in Zummar.

The GBV analysis baseline assessment research started in late December 2018 and the data collection lasted 10-days. It covered Zummar and three surrounding villages. Due to the time, distance and security constraints only three villages were selected. The first village is the closest village to the primary health care centre (PHC), the second village is located between the furthest and closest village. The selection of the villages was made upon the basis of consultation with the CARE colleagues in Zummar. Therefore the exact locations assessed were Zummar town, Aaeen Zala village, Til Marak village and Domiz village. The villages are representative of the Kurdish and Muslim community that reside in the area. In Zummar woman and girls were consulted separately, however in the villages unfortunately due to time constraints it was not feasible to consult girls and boys separately from women and men. Lastly one woman headed household was visited in each village (three household visits). The GBV analysis baseline assessment revealed the following trends related to GBV across all the selected areas: 1. Barriers and challenges to accessing services-woman and girls IDP, returnees and host face significant mobility constraints, as they are unable to travel alone to access any services including health care services and markets. Male figures (men and/or boy) must accompany them. It is considered “culturally not acceptable for woman and girls to access these services independently.” Women and girls also explained that their mobility is further constrained because they are dependent on men and boys to access financial resources within the household. This barrier also a protection risk and increases women and girls’ with and without disabilities 2. Most frequent types of GBV- there is a distinction between the type of GBV reported by women and girls from the returnee community and women and girls from the IDP and refugee community. Across all three groups the following forms of GBV were identified: intimate partner and domestic violence, physical violence, harassment in public spaces, child marriage and denial of resources. Men and boys identified perceived affiliation to ISIS, undetonated IEDs and “lack of income” as a significant security risk they faced. 3. At-Risk Groups-women and girls headed households were identified by the assessment participants as particularly vulnerable and at risk of GBV. It is difficult to draw any conclusions from the data collected about the level of vulnerability of women and girls with disabilities or identify key barriers to their equal access to services because despite being included in the questionnaire for FGD, household visits and KII this question remained largely unanswered. In one KII the respondent explained that women and girls with disabilities faced the following security risks: child marriage, forced marriage and denial of resources and physical violence. According to men and women focus group discussion conducted in all targeted locations between 70-90% of adolescent girls stay home to support with the housework. 4. Location identified as least safe-during FGD, KII and household visits the home was cited as the most frequent location where GBV occurs and the affected population consulted expressed an increase in the incidence of GBV as a result of the armed conflict. 5. Preferred channel of reporting-the assessment found that the two preferred channels for reporting cases of GBV cases are within the household or community leaders.

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6. Negative coping strategies reported included removing children from school, reducing the number of meals in a day and reducing on medical expenses.

Introduction The current crisis in Iraq has been designated by the United Nations as a protection crisis, where protection-related concerns are varied and very wide in scope and scale, spanning across the country. The protection risks range from deprivation, physical violence, coercion and forced displacement. This translates into to barriers to accessing rights related to housing, land, and property (HLP) issues; displacement, family separation; stigmatization, discrimination and isolation of persons considered to be affiliated with non-state armed groups and more specifically ISIL, including former ISIL combatants wives and children born from these unions (many of whom do not have civil documentation and are unable to access education and health services, among others); severe physical, mental, and emotional trauma related to the conflict; a marked increase in negative coping strategies such as child labour and child marriage as linked to reduced opportunities for both education and livelihoods; insecurity; and various forms of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). The recent conflict targeted civilian populations and infrastructure to an unprecedented extent and recovery will require robust and concerted efforts to ensure the provision of basic services such as health, water and sanitation, education, security, access to justice and livelihoods. Both the GBV sub-cluster and protection cluster identified the biggest gaps in current protection service provision in the Ninewa governorate identifying Zummar and Rabe’a and surrounding villages as priority areas.

This project understands sexual and gender-based violence as a significant health and protection concern. The Primary Health Care Centres (PHCCs) will provide a safer and more confidential channel to the provision of GBV related services for women, men, girls and boys. The regular mapping of GBV referral pathways by the GBV case worker and the provision of this information by community health mobilizes seeks facilitate access to services whilst simultaneously identifying and addressing capacity gaps to improve service provision. The project adopts a multi-layered approach to contribute to an enabling environment:

1. Strengthen & build the skills of primary health care personnel on combating and preventing SGBV as well as standards & guidelines on referral procedures. Provide primary health centres personnel with capacity building opportunities on the GBV SOPs, referral pathway and safe ways of identifying, counselling and referring cases of SGBV cases and reporting cases of SEA. It is important to keep in mind that not only doctors have an important role in identifying and responding to GBV. Therefore, trainings and other efforts to strengthen health system responses to GBV should also target nurses and physiotherapists who might spend more time with patients than doctors.

2. Providing an adequate infrastructure to ensure the patient’s privacy, safety and confidentiality by establishing a counselling room where GBV survivors and other individuals can speak safely and in confidence to the GBV case manager and/or the psychologist. A caravan located in the perimeter of the primary health care centre has also been refurbished and transformed into a child friendly space where women can leave their children attended if they wish to consult the GBV case manager or psychologist alone.

3. Awareness-raising at the community level on combating and preventing SGBV and provision of information on SGBV services. Community health promoters have been hired to conduct tailored awareness-raising at the community level using FGD conducted at the primary health care centre, house to house visits in the villages and neighbourhoods and relying on

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the distribution of the dignity kits to provide information on GBV referral pathways. The GBV analysis assessment will inform the awareness-raising themes.

4. Complement existing information collected by the GBV sub-cluster on SGBV root causes, service gaps and need. CARE will be conducting a GBV analysis assessment in Zummar town and three surrounding villages to document barriers to accessing GBV services, types of GBV present and how they affect women, men, girls and boys with and without disabilities, root causes, community based protection structures and protection needs more broadly. The assessment will be conducted the week of November 25th and the report should be available the week of December 6, 2018.

1. Background and Context Zummar is a rural, mixed-ethnicity, Sunni Arab and Kurd, sub-district of Tel Afar that runs along the western shores of the Mosul Dam Lake – a reservoir on the Tigris that feeds the largest Iraqi dam, forty kilometers north of Mosul. It is a conurbation of 22 villages in the north of Telafar District in Ninewa Governorate.

Previously a focal point of the Kurdish claims within Iraq’s disputed territories, Zummar is now under the control of Federal Government Authority. Zummar has remained a disputed territory that also relied on Kurdish and Muslim tribal forces for the provision of security. Zummar was under the Federal Government’s authority until ISIL-captured Mosul in June 2014, which effectively stripped Baghdad from control in Ninewa governorate.2 Demographics Kurdish Security Forces (with support from Coalition air Population (2014) 168,0003 strikes) cleared the sub-district by the end of the year and Ethnic break-down Sunni Arab remain in control until 2017. and Kurdish Language break- Arabic and down Kurdish Average Household 6 size % of Women HH Between 20- 70%4 % of Adolescent Girl Between 9- HH 17%5 % of IDPs 21-50% depending

2 GPPI, 2017. Iraq After ISIL: Zummar. https://www.gppi.net/2017/08/16/iraq-after-isil-zummar 3 IBID. 4 CARE, December 2018. Data collection within the context of the GBV analysis baseline assessment in Zummar City and three surrounded villages Aeen Zala, Domiz and Til Marak. This data should not be extrapolitated as it is the perception of the participants consulted during FGD. 5 IBID.

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Zummar sub-district has had a large population of Kurds at on the least since the 1930s, and experienced some of the first location6 attempts of “Arabization” in Iraq in the 1963 – forced displacement for siding with Kurdish revolutionaries. From the 1970s, Zummar (and parts of Ayyadhiyya sub-district) have endured three decades of systematic anti-Kurd policies, which have ranged from the destruction of villages, confiscation of property, to restrictions in the use of the Kurdish language.7 1.1. Demographics In 2014, 95% of the affected populations left their place of origin in Zummar because of the conflict occurring in their villages and/or neighborhoods or districts. The highest number of returns measured in Zummar city was in June 2014.8 Many internally displaced individuals (IDPs) and households from Tel Afar and Mosul also moved to Zummar in 2014 because it was perceived to be relatively safe. Zummar sub-district hosted 4,000 IDP families by the end of June: two-thirds fled from neighboring areas in Tel Afar district; the rest came from Mosul. 9 According to REACH data 85% of the households that were displaced from other areas arrived in Zummar with all their immediate family10 and the latest Intention Survey conducted in August 2018, states that the majority of the households consulted did not intent to return.11 The data collected through the GBV analysis assessment FGD and KIIs

The current ethnic composition of Zummar presently is Sunni Arab (majority) and Kurdish (minority). According to data collected during FGD and KIIs. At the time of writing this report no age and gender disaggregated data is available for Zummar city or the surrounding villages. 1.2. Rapid Needs Assessment & Rapid Gender Analysis

Figure 1: Main Gaps Identified by Women and Girls during FGD In April 2018 Rapid Gender Analysis Limited presence of actors (including health care centres) providing psychological and medical services for SGBV survivors; Cultural barriers and challenges in accessing GBV services (this includes stigmatization around seeking support, financial and mobility barriers); Lack of access to legal services and basic human rights as a result of limited access to information and awareness/knowledge about women’s rights and where to go to seek such information; Limited to no access to education due to financial restrictions and

6 IBID. This data is collected from KII and is based on an individual’s perception. 7 Sean Kane, Iraq’s Disputed Territories. A View of the Political Horizon and Implications for U.S. Policy (Washington, DC: United States Institute for Peace, 2011), https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PW69_final.pdf.

8 REACH, IDP Factsheet: Zummar City, Ninewa Governorate, Iraq (Geneva: REACH, 2014), http://reliefweb.int/report/iraq/idp-factsheet-zummar-city-ninewa-governorate-iraq-data-collected- 24-26-june-2014. 9REACH, IDP Factsheet: Zummar City, Ninewa Governorate, Iraq (Geneva: REACH, 2014), http://reliefweb.int/report/iraq/idp-factsheet-zummar-city-ninewa-governorate-iraq-data-collected- 24-26-june-2014.

10 REACH, 2014. IDP Factsheet: Disputed Areas Ninewa Governorate 24 June-2 July 2017. http://www.reach- initiative.org/wp- content/uploads/2014/07/REACH_IDP_Factsheet_Disputed_Areas_Ninewa_Governorate.pdf 11 REACH, August 2018. Intentions Survey, National IDP camps, Informal Sites, Out of Camp Locations. http://www.reachresourcecentre.info/system/files/resource- documents/reach_irq_report_intentions_august_2018.pdf

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Between the 11-17th of April cultural barriers related to the perceived gender roles of women, 2018, CARE conducted a rapid men, girls and boys; needs assessment, which Lack of health services and barriers in accessing these services (as women and girls cannot travel alone and households with no included focus group income have no capacity to pay for the transportation or medical discussions (FGDs)– with men, costs); boys, girls and women, Absence of livelihoods opportunities adapted to the preference of respectively in the targeted women; areas (Zummar and Rabe’a)12. Limited and restricted mobility of women and girls as a result of Challenges in accessing health perceived gender norms and insecurity. and protection services were unanimously highlighted by women and girls as needs during the FGDs. To inform the design of activities a rapid gender analysis was integrated into the rapid needs assessment conducted in Zummar and Rabe’a, four FGDs were organised in Zummar district with women, men, boys and girls, respectively (participants were also from surrounding villages); four FGDs were organized in Rabe’a with men, women, boys and girls, respectively (again participants were also from surrounding villages).

2. GBV Analysis Baseline Assessment Although the project had begun and was running at the time of conducting this assessment the principle goal of the GBV analysis baseline assessment was to establish and document the current status of access to GBV services and to document barriers and challenges such as stigmatisation of GBV survivors and other harmful traditional practices and factors limiting the access of internally displaced persons (IDPs), refugees and host communities (focusing on women, men, boys and girls) to comprehensive services in a safe and confidential manner. Furthermore the baseline assessment addresses one of the major gaps in the humanitarian response to GBV in Iraq-the consistent documentation of data on the incidence (according to the types and forms of GBV) and root causes of GBV is one of the major challenges faced by GBV service providers. Closer exploration of these challenges through situational analysis is essential to support and better inform the design of prevention and response interventions, develop data-driven solutions for the problems encountered by service providers in Iraq’s diverse socio-economic, political and cultural contexts.

The results of baseline assessment will feed into the project design and implementation plan, so that CARE Health and Protection project activity will take these various needs and concerns into account for key Protection and gender topics related to GBV and inform the project team in order to make adjustments required in relation to the challenges identified. 2.1. Objectives The principle goal of the GBV analysis baseline assessment was to establish and document the current status of access to GBV services and to document barriers and challenges such as stigmatisation of GBV survivors and other harmful traditional practices and factors limiting the

12 CARE, April. 2018. Rapid Gender Analysis that was conducted by CARE.

FOR HUMANITARIAN PURPOSES ONLY 9 access of internally displaced persons (IDPs), refugees and host communities (focusing on women, men, boys and girls) to comprehensive services in a safe and confidential manner. The specific objective of the gender-based analysis assessment was to: 1. To consolidate existing information in relation to gender inequality indicators and information on the prevalence of several forms and root causes of violence (which includes family violence, intimate partner violence, rape, honour killings, sexual violence, child marriage, suicide, community violence); 2. Document any gaps in the availability and quality of as service provision for GBV survivors as well as gaps and barriers in accessing these services; 3. Compliment incomplete or data of poor quality relevant to the activities being implemented within the context of the combating and preventing gender-based violence (GBV) in Zummar. 2.2. Methodology The data collection included qualitative and quantitative approaches (Key Informant Interviews- KIIs, Household visits, Focus Group Discussion-FGD and interviews with International Non- governmental organisations working on GBV service provision). Prior to the implementation of the field research a desk review was conducted to consolidate the existing data and information on GBV and protection more broadly in Zummar and the surrounding areas. Due to the sensitivity of data collection on GBV no enumerators were employed for this process and therefore CARE personnel (GBV case manager, caseworkers and community health promoters with a protection background) were trained on how to handle this information to ensure the safety and confidentiality of the individual. The tools employed were adapted from templates previously used for a similar exercise conducted by CARE in Niger. Every tool has an introduction that explains the purpose and application of the tool and includes a consent form. Three separate tools were developed, one for the KIIs, one for FGDs and one for HH visits. For each tool, recommendations are provided about the extent to which the tool may be altered or adjusted to meet the needs of the local context and to ensure the protection and security of the respondent. The situational analysis tool used for KIIs and household visits is based on a multi-sectoral model of GBV prevention and response, and will be used to guide programming efforts that support existing services and respond to gaps in those services. Whilst the focus group guidelines highlight some of the more important issues in conducting qualitative research on GBV, and list specific questions that may be used to investigate local communities’ knowledge, attitudes, and behaviour related to GBV.

Each tool assumes a common understanding of basic GBV-related concepts, such as definitions of various types of GBV, knowledge of the standards of a multi-sectoral approach to GBV prevention and response, and an understanding of participatory methods of assessment and program design, monitoring and evaluation. The tools were translated into Arabic and used in a paper format. In each location all three tools will be used in conjunction with each other. While it was not possible to directly engage the community on reviewing the tools the CARE Programme colleagues and CASE workers and GBV case manager based in Zummar who are from the community and familiar with the context have been engaged in reviewing and editing the assessment tools prior to applying them to a local context. In addition an English to Arabic glossary has been developed to ensure that there is a common understanding of the different terms used in the tools such as child marriage for example.

Once collected the data was exported into an excel sheet to be triangulated with existing data collected during the rapid needs assessment, rapid gender analysis and the desk review.

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2.2.1. Tools  GBV focus-group discussion tool: used to collect and analyze complicated and diverse data in order to develop an effective action plan to inform the awareness-raising initiatives on preventing and mitigating GBV. The tool explores the different protection risks faced by women, men, girls and boys, identifies the main types of and the root causes that contribute to GBV in the community, documents barriers and challenges to accessing GBV services. The tool is organized around broad categories of data and information about the target community in a way that enables a systematic multi-sectoral investigation of GBV issues that should facilitate the development of a baseline on existing view and practices related to GBV whilst highlighting service gaps.  The GBV service mapping key informant interview tool: targeted at service providers only (livelihood, health care, psychosocial support, shelter, education, legal, security) seeks to map out which services are available to GBV survivors, assess the current use of these services and any challenges or barriers to accessing them and document any safe and confidential referral pathways available between the various agencies.  The service mapping interview tool: implemented through the use of household visits and key informant interview with community leaders is designed to enable the community to participate in identifying its own needs. Community members identify geographic, demographic, historic, cultural, economic, and other factors within their communities that may exacerbate GBV. The tool also allows community members (women, men, girls and boys) to collectively determine their most significant GBV-related problems or issues through a systematic listing and graphing exercise. By obtaining information about how communities rank GBV problems, and identify areas in the community where they feel safe and unsafe.

2.2.2. Geographical scope of the Baseline Assessment The data collection included 14 FGDs with over 168 participants of which 50% were women and girls (IDPs, returnees, host communities of women, men, boys and girls) in Zumar and Domiz, Til- Marak and Aeen Zala villages. 14 in depth KIIs (all in person), three HH visits that specifically targeted women headed households and four separate interview with INGO working in Zumar sub- district. In total, the data collection process included overall 45 data collection events in 10 days covering about 185 people.

Among those interviewed were service providers and key-decision makers from the governments, police, judiciary, healthcare facilities, Figure 2: Data collection disaggregated by gender, age and religious leaders and INGO workers. methodology Focus group discussions (FGDs) were Type of data collection # men & boys # women & segregated by sex and ages one FGD girls with men, one FGD with women, one Focus group discussion 7 7 FGD with girls and one FGD with boys (FGD) (but in some places, meeting with girls Key Informant 7 7 was not feasible due to mobility Interview (KII) restriction). Woman facilitators were Household visit (HH) 1 3 responsible for conducting FGDs\KIIs Total # consulted 84 84 with women and girls and men facilitators were responsible for conducting FGDs\KIIs with men and boys; one facilitator was asking questions, other one was taking notes and one facilitator was observing group discussion.

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The data collection team included three women and two men. The CARE gender & protection officer oversaw the data collection and data analysis.

Figure 3: Individuals consulted disaggregated by age and gender

Gender & Age # of individuals

Women 81

Men & boys 92

Girls 12

Total 185

2.3. Research Limitations  Time-Sensitive: The data collected is time-bound and the findings are limited to a small catchment area and therefore cannot be extrapolated to draw broad conclusions about the district or Ninewa more broadly.  Implicit Bias: The data collection training and ongoing dialogue with the research team revealed deeply rooted negative stereotypes and biases related to the root causes of GBV, at- risk groups and the most frequent forms of GBV and beliefs about access to services. Although the data collection was conducted according to strict ethical standards and the research team was trained on definitions and data collection procedures it cannot be ruled out that the documenting of responses was also influenced by personal opinions and perceptions of the situation.  Sensitivity of the issue: As a result of the high level of stigmatization and taboo related to speaking about GBV, it is highly probably that participants that took part in the FGD did not feel fully comfortable to raise all their concerns. As a result CARE conducted KIIs and Household visits to provide alternative channels for affected populations to communicate these needs and concerns in a more confidential manner. The research team was also trained to not ask direct questions about GBV and to inform the FGD participants that no names or identities should be shared when referring to examples to protect the individual.  Incomplete understanding of the needs of people with disabilities: The questionnaires employed for the data collection also included specific questions that looked at the needs and equal access of people with disabilities unfortunately on many occasions the question was interpreted as referring solely to physical disabilities.  No disaggregated data: There is no sex, age, disability-disaggregated data (SADD) available for the population of the assessed areas.  Insecurity: Other factors that impacted the data collection included heightened security risks in and around Zummar, which limited the team’s capacity to visit additional villages.

3. Key Findings The GBV analysis baseline assessment revealed the following trends related to GBV across all the selected areas:  Barriers and challenges to accessing services-woman and girls IDP, returnees and host face significant mobility constraints, as they are unable to travel alone to access any services including health care services and markets. Male figures (men and/or boy) must accompany them. It is considered “culturally not acceptable for woman and girls to access these services

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independently.” Women and girls also explained that their mobility is further constrained because they are dependent on men and boys to access financial resources within the household. This barrier also a protection risk and increases women and girls’ with and without disabilities  Most frequent types of GBV- there is a distinction between the type of GBV reported by women and girls from the returnee community and women and girls from the IDP and refugee community. Across all three groups the following forms of GBV were identified: intimate partner and domestic violence, physical violence, harassment in public spaces, child marriage and denial of resources. Men and boys identified perceived affiliation to ISIS, undetonated IEDs and “lack of income” as a significant security risk they faced.  At-Risk Groups-women and girls headed households were identified by the assessment participants as particularly vulnerable and at risk of GBV. It is difficult to draw any conclusions from the data collected about the level of vulnerability of women and girls with disabilities or identify key barriers to their equal access to services because despite being included in the questionnaire for FGD, household visits and KII this question remained largely unanswered. In one KII the respondent explained that women and girls with disabilities faced the following security risks: child marriage, forced marriage and denial of resources and physical violence. According to men and women focus group discussion conducted in all targeted locations between 70-90% of adolescent girls stay home to support with the housework.  Location identified as least safe-during FGD, KII and household visits the home was cited as the most frequent location where GBV occurs and the affected population consulted expressed an increase in the incidence of GBV as a result of the armed conflict.  Preferred channel of reporting-the assessment found that the two preferred channels for reporting cases of GBV cases are within the household or community leaders.  Negative coping strategies reported included removing children from school, reducing the number of meals in a day and reducing on medical expenses.

3.1. Service Mapping (Including GBV Service Providers)

Service Organisation Comments Food Government on Women and men have access to food assistance. Men usually collect the Assistance monthly basis food items for the household.

Shelter This is a particular risk for women and girls from the IDP community who only have access to makeshift shelter. It is not clear if any organisation is providing shelter. Non-Food No International or National Organisation Provide this service. Items (NFI)

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Livelihood HARIKAR Women, men, boys and girls have different level of access to livelihood Opportunities activities (farming and cash credit). Men and boys have more access to cash income. The conflict has limited access to productive activities (farm, livestock, fishing) for all, but men have more access to outdoor businesses, to training and cash assistance. Education Government has Before the conflict, boys and girls had access to schools with boys having reopened primary more access than girls. Girls normally do not access higher education as and seconday they drop out to get married. Due to the conflict and insecurity situation schools. DRC has a and population displacement, many children have left school altogether. child friendly space Although most schools have resumed, many children cannot return where they conduct because most parents just don’t have the financial capacity to support remedial course the costs. Many boys from female-headed families now have to work to provide for the family in the absence of fathers. Although UNICEF provided school bags but there is a lack of teachers, schools, transportation fees. Primary CARE & HARIKAR Ninawa DoH provides health services for the assessed communities but Health Care the maternity unit is not operational yet. Health services are accessible Services by all communities. Women and girls are reported to have more access (including to reproductive health than men because they are required to visit the SRMH and gynaecologist before marriage and have access to family planning and psychological sexual and reproductive health information during the course of their support) pregnancy. CARE started providing psychological support in on primary health care centre in Zummar city in January 2019. WASH Government Dignity Kits CARE CARE provides dignity kits only to GBV cases through the GBV case management services through the primary health care centre in Zummar city. Child DRC DRC has a child friendly space and child protection officers in Zummar Protection city. Latrines No Actors No services currently being provided by INGOs or NGOs. Most households have their own private latrines, as this is an urban setting and not a camp setting. Cooking fuel No Actors Most households’ cook with gas and the purchasing of gas is a component of their basic living expenses. No INGOs, NGOs or governments structures are providing this service. Vocational HARIKAR, DRC, IMC training Legal NRC NRC provides assistance in processing the issue of legal documentation Assistance but not provide legal assistance for GBV cases that also relate to the personal family code.

At the time of writing this report there were no actors providing stand alone GBV services in Zummar city or the surrounded villages apart from CARE. CARE is providing GBV case management, psychological support, awareness raising on preventing and mitigating GBV, information provision on GBV referral pathways, financial grants to GBV survivors to facilitate their access to referral services and information and services related to sexual, reproductive and maternal health. There are no women or GBV & protection related shelters available in Zummar. On a monthly basis CARE also reviews the GBV referral pathways available in Zummar. The closest shelters are in Mosul or Duhok. Furthermore respondents expressed not feeling comfortable or safe seeing support from institutions such as security services because they were afraid to share their complaint with an individual outside of their family structure. A person that speaks to a stranger (any member outside the immediate or extended family) about a case of GBV is at risk of stigmatized and exclusion from their family and the wider community. It is perceived as shameful to communicate such complaints outside of the household. Traditional women and adolescent girls

14 Zummar Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment

are responsible for maintaining the unity of the household and such a complaint would also put her at risk of losing the custody of her children. 3.2. Community Perception of Security and Insecurity Participants: men, women, girls and boys were asked to (in separate groups) to map areas they identified as dangerous and unsafe, areas where they accessed basic services (such as health services, psychological and psychosocial support, legal support, information on sexual and reproductive health and security) and areas where they felt safe. In general men and boy expressed feeling safe in both public and private spaces whilst women and girls expressed feeling safer within the home despite the prevalence of high levels of Intimate Partner violence within the home.

Group Zummar Domiz Village Aeen Zala Til Marak Women & Girls FGD with women, men, 88 % of the men and 80 % of women Women and girls girls and boys identified boys consulted through interviewed mentioned expressed feeling safe harassment and sexual FGD in Domiz village that the women\girls face travelling alone or with harassment as a perceived the risks (specifically other women and girls significant risk limiting insecurity, traditional harassment) when they go within the village but did women and girls’ access gender roles and to public places this is why not feel “comfortable” to health care centres, women and girls they move in accompany leaving the village without markets, schools and limited access to with men & adolescent an escort whilst 88 % of public spaces more resources, job boys. Also, when they go men and boys reported broadly. opportunities, and to shools this is why many that women & girls face education as factors girls not in school. FGD risks when they leave the that increased their risk with men and boys household to access of GBV. FGD with revealed a similar markets, schools, health women and girls perception. care centres. revealed a similar perception.

Men & Boys Boy and men face risks Perceived affiliation to Men & boys consulted Men & boys said they did of arrest and beatings ISIL as a result of similar expressed not facing any not face any security risks. by armed elements, last names leading to risks but women & girls Women and girls reported explosions and when discrimination and reported that men & boys that men and boys face the travel alone they stigmatization. were at risk of security difficulties as a face security difficulties “explosions.” result of their names if it is for boys. perceived to be affiliated with a terrorist group.

The FGD across all four locations with men, women, girls and boys alike revealed that there is a widely held belief that the current situation (level of displacement and low-level armed conflict) has contributed to an increase in the incidence of violence and insecurity in the community. Physical violence (including within the household), child marriage and the denial of resources were widely cited and anecdotal evidence identifies female-headed households, adolescent girls and women and girls with disabilities were identified as particularly vulnerable. Perpetrators of this violence included authorities, family members and the community more broadly.

3.3. Socio-Economic Factors contributing to increased vulnerability and risk of GBV During the FGD, KII discussions and household visits within the context of the GBV analysis baseline assessment it became apparent that community life in Zummar much like most communities across the world is structured within a strict understanding of the roles and responsibilities of women,

FOR HUMANITARIAN PURPOSES ONLY 15 boys, girls and men. These gender roles sustain and perpetuate unequal gender norms, gender inequality and rigid traditional gender roles and has an impact on the ways in which women, men, boys, and girls live their lives, the opportunities they are afforded, and the violence and risks to which they are exposed throughout their lifetime in their private, public, marriage and single life. The list below outlines the factors identified as contributing to increasing the incidence and risk of GBV faced by certain groups of the community in no particular order. When asked which factors determine power within the community respondents (men, women, girls and boys) mentioned gender and money. Being a boy or a man ensures a certain level of autonomy and power. Division of Labour and Roles within the Household Male and female respondents shared a common view of the role and division of labour of women, men, girls and boys within the household. Women and girls in the assessed areas are responsible for the unpaid work inside the house. 89 % of the men that participated in the FGD mentioned women spent their time raising children. 85 % of women reported that women and girls spend their time raising children and doing household works, serving guests and work outside the household such as farming and raising livestock.

In contrast, men and boys are responsible for financially providing for their family. Ideas of masculinity in Zummar are a rigid interpretation of traditional ideas of a man - to be financially independent, and accordingly to be the breadwinner and the protector of the family. This perception was also underlined in men and boys view that women and girls should not travel alone and be accompanied by male chaperons when moving outside of the home. As a result women and adolescent girls are confined to the home with little to no opportunities to access education and benefit from livelihood opportunities. Women and girls may access job opportunities outside the household on the condition that a male family member gives them permission to do so. A young girl that participated in FGD stated "I dropped out of school by force because of traditional belief that girls do not need an education as they will end up being a house wives." Control of Resources As the head of the family, men traditionally and legally usually have access and control to family resources including land, livestock, cash credit, small trade, healthcare, etc., while women have access to these resources but do not have control over them. Women who are heads of households have decision-making power on all aspects of their family, but in most cases, they will consult other men (brother, father, sons, etc.). Women, who work with I\NGOs, have a little bit more decision-making power as do women headed households (widows, separated family).

Boys and men are entitled to their parents’ resources unlike women and girls’. They therefore have access to them but do not have control over them until they reach maturity. Women and men have equal access to humanitarian assistance; food, cash, NFI, health, SRH, shelter but in a household with male members it is usually a male family member that collects the entitlement. Currently the only resources that women and men own is the remaining livestock they were able to recover and government pension if they have any and the assistance they have been provided. Women decide on their own personal resources (making diary product, household chores…etc). Household and Community-Level Decision Making Structures Women and girls have little to no power in family and community levels discussion-making structures. During FGD with women and girls participants explained that when they have tried to express their ideas, opinions and expressions in discussions at the household level, men dismiss them and reminded that their roles and responsibilities are only to cook and raise kids in the kitchen. Men are the main decision-makers in the family; they have the last say on all decisions regarding property and asset management, movement of women and girls outside the house,

16 Zummar Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment

additional wives, etc. Women are consulted while taking the above decisions but are mostly involved in decision-making regarding households requirements such as health and education, marriage of daughters and sons and the utilisation of food.

There are currently no formal women community leaders in Zummar city and the three villages assessed; men fulfil these roles. It is not clear if there are women community-based structures or if women are represented at the community level when decisions are taken about the community. Whilst there are humanitarian initiatives that particularly target women and women's empowerment the assessment did not report the presence of any women's groups or women's associations. Financial Independence, Job Opportunities and Access to Resources Women and girls unequal access and control to resources and education places them in a more vulnerable position to GBV because it limits their access to information including their basic human rights and financial independence that enables them to make decisions and choices about their needs and wellbeing and health.

During the period of occupation by ISIL school curriculums were changed by excluding some subjects such as literature and some section of Biology women and girls were forced to wear the “Khemar” and women couldn’t go outside home unless accompanied with males’ partners otherwise she would be killed or beaten publicly. Despite support from humanitarian agencies in terms of school materials and classrooms, boys and girls have continued to face challenges in accessing education due to the lack of teachers, schools, financial income, tradition and instable security situation. The analysis of the FGD and the KII noted that girls between the ages of 6-12 years of age still attended school if they had a chance to access education and after coming from schools, they support their mothers in doing domestic works, but many girls of this age don’t have opportunity to go to schools because of various reasons such as lack of source of income, lack of schools and insecurity. However across all four locations men, women, girls and boys reported that between 70-90% of girls between the ages of 13-18 spend their time at home supporting with care work and household chores. In Til Marek "17% of the male respondents said girls of this age spend their time in school to study and 90 % mentioned they spend their time at home by doing domestic works or they quit up education because of child marriage. When girls reach the age of menstruation, they become women in the eyes' of the family and community." Zummar city demonstrated similar trends with "31 % of the female respondents saying girls of this age spend their time in school to study and 89% mentioned they spend their time supporting household works and the movement of girls at that age is further limited because the are reaching the age of menstruation.” In addition child labour, removing children from school and child marriage were identified as negative adopted by households in all four locations to meet the basic needs of the household. All three strategies disproportionately affect girls.

Before the crisis, women and girls had very limited access to job opportunities but the conflict and post-conflict situation has challenged these traditional gender roles and norms, INGOs and NGOs that are working in the Zummar communities have also contributed to this transformation by encouraging the recruitment of women which in turn has challenged the community's negative perception of women working outside the house. Some men don’t allow their daughters', wives and sisters undertake certain professions such as working in humanitarian field because they think that a workplace where women and men interact together is considered undignified. 88% of male respondents who participated in the FGD in Aeen Zala stated that many jobs outside the home are not acceptable for women and girls for example working in the army, being a driver, plumber, black

FOR HUMANITARIAN PURPOSES ONLY 17 smith...etc. While in Domiz village 40 % of the women and girls interviewed mentioned they work outside the house in government departments, companies, organizations and agriculture, sewing. 93 % of the men interviewed in the same village said that they are responsible to do chores at home and 20 % reported that some women are working in governmental sector (health). Only single women, widows, older women or married women from vulnerable and poor families practice outdoor businesses because they don’t have alternative options. The community negatively perceives a married woman doing business in the street or at the market place.

Therefore women and girls in Zummar and the surrounding areas can only access certain types jobs: farming, livestock rearing, fishing and cross border trade were the main livelihood activities. These activities are male dominated although women and girls practice some small level cash and food production (mostly vegetables and diary production) and home level income generating activities such as dressmaking. Men and women have lost their animals, farmlands, assets, jobs and income earning activities. As a result, they are unable to cover their needs and continue to rely on humanitarian assistance and government pension. Some young men are now investing in informal street restaurants. Legal Framework  The Penal Code Article 393 defines rape as “sexual intercourse with a female without her consent or…buggery with any person without their consent.” There are several “aggravating circumstances,” that increase the penalty for rape, including if the victim is a minor, if the offender is a relative, guardian, or has authority over the victim, if the victim is a virgin, and if the crime is committed by multiple offenders or multiple times.13  Article 394 provides lesser penalties for consensual sex with a person under 18 years old.14  Article 9 of Iraq’s Personal Status Law criminalizes forced marriage: “no relative or non-relative has the right to force marriage on any person, whether male or female, without their consent.”15 Where there has been a forced marriage, either a specialized “personal status” court or the victim must refer the case to criminal justice authorities.16 Article 9 further establishes that “[t]he contract of a forced marriage is considered void if the marriage is not yet consummated.” However, the law does not automatically void marriages that have been consummated.17

Article 393 is not gender-neutral and is limited only to acts of “sexual intercourse” (vaginal intercourse)— leaving out serious violent and invasive sexual crimes (e.g. by including penetration by objects and other body parts).

“Consent” is central to Iraq’s definition of rape (rape only occurs where there is a lack of consent).18 However, the term “consent” is not defined, clarified, or otherwise described anywhere

13 Penal Code art. 393(1)-(2) (Iraq). 14 Penal Code art. 394(1). 15 Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959 art. 9(1) (Iraq). 16 Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959 art. 9(3). 17 Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959 art. 9(1). The Kurdistan Personal Status Law was amended to consider forced marriages void and suspended even if consummated, and forced marriage is included as a crime in Kurdistan’s 2011 anti-domestic violence law. Act No. 15 of 2008, Act to Amend the Amended Law No. 188 of 1959, Personal Status Law, in Iraq Kurdistan Region art. 6(1);

18 Penal Code art. 393(1). “Consent” is not otherwise defined or qualified in the Iraqi Penal Code or Criminal Procedure Code. The Penal Code’s description of sexual assault as “without his or her consent and with the use of force, menaces, deception or other means” may suggest that consent and force/coercion are distinct concepts in Iraqi law. Penal Code art. 396(1); see also Penal Code art. 393 (describing perpetrators’ authority

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in the Penal Code’s rape provision. Prosecutions on “consent” inherently focus on the narrative, about the victim’s words or actions and does not properly consider victims whose enslavement, age, or subjection to threats or coercive environments prevented genuine consent. The law’s limited focus on a victim’s “consent” fails to recognize the inherent coerciveness of conflict environments.19

Article 9 does not define the types of actions that constitute marriage by “force” (e.g. by threats of violence) or the types of “consent” that are considered invalid (e.g. under duress). Furthermore personal status courts and victims are ill-equipped to make referrals about forced marriage to law enforcement. Iraq is a conservative society and marital courts are likely enmeshed in patriarchal and narrow conceptions of women’s autonomy and role in society20. For example, under Iraqi law husbands are entitled by right to “punish” their wives. Additionally, victims of forced marriage are often unable or unwilling to risk reporting to the authorities for fear of reprisal. Although forced marriage is prohibited, the government makes few efforts to enforce the law, and traditional forced marriages of girls continue.

Lastly until December 2018 GBV survivors were obligated to report the incident to the police in order to access medical and other related services. Freedom of Movement As mentioned before, women and girls’ freedom of movement, expressions, participation in discussion and decision-making is limited due to their perceived gender role Traditionally the movement of women, girls and children outside the family is controlled by men - as head of the family. Women will ask their husbands for permission to leave the house, even for health-related issues or for paying a visit to their own family. It is not culturally acceptable for them to perform jobs such as being guard, a public driver, work in military forces, carpenter, daily labour, blacksmith because such sorts of works are considered to be jobs for men because they take place in the public sphere and women and girls are restricted to the private sphere. As noted in the FGD discussions with men and boys frequently mentioned needing to "protect women and girls" from insecurity in the public sphere. "We do not let women move alone because that is unacceptable in their communities. Girls cannot move alone inside the community unless they accompanied by a male partners.21" 20 % male respondents in a FGD in Zummar city stated thatwomen can move freely but it is preferable that they are travelling with their brother or father. 90 % said they face challenges in moving around freely alone.

However, some females and males said that widows, FHHs and single girls have more mobility constraints than married and older women because the perception and attitude that the society has of them is different from the one they have of women with male partners. One widow (woman) during women and girls FGDs in Zumar said that "my children and relatives do not let me to go out alone and wear well-dressed clothes because they say if I go outside alone people will over the victim, the victim’s age, and multiple perpetrators as aggravating circumstances rather than circumstances affecting potential consent). 19 ICC Rules of Procedure and Evidence r. 70(a)-(c); Prosecutor v. Kunarac et al., Case No. IT-96-23 & IT-96- 23/1-A, Appeals Judgment, ¶¶ 130, 132 (the circumstances “that prevail in most cases charged as either war crimes or crimes against humanity will be almost universally coercive. That is to say, true consent will not be possible.”) (where victims were in detention and “considered the legitimate sexual prey of their captors,” circumstances were “so coercive as to negate any possibility of consent”); Amnesty Int’l, Rape and Sexual Violence: Human Rights Law Standards in the International Criminal Court 29-31 (2011). 20 Global Justice Centre, 2018. Iraq’s Criminal Law Precludes Justice for Women and Girls 21 December 2018, Focus Group Discussion with Men Zummar City

FOR HUMANITARIAN PURPOSES ONLY 19 think that I am going to look for a husband therefore from the day my husband has passed away until now I wear black clothes." The main threat identified to women and girls’ freedom of movement is harassment in the public sphere. When asked who the perpetrators of this threat was respondents listed family members, the broader community, security forces and authorities-more generally men and boys themselves. Displacement, Conflict and Negative Coping Strategies The following strategies/mechanisms in no particular order are adopted to meet basic household needs when households do not have an income or livelihood:

 Rely on donations of food or basic goods from relatives, the community, a charity or a humanitarian organisation;  Spend savings to purchase food or basic goods such as hygiene items, water, baby Items, etc;  Reducing essential non-food or basic needs expenditures such as hygiene Items, water, baby Items, etc;  Selling household items or assets (car, sewing machine, etc.) to be able to buy food or basic goods if they do not have any;  Sending children (under 18) to work and beg;  Seeking or relying on aid from humanitarian agencies if they are available;  Skipping or delaying a payment for rent to meet other needs;  Move to a less adequate shelter to reduce rent or housing costs;  Reduce spending on healthcare, Medication or\and education due to lack of money;  Children had to miss school because of costs associated with schooling (transportation cost, clothes cost…);  Rely on less preferred and less expensive food;  Limit portion sizes at mealtimes;  Reduce number of meals eaten in a day;  Men engaging in socially degrading, high-risk, exploitative jobs (i.e. begging on streets);  Women engaging in socially degrading, high-risk, exploitative jobs (i.e. begging on streets);  Child marriage.

3.4. Main Forms/Types of GBV Women, men, girls and boys during the ISIL crisis were exposed to protection risks including risks of exploitation, GBV and execution. Many people were dead during ISIL occupation because of being from other ethnicity, religion or not obeying their rules. Also, Parents forced their daughters to marry at young age because of the fear of being kidnapped or sexually harassed by ISIL (especially beautiful girls were taken forcibly by ISIL) and ISIL groups took money by force from communities and if someone didn’t obey their rules s/he would be tortured or killed. It is worth to mention; sexual abuse was used as weapon by ISIL with both females/males.

The security situation is not stable after ISIL conflict since 2014 as it is changing on daily basis. However, ISIL cell sleepers are existing in the Zummar and surrounding places. Critical and unstable security situation that IRAQ community is going through for decades

GBV happening inside families is often normalized and legitimized by all sides: perpetrator(s), survivors, witnesses and community at large. The community believes that it is something normal if husband, brother or father beat his sister, mother or wife and it was underlined that husband is a most common GBV perpetrator including father, brother and family in-laws. Also, they are more

20 Zummar Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment

vulnerable to attacks while travelling outside of the community this is why they cannot travel alone. Adolescent girls are more exposed to violence including harassment, but sexual violence cases are under reported.

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Figure 5: The table below illustrates the types of protecion risks includeing GBV occurring in Zummar and the surrounding villages disaggregated by age and gender as perceived by the men, women, girls and boys from the host, IDP and returnee communities that were consulted.

Threats Women Girls Men Boys Note No safe spaces in this community X X On their way to and from public places such as schools, markets and PHCC Sexual violence and abuse (rape, X X Sexual harassment but rape cases was not mentioned but due to the cultural and traditional sexual harassment, exploitation) connotation of rape it is rarely publicly referred to. Domestic/Intimate partner violence X X Women and men are affected to domestic violence (IPV) Attacks whilst traveling outside of the X X X X Women and girls are attacked while travelling outside of the community. So, in order to be community (by foot or car) protected and keep family honor women and girl’s mobility of movement are restricted. Physical violence (beating, shooting, X X X X Across all locations between 80-90% of male and female respondents said that everyone physical abuse) was subjected to physical violence whether it was a man, a woman, a girl or a boy, and in all places, both at home and outside the home but women and girls are more vulnerable to it. Trafficking This question was left out because the research team did not feel safe asking it. Child marriage X X Is a traditional practice and has become a negative coping strategy during and following the armed conflict. Women, men, girls and boy agreed that girls are more at risk. Female genital mutilation (FGM) This question was left out because the research team did not feel safe asking it. Honour killings There are very cases and it happen secretly if there are cases. Forced marriage X X X X Women and girls are mostly affected Forced recruitment during the armed X X All men agreed that men and boys are more exposed to risk of forced recruitment than girls conflict and women and all women agreed that men and boys are more at risk of forced recruitment. Denial of services or resources X X Women and girls are almost deprived from all services and resources Denial of property rights X X Women and girls can’t access to properties and inheritance and if they access it, parents only give small potion such as 10 %. Other (explain) Other types of GBV occurring in Zummar and the surrounding villages include marriages that are conducted outside the court and not registered legally. Couples marry traditionally, and they request a certificate only after they have two or three children. This limits women and girls capacity to acquire birth certificates for their children and enact their right to divorce. Women and girls therefore find themselves at risk of IPV with limited opportunities to exit the harmful and abusive relationship and at risk of losing their children.

Zummar Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment

Figure 6: Table illustrating protection risks organized according to frequency (how often they occur) and level of seriousness the occurrence of the following threats in Zummar and the three surrounded villages that were assessed as perceived by the men, women, girls and boy from the IDP, host and returnee communities that were consulted. Using a range of 1 to 3 with 1 being the least likely/serious, 2 meaning intermediate and 3 being the highest and most frequent threat.

Threats Frequency Level of seriousness No safe spaces in this community 1 1 Sexual violence and abuse (rape, sexual harassment, exploitation) 1 1 Domestic/Intimate partner violence (IPV) 3 3 Attacks whilst travelling outside of the community (by foot or car) 1 1 Physical violence (beating, shooting, physical abuse) 3 3 Trafficking The research team was unable to collect information on this type of threat. This however does not mean it is not occurring. Child marriage 3 3 Female genital mutilation (FGM) The research team was unable to collect information on this Honour killings type of threat. This however does not mean it is not occurring. Forced marriage 3 3 Forced recruitment during the armed conflict There are no reports of this currently happening. Denial of services or resources 2 2 Denial of property rights 2 2 Other (explain)

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Psychological impact Women, men, boys and girls are equally vulnerable to the psychological impact of conflict and ongoing social injustice. A lack of productive activity means families are idle and depression and anxiety was reported as common issue. Losing family members, the trauma of war and siege of ISIL groups during years of conflict and ongoing insecure political and security environment within which the affected population resides continues to have an impact. The research team observed that almost everyone consulted witnessed and/or heard of atrocious violations of human rights and violence including murder, sexual violence, abductions and beatings. Women shared that many children had witnessed violence, rape and killings which has had resulted in children being under increased i.e. stress, including prolonged headaches, flashbacks and continuing to live in fear with very few opportunities and services available for their recovery. Respondents did not refer to emotional abuse, bullying or intimidation when responding to the question about the most significant protection risks; this however does not mean that these issues are not present. Psychological violence if very difficult to recognize and identify. Forced Marriage (Including child marriage & early marriage) Forced marriage includes both child marriage (marriage under the age of 18 years of age) and early marriage (any individual above the age of 18 that is married against their will). As stated by the participants the average age of marriage for girls is between 14 to 20 while for men it is between 18-30 years old. The majority of women and girls don’t have a choice to select their partners when they marry except in very rare cases, otherwise the decision makers about whom the girls and/or woman should marry the head of the household’s (men's) decision. Men and boys have more choice and agency in selecting their partners. In Zummar city 92 % of the male participants stated that girls and women are more vulnerable to forced marriage and 4 % reported that sometime that happens with the boys as well and all the women participants responded that women and girls are more at risk of forced marriage than men and boys. The other three locations assessed reported similar findings “women and girls are more at risk of forced marriage” and in Til Marek “80 % men said that girls and women are more vulnerable to forced marriage, 5 % reported that sometime that happens with the boys as well.”

The GBV baseline assessment observed that girls face significant pressure to get married at early age because of this they drop out of school, which deprives from completing their education and limits their access to information and other services later on in their life. Child marriage was explained by the society as a measure to protect girls from dishonouring themselves and their families by having sex before marriage; girls can be married even without their consent. Many parents’ belief in order to protect family's honour; they should marry girls at young. It is difficult to establish an understanding of community awareness about GBV but when asked if child marriage and FGM could be considered harmful practices male and female respondents in Aeen Zala, Til Marak and Zummar said they considered child marriage a harmful practice. The male respondents in Domiz villages reported that "yes, it affect their health, economy and psychological well-being" whilst the female respondents saw it as a way to protect the girl.

Child marriage is not only a traditional practice it has also become a negative coping strategy to reduce the burden on the household’s financial expenditure; or as a coping strategy employed by girls themselves, particularly unaccompanied or orphaned girls, who identify this a survival strategy. Child marriage was also used as a strategy during ISIL occupation in order to protect girls’ from being sexually harassed or kidnapped by ISIL. Child marriage is a violation of human rights, compromising the development of girls and often resulting in early pregnancy and social isolation, Zummar Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment

with little education and poor vocational training reinforcing the gendered nature of poverty. The assessment was not able to collect any reliable data on the incidence of child marriage but the significant removal (between 70-80%) of girls from school between the ages of 13-18 is an indication of the extent of the issue. Sexual Harassment All the FGD and KIIs cited sexual harassment and harassment as being one of the main factors limiting women and girls’ movement and mobility in the public sphere especially on the way to and from the public services such as schools, hospitals and market places. According to the respondents men and women alike, sexual harassment disproportionately affects women and girls. Men and boy also face harassment from armed actors and more specifically when they are perceived to be affiliated to ISIL. The perpetrators of the sexual harassment were identified as family members, the community, armed actors and authorities. Physical violence According to the data collected the main security risks that men and boys face is physical violence such as beating, arbitrary arrest and detention and explosions. Boy can also face certain restrictions to their freedom of movement for example when when ISIL cell sleepers are reactivated men and boys are at heightened risk of arbitrary detention and arrest. Domestic Violence & Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) All the respondents (men, women, girls and boys) across all four locations acknowledged the occurrence of domestic violence and intimate partner violence and recognised that it was happening in their respective communities. Women and girls were identified as most at risk of domestic violence and IPV. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is an expression of gender inequality that is present in all societies around the world. Women report being beaten by their husbands due to disagreements around a second wife or when the meal is not ready on time. It further reports cases of physical violence among siblings and family in-laws. Domestic violence was shared as an issue and one that participants felt was growing as a result of the increased pressure on families. In the assessed areas all cases of domestic violence are under reported due to social stigma and various barriers in accessing services (legal, financial, psychological, personal security and medical). Denial of access to resources and opportunities Although girls are admitted to school, they are denied access to further education such as college as they are often forced to drop out of school as they are married at young age; some only have access to primary schools. One more reason is that parents prefer to invest in boys’ education and have a secure future for them is because they are regard them as full members of the family unlike girls who will be given away in marriage. Girls unequal access to education, women’s unequal access to inheritance and women and girls reduced/limited mobility in Zummar are barriers and challenges to women and girls accessing their basic human rights and increases their dependence on family members thereby increasing their vulnerability. Honour killing The question on honour killing question was left out because CARE personnel felt uncomfortable asking this question. In Iraq including Zumar, women and girls are vulnerable to honour killing but it is done in secrete. When girls or women have sexual relations outside of marriage either she will be killed or forced to marry the perpetrator even if the girl and/or woman has been rapped.

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Traditional harmful practices This includes exchanging woman between households, asking for dowry or forcing women to marry the brother- in law of her husband after her husband passes away. The question on female genital mutilation and trafficking was not asked within the context of the assessment because the research team did not feel safe or comfortable doing so. 3.4. GBV Prevention and Response No community structured GBV response mechanisms exist at community level within the subject areas. Rather, informal and ad hoc measures are taken on a case-by-case basis. This includes preventative measures such as restriction and close monitoring of women and girls’ movement and sexuality (e.g. women and girls are not in charge to be a breadwinner; avoiding any movements outside at night\day time without being accompanied by male partners'; encouraging women and girls to wear long dresses and scarves; increased awareness raising on GBV risks and impact, etc.).

Women and girls' preferred channel for reporting incidents were within the family, a close friend and community leaders. Women and girls expressed not feeling comfortable seeking the services of and reporting such incidents to state institutions and security actors such as the police due two main reasons the repercussions it might have on their family and the lack of trust and faith they have in the protection provided by the police to the survivor in such cases. Men and boys explained that they would not speak to anyone about the incident because it is culturally not acceptable for them to do so. When asked about their individual perception of GBV survivors seeking services male respondents described this action as unconscious and shameful, women and girls shared a similar perspective saying the action was shameful because the survivor was disclosing an incident that occurred in the home to the broader public. Other exampled included "she is looked down upon"22 or "considered a trouble maker."23

Response measures for survivors include health care, psychosocial support, social empathy toward survivors and their family by humanitarian actors but the survivors even don’t feel comfortable to access these services or they have lack of knowledge of the existing services providers. If a GBV incident occurs, family members try to hide the case from other community members and, in some cases, do not even allow the survivor to speak-up or strive for his\her rights in order not to bring shame to the family. According to respondents, perpetrators are not punished because no law defends GBV survivors’ rights. When asked very few of the participants were aware of where to seek legal, psychological and social supports but almost all the participants were aware where the Primary Health Care Centre is located. Inhabitants of Zumar were more aware of the services that are provided by I\NGOs. When asked which services they would be most like to seek out in the case of rape men and women alike said they would first seek out medical services or a doctor.

According to the men, women, girls and boys (between 76-98%) who participated in the assessment (all four locations) women and girls could be blamed for being victims of GBV because they were not appropriately dressed or not wearing a scarf. 3.4.1. Barriers and Challenges to Reporting Whilst GBV disproportionately affects women and girls GBV against men, women, girls and boys is heavily under reported because of social stigma, limited services, legal barriers, lack of coordination between actors providing services, limited service provision and lack of knowledge about rights and GBV more broadly.

22 December 2018, Focus Groups Discussion, Gender-based Violence Analysis Assessment. Aeen Zala Village. 23 IBID.

26 Zummar Gender-Based Violence Analysis Baseline Assessment

Social Stigma In the case of men and boy the community believes that men and boys should be strong and must handle all pains. One man said, " if a man, who has been affected by GBV goes, to authority or even friends then he will be teased by other people in the community that it is shame for him to complaint he is a MAN and he must fight back."

Woman and girls who seek to disclose the incident to access services such as legal action or report the incident to security actors or authorities when in search of protection are viewed as shameful by the community because they have made a household issue public. Furthermore should the individual seek to press charges they would be at risk of threats and even physical violence. In general all GBV survivors are looked down by the community especially when GBV survivors share their issues publicly and speak openly because people belief no matter whatever happens to woman\ girl, she must have patient and handle the violence\GBV in order not to bring shame to herself and her family. There is a high degree of stigmatisation against survivors because the society perceives GBV as a shameful act that dishonours the family. In general, families consider GBV survivors as victims especially women and girls travel alone or wear inappropriate clothes. Survivors of GBV as seen as stubborn and partially responsible. Instead of the community supporting adolescent girls and women, they are most likely to be blamed and highly stigmatised, criticized and rejected by the community. Girl survivors, if known, will not be able to get married while married women survivors will likely be divorced.

In addition, the majority of women and girls consulted did not have access to either primary or secondary education or both, are confined to the private sphere (home) and heavily financially dependent on male household members. This also impacts their access to information about their rights, how to protect these rights and access to services. Limited services Men, women, girls and boys alike identified health and medical services as the most accessible when seeking GBV services and there are currently no legal services available to GBV survivors in Zummar. One INGO provides legal services but it does not address the personal status code and family law. Currently CARE is the only agency providing GBV case management, psychological support, distributing dignity kits and conducting awareness-raising on GBV within Zummar and the surrounded villages but the demand is too large for a single GBV case worker and psychologist.

Legal barriers Besides the logistical barriers to accessing these services Iraq’s current legal framework precludes meaningful justice for women and girls. The closest town to access legal assistance regarding a case of GBV is Mosul, followed by Duhok. This requires the survivor to travel alone or with family, to have access to information about their rights as GBV survivors and to have the financial means to travel to Mosul or Duhok.

Lack of Coordination: CARE has been supporting the mapping and regularly updating the GBV referral pathways for Zummar to ensure that when conducting awareness-raising at the community level individuals receive reliable information on GBV service provision. CARE also engages with the GBV sub-cluster but there remains a need to engage more strongly with state institutions such as the police and the justice sector to strengthen accountability mechanisms and advocate for them to take a stronger role in combating and preventing GBV. Current referral pathways between healthcare, law

FOR HUMANITARIAN PURPOSES ONLY 27 enforcement and judiciary sectors are sometimes long, convoluted, unsafe, traumatizing and lacking in confidentiality. All actors should put joint efforts into increasing the number of shortcuts in the network of coordinated GBV response.

Survivors’ Personal Safety During the short time that CARE has been conducting GBV stand alone services in Zummar one of the main barriers survivors faced in accessing GBV services was a threat to their own safety should a family member come to learn that they had accessed the services. As a result GBV survivor have less choices available to them especially when the GBV actors providing services closest to them have no way of ensuring their protection or registering them into a shelter.

Conclusion While GBV prevention and response is crucial, gendered humanitarian response should not stop there. This baseline shows the deep gendered psychological impact particularly on women and girls who have lived with extremely restricted mobility and in fear of public punishments and for men and boys who have lived with severe pressure to provide for their families with extremely limited economic resources. As illustrated in the findings above men, women, girls and boys face different protection risks and there are various factors that heighten an individuals risk of GBV which include age, disability, gender, type of shelter, whether the individual or household is from the host or IDP community and whether it is a woman headed household to name a few. The most common forms of GBV identified across all three locations were intimate partner violence & domestic violence, child marriage, physical violence, emotional violence (harassment, intimidation and sexual harassment). Harassment and sexual harassment were widely cited when responding to questions related to women and girls mobility or to the specific protection risks men and boys might faced.

The GBV baseline assessment also demonstrates that the risk of GBV affects women, men, girls and boys to a different degree at that one of the main barriers in accessing GBV-related services is the social and cultural perception of GBV in the assessed community.

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Recommendations 1. Scale up comprehensive a multi-year GBV prevention and responses project and ensure strong linkages and coordination between other actors providing protection services, the GBV sub cluter and the relevant national institutions and authorities. 2. Strengthen awareness-raising about GBV especially with regards to the relevant articles in the Iraqi Penal Code, Family Status Law, Gender Equality as a Human Right and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Woman (CEDAW). Information on GBV services should also be made available in local languages more prominently at all locations, (border points and landing sites, collection and reception centres, in the settlements, in protection agencies “offices” and desks, in health facilities, at Police stations). 3. Work with community-based structures and especially gate keepers (community leaders) to launch a dialogue on men and masculinities, provide information on GBV and Gender Equality as a Human Right. 4. In coordination with the GBV-sub cluster and the relevant actors establish clear and concise referral pathways for the referral of GBV cases requiring legal assistance and protection. 5. Develop innovative GBV risk mitigation measures through economic empowerment and improving women’s and adolescent girls’ access and control to livelihood opportunities. 6. Reflect on good practices and lessons to addressing stigma and under reporting of GBV Cases. 7. Advocate through the GBV sub-cluster to enhance the accountability of national institutions and the security sector, generate awareness about GBV and provide capacity building/training opportunities for law enforcement to better respond to domestic violence and pass legislation to protect women from violence. 8. Ensure the needs and the protection risks faced by FHH, widows, CHH and people with disabilities are considered throughout the implementation of the project to ensure that the project does not contribute to increasing these risks. 9. Maintain and possibly increase the services provided by the psychologist. 10. Lobby with the child protection cluster and the Ministry of Education and other relevant sectors for improved access to quality education for girls and boys. While access is being emphasized for both, more effort is required as both girls and boys express their ambition to attain higher-level education. 11. Increasing the scope of the service provision through outreach teams that can refer cases from the villages to the primary health care centre.

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